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Title: Introductory lectures on psycho-analysis
a course of twenty-eight lectures delivered at the University of
Vienna

Author: Sigmund Freud

Author of introduction, etc.: Ernest Jones

Translator: Joan Riviere

Release date: April 7, 2025 [eBook #75810]

Language: English

Original publication: United Kingdom: G. Allen & Unwin, 1922

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/75810

Credits: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading
Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK
INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON PSYCHO-ANALYSIS ***

Transcriber’s Note:
New original cover art included with this eBook is
granted to the public domain.

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INTRODUCTORY LECTURES
ON PSYCHO-ANALYSIS

SCHWIND, “THE PRISONER’S DREAM.”

See p. 113 for analysis.

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INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON
PSYCHO-ANALYSIS
A COURSE OF TWENTY-EIGHT LECTURES DELIVERED

AT THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA

BY

PROF. SIGM. FREUD, M.D., LL.D.
Vienna

AUTHORIZED ENGLISH TRANSLATION
BY
JOAN RIVIERE
WITH A PREFACE
BY
ERNEST JONES, M.D.
President of the International Psycho-Analytical Association

LONDON: GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD.
RUSKIN HOUSE, 40 MUSEUM STREET, W.C. 1

Page 7

First Published in Great Britain in 1922

(All rights reserved)

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PREFACE

Among the many difficulties confronting those who wish to acquire a
knowledge of psycho-analysis, not the least has been the absence of a
suitable text-book with which they could begin their studies. They have
hitherto had their choice among three classes of book, against each of which
some objection could be urged from the point of view of the beginner. They
could pick their way through the heterogeneous collection of papers, such
as those published by Freud, Brill, Ferenczi, and myself, which were not
arranged on any coherent plan and were also for the greater part addressed
to those already having some knowledge of the subject. Or they could
struggle with more systematic volumes, such as those by Hitschmann and
Barbara Low, which suffer from condensation because of the difficulty of
having to compress so much into a small space. Or, finally, it might be their
fate to come across one of the numerous books, which need not be
mentioned by name, that purport to give an adequate account of psycho-
analysis, but whose authors have neglected the necessary preliminary of
acquiring a proper knowledge of the subject themselves. The gap in the
literature of psycho-analysis has now been filled by the writer most
competent of all to do it—namely, Professor Freud himself, and the world
of clinical psychology must be grateful to him for the effort it must have
cost to write such a book in the midst of his other multitudinous duties. In
the future we can unhesitatingly deal with the question so often asked, and
say: This is the book with which to begin a study of psycho-analysis.
Even here, however, the reader should be warned that it is necessary to
add a few modifications to the statement that the present volume is a
complete text-book of psycho-analysis. The circumstances of its inception
forbid its being so regarded. The book consists of three separate courses of
lectures delivered at the University of Vienna in two winter sessions, 1915–

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1917. The first two of these presuppose absolutely no knowledge of the
subject, and the style in which they were delivered constitute them an ideal
introduction to the subject. But in the third year Professor Freud, doubtless
assuming that those of his audience who had pursued their studies so far
would by then have widened their reading otherwise, decided to treat them
no longer as mere beginners, and so felt himself free to deal more
technically with the more difficult subject-matter of the third course—the
psycho-analysis of neurotic affections. The result is that the second half of
the book is of a much more advanced nature than the first, a fact which, it is
true, has the advantage that the author was able here and there to
communicate some of his latest conclusions on obscure points. Every
student of psycho-analysis, therefore, however advanced, will be able to
learn much from this volume.
One must also remark that the book does not convey an adequate
impression of the extensive bearing that psycho-analysis has on other
humanistic studies than those here dealt with. Apart from a few hints
scattered here and there, there is little indication of the extent to which
psycho-analysis has already been applied, to sociology, to the study of
racial development, and above all, to the psychology of the normal man.
The book is definitely confined to its three topics of psychopathology of
everyday life, dreams, and neuroses, these having been chosen as
constituting the most suitable subject-matter with which to effect the
author’s purpose—namely, to introduce students to psycho-analysis.
An American translation of the book has already appeared, but, apart
from its deficiencies of style, it contained so many serious falsities in
translation—a passage, for instance, to the effect that delusions cannot be
influenced is translated in such a way as to commit Professor Freud, of all
people, to the statement that obsessions cannot be cured—that it was
decided to issue a fresh translation. This has been carried out with
scrupulous care by Mrs. Riviere, aided by drafts carried out by Miss Cecil
M. Baines of the eleven lectures in Part II. I have compared the whole book
with the original, and have discussed doubtful and difficult points with
Professor Freud and Mrs. Riviere. Mrs. Riviere’s English translation will be
its own recommendation: I can give the reader the assurance that it is a
faithful and exact rendering.
ERNEST JONES.

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December 1921.

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CONTENTS

Page 12

PAGE
Preface 5

PART I

LECTURE
1. Introduction 11
2. The Psychology of Errors 19
3. The Psychology of Errors (continuation) 31
4. The Psychology of Errors (conclusion) 47

PART II

DREAMS

5. Difficulties and Preliminary Approach to the Subject 67
6. Preliminary Hypotheses and Technique of Interpretation 82
7. Manifest Content and Latent Thoughts 94
8. Children’s Dreams 105
9. The Dream-Censorship 114
10. Symbolism in Dreams 125
11. The Dream-Work 143
12. Examples of Dreams and Analysis of Them 155
13. Archaic and Infantile Features in Dreams 168
14. Wish-Fulfilment 180
15. Doubtful Points and Critical Observations 193

PART III

GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES

16. Psycho-Analysis and Psychiatry 207
17. The Meaning of Symptoms 218
18. Fixation upon Traumata: The Unconscious 231
19. Resistance and Repression 242
20. The Sexual Life of Man 255
21. Development of the Libido and Sexual Organizations 269

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22. Aspects of Development and Regression. Ætiology 285
23. The Paths of Symptom-Formation 300
24. Ordinary Nervousness 316
25. Anxiety 328
26. The Theory of the Libido: Narcissism 344
27. Transference 360
28. The Analytic Therapy 375
Index 389

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PART I

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FIRST LECTURE
INTRODUCTION

I do not know what knowledge any of you may already have of
psycho-analysis, either from reading or from hearsay. But having regard to
the title of my lectures—Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis—I am
bound to proceed as though you knew nothing of the subject and needed
instruction, even in its first elements.
One thing, at least, I may presuppose that you know—namely, that
psycho-analysis is a method of medical treatment for those suffering from
nervous disorders; and I can give you at once an illustration of the way in
which psycho-analytic procedure differs from, and often even reverses,
what is customary in other branches of medicine. Usually, when we
introduce a patient to a new form of treatment we minimize its difficulties
and give him confident assurances of its success. This is, in my opinion,
perfectly justifiable, for we thereby increase the probability of success. But
when we undertake to treat a neurotic psycho-analytically we proceed
otherwise. We explain to him the difficulties of the method, its long
duration, the trials and sacrifices which will be required of him; and, as to
the result, we tell him that we can make no definite promises, that success
depends upon his own endeavours, upon his understanding, his adaptability
and his perseverance. We have, of course, good reasons, into which you will
perhaps gain some insight later on, for adopting this apparently perverse
attitude.
Now forgive me if I begin by treating you in the same way as I do my
neurotic patients, for I shall positively advise you against coming to hear
me a second time. And with this intention I shall explain to you how of
necessity you can obtain from me only an incomplete knowledge of psycho-
analysis and also what difficulties stand in the way of your forming an
independent judgement on the subject. For I shall show you how the whole
trend of your training and your accustomed modes of thought must
inevitably have made you hostile to psycho-analysis, and also how much

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you would have to overcome in your own minds in order to master this
instinctive opposition. I naturally cannot foretell what degree of
understanding of psycho-analysis you may gain from my lectures, but I can
at least assure you that by attending them you will not have learnt how to
conduct a psycho-analytic investigation, nor how to carry out a psycho-
analytic treatment. And further, if anyone of you should feel dissatisfied
with a merely cursory acquaintance with psycho-analysis and should wish
to form a permanent connection with it, I shall not merely discourage him,
but I shall actually warn him against it. For as things are at the present time,
not only would the choice of such a career put an end to all chances of
academic success, but, upon taking up work as a practitioner, such a man
would find himself in a community which misunderstood his aims and
intentions, regarded him with suspicion and hostility, and let loose upon
him all the latent evil impulses harboured within it. Perhaps you can infer
from the accompaniments of the war now raging in Europe what a countless
host that is to reckon with.
However, there are always some people to whom the possibility of a
new addition to knowledge will prove an attraction strong enough to
survive all such inconveniences. If there are any such among you who will
appear at my second lecture in spite of my words of warning, they will be
welcome. But all of you have a right to know what these inherent
difficulties of psycho-analysis are to which I have alluded.
First of all, there is the problem of the teaching and exposition of the
subject. In your medical studies you have been accustomed to use your
eyes. You see the anatomical specimen, the precipitate of the chemical
reaction, the contraction of the muscle as the result of the stimulation of its
nerves. Later you come into contact with the patients; you learn the
symptoms of disease by the evidence of your senses; the results of
pathological processes can be demonstrated to you, and in many cases even
the exciting cause of them in an isolated form. On the surgical side you are
witnesses of the measures by which the patient is helped, and are permitted
to attempt them yourselves. Even in psychiatry, demonstration of patients,
of their altered expression, speech and behaviour, yields a series of
observations which leave a deep impression on your minds. Thus a teacher
of medicine acts for the most part as an exponent and guide, leading you as
it were through a museum, while you gain in this way a direct relationship

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to what is displayed to you and believe yourselves to have been convinced
by your own experience of the existence of the new facts.
But in psycho-analysis, unfortunately, all this is different. In psycho-
analytic treatment nothing happens but an exchange of words between the
patient and the physician. The patient talks, tells of his past experiences and
present impressions, complains, and expresses his wishes and his emotions.
The physician listens, attempts to direct the patient’s thought-processes,
reminds him, forces his attention in certain directions, gives him
explanations and observes the reactions of understanding or denial thus
evoked. The patient’s unenlightened relatives—people of a kind to be
impressed only by something visible and tangible, preferably by the sort of
‘action’ that may be seen at a cinema—never omit to express their doubts of
how “mere talk can possibly cure anybody.” Their reasoning is of course as
illogical as it is inconsistent. For they are the same people who are always
convinced that the sufferings of neurotics are purely “in their own
imagination.” Words and magic were in the beginning one and the same
thing, and even to-day words retain much of their magical power. By words
one of us can give to another the greatest happiness or bring about utter
despair; by words the teacher imparts his knowledge to the student; by
words the orator sweeps his audience with him and determines its
judgements and decisions. Words call forth emotions and are universally the
means by which we influence our fellow-creatures. Therefore let us not
despise the use of words in psycho-therapy and let us be content if we may
overhear the words which pass between the analyst and the patient.
But even that is impossible. The dialogue which constitutes the
analysis will admit of no audience; the process cannot be demonstrated.
One could, of course, exhibit a neurasthenic or hysterical patient to students
at a psychiatric lecture. He would relate his case and his symptoms, but
nothing more. He will make the communications necessary to the analysis
only under the conditions of a special affective relationship to the
physician; in the presence of a single person to whom he was indifferent he
would become mute. For these communications relate to all his most
private thoughts and feelings, all that which as a socially independent
person he must hide from others, all that which, being foreign to his own
conception of himself, he tries to conceal even from himself.

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It is impossible, therefore, for you to be actually present during a
psycho-analytic treatment; you can only be told about it, and can learn
psycho-analysis, in the strictest sense of the word, only by hearsay. This
tuition at second hand, so to say, puts you in a very unusual and difficult
position as regards forming your own judgement on the subject, which will
therefore largely depend on the reliance you can place on your informant.
Now imagine for a moment that you were present at a lecture in
history instead of in psychiatry, and that the lecturer was dealing with the
life and conquests of Alexander the Great. What reason would you have to
believe what he told you? The situation would appear at first sight even
more unsatisfactory than in the case of psycho-analysis, for the professor of
history had no more part in Alexander’s campaigns than you yourselves; the
psycho-analyst at least informs you of matters in which he himself has
played a part. But then we come to the question of what evidence there is to
support the historian. He can refer you to the accounts of early writers who
were either contemporaries or who lived not long after the events in
question, such as Diodorus, Plutarch, Arrian, and others; he can lay before
you reproductions of the preserved coins and statues of the king, and pass
round a photograph of the mosaic at Pompeii representing the battle at
Issus. Yet, strictly speaking, all these documents only prove that the
existence of Alexander and the reality of his deeds were already believed in
by former generations of men, and your criticism might begin anew at this
point. And then you would find that not everything reported of Alexander is
worthy of belief or sufficiently authenticated in detail, but I can hardly
suppose that you would leave the lecture-room in doubt altogether as to the
reality of Alexander the Great. Your conclusions would be principally
determined by two considerations: first, that the lecturer could have no
conceivable motive for attempting to persuade you of something which he
did not himself believe to be true, and secondly, that all the available
authorities agree more or less in their accounts of the facts. In questioning
the accuracy of the early writers you would apply these tests again, the
possible motives of the authors and the agreement to be found between
them. The result of such tests would certainly be convincing in the case of
Alexander, probably less so in regard to figures like Moses and Nimrod.
Later on you will perceive clearly enough what doubts can be raised against
the credibility of an exponent of psycho-analysis.

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Now you will have a right to ask the question: If no objective evidence
for psycho-analysis exists, and no possibility of demonstrating the process,
how is it possible to study it at all or to convince oneself of its truth? The
study of it is indeed not an easy matter, nor are there many people who have
thoroughly learned it; still, there is, of course, some way of learning it.
Psycho-Analysis is learnt first of all on oneself, through the study of one’s
own personality. This is not exactly what is meant by introspection, but it
may be so described for want of a better word. There is a whole series of
very common and well-known mental phenomena which can be taken as
material for self-analysis when one has acquired some knowledge of the
method. In this way one may obtain the required conviction of the reality of
the processes which psycho-analysis describes, and of the truth of its
conceptions, although progress on these lines is not without its limitations.
One gets much further by submitting oneself to analysis by a skilled
analyst, undergoing the working of the analysis in one’s own person and
using the opportunity to observe the finer details of the technique which the
analyst employs. This, eminently the best way, is of course only practicable
for individuals and cannot be used in a class of students.
The second difficulty you will find in connection with psycho-analysis
is not, on the other hand, inherent in it, but is one for which I must hold you
yourselves responsible, at least in so far as your medical studies have
influenced you. Your training will have induced in you an attitude of mind
very far removed from the psycho-analytical one. You have been trained to
establish the functions and disturbances of the organism on an anatomical
basis, to explain them in terms of chemistry and physics, and to regard them
from a biological point of view; but no part of your interest has ever been
directed to the mental aspects of life, in which, after all, the development of
the marvellously complicated organism culminates. For this reason a
psychological attitude of mind is still foreign to you, and you are
accustomed to regard it with suspicion, to deny it a scientific status, and to
leave it to the general public, poets, mystics, and philosophers. Now this
limitation in you is undoubtedly detrimental to your medical efficiency; for
on meeting a patient it is the mental aspects with which one first comes into
contact, as in most human relationships, and I am afraid you will pay the
penalty of having to yield a part of the curative influence at which you aim
to the quacks, mystics, and faith-healers whom you despise.

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I quite acknowledge that there is an excuse for this defect in your
previous training. There is no auxiliary philosophical science that might be
of service to you in your profession. Neither speculative philosophy nor
descriptive psychology, nor even the so-called experimental psychology
which is studied in connection with the physiology of the sense-organs, as
they are taught in the schools, can tell you anything useful of the relations
existing between mind and body, or can give you a key to comprehension of
a possible disorder of the mental functions. It is true that the psychiatric
branch of medicine occupies itself with describing the different forms of
recognizable mental disturbances and grouping them in clinical pictures,
but in their best moments psychiatrists themselves are doubtful whether
their purely descriptive formulations deserve to be called science. The
origin, mechanism, and interrelation of the symptoms which make up these
clinical pictures are undiscovered: either they cannot be correlated with any
demonstrable changes in the brain, or only with such changes as in no way
explain them. These mental disturbances are open to therapeutic influence
only when they can be identified as secondary effects of some organic
disease.
This is the lacuna which psycho-analysis is striving to fill. It hopes to
provide psychiatry with the missing psychological foundation, to discover
the common ground on which a correlation of bodily and mental disorder
becomes comprehensible. To this end it must dissociate itself from every
foreign preconception, whether anatomical, chemical, or physiological, and
must work throughout with conceptions of a purely psychological order,
and for this very reason I fear that it will appear strange to you at first.
For the next difficulty I shall not hold you, your training or your
mental attitude, responsible. There are two tenets of psycho-analysis which
offend the whole world and excite its resentment; the one conflicts with
intellectual, the other with moral and æsthetic, prejudices. Let us not
underestimate these prejudices; they are powerful things, residues of
valuable, even necessary, stages in human evolution. They are maintained
by emotional forces, and the fight against them is a hard one.
The first of these displeasing propositions of psycho-analysis is this:
that mental processes are essentially unconscious, and that those which are
conscious are merely isolated acts and parts of the whole psychic entity.
Now I must ask you to remember that, on the contrary, we are accustomed

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to identify the mental with the conscious. Consciousness appears to us as
positively the characteristic that defines mental life, and we regard
psychology as the study of the content of consciousness. This even appears
so evident that any contradiction of it seems obvious nonsense to us, and
yet it is impossible for psycho-analysis to avoid this contradiction, or to
accept the identity between the conscious and the psychic. The psycho-
analytical definition of the mind is that it comprises processes of the nature
of feeling, thinking, and wishing, and it maintains that there are such things
as unconscious thinking and unconscious wishing. But in doing so psycho-
analysis has forfeited at the outset the sympathy of the sober and
scientifically-minded, and incurred the suspicion of being a fantastic cult
occupied with dark and unfathomable mysteries.[1] You yourselves must
find it difficult to understand why I should stigmatize an abstract
proposition, such as “The psychic is the conscious,” as a prejudice; nor can
you guess yet what evolutionary process could have led to the denial of the
unconscious, if it does indeed exist, nor what advantage could have been
achieved by this denial. It seems like an empty wrangle over words to argue
whether mental life is to be regarded as co-extensive with consciousness or
whether it may be said to stretch beyond this limit, and yet I can assure you
that the acceptance of unconscious mental processes represents a decisive
step towards a new orientation in the world and in science.
As little can you suspect how close is the connection between this first
bold step on the part of psycho-analysis and the second to which I am now
coming. For this next proposition, which we put forward as one of the
discoveries of psycho-analysis, consists in the assertion that impulses,
which can only be described as sexual in both the narrower and the wider
sense, play a peculiarly large part, never before sufficiently appreciated, in
the causation of nervous and mental disorders. Nay, more, that these sexual
impulses have contributed invaluably to the highest cultural, artistic, and
social achievements of the human mind.
In my opinion, it is the aversion from this conclusion of psycho-
analytic investigation that is the most significant source of the opposition it
has encountered. Are you curious to know how we ourselves account for
this? We believe that civilization has been built up, under the pressure of the
struggle for existence, by sacrifices in gratification of the primitive
impulses, and that it is to a great extent for ever being re-created, as each
individual, successively joining the community, repeats the sacrifice of his

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instinctive pleasures for the common good. The sexual are amongst the
most important of the instinctive forces thus utilized: they are in this way
sublimated, that is to say, their energy is turned aside from its sexual goal
and diverted towards other ends, no longer sexual and socially more
valuable. But the structure thus built up is insecure, for the sexual impulses
are with difficulty controlled; in each individual who takes up his part in the
work of civilization there is a danger that a rebellion of the sexual impulses
may occur, against this diversion of their energy. Society can conceive of no
more powerful menace to its culture than would arise from the liberation of
the sexual impulses and a return of them to their original goal. Therefore
society dislikes this sensitive place in its development being touched upon;
that the power of the sexual instinct should be recognized, and the
significance of the individual’s sexual life revealed, is very far from its
interests; with a view to discipline it has rather taken the course of diverting
attention away from this whole field. For this reason, the revelations of
psycho-analysis are not tolerated by it, and it would greatly prefer to brand
them as æsthetically offensive, morally reprehensible, or dangerous. But
since such objections are not valid arguments against conclusions which
claim to represent the objective results of scientific investigation, the
opposition must be translated into intellectual terms before it can be
expressed. It is a characteristic of human nature to be inclined to regard
anything which is disagreeable as untrue, and then without much difficulty
to find arguments against it. So society pronounces the unacceptable to be
untrue, disputes the results of psycho-analysis with logical and concrete
arguments, arising, however, in affective sources, and clings to them with
all the strength of prejudice against every attempt at refutation.
But we, on the other hand, claim to have yielded to no tendency in
propounding this objectionable theory. Our intention has been solely to give
recognition to the facts as we found them in the course of painstaking
researches. And we now claim the right to reject unconditionally any such
introduction of practical considerations into the field of scientific
investigation, even before we have determined whether the apprehension
which attempts to force these considerations upon us is justified or not.
These, now, are some of the difficulties which confront you at the
outset when you begin to take an interest in psycho-analysis. It is probably
more than enough for a beginning. If you can overcome their discouraging
effect, we will proceed further.

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SECOND LECTURE
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS

We shall now begin, not with postulates, but with an investigation. For
this purpose we shall select certain phenomena which are very frequent,
very familiar and much overlooked, and which have nothing to do with
illness, since they may be observed in every healthy person. I refer to the
errors that everyone commits: as when anyone wishes to say a certain thing
but uses the wrong word (‘slip of the tongue’);[2] or when the same sort of
mistake is made in writing (‘slip of the pen’),[3] in which case one may or
may not notice it; or when anyone reads in print or writing something other
than what is actually before him (‘misreading’);[4] or when anyone mis-
hears[5] what is said to him, naturally when there is no question of any
disease of the auditory sense-organ. Another series of such phenomena are
those based on forgetting[6] something temporarily, though not permanently;
as, for instance, when anyone cannot think of a name which he knows quite
well and is always able to recognize whenever he sees it; or when anyone
forgets to carry out some intention, which he afterwards remembers, and
has therefore forgotten only for a certain time. This element of
transitoriness is lacking in a third class, of which mislaying[7] things so that
they cannot be found is an example. This is a kind of forgetfulness which
we regard differently from the usual kind; one is amazed or annoyed at it,
instead of finding it comprehensible. Allied to this are certain mistakes, in
which the temporary element is again noticeable, as when one believes
something for a time which both before and afterwards one knows to be
untrue, and a number of similar manifestations which we know under
various names.
Some inner relation between all these kinds of occurrences is indicated
in German, by the use of the prefix “ver” which is common to all the words
designating them.[8] These words almost all refer to acts of an unimportant
kind, generally temporary and without much significance in life. It is only
rarely that anything of the kind, such as the loss of some object, attains any

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practical importance. For this reason little attention is paid to such
happenings and they arouse little feeling.
I am now going to ask you to consider these phenomena. But you will
object, with annoyance: “There are so many tremendous puzzles both in the
wide world and in the narrower life of the soul, so many mysteries in the
field of mental disorder which demand and deserve explanation, that it
really seems frivolous to waste labour and interest on these trifles. If you
could explain to us how it is possible for anyone with sound sight and
hearing, in broad daylight, to see and hear things which do not exist, or how
anyone can suddenly believe that his nearest and dearest are persecuting
him, or can justify with the most ingenious arguments a delusion which
would seem nonsensical to any child, then we might be willing to take
psycho-analysis seriously. But if psycho-analysis cannot occupy us with
anything more interesting than the question why a speaker uses a wrong
word or why a Hausfrau mislays her keys and similar trivialities, then we
shall find something better to do with our time and our interest.”
My reply is: Patience! Your criticism is not on the right track. It is true
that psycho-analysis cannot boast that it has never occupied itself with
trifles. On the contrary, the material of its observations is usually those
commonplace occurrences which have been cast aside as all too
insignificant by other sciences, the refuse, so to speak, of the phenomenal
world. But in your criticism are you not confounding the magnitude of a
problem with the conspicuous nature of its manifestations? Is it not
possible, under certain conditions and at certain times, for very important
things to betray themselves in very slight indications? I could easily cite
many instances of this. What slight signs, for instance, convey to the young
men in my audience that they have gained a lady’s favour? Do they expect
an explicit declaration, a passionate embrace, or are they not content with a
glance which is almost imperceptible to others, a fleeting gesture, a
handshake prolonged by a second? Or suppose you are a detective engaged
in the investigation of a murder, do you actually expect to find that the
murderer will leave his photograph with name and address on the scene of
the crime? Are you not perforce content with slighter and less certain traces
of the person you seek? So let us not undervalue small signs: perhaps from
them it may be possible to come upon the tracks of greater things. Besides,
I think as you do that the larger problems of the world and of science have
the first claim on our interest. But on the whole it avails little to form a

Page 26

definite resolution to devote oneself to the investigation of this or that great
problem. One is then often at a loss how to set about the next step. In
scientific work it is more profitable to take up whatever lies before one
whenever a path towards its exploration presents itself. And then, if one
carries it through thoroughly, without prejudice or pre-conceptions, one
may, with good fortune and by virtue of the interrelationship linking each
thing to every other (hence, also, the small to the great), find, even in the
course of such humble labour, a road to the study of the great problems.
It is from this point of view that I hope to enlist your interest in
considering the apparently trivial errors made by normal people. I propose
now that we question someone who has no knowledge of psycho-analysis
as to how he explains these occurrences.
His first answer is sure to be: “Oh, they are not worth any explanation;
they are little accidents.” What does the man mean by this? Does he mean
to maintain that there are any occurrences so small that they fail to come
within the causal sequence of things, that they might as well be other than
they are? Anyone thus breaking away from the determination of natural
phenomena, at any single point, has thrown over the whole scientific
outlook on the world (Weltanschauung). One may point out to him how
much more consistent is the religious outlook on the world, which
emphatically assures us that “not one sparrow shall fall to the ground”
except God wills it. I think our friend would not be willing to follow his
first answer to its logical conclusion; he would give way and say that if he
were to study these things he would soon find some explanation of them. It
must be a matter of slight functional disturbances, of inaccuracies of mental
performance, the conditions of which could be discovered. A man who
otherwise speaks correctly may make a slip of the tongue, (1) when he is
tired or unwell, (2) when he is excited, or (3) when his attention is
concentrated on something else. It is easy to confirm this. Slips of the
tongue do indeed occur most frequently when one is tired, or has a
headache, or feels an attack of migraine coming on. Forgetting proper
names very often occurs in these circumstances; many people are habitually
warned of the onset of an attack of migraine by the inability to recall proper
names. In excitement, too, one mixes up words or even things, one
performs actions erroneously[9]; and the forgetting of intentions, as well as a
number of other undesigned acts, comes to the fore when one is distracted,
in other words, when the attention is concentrated on other things. A

Page 27

familiar instance of such distraction is the professor in Fliegende Blätter
who forgets his umbrella and takes the wrong hat, because he is thinking of
the problems which are to be the subject of his next book. We all know
from our own experience how one can forget to carry out intentions or
promises when something has happened in the interval that absorbs one
very deeply.
This seems so entirely comprehensible and also irrefutable. It is
perhaps not very interesting or not so much so as we expected. Let us look
at this explanation of errors more closely. The various conditions which
have been cited as necessary for the occurrence of these phenomena are not
all similar in kind. Illness and disorders of the circulation afford a
physiological basis for an affection of the normal functions; excitement,
tiredness, and distraction are conditions of a different kind which could be
described as psycho-physiological. These last could easily be converted into
a theory. Fatigue, as well as distraction, and perhaps also general
excitement, cause a dissipation of the attention from which it may follow
that the act in question has insufficient attention devoted to it. It can then
very easily be disturbed and inexactly performed. Slight illness or a change
in the distribution of blood in the central organ of the nervous system can
have the same effect, by these conditions affecting the determining factor,
the distribution of attention, in a similar way. In all cases it would be a
question of the effects of a disturbance of the attention from organic or
psychical causes.
But all this doesn’t seem to promise much of interest for a psycho-
analytic investigation. We might feel tempted to give up the topic. To be
sure, a closer inspection of the facts shows that they are not all in accord
with the ‘attention’ theory of errors of this sort, or at least that not
everything can be directly deduced from it. We find that such errors and
such forgetfulness also take place when people are not fatigued or excited,
but are in every way in their normal condition; unless, just because of the
errors, we were subsequently to attribute to them a condition of excitement
which they themselves did not acknowledge. Nor can the matter be quite so
simple as that the successful performance of an act will be ensured by an
intensification of attention, or endangered by a diminution of it. For a great
number of actions may be carried out in a purely automatic way with very
little attention and yet quite successfully. In walking, a man may perhaps
scarcely know where he is going but keep to the right road and stop at his

Page 28

destination without having gone astray. At least, this is what usually
happens. A practised pianist strikes the right notes without thinking of them.
He may of course also make an occasional mistake, but if automatic playing
increased the danger of errors the virtuoso, whose constant practice has
made his playing entirely automatic, would be the most exposed to this
danger. Yet we see, on the contrary, that many acts are most successfully
carried out when they are not the objects of particularly concentrated
attention, and that mistakes may occur just on occasions when one is most
eager to be accurate, that is, when a distraction of the necessary attention is
most certainly not present. One could then say that this is the effect of the
‘excitement,’ but we do not understand why the excitement does not rather
intensify the concentration on the end so much desired. So that if in an
important speech anyone says the opposite of what he intends, it can hardly
be explained according to the psycho-physiological or the attention theory.
There are also many other minor features in connection with these
errors which we do not understand and which are not rendered more
comprehensible by these explanations. For instance, when one has
temporarily forgotten a name one is annoyed, one is determined to recall it
and cannot desist from the attempt. Why is it that despite this annoyance the
person so often cannot succeed, as he wishes, in directing his attention to
the word which, as he says, is “on the tip of his tongue,” and which he
instantly recognizes when it is supplied to him? Or, to take another
example, there are cases in which the errors multiply, link themselves
together or act as substitutes for one another. The first time, one forgets an
appointment; the next time, after having made a special resolution not to
forget it, one discovers that one has made a mistake in the day or hour. Or
one tries by devious ways to remember a forgotten word, and in the course
of so doing loses track of a second name which would have been of use in
finding the first. If one then pursues the second name, a third gets lost, and
so on. It is notorious that the same thing happens with misprints, which are
of course errors on the part of the compositor. A stubborn error of this sort
is said once to have crept into a Social-Democratic newspaper, where, in the
account of a festivity, the following words were printed: “Amongst those
present was His Highness, the Clown Prince.” The next day a correction
was attempted. The paper apologized and said: “The sentence should of
course have read, ‘the Crow-Prince.’” Again, in a war-correspondent’s
account of meeting a famous general whose infirmities were pretty well

Page 29

known, a reference to the general was printed as “this battle-scared
veteran.” Next day an apology appeared which read “the words of course
should have been ‘the bottle-scarred veteran!’”[10] We like to attribute these
occurrences to a devil in the type-setting machine or to some malevolent
goblin—figurative expressions which at least imply something more than a
psycho-physiological theory of the misprint.
I do not know if you are aware of the fact that slips of the tongue can
be provoked, called forth by suggestion, as it were. An anecdote will serve
to illustrate this. Once when a novice on the stage was entrusted with the
important part in The Maid of Orleans of announcing to the King: “The
Constable sends back his sword,” the principal player, during the rehearsal,
played the joke of several times repeating to the timid beginner, instead of
the text, the following: “The Komfortabel sends back his steed.”[11] At the
performance the unfortunate actor actually made his début with this
perverse announcement, though he had been amply warned against so
doing, or perhaps just because he had been.
All these little characteristics of errors are not much illuminated by the
theory of diverted attention. But that does not necessarily prove the theory
wrong. There may be something missing, a link, by the addition of which
the theory might be made completely satisfactory. But many of the errors
themselves can be considered from another aspect.
Let us select slips of the tongue, as the type of error best suited to our
purpose. We might equally well choose slips of the pen or of reading. Now
we must first remind ourselves that, so far, we have only enquired when and
under what conditions the wrong word is said, and have received an answer
on that point only. Interest may be directed elsewhere, though, and the
question raised why just this particular slip is made and no other: one can
consider the nature of the mistake. You will see that so long as this question
remains unanswered, and the effect of the mistake is not explained, the
phenomenon remains a pure accident on the psychological side, even if a
physiological explanation has been found for it. When it happens that I
make a mistake in a word I could obviously do this in an infinite number of
ways, in place of the right word substitute any one of a thousand others, or
make innumerable distortions of the right word. Now, is there anything
which forces upon me in a specific instance just this one special slip, out of

Page 30

all those which are possible, or does that remain accidental and arbitrary,
and can nothing rational be found in answer to this question?
Two authors, Meringer and Mayer (a philologist and a psychiatrist) did
indeed in 1895 make an attempt to approach the problem of slips of the
tongue from this side. They collected examples and first treated them from
a purely descriptive standpoint. This of course does not yet furnish any
explanation, but it may lead the way to one. They differentiated the
distortions which the intended phrase suffered through the slip into:
interchanges (in the positions of words, syllables or letters), anticipations,
perseverations, compoundings (contaminations), and substitutions. I will
give you examples of these authors’ main categories. As an instance of an
interchange (in the position of words) someone might say “The Milo of
Venus” instead of “The Venus of Milo.” The well-known slip of the hotel-
boy who, knocking at the bishop’s door, nervously replied to the question
“Who is it?” “The Lord, my boy!” is another example of such an
interchange in the position of words.[12] In the typical Spoonerism the
position of certain letters is interchanged, as when the preacher said: “How
often do we feel a half-warmed fish within us!”[12] It is a case of anticipation
if anyone says: “The thought lies heartily...” instead of: “The thought lies
heavily on my heart.” A perseveration is illustrated by the well-known ill-
fated toast, “Gentlemen, I call upon (auf) you to (auf)
hiccough (= aufzustossen) to the health of our Chief.”
(drink) (= anzustossen)
And when a member of the House of Commons referred to another as
the “honourable member for Central Hell,” instead of “Hull,” it was a case
of perseveration; as also when a soldier said to a friend “I wish there were a
thousand of our men mortified on that hill, Bill,” instead of “fortified.” In
one case the ell sound has perseverated from the previous words “member
for Central,” and in the other the m sound in “men” has perseverated to
form “mortified.”[12] These three types of slip are not very common. You
will find those cases much more frequent in which the slip happens by a
compounding or contraction, as for example when a gentleman asks a lady
if he may insort her on her way (begleit-digen); this contraction is made up
of begleiten = to escort, and beleidigen = to insult. (And by the way, a
young man addressing a lady in this way will not have much success with
her.) A substitution takes place when a poor woman says she has an
“incurable infernal disease,”[13] or in Mrs. Malaprop’s mind when she says,

Page 31

for instance, “few gentlemen know how to value the ineffectual qualities in
a woman.”[13]
The explanation which the two authors attempt to formulate as the
basis of their collection of examples is peculiarly inadequate. They hold that
the sounds and syllables of a word have different values and that the
innervation of the sounds of higher value can interfere with those of lower
value. They obviously base this conclusion on the cases of anticipation and
perseveration which are not at all frequent; in other forms of slips of the
tongue the question of such sound priorities, even if they exist, does not
enter at all; for the most frequent type of slip is that in which instead of a
certain word one says another which resembles it, and this resemblance is
considered by many people sufficient explanation of it. For instance, a
professor may say in his opening lecture, “I am not inclined (geneigt instead
of geeignet = fitted) to estimate the merits of my predecessor.” Or another
professor says, “In the case of the female genital, in spite of the tempting ...
I mean, the attempted ...” (Versuchungen instead of Versuche).
The commonest and also the most noticeable form of slip of the
tongue, however, is that of saying the exact opposite of what one meant to
say. These cases are quite outside the effect of any relations between sounds
or confusion due to similarity, and in default one may therefore turn to the
fact that opposites have a strong conceptual connection with one another
and are psychologically very closely associated. There are well-known
examples of this sort. For instance, the President of our Parliament once
opened the session with the words “Gentlemen, I declare a quorum present
and herewith declare the session closed.”
Any other common association may work in a way as insidious as the
association of opposites and may on occasion lead to results as inopportune.
So there is a story to the effect that, at a festivity in honour of the marriage
of a child of H. Helmholtz with a child of the well-known inventor and
captain of industry, W. Siemens, the famous physiologist Dubois-Reymond
was asked to speak. He concluded his doubtless brilliant speech with the
toast “Success to the new partnership, Siemens and Halske!” which was of
course the name of the old firm. The association of the two names must
have been as familiar to a resident in Berlin as “Crosse & Blackwell” to a
Londoner.

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So the effect of word associations must be taken into account, as well
as that of sound-values and similarities between words. But even that is not
enough. In one type of case, before we can arrive at an adequate
explanation of the slip we must consider some phrase which had been said,
or perhaps only thought, previously. Again, that is, a case of perseveration,
as Meringer insists, but arising in a more distant source.—I must confess
that altogether I have the impression that we are further than ever from
comprehension of slips of the tongue.
However, I hope I am not mistaken in thinking that in the course of our
examination of the above examples an impression has formed itself in us
which may be of a kind to repay further attention. We were considering the
general conditions under which slips of the tongue occur and then the
influences which determine the kind of distortion effected in the slip, but so
far we have not examined at all the result of the slip itself, as an object of
interest without regard to its origin. If we bring ourselves to do this we shall
in the end have to assert courageously that in some of the examples the slip
itself makes sense. Now what does it mean when we say “it makes sense”?
Well, it means that the result of the slip may perhaps have a right to be
regarded in itself as a valid mental process following out its own purpose,
and as an expression having content and meaning. Hitherto we have only
spoken of errors, but now it appears as if the error could sometimes be quite
a proper act, except that it has intruded itself in the place of one more
expected or intended.
In certain cases the sense belonging to the slip itself appears obvious
and unmistakable. When the President in his opening speech closes the
session of Parliament, a knowledge of the circumstances under which the
slip was made inclines us to see a meaning in it. He expects no good result
from the session and would be glad to be able to disperse forthwith; there is
no difficulty in discovering the meaning, or interpreting the sense, of this
slip. Or when a lady, appearing to compliment another, says: “I am sure you
must have thrown this delightful hat together” instead of “sewn it together”
(aufgepatzt instead of aufgeputzt), no scientific theories in the world can
prevent us from seeing in her slip the thought that the hat is an amateur
production. Or when a lady who is well known for her determined character
says: “My husband asked his doctor what sort of diet ought to be provided
for him. But the doctor said he needed no special diet, he could eat and

Page 33

drink whatever I choose,” the slip appears clearly as the unmistakable
expression of a consistent scheme.
Now supposing it should turn out that not only a few cases of slips of
the tongue and errors in general, but the great majority of them, have a
meaning, then the meaning of the error, to which we have hitherto paid no
attention, would become the point of greatest interest to us and would
justifiably drive all other points of view into the background. All
physiological and psycho-physiological conditions could then be ignored
and attention could be devoted to the purely psychological investigation of
the sense, that is, the meaning, the intention, in the errors. With this in view,
therefore, we shall soon consider further material.
Before undertaking this, however, I should like to invite you to follow
up another clue with me. It often happens that a poet makes use of a slip of
the tongue or some other error as a means of artistic expression. This fact in
itself proves that he thinks the error, for instance, a slip of the tongue, has a
meaning; for he constructs it intentionally. It could hardly happen that a
poet accidentally made a slip of the pen and then allowed his slip of the pen
to stand as a slip of the tongue of the character. He wishes to reveal
something by means of the slip and we may well enquire what that may be
—whether perhaps he wishes to indicate that the person in question is
distracted or overtired, or is expecting a headache. Of course we should not
exaggerate the importance of it if poets do make use of slips to express their
meaning. Slips might be in reality without meaning, accidents in the mental
world, or only occasionally have a meaning, and poets would still be
entitled to refine them by infusing sense into them for their own purposes.
However, it would not be surprising if more were to be learned from poets
about slips of the tongue than from philologists and psychiatrists.
There is an example of a slip of this kind in Schiller’s Wallenstein
(Piccolomini, Act I, Scene 5). In the foregoing scene, young Max
Piccolomini had taken up Duke Wallenstein’s cause ardently, and had been
passionately describing the blessings of peace, which he had become aware
of in the course of a journey accompanying Wallenstein’s beautiful daughter
to the camp. As he leaves the stage, his father (Octavio) and the courtier
Questenberg are plunged in consternation. The fifth scene continues:—
Questenberg. Alas! and stands it so?
Friend, do we let him go
In this delusion? let him go from us?

Page 34

Not call him back at once, not
Open his eyes here and now?

Octavio (recovering himself out of deep thought).
He has now opened mine
And I see more than pleases me.

Questenberg. What is it?

Octavio. A curse upon this journey!

Questenberg. But why so? What is it?

Octavio. Come, come, friend! I must up
And follow the ill-omened clue at once
And see with mine own eyes—come with me now!

Questenberg. What now? Where go you then?

Octavio (hastily). To her, herself!

Questenberg. To ...

Octavio (corrects himself). To the Duke! Come, let us go!
Octavio meant to say: “To him, to the Duke,” but his tongue slips and
he betrays (to us, at least) by the words “to her” that he has clearly
recognized the influence at work behind the famous young warrior’s
rhapsodies in favour of peace.
A still more impressive example was found by O. Rank in
Shakespeare. It occurs in the Merchant of Venice, in the famous scene in
which the fortunate suitor makes his choice among the three caskets; and I
can perhaps not do better than read to you now Rank’s short account of it.
“A slip of the tongue which occurs in Shakespeare’s Merchant of
Venice (Act III, Sc. 2) is exceedingly fine in the poetic feeling it shows and
in the brilliant way in which it is applied technically. Like the slip in
Wallenstein quoted by Freud in his Psychopathology of Everyday Life, it
shows that the poets well understand the mechanism and meaning of such
slips and assume that the audience will also understand them. Portia, who
by her father’s wish has been bound to the choice of a husband by lot, has
so far escaped all the unwelcome suitors by the luck of fortune. Having at
last found in Bassanio the suitor to whom she is inclined, she fears that he
too will choose the wrong casket. She would like to tell him that even so he

Page 35

may rest assured of her love, but she is prevented by her oath. In this inner
conflict the poet makes her say to her chosen suitor:
I pray you tarry; pause a day or two,
Before you hazard: for, in choosing wrong,
I lose your company; therefore, forbear awhile:
There’s something tells me (but it is not love)
I would not lose you ...
... I could teach you
How to choose right, but then I am forsworn;
So will I never be; so may you miss me;
But if you do you’ll make me wish a sin,
That I had been forsworn. Beshrew your eyes,
They have o’erlooked me, and divided me;
One half of me is yours, the other half yours,—
Mine own, I would say; but if mine, then yours,
And so all yours.

Just that which she only meant to indicate subtly to him because she
should really have concealed it from him altogether, namely, that even
before the lot she was his and loved him, this the poet with exquisite
fineness of psychological feeling causes to come to expression in her slip;
and is able, by this artistic device, to relieve the unbearable uncertainty of
the lover as well as the suspense of the audience as to the issue of the
choice.”
And notice, at the end, how subtly Portia reconciles the two
declarations which are contained in the slip, how she resolves the
contradiction between them, and finally even justifies the slip.
... but if mine, then yours,
And so all yours.

It has happened that other thinkers outside the field of medicine have
disclosed by an observation the meaning of some error and so anticipated
our efforts in this direction. You all know the witty satirist Lichtenberg
(1742–1799) of whom Goethe said: “Where he makes a joke, a problem lies
concealed.” And occasionally the solution of the problem is revealed in the
joke. Lichtenberg writes in his witty and satirical Notes, “He always read
‘Agamemnon’ for ‘angenommen’ (verb meaning ‘to take for granted’), so
deeply versed was he in Homer.” This really contains the whole theory of
slips in reading.

Page 36

At the next lecture we will see whether we can agree with the poets in
their conception of the meaning of psychological errors.

Page 37

THIRD LECTURE
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS (continuation)

At the last lecture it occurred to us to consider the error by itself alone,
apart from its relation to the intended act with which it had interfered, and
we perceived that in certain cases it seemed to betray a meaning of its own.
We said to ourselves that if this conclusion, that the error has its own
meaning, could be established on a larger scale, that meaning would soon
prove more interesting to us than the investigation of the conditions under
which errors arise.
Let us once more agree upon what we understand by the “meaning” of
a mental process. This is nothing else but the intention which it serves and
its place in a mental sequence. In most of the cases we examined we could
substitute for the word “meaning” the words “intention” and “tendency.”
Now was it only a deceptive appearance, or a poetic glorification of the
error, that led us to believe that we could see an intention in it?
Let us still keep to the examples of slips of the tongue and review a
larger number of such manifestations. We then find whole categories of
cases in which the intention, the meaning, of the slip is quite obvious,
particularly so in those instances in which the opposite of what was
intended is said. The President says in his opening speech: “I declare the
session closed.” That is surely not ambiguous. The meaning and intention
of this slip is that he wants to close the session. One might well say, “he
said so himself”; we only take him at his word. Please do not interrupt me
with the objection that this is impossible, that we know quite well that he
wished to open the session, not to close it, and that he himself whom we
have just recognized as the best judge of his intention will affirm that he
meant to open it. In doing so you forget that we agreed to consider the error
by itself; its relation to the intention which it disturbs will be discussed
later. You would be guilty of an error in logic, by which you would
conveniently dispose of the whole problem under discussion, which in
English is called “begging the question.”

Page 38

In other cases, where the form of the slip is not exactly the opposite of
what is intended, a contradictory sense may still often come to expression.
“I am not inclined (geneigt) to appreciate my predecessor’s merits.”
“Inclined” is not the opposite of “in a position to” (geeignet), but it is an
open confession of a thought in sharpest contradiction to the speaker’s duty
to meet the situation gracefully.
In still other cases the slip simply adds a second meaning to the one
intended. The sentence then sounds like a contraction, an abbreviation, a
condensation of several sentences into one. Thus the determined lady who
said: “He may eat and drink whatever I choose.” That is as if she had said:
“He can eat and drink what he chooses, but what does it matter what he
chooses? It is for me to do the choosing!” Slips of the tongue often give this
impression of abbreviation; for instance, when a professor of anatomy at the
end of his lecture on the nasal cavities asks whether his class has thoroughly
understood it and, after a general reply in the affirmative, goes on to say: “I
can hardly believe that that is so, since persons who can thoroughly
understand the nasal cavities can be counted, even in a city of millions, on
one finger ... I mean, on the fingers of one hand.” The abbreviated sentence
has its own meaning: it says that there is only one person who understands
the subject.
In contrast to these types in which the slip plainly discloses its
meaning are others in which the slip of the tongue conveys nothing
intelligible, and therefore directly controverts our expectations. The mis-
pronunciation by mistake of proper names, or the enunciation of
meaningless sounds, is such a frequent occurrence that this alone would
appear to dispose at once of the question whether all errors have a meaning.
Yet closer inspection of such examples discloses the fact that it is easily
possible to understand such distortions; indeed, that the difference between
these unintelligible cases and the previous more comprehensible ones is not
so very great.
The owner of a horse, on being asked how it was, replied: “O, it may
stad—it may take another month.”[14] Asked what he really meant to say, he
answered that he was thinking it was a sad business, and the words “sad”
and “take” together gave rise to stad. (Meringer and Mayer.)
Another man was relating some objectionable incidents and went on:
“and then certain facts were refilled.”[15] He explained that he meant to say

Page 39

these facts were “filthy.” “Revealed” and “filthy” together combine to form
refilled. (Meringer and Mayer.)
You will recall the case of the young man who offered to “insort” an
unknown lady. We took the liberty of resolving this word into “insult” and
“escort,” and were quite convinced of this interpretation without requiring
proof of it.[16] From these examples you can see that even these more
obscure cases can be explained as the concurrence, or interference, of two
different intentions of speech with one another; the differences arise only in
that in the first type of slip the one intention has entirely excluded the other,
as when the opposite is said; while in the second type the one intention only
succeeds in distorting or modifying the other, from which arise
combinations of a more or less senseless appearance.
We believe that we have now discovered the secret of a large number
of slips of the tongue. If we keep this clear in mind we shall be able to
comprehend still further groups hitherto entirely mysterious. Although, for
instance, in a case of distortion of a name we cannot suppose that it is
always a matter of a contest between two similar but different names, yet
the second intention is easily perceived. Distortions of names are common
enough apart from slips of the tongue; they are attempts to liken the name
to something derogatory or degrading, a common form of abuse, which
educated persons soon learn to avoid but nevertheless do not willingly give
up. It may be dressed up as a joke, although one of a very low order. To
quote one gross and ugly example of such a distortion of a name, the name
of the President of the French Republic, Poincaré, has lately been
transformed into “Schweinskarré.” It is not going much further to assume
that some such abusive intention may also be behind distortions of names
produced by a slip of the tongue. In pursuing our idea, similar explanations
suggest themselves for cases of slips where the effect is comic or absurd. In
the case of the member of parliament who referred to the “honourable
member for Central Hell,” the sober atmosphere of the House is
unexpectedly disturbed by the intrusion of a word that calls up a ludicrous
and unflattering image; we are bound to conclude from the analogy with
certain offensive and abusive expressions that an impulse has interposed
here, to this effect: “You needn’t be taken in. I don’t mean a word of this.
To hell with the fellow!” The same applies to slips of the tongue which
transform quite harmless words into obscene and indecent ones.[17]

Page 40

We are familiar with this tendency in certain people intentionally to
convert harmless words into indecent ones for the sake of the amusement
obtained; it passes for wit, and in fact when one hears of a case one at once
asks whether it was intended as a joke or occurred unintentionally as a slip
of the tongue.
Well, we seem to have solved the riddle of errors with comparatively
little trouble! They are not accidents; they are serious mental acts; they have
their meaning; they arise through the concurrence—perhaps better, the
mutual interference—of two different intentions. But now I can well
understand that you want to overwhelm me with a flood of questions and
doubts, which must be answered and resolved before we can enjoy this first
result of our efforts. I certainly do not want to press any hasty conclusions
upon you. Let us coolly consider everything in turn.
What would you like to say? Whether I think that this explanation
accounts for all cases of slips of the tongue or only for a certain number?
Whether this conception can be extended to the many other types of errors,
to misreading, slips of the pen, forgetting, wrongly performed actions,
mislaying things and so on? What part the factors of fatigue, excitement,
absent-mindedness and distraction of attention play in regard to the mental
nature of errors? Besides this, it is clearly seen that of the two competing
meanings in the slip one is always manifest, but not always the other. How
is one to arrive at the latter? And if one believes that one has guessed it,
how is one to find proof that this is not merely a probability but the only
true meaning? Is there anything else you wish to ask? If not, then I myself
will continue. I will remind you that we are not really greatly concerned
with errors in themselves, but that we wished to learn from a study of them
something of value from the point of view of psycho-analysis. Therefore I
will put this question: What sort of purposes or tendencies are these which
thus interfere with other intentions, and what is the relation between the
interfering tendency and the other? Thus, as soon as we have found the
answer to the riddle, our efforts begin again.
Very well then; is this the explanation of all cases of slips of the
tongue? I am very much inclined to think so, and for this reason, because
whenever one examines an instance of it this type of solution may be found.
Still, one cannot prove that a slip of the tongue cannot come to pass without
the agency of this mechanism. It may be so: for our purposes it is a matter

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of indifference, theoretically; for the conclusions which we wish to draw by
way of an introduction to psycho-analysis remain valid, even if only a small
proportion of the total incidence of slips of the tongue comes under our
explanation, and this is certainly not so. The next question, whether this
explanation extends to other forms of errors, may be answered by way of
anticipation in the affirmative. You can convince yourselves of it when we
turn to consider examples of slips of the pen, of wrongly performed acts,
and so on. I propose, however, for technical reasons that we should
postpone doing this until we have investigated the slip of the tongue itself
more thoroughly.
The question what significance those factors, which some writers have
placed in the foreground, can now have for us—such factors as disturbances
of the circulation, fatigue, excitement, distraction, disturbances of attention
—demands a more exhaustive reply if we assume the mental mechanism of
slips described above. You will notice that we do not deny these factors.
Indeed, in general it doesn’t often happen that psycho-analysis contests
anything which is maintained in other quarters; as a rule, psycho-analysis
only adds something new to what has been said; and it does certainly
happen on occasion that what has hitherto been overlooked, and is now
supplied by psycho-analysis, is the most essential part of the matter. The
influence of such physiological predispositions as arise in slight illness,
circulatory disturbances and conditions of fatigue, upon the occurrence of
slips of the tongue is to be admitted without more ado; everyday personal
experience may convince you of it. But how little is explained by this
admission! Above all, these are not necessary conditions of errors. Slips of
the tongue may just as well occur in perfect health and normal conditions.
These bodily factors, therefore, are merely contributory; they only favour
and facilitate the peculiar mental mechanism which produces slips of the
tongue. I once used an illustration for this state of things which I will repeat
here, as I know of no better. Just suppose that on some dark night I am
walking in a lonely neighbourhood and am assaulted by a rogue who seizes
my watch and money, whereupon, since I could not see the robber’s face
clearly, I make my complaint at the police-station in these words:
“Loneliness and darkness have just robbed me of my valuables.” The police
officer might reply to me: “You seem to carry your support of the extreme
mechanistic point of view too far for the facts. Suppose we put the case
thus: Under cover of darkness and encouraged by the loneliness of the spot,

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some unknown thief has made away with your valuables. It appears to me
that the essential thing to be done is to look about for the thief. Perhaps we
shall then be able to take the plunder from him again.”
Psycho-physiological factors such as excitement, absent-mindedness,
distraction of attention, obviously provide very little in the way of
explanation. They are mere phrases; they are screens, and we should not be
deterred from looking behind them. The question is rather what has here
called forth the excitement or the particular diversion of attention. The
influence of sound-values, resemblances between words, and common
associations connecting certain words, must also be recognized as
important. They facilitate the slip by pointing out a path for it to take. But if
there is a path before me does it necessarily follow that I must go along it? I
also require a motive to determining my choice and, further, some force to
propel me forward. These sound-values and word associations are,
therefore, just like the bodily conditions, the facilitating causes of slips of
the tongue, and cannot provide the real explanation of them. Consider for a
moment the enormous majority of cases in which the words I am using in
my speech are not deranged on account of sound-resemblance to other
words, intimate associations with opposite meanings, or with expressions in
common use. It yet remains to suppose, with the philosopher Wundt, that a
slip of the tongue arises when the tendency to associations gains an
ascendance over the original intention owing to bodily fatigue. This would
be quite plausible if experience did not controvert it by the fact that in a
number of cases the bodily, and in another large group the associative,
predisposing causes are absent.
Particularly interesting to me, however, is your next question, namely,
by what means the two mutually disturbing tendencies may be ascertained.
You probably do not suspect how portentous this question is. You will agree
that one of these tendencies, the one which is interfered with, is always
unmistakable; the person who commits the slip knows it and acknowledges
it. Doubt and hesitation only arise in regard to the other, what we have
called the interfering, tendency. Now we have already heard, and you will
certainly not have forgotten, that in a certain number of cases this other
tendency is equally plain. It is evident in the result of the slip if only we
have the courage to let the slip speak for itself. The President who said the
opposite of what he meant—it is clear that he wishes to open the session,
but equally clear that he would also like to close it. That is so plain that it

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needs no interpreting. But in the other cases, in which the interfering
tendency merely distorts the original without itself coming to full
expression,—how can the interfering tendency be detected in the distortion?
In one group of cases by a very safe and simple method, by the same
method, that is, by which we establish the tendency that is interfered with.
We enquire of the speaker, who tells us then and there; after making the slip
he restores the word he originally intended. “O, it may stad—no, it may
take another month.” Well, the interfering tendency may be likewise
supplied by him. We say, “Now why did you first say stad?” He replies, “I
meant to say it was a sad business”; and in the other case in which “refilled”
was said, the speaker informs you that he first meant to say it was a filthy
business, but controlled himself and substituted another expression. The
discovery of the disturbing tendency is here as definitely established as that
of the disturbed tendency. It is not without intention that I have selected as
examples cases which owe neither their origin nor their explanation to me
or to any supporter of mine. Still, in both these cases, a certain intervention
was necessary in order to produce the explanation. One had to ask the
speaker why he made the slip, what explanation he could give. Without that
he might have passed it by without seeking to explain it. Being asked,
however, he gave as his answer the first idea that occurred to him. And see
now, this little intervention and the result of it constitute already a psycho-
analysis, a prototype of every psycho-analytic investigation that we may
undertake further.
Now, should I be too suspicious if I were to surmise that, at the very
moment at which psycho-analysis begins to dawn upon you, a resistance to
it instantly raises itself within your mind? Are you not eager to object that
information supplied by the person enquired of, who committed the slip, is
not completely reliable evidence. He naturally wishes, you think, to meet
your request to explain his slip, and so he says the first thing that he can
think of, if it will do at all. There is no proof that that is actually how the
slip arose. It may have been so, but it may just as well have been otherwise.
Something else also might have occurred to him that would have met the
case as well or even better.
It is remarkable how little respect you have, in your hearts, for a
mental fact! Imagine that someone had undertaken a chemical analysis of a
certain substance and had ascertained that one ingredient of it is of a certain

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weight, so and so many milligrams. From this weight, thus arrived at,
certain conclusions may be drawn. Do you think now it would ever occur to
a chemist to discredit these conclusions on the ground that the isolated
substance might as well have had some other weight? Everyone recognizes
the fact that it actually had this weight and no other, and builds further
conclusions confidently on that fact. But when it is a question of a mental
fact, that it was such an idea and no other that occurred to the person when
questioned, you will not accept that as valid, but say that something else
might as well have occurred to him! The truth is that you have an illusion of
a psychic freedom within you which you do not want to give up. I regret to
say that on this point I find myself in sharpest opposition to your views.
Now you will break off here only to take up your resistance at another
point. You will continue: “We understand that it lies in the peculiar
technique of psycho-analysis to bring the person analysed to give the
solution of its problems. Let us take another example, that in which the
after-dinner speaker calls upon the company to hiccough to the health of
their guest. The interfering tendency is, you say, in this case to ridicule; this
it is which opposes the intention to do honour. But this is a mere
interpretation on your part, based on observations made independently of
the slip. If in this case you were to question the perpetrator of the slip he
would not confirm your view that he intended an insult; on the contrary, he
would vehemently deny it. Why do you not abandon your undemonstrable
interpretation in the face of this flat denial?”
Yes, this time you have lighted upon something formidable. I can
picture to myself that unknown speaker; he is probably an assistant of the
guest of honour, perhaps already a junior lecturer himself, a young man
with the brightest prospects. I will press him and ask whether he is sure he
did not perceive some feeling in himself antagonistic to the demand that he
should pay honour to his chief. A nice fuss there is! He becomes impatient
and suddenly bursts out at me: “Look here, enough of this cross-
examination, or I’ll make myself disagreeable! You will ruin my career with
your suspicions. I simply said “aufstossen” instead of “anstossen,” because
I’d already said “auf” twice before it. It’s the thing that Meringer calls a
perseveration, and there’s nothing else to be read into it. Do you understand
me? That’s enough.” H’m, this is a startling reaction, a truly energetic
repudiation. I see that there is nothing more to be done with the young man,
but I think to myself that he betrays a strong personal interest in making out

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that his slip has no meaning. You will perhaps agree too that he has no right
to become so uncivil over a purely theoretical investigation, but after all,
you will think, he must know what he wanted to say and what not.
O, so he must? That is perhaps still open to question.
Now you think you have me in a trap. “So that is your technique,” I
hear you say. “When the person who commits a slip gives an explanation
which fits your views then you declare him to be the final authority on the
subject. He says so himself! But if what he says does not suit your book,
then you suddenly assert that what he says does not count, one need not
believe it.”
Certainly that is so. But I can give you another instance of a similarly
monstrous procedure. When an accused man confesses to a deed the judge
believes him, but when he denies it the judge does not believe him. Were it
otherwise the law could not be administered, and in spite of occasional
miscarriages you will admit that the system, on the whole, works well.
“Well, but are you a judge, and is the person who commits a slip to be
accused before you? Is a slip of the tongue a crime?”
Perhaps we need not reject even this comparison. But see now to what
deep-seated differences our attempt to investigate the apparently harmless
problems of errors has brought us, differences which at this stage we do not
know in the least how to reconcile. I suggest that we should make a
temporary compromise on the basis of the analogy with the judge and the
prisoner. You shall grant me that the meaning of an error admits of no doubt
when the subject of the analysis acknowledges it himself. I, in turn, will
admit that a direct proof for the suspected meaning cannot be obtained if the
subject refuses us the information, and, of course, this applies also when the
subject is not present to give us the information. As also in legal
proceedings, we are then thrown back upon indications in order to form a
decision, the truth of which is sometimes more and sometimes less
probable. At law, for practical reasons, guilt has to be declared also on
circumstantial evidence. There is no such necessity here; but neither are we
bound to refrain from considering such evidence. It is a mistake to believe
that a science consists in nothing but conclusively proved propositions, and
it is unjust to demand that it should. It is a demand only made by those who
feel a craving for authority in some form and a need to replace the religious
catechism by something else, even if it be a scientific one. Science in its

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catechism has but few apodictic precepts; it consists mainly of statements
which it has developed to varying degrees of probability. The capacity to be
content with these approximations to certainty and the ability to carry on
constructive work despite the lack of final confirmation are actually a mark
of the scientific habit of mind.
But where shall we find a starting-point for our interpretations, and the
indications for our proof, in cases where the subject under analysis says
nothing to explain the meaning of the error? From various sources. First, by
analogy with similar phenomena not produced by error, as when we
maintain that the distortion of a name by mistake has the same intention to
ridicule behind it as intentional distortion of names. And then, from the
mental situation in which the error arose, from our knowledge of the
character of the person who commits it, and of the feelings active in him
before the error, to which it may be a response. As a rule what happens is
that we find the meaning of the error according to general principles; and
this, to begin with, is only a conjecture, a tentative solution, proof being
discovered later by an examination of the mental situation. Sometimes it is
necessary to await further developments, which have been, so to speak,
foreshadowed by the error, before we can find confirmation of our
conjecture.
I cannot easily give you evidence of this if I have to limit myself to the
field of slips of the tongue, although even here I have a few good examples.
The young man who offered to “insort” the lady is in fact very shy; the lady
whose husband may eat and drink what she likes I know to be one of those
managing women who rule the household with a rod of iron. Or take the
following case: At a general meeting of a club a young member made a
violent attack in a speech, in the course of which he spoke of the officers of
the society as “Lenders of the Committee,” which appears to be a substitute
for Members of the Committee.[18] We should conjecture that against his
attack some interfering tendency was active which was itself in some way
connected with the idea of lending. As a matter of fact an informant tells us
that the speaker is in constant money difficulties and was actually
attempting to raise money at the time. So the interfering tendency really is
to be translated into the thought: “Be more moderate in your opposition:
these are the people whom you want to lend you money.”

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If I diverge into the field of other kinds of errors I can give you a wide
selection of examples of such circumstantial evidence.
If anyone forgets an otherwise familiar proper name and has difficulty
in retaining it in his memory—even with an effort—it is not hard to guess
that he has something against the owner of the name and does not like to
think of him; consider in the light of this the following notes on the mental
situation in which an error of this kind was made.
A Mr. Y. fell in love with a lady, who did not return the feeling and
shortly after married a Mr. X. Although Mr. Y. had already known Mr. X.
for some time, and even had business relations with him, he forgets his
name over and over again, so that he frequently has to ask someone the
man’s name when it is necessary to write to him.[19] Obviously Mr. Y. wants
to obliterate all knowledge of his fortunate rival. “Never thought of shall he
be.”
Another example: a lady inquires of a doctor about a common
acquaintance, calling her by her maiden name. She has forgotten the
married name. She admits that she strongly objected to the marriage and
dislikes the husband intensely.[20]
Later we shall have much to say in other connections in regard to the
forgetting of names; at the moment we are chiefly interested in the ‘mental
situation’ in which the lapse of memory occurs.
The forgetting of resolutions can in general be referred to an opposing
current of feeling which is against carrying out the intention. It is not only
we psycho-analysts who hold this view, however; it is the ordinary attitude
of everyone in their daily affairs, which they only deny in theory. The
protégé whose patron apologizes for having forgotten his request is not
pacified by such an apology. He thinks immediately: “It’s evidently nothing
to him; he promised, but he doesn’t mean to do it.” Forgetting is therefore
criticized even in life, in certain connections, and the difference between the
popular and the psycho-analytic conception of these errors seems to be
dispelled. Imagine a hostess receiving a guest with the words: “What, is it
to-day you were coming? I quite forgot that I had asked you for to-day”; or
a young man confessing to his beloved that he had forgotten all about the
appointment they had arranged on the last occasion. He will never admit it;
he will rather invent on the spur of the moment the most wildly improbable
hindrances which prevented his coming and made it impossible for him to

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communicate with her from that day to this. We all know that in military
service the excuse of having forgotten is worthless and saves no one from
punishment; the system is recognized as justifiable. Here everyone is
suddenly agreed that a certain mistake has a meaning and what that
meaning is. Why are they not consistent enough to extend their insight to
other errors and then openly acknowledge it? There is naturally also an
answer to this.
If the meaning of forgetting resolutions is so little open to doubt in the
minds of people in general you will be the less surprised to find that writers
employ such mistakes in a similar sense. Those of you who have seen or
read Shaw’s Cæsar and Cleopatra will recall that Cæsar, when departing in
the last scene, is pursued by the feeling that there was something else he
intended to do which he had now forgotten. At last it turns out what it is: to
say farewell to Cleopatra. By this small device the author attempts to
ascribe to the great Cæsar a feeling of superiority which he did not possess
and to which he did not at all aspire. You can learn from historical sources
that Cæsar arranged for Cleopatra to follow him to Rome and that she was
living there with her little Cæsarion when Cæsar was murdered, whereupon
she fled the city.
The cases of forgetting resolutions are as a rule so clear that they are of
little use for our purpose, which is to discover in the mental situation
indications of the meaning of the error. Let us turn, therefore, to a
particularly ambiguous and obscure form of error, that of losing and
mislaying objects. It will certainly seem incredible to you that the person
himself could have any purpose in losing things, which is often such a
painful accident. But there are innumerable instances of this kind: A young
man loses a pencil to which he was much attached. A few days before he
had had a letter from his brother-in-law which concluded with these words:
“I have neither time nor inclination at present to encourage you in your
frivolity and idleness.”[21] Now the pencil was a present from this brother-
in-law. Had it not been for this coincidence we could not of course have
maintained that the loss involved any intention to get rid of the gift. Similar
cases are very numerous. One loses objects when one has quarrelled with
the giver and no longer wants to be reminded of him, or again, when one
has tired of them and wants an excuse to provide oneself with something
different and better. Dropping, breaking, and destroying things of course
serves a similar purpose in regard to the object. Can it be considered

Page 49

accidental when, just before his birthday, a child loses and damages his
possessions, for instance, his watch and his schoolbag?
Anyone who has experienced often enough the annoyance of not being
able to find something which he has himself put away will certainly be
unwilling to believe that he could have had any intention in so doing. And
yet cases are not at all rare in which the circumstances attendant on the act
of mislaying point to a tendency to put the object aside temporarily or
permanently. Perhaps the best example of this kind is the following.
A young man told me this story: “A few years ago there were
misunderstandings between me and my wife; I thought her too cold, and
though I willingly acknowledged her excellent qualities we lived together
without affection. One day, on coming in from a walk, she brought me a
book which she had bought me because she thought it would interest me. I
thanked her for her little attention, promised to read the book, put it among
my things and never could find it again. Months passed by and occasionally
I thought of this derelict book and tried in vain to find it. About six months
later my dear mother, who lived some distance away, fell ill. My wife left
our house to go and nurse her mother-in-law, who became seriously ill,
giving my wife an opportunity of showing her best qualities. One evening I
came home full of enthusiasm and gratitude towards my wife. I walked up
to my writing desk and opened a certain drawer in it, without a definite
intention but with a kind of somnambulistic sureness, and there before me
lay the lost book which I had so often looked for.”
With the disappearance of the motive the inability to find the mislaid
object also came to an end.
I could multiply this collection of examples indefinitely; but I will not
do so now. In my Psycho-pathology of Everyday Life (first published in
1901) you will find plenty of examples for the study of errors.[22] All these
examples demonstrate the same thing over and over again; they make it
probable to you that mistakes have a meaning and they show you how the
meaning can be guessed or confirmed from the attendant circumstances. I
restrict myself rather to-day, because our intention here was limited to
studying these phenomena with a view to obtaining an introduction to
psycho-analysis. There are only two groups of occurrences into which I
must still go, the accumulated and combined errors, and the confirmation of
our interpretations by subsequent events.

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Accumulated and combined errors are certainly the finest flowers of
the species. If we were only concerned to prove that errors had a meaning,
we should have limited ourselves to them at the outset, for the meaning in
them is unmistakable, even to the dullest intelligence, and strong enough to
impress the most critical judgement. The repetition of the occurrences
betrays a persistence which is hardly ever an attribute of chance, but which
fits well with the idea of design. Further, the exchanging of one kind of
mistake for another shows us what is the most important and essential
element in the error; and that is, not its form, or the means of which it
makes use, but the tendency which makes use of it and can achieve its end
in the most various ways. Thus I will give you a case of repeated forgetting:
Ernest Jones relates that he once allowed a letter to lie on his writing desk
for several days for some unknown reason. At last he decided to post it, but
received it back from the dead-letter office, for he had forgotten to address
it. After he had addressed it he took it to post but this time without a stamp.
At this point he finally had to admit to himself his objection to sending the
letter at all.
In another case, taking up a thing by mistake is combined with
mislaying it. A lady travelled to Rome with her brother-in-law, a famous
artist. The visitor was much fêted by the Germans living in Rome and
received, among other things, a present of an antique gold medal. The lady
was vexed because her brother-in-law did not appreciate the fine specimen
highly enough. After her sister had arrived she returned home and
discovered, upon unpacking, that she had brought the medal with her—how,
she did not know. She wrote at once to her brother-in-law telling him that
she would send the stolen property back to him the next day. But the next
day the medal was so cleverly mislaid that it could not be discovered and
could not be returned, and then it began to dawn upon the lady what her
“absent-mindedness” had meant, namely, that she wanted to keep the work
of art for herself.[23]
I have already given you an example of a combination of forgetfulness
with an error, in the case in which someone forgets an appointment, and a
second time, with the firm intention of not forgetting it again, appears at an
hour which is not the appointed one. A quite analogous case was told me
from his own experience by a friend who pursues literary as well as
scientific interests. He said: “Some years ago I accepted election to the
Council of a certain literary society because I hoped that the society might

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at some time be useful to me in getting a play of mine produced; and,
although not much interested, I attended the meetings regularly every
Friday. A few months ago I received an assurance that my play would be
produced at a theatre in F. and since then it has invariably happened that I
forget to attend the meetings of the society. When I read your writings on
this subject, I reproached myself with my meanness in staying away now
that these people can no longer be of use to me and determined on no
account to forget on the following Friday. I kept reminding myself of my
resolution until I carried it out and stood at the door of the meeting-room.
To my amazement it was closed and the meeting was already over! I had
made a mistake in the day of the week and it was then Saturday!”
It would be tempting to collect more of these examples, but I will pass
on and, instead, let you glance at those cases in which interpretation has to
wait for confirmation in the future.
The main condition in these cases is, as we might expect, that the
mental situation at the time is unknown or cannot be ascertained. At the
moment, therefore, our interpretation is no more than a supposition to
which we ourselves would not ascribe too much weight. Later, however,
something happens which shows us how well justified our previous
interpretation was. I was once the guest of a young married couple and
heard the young wife laughingly describe her latest experience, how the day
after the return from the honeymoon she had called for her sister and gone
shopping with her as in former times, while her husband went to his
business. Suddenly she noticed a man on the other side of the street and,
nudging her sister, said, “Look, there goes Mr. K.” She had forgotten that
this man had been her husband for some weeks. A shudder went over me as
I heard the story, but I dared not draw the inference. Several years later the
little incident came back to my mind after this marriage had come to a most
unhappy end.
Maeder tells a story of a lady who had forgotten to try on her wedding-
dress the day before the wedding, to the despair of the dressmaker, and
remembered it only late in the evening. He connects it with the fact that
soon after the marriage she was divorced by her husband. I know a woman
now divorced from her husband who, in managing her money-affairs,
frequently signed documents with her maiden name, many years before she
really resumed it. I know of other women who lost their wedding-rings on

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the honeymoon and know, too, that the course of the marriage lent meaning
to this accident. And now one striking example more, with a better ending.
It is told of a famous German chemist that his marriage never took place
because he forgot the hour of the ceremony and went to the laboratory
instead of to the church. He was wise enough to let the matter rest with one
attempt, and died unmarried at a ripe age.
Perhaps the idea has also come to you that in these examples mistakes
seem to have replaced the omens or portents of the ancients. And indeed,
certain kinds of portents were nothing but errors, for instance, when anyone
stumbled or fell down. It is true that another group of omens bore the
character of objective events rather than of subjective acts. But you would
not believe how difficult it is sometimes to decide whether a specific
instance belongs to the first category or to the second. The act knows so
often how to disguise itself as a passive experience.
Everyone of us who can look back over a fairly long experience of life
would probably say that he might have spared himself many
disappointments and painful surprises, if he had had the courage and
resolution to interpret as omens the little mistakes which he noticed in his
intercourse with others, and to regard them as signs of tendencies still in the
background. For the most part one does not dare to do this; one has an
impression that one would become superstitious again by a circuitous
scientific path. And then, not all omens come true, and our theories will
show you how it is that they need not all come true.

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FOURTH LECTURE
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS (conclusion)

That errors have a meaning we may certainly set down as established
by our efforts up to this point, and may take this conclusion as a basis for
our further investigations. Let me once more emphasize the fact that we do
not maintain—and for our purposes do not need to maintain—that every
single mistake which occurs has a meaning, although I think that probable.
It is enough for us to prove that such a meaning is relatively frequent in the
various forms of errors. In this respect, by the way, the various forms show
certain differences. Some cases of slips of the tongue, slips of the pen, and
so on, may be the effect of a purely physiological cause, though I cannot
believe this possible of those errors which depend upon forgetfulness
(forgetting of names or intentions, mislaying, and so on); losing possessions
is in all probability to be recognized as unintentional in some cases;
altogether our conceptions are only to a certain extent applicable to the
mistakes which occur in daily life. These limitations should be borne in
mind by you when we proceed on the assumption that errors are mental acts
arising from the mutual interference of two intentions.
This is the first result of our psycho-analysis. Hitherto psychology has
known nothing of such interferences or of the possibility that they could
occasion manifestations of this kind. We have widened the domain of
mental phenomena to a very considerable extent and have won for
psychology phenomena which were never before accredited to it.
Let us dwell for a moment on the proposition that errors are “mental
acts.” Does this mean any more than our former statement, that they have a
meaning? I do not think so; on the contrary, it is a more indefinite statement
and one more open to misunderstanding. Everything that can be observed in
mental life will be designated at one time or another as a mental
phenomenon. It depends, however, whether the particular mental
phenomenon is directly due to bodily, organic or material agencies, in
which case it does not fall to psychology for investigation; or whether it

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arose directly from other mental processes, behind which at some point the
succession of organic agencies then begins. We have in mind the latter state
of things when we describe a phenomenon as a mental process, and it is
therefore more expedient to put our statement in this form: The
phenomenon has meaning; and by meaning we understand significance,
intention, tendency and a position in a sequence of mental concatenations.
There is another group of occurrences which is very closely related to
errors but for which this name is not suitable. We call them ‘accidental’ and
symptomatic acts. They also appear to be unmotivated, insignificant and
unimportant but, in addition to this, they have very clearly the feature of
superfluity. They are, on the one hand, distinguishable from errors by the
absence of any second intention to which they are opposed and which they
disturb; on the other hand, they merge without any definite line of
demarcation into the gestures and movements which we regard as
expressions of the emotions. To this class of accidental performances
belong all those apparently purposeless acts which we carry out, as though
in play, with clothing, parts of the body, objects within reach; also the
omission of such acts; and again the tunes which we hum to ourselves. I
maintain that all such performances have meaning and are explicable in the
same way as are errors, that they are slight indications of other more
important mental processes, and are genuine mental acts. I propose,
however, not to linger over this further extension of the field of mental
phenomena, but to return to the errors; for by a consideration of them
problems of importance in the enquiry into psycho-analysis can be worked
out much more clearly.
Undoubtedly, the most interesting questions which we formulated
while considering errors, and have not yet answered, are the following: We
said that errors result from the mutual interference of two different
intentions, of which one may be called the intention interfered with, and the
other the interfering tendency. The intentions interfered with give rise to no
further questions, but concerning the others we wish to know, first, what
kind of intentions these are that arise as disturbers of others, and secondly,
what are the relations between the interfering tendencies and those which
suffer the interference?
Allow me to take slips of the tongue again as representative of the
whole series, and to answer the second question before the first.

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The interfering tendency in the slip of the tongue may be connected in
meaning with the intention interfered with, in which case the former
contains a contradiction of the latter, or corrects, or supplements it. Or, in
other more obscure and more interesting cases, the interfering tendency
may have no connection whatever in meaning with the intention interfered
with.
Evidence for the first of these two relationships can be found without
difficulty in the examples already studied and in others similar to them. In
almost all cases of slips of the tongue where the opposite of what is meant
is said the interfering tendency expresses the opposite meaning to that of
the intention interfered with, and the slip is the expression of the conflict
between two incompatible impulses. “I declare the meeting open, but would
prefer to have closed it” is the meaning of the President’s slip. A political
paper which had been accused of corruption defends itself in an article
meant to culminate with the words: “Our readers will testify that we have
always laboured for the public benefit in the most disinterested manner.”
But the editor entrusted with the composition of the defence wrote “in the
most interested manner.” That is to say, he thinks, “I have to write this stuff,
but I know better.” A representative of the people, urging that the Kaiser
should be told the truth “rückhaltslos” (unreservedly), hears an inner voice
terrified at his boldness, and by a slip of the tongue transforms rückhaltslos
into “rückgratslos” (without backbone, ineffectually).
In the examples already given, which produce an impression of
contraction and abbreviation, the process represents a correction, addition,
or continuation, in which a second tendency manifests itself alongside the
first. “Things were then revealed, but better say it straight out, they were
filthy, therefore,—things were then refilled.” “The people who understand
this subject may be counted on the fingers of one hand, but no, there is
really only one person who understands it, very well then,—can be counted
on one finger.” Or, “my husband can eat and drink what he likes, but, you
know, I don’t permit him to like this and that; so then,—he may eat and
drink what I like.” In all these cases the slip arises from the content of the
intention interfered with, or is directly connected with it.
The other kind of relationship between the two interfering tendencies
seems strange. If the interfering tendency has nothing to do with the content
of the one interfered with, whence comes it then, and how does it happen to

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make itself manifest just at that point? Observation, which alone can supply
the answer to this, shows that the interfering tendency proceeds from a train
of thought which has occupied the person shortly before and then reveals
itself in this way as an after-effect, irrespective of whether or not it has
already been expressed in speech. It is really therefore to be described as a
perseveration, though not necessarily a perseveration of spoken words. An
associative connection between the interfering tendency and that interfered
with is not lacking here either, though it is not found in the content but is
artificially established, sometimes with considerable “forcing” of the
connections.
Here is a simple example of this which I observed myself. Once in the
beautiful Dolomites I met two Viennese ladies who were starting for a
walking-tour. I accompanied them part of the way and we discussed the
pleasures, but also the trials, of this way of life. One of the ladies admitted
that spending the day like this entailed much discomfort. “It certainly is
very unpleasant to tramp all day in the sun till one’s blouse ... and things are
soaked through.” In this sentence she had to overcome a slight hesitation at
one point. Then she continued: “But then, when one gets nach Hose and can
change....” (Hose means drawers: the lady meant to say nach Hause which
means home). We did not analyse this slip, but I am sure you will easily
understand it. The lady’s intention had been to enumerate a more complete
list of her clothes, “blouse, chemise and drawers.” From motives of
propriety, mention of the drawers (Hose) was omitted; but in the next
sentence, the content of which is quite independent, the unuttered word
came to light as a distortion of the word it resembled in sound, home
(Hause).
Now we can turn at last to the main question which has been so long
postponed, namely, what kind of tendencies these are which bring
themselves to expression in this unusual way by interfering with other
intentions. They are evidently very various, yet our aim is to find some
element common to them all. If we examine a series of examples for this
purpose we shall soon find that they fall into three groups. To the first group
belong the cases in which the interfering tendency is known to the speaker
and, moreover, was felt by him before the slip. Thus, in the case of the slip
“refilled,” the speaker not only admitted that he had criticized the events in
question as “filthy,” but further, that he had had the intention, which he
subsequently reversed, of expressing this opinion in words. A second group

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is formed by other cases in which the interfering tendency is likewise
recognized by the speaker as his own, but he is not aware that it was active
in him before the slip. He therefore accepts our interpretation, but remains
to some extent surprised by it. Examples of this attitude are probably more
easily found in other errors than in slips of the tongue. In the third group the
interpretation of the interfering tendency is energetically repudiated by the
speaker; not only does he dispute that it was active in him before the slip,
but he will maintain that it is altogether entirely alien to him. Recall the
case about hiccoughing and the positively discourteous rebuff which I
brought upon myself by detecting the interfering tendency. You know that
in our attitude towards these cases you and I are still far from an agreement.
I should make nothing of the after-dinner speaker’s denial and hold fast to
my interpretation unwaveringly, while you, I imagine, are still impressed by
his vehemence and are wondering whether one should not forego the
interpretation of such errors and let them pass for purely physiological acts,
as in the days before analysis. I can imagine what it is that alarms you. My
interpretation includes the assumption that tendencies of which a speaker
knows nothing can express themselves through him and that I can deduce
them from various indications. You hesitate before a conclusion so novel
and so pregnant with consequences. I understand that, and admit that up to a
point you are justified. But let one thing be clear: if you intend to carry to
its logical conclusion the conception of errors which has been confirmed by
so many examples, you must decide to make this startling assumption. If
you cannot do this, you will have to abandon again the understanding of
errors which you had only just begun to obtain.
Let us pause a moment on that which unites the three groups and is
common to the three mechanisms of a slip of the tongue. Fortunately this
common element is unmistakable. In the first two groups the interfering
tendency is admitted by the speaker; in the first, there is the additional fact
that it showed itself immediately before the slip. But in both cases it has
been forced back.[24] The speaker had determined not to convert the idea
into speech and then it happens that he makes a slip of the tongue; that is to
say, the tendency which is debarred from expression asserts itself against
his will and gains utterance, either by altering the expression of the
intention permitted by him, or by mingling with it, or actually by setting
itself in place of it. This then is the mechanism of a slip of the tongue.

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For my own part I can bring the process in the third group also into
perfect harmony with the mechanism here described. I need only assume
that these three groups are differentiated by the varying degrees to which
the forcing back of an intention is effective. In the first group, the intention
is present and makes itself perceptible before the words are spoken; not
until then does it suffer the rejection for which it indemnifies itself in the
slip. In the second group the rejection reaches further back; the intention is
no longer perceptible even before the speech. It is remarkable that this does
not hinder it in the least from being the active cause of the slip! But this
state of things simplifies the explanation of the process in the third group. I
shall be bold enough to assume that a tendency can still express itself by an
error though it has been debarred from expression for a long time, perhaps
for a very long time, has not made itself perceptible at all, and can therefore
be directly repudiated by the speaker. But leaving aside the problem of the
third group, you must conclude from the other cases that a suppression
(Unterdrückung) of a previous intention to say something is the
indispensable condition for the occurrence of a slip of the tongue.
We may now claim to have made further progress in the understanding
of errors. We not only know them to be mental phenomena in which
meaning and purpose are recognizable, not only know that they arise from
the mutual interference of two different intentions, but in addition we know
that, for one of these intentions to be able to express itself by interfering
with another, it must itself have been subject to some hindrance against its
operation. It must first be itself interfered with, before it can interfere with
others. Naturally this does not give us a complete explanation of the
phenomena which we call errors. We see at once further questions arising,
and in general we suspect that as we progress towards comprehension the
more numerous will be the occasions for new questions. We might ask, for
instance, why the matter does not proceed much more simply. If the
intention to restrain a certain tendency instead of carrying it into effect is
present in the mind, then this restraint ought to succeed, so that nothing
whatever of the tendency gains expression, or else it might fail so that the
restrained tendency achieves full expression. But errors are compromise-
formations; they express part-success and part-failure for each of the two
intentions; the threatened intention is neither entirely suppressed nor, apart
from some instances, does it force itself through intact. We can imagine that
special conditions must be present for the occurrence of such interference

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(or compromise)-formations, but we cannot even conjecture of what kind
they may be. Nor do I think that we could discover these unknown
circumstances by penetrating further into the study of errors. It will be
necessary first to examine thoroughly yet other obscure fields of mental
life: only the analogies to be met with there can give us courage to form
those assumptions which are requisite for a more searching elucidation of
errors. And one other point! To work from slight indications, as we
constantly do in this field, is not without its dangers. There is a mental
disorder called combinatory paranoia in which the practice of utilizing such
small indications is carried beyond all limits, and I naturally do not contend
that the conclusions which are built up on such a basis are throughout
correct. Only by the breadth of our observations, by the accumulation of
similar impressions from the most varied forms of mental life, can we guard
against this danger.
So now we will leave the analysis of errors. But there is one thing
more which I might impress upon you: to keep in mind, as a model, the
method by which we have studied these phenomena. You can perceive from
these examples what the aim of our psychology is. Our purpose is not
merely to describe and classify the phenomena, but to conceive them as
brought about by the play of forces in the mind, as expressions of
tendencies striving towards a goal, which work together or against one
another. We are endeavouring to attain a dynamic conception of mental
phenomena. In this conception, the trends we merely infer are more
prominent than the phenomena we perceive.
So we will probe no further into errors; but we may still take a fleeting
glimpse over the breadth of this whole field, in the course of which we shall
both meet with things already known and come upon the tracks of others
that are new. In so doing, we will keep to the division into three groups of
slips of the tongue, made at the beginning of our study, together with the
co-ordinate forms of slips of the pen, misreading, mis-hearing; of forgetting
with its subdivisions according to the object forgotten (proper names,
foreign words, resolutions, impressions); and of mislaying, mistaking, and
losing, objects. Mistakes, in so far as they concern us, are to be grouped
partly under the head of forgetting, partly under acts erroneously performed
(picking up the wrong objects, etc.).

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We have already treated slips of the tongue in great detail, yet there is
still something to add. There are certain small affective manifestations
related to slips of the tongue which are not entirely without interest. No one
likes to think he has made a slip of the tongue; one often fails to hear it
when made by oneself, but never when made by someone else. Slips of the
tongue are in a certain sense infectious; it is not at all easy to speak of them
without making them oneself. It is not hard to detect the motivation of even
the most trifling forms of them, although these do not throw any particular
light on hidden mental processes. If, for instance, anyone pronounces a long
vowel as a short one, in consequence of a disturbance over the word, no
matter how motivated, he will as a result soon after lengthen a short vowel
and commit a new slip in compensation for the first. The same thing occurs
if anyone pronounces a diphthong indistinctly and carelessly, for instance,
“ew” or “oy” as “i”; he tries to correct it by changing a subsequent “i” into
“ew” or “oy.” Some consideration relating to the hearer seems to be behind
this behaviour, as though he were not to be allowed to think that the speaker
is indifferent how he treats his mother-tongue. The second, compensating
distortion actually has the purpose of drawing the hearer’s attention to the
first and assuring him that it has not escaped the speaker either. The most
frequent, insignificant, and simple forms of slips consist in contractions and
anticipations in inconspicuous parts of the speech. In a long sentence, for
instance, slips of the tongue would be of the kind in which the last word
intended influences the sound of an earlier word. This gives an impression
of a certain impatience to be done with the sentence, and in general it points
to a certain resistance against the communication of this sentence, or the
speech altogether. From this we come to border-line cases, in which the
differences between the psycho-analytical and the ordinary physiological
conception of slips of the tongue become merged. We assume that in these
cases a disturbing tendency is opposing the intended speech; but it can only
betray its presence and not what its own purpose is. The interference which
it causes follows some sound-influence or associative connection and may
be regarded as a distraction of attention away from the intended speech. But
neither in this distraction of attention, nor in the associative tendency which
has been activated, lies the essence of the occurrence; the essence lies rather
in the hint the occurrence gives of the presence of some other intention
interfering with the intended speech, the nature of which cannot in this case

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be discovered from its effects, as is possible in all the more pronounced
cases of slips of the tongue.
Slips of the pen, to which I now turn, are so like slips of the tongue in
their mechanism that no new points of view are to be expected from them.
Perhaps a small addition to our knowledge from this group will content us.
Those very common little slips of the pen, contractions, anticipations of
later words, particularly of the last words, point to a general distaste for
writing and to an impatience to be done; more pronounced effects in slips of
the pen allow the nature and intention of the interference to be recognized.
In general, if one finds a slip of the pen in a letter one knows that the
writer’s mind was not working smoothly at the moment; what was the
matter one cannot always establish. Slips of the pen are frequently as little
noticed by those who make them as slips of the tongue. The following
observation is striking in this connection. There are, of course, some
persons who have the habit of always re-reading every letter they write
before sending it. Others do not do this; but if the latter make an exception
and re-read a letter they then always have an opportunity of finding and
correcting a striking slip of the pen. How is this to be explained? It almost
looks as if such people knew that they had made a slip in writing the letter.
Are we really to believe that this is so?
There is an interesting problem connected with the practical
significance of slips of the pen. You may recall the case of the murderer H.
who managed, by asserting himself to be a bacteriologist, to obtain cultures
of highly dangerous disease-germs from scientific institutions, but used
them for the purpose of doing away in this most modern fashion with
people connected with him. This man once complained to the authorities of
one of these institutions about the ineffectiveness of the cultures sent him,
but committed a slip of the pen and, instead of the words “in my
experiments on mice and guinea-pigs (Mäusen und Meerschweinchen)”, the
words “in my experiments on people (Menschen)” were plainly legible.
This slip even attracted the attention of the doctors at the institute but, so far
as I know, they drew no conclusion from it. Now, what do you think?
Would it not have been better if the doctors had taken the slip of the pen as
a confession and started an investigation so that the murderer’s proceedings
might have been arrested in time? In this case, does not ignorance of our
conception of errors result in neglect which, in actuality, may be very
important? Well, I know that such a slip of the pen would certainly rouse

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great suspicion in me; but there is an important objection against regarding
it as a confession. The matter is not so simple. The slip of the pen is
certainly an indication but, alone, it would not have justified an enquiry. It
does indeed betray that the man is occupied with the thought of infecting
human beings; but it does not show with certainty whether this thought is a
definite plan to do harm or a mere phantasy of no practical importance. It is
even possible that a person making such a slip will deny, with the soundest
subjective justification, the existence of such a phantasy in himself, and will
reject the idea as a thing utterly alien to him. Later, when we come to
consider the difference between psychical reality and material reality you
will be better able to appreciate these possibilities. But this again is a case
in which an error was found subsequently to have unsuspected significance.
Misreading brings us to a mental situation which is clearly different
from that of slips of the tongue or the pen. One of the two conflicting
tendencies is here replaced by a sensory excitation and is perhaps therefore
less tenacious. What one is reading is not a product of one’s own mind, as is
that which one is going to write. In the large majority of cases, therefore,
misreading consists in complete substitution. A different word is substituted
for the word to be read, without there necessarily being any connection in
the content between the text and the effect of the mistake, and usually by
means of a resemblance between the words. Lichtenberg’s example of this,
“Agamemnon” instead of “angenommen,” is the best of this group. To
discover the interfering tendency which causes the mistake one may put
aside the original text altogether; the analytic investigation may begin with
two questions: What is the first idea occurring in free association to the
effect of the misreading (the substitute), and in what circumstances did the
misreading occur? Occasionally a knowledge of the latter is sufficient in
itself to explain the misreading, as, for instance, when someone wandering
about a strange town, driven by urgent needs, reads the word “Closethaus”
on a large sign on the first storey. He has just time to wonder that the board
has been fixed at that height when he discovers that the word on it is
actually “Corsethaus.” In other cases where there is a lack of connection in
content between the text and the slip a thorough analysis is necessary,
which cannot be accomplished without practice in psycho-analytic
technique and confidence in it. But it is not usually so difficult to come by
the explanation of a case of misreading. In the example “Agamemnon,” the
substituted word betrays without further difficulty the line of thought from

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which the disturbance arose. In this time of war, for instance, it is very
common for one to read everywhere names of towns, generals, and military
expressions, which are continually in one’s ears, wherever one sees a word
at all resembling them. Whatever interests and occupies the mind takes the
place of what is alien and as yet uninteresting. The shadows of thoughts in
the mind dim the new perceptions.
Another kind of misreading is possible, in which the text itself arouses
the disturbing tendency, whereupon it is usually changed into its opposite.
Someone is required to read something which he dislikes, and analysis
convinces him that a strong wish to reject what is read is responsible for the
alteration.
In the first-mentioned, more frequent cases of misreading two factors
to which we ascribed great importance in the mechanism of errors are
inconspicuous; these are, the conflict between two tendencies and the
forcing back of one of them which compensates itself by producing the
error. Not that anything contradictory of this occurs in misreading, but
nevertheless the importunity of the train of thought tending to the mistake is
far more conspicuous than the restraint which it may have previously
undergone. Just these two factors are most clearly observable in the
different situations in which errors occur through forgetfulness.
The forgetting of resolutions has positively but one meaning; the
interpretation of it, as we have heard, is not denied even by the layman. The
tendency interfering with the resolution is always an opposing one, an
unwillingness, concerning which it only remains to enquire why it does not
come to expression in a different and less disguised form; for the existence
of this opposing tendency is beyond doubt. Sometimes it is possible, too, to
infer something of the motives which necessitate the concealment of this
antipathy; one sees that it would certainly have been condemned if it
declared its opposition openly, whereas by craft, in the error, it always
achieves its end. When an important change in the mental situation occurs
between the formation of the resolution and its execution, in consequence
of which the execution would no longer be required, then if it were
forgotten the occurrence could no longer come within the category of
errors. There would be nothing to wonder at in the error, for one recognizes
that it would have been superfluous to remember the resolution; it had been
either permanently or temporarily cancelled. Forgetting to carry out a

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resolution can only be called an error when there is no reason to believe that
any such cancellation has occurred.
Cases of forgetting to carry out resolutions are usually so uniform and
transparent, that they are of no interest for our researches. There are two
points, nevertheless, at which something new can be learnt by studying this
type of error. We have said that forgetting and not executing a resolution
indicates an antagonistic tendency in opposition to it. This is certainly true,
but our own investigations show that this ‘counter-will’ may be of two
kinds, either immediate or mediate. What is meant by the latter is best
explained by one or two examples. When the patron forgets to say a good
word for his protégé to some third person, it may happen because he is
actually not much interested in the protégé and therefore has no great
inclination to do it. This, in any case, will be the protégé’s view of the
patron’s omission. But the matter may be more complicated. The antipathy
against executing the resolution may come from some other source in the
patron and be directed to some other point. It need have nothing at all to do
with the protégé, but is perhaps directed against the third person to whom
the recommendation was to be made. Here again, you see, what objections
there are against applying our interpretations practically. In spite of having
correctly interpreted the error, the protégé is in danger of becoming too
suspicious and of doing his patron a grave injustice. Again, if someone
forgets an appointment which he had promised and was resolved to attend,
the commonest cause is certainly a direct disinclination to meet the other
person. But analysis might produce evidence that the interfering tendency
was concerned, not with the person, but with the place of meeting, which
was avoided on account of some painful memory associated with it. Or if
one forgets to post a letter the opposing tendency may be concerned with
the contents of the letter; but this does not exclude the possibility that the
letter in itself is harmless and becomes the subject of a counter-tendency
only because something in it reminds the writer of another letter, written
previously, which did in fact afford a direct basis for antipathy. It may then
be said that the antipathy has been transferred from the earlier letter, where
it was justified, to the present one where it actually has no object. So you
see that restraint and caution must be exercised in applying our quite well-
founded interpretations; that which is psychologically equivalent may in
actuality have many meanings.

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That such things should be must seem very strange to you. Perhaps
you will be inclined to assume that the “indirect” counter-will is enough to
characterize the incident as pathological. But I can assure you that it is also
found within the boundaries of health and normality. And further, do not
misunderstand me; this is in no sense a confession on my part that our
analytic interpretations are not to be relied on. I have said that forgetting to
execute a plan may bear many meanings, but this is so only in those cases
where no analysis is undertaken and which we have to interpret according
to our general principles. If an analysis of the person in the case is carried
out it can always be established with sufficient certainty whether the
antipathy is a direct one, or what its source is otherwise.
The following is a second point: when we find proof in a large
majority of cases that the forgetting of an intention proceeds from a
counter-will, we gain courage to extend this solution to another group of
cases in which the person analysed does not confirm, but denies, the
presence of the counter-will inferred by us. Take as an example of this such
exceedingly frequent occurrences as forgetting to return borrowed books or
to pay bills or debts. We will be so bold as to suggest, to the person in
question, that there is an intention in his mind of keeping the books and not
paying the debts, whereupon he will deny this intention but will not be able
to give us any other explanation of his conduct. We then insist that he has
this intention but is not aware of it; it is enough for us, though, that it
betrays itself by the effect of the forgetting. He may then repeat that he had
merely forgotten about it. You will recognize the situation as one in which
we have already been placed once before. If we intend to carry through, to
their logical conclusions, the interpretations of errors which have been
proved justified in so many cases, we shall be unavoidably impelled to the
assumption that tendencies exist in human beings which can effect results
without their knowing of them. With this, however, we place ourselves in
opposition to all views prevailing in life and in psychology.
Forgetting proper names, and foreign names and words, can be traced
in the same way to a counter-tendency aiming either directly or indirectly
against the name in question. I have already given you several examples of
such direct antipathy. Indirect causation is particularly frequent here and
careful analysis is generally required to elucidate it. Thus, for instance, in
the present time of war which forces us to forego so many of our former
pleasures, our ability to recall proper names suffers severely by connections

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of the most far-fetched kind. It happened to me lately to be unable to
remember the name of the harmless Moravian town of Bisenz; and analysis
showed that I was guilty of no direct antagonism in the matter, but that the
resemblance to the name of the Palazzo Bisenzi in Orvieto, where I had
spent many happy times in the past, was responsible. As a motive of the
tendency opposing the recollection of this name, we here for the first time
encounter a principle which will later on reveal itself to be of quite
prodigious importance in the causation of neurotic symptoms: namely, the
aversion on the part of memory against recalling anything connected with
painful feelings that would revive the pain if it were recalled. In this
tendency towards avoidance of pain from recollection or other mental
processes, this flight of the mind from that which is unpleasant, we may
perceive the ultimate purpose at work behind not merely the forgetting of
names, but also many other errors, omissions, and mistakes.
The forgetting of names seems, however, to be especially facilitated
psycho-physiologically, and therefore does occur on occasions where the
intervention of an unpleasantness-motive cannot be established. When
anyone has a tendency to forget names, it can be confirmed by analytic
investigation that names escape, not merely because he does not like them
or because they remind him of something disagreeable, but also because the
particular name belongs to some other chain of associations of a more
intimate nature. The name is anchored there, as it were, and is refused to the
other associations activated at the moment. If you recall the devices of
memory systems you will realize with some surprise that the same
associations which are there artificially introduced, in order to save names
from being forgotten, are also responsible for their being forgotten. The
most conspicuous example of this is afforded by proper names of persons,
which naturally possess quite different values for different people. For
instance, take a first name, such as Theodore. For some of you it will have
no particular significance; for others it will be the name of father, brother,
friend, or your own name. Analytic experience will show you that the
former among you will be in no danger of forgetting that some stranger
bears this name; whereas the latter will be continually inclined to grudge to
strangers a name which to them seems reserved for an intimate relationship.
Now let us assume that this inhibition due to associations may coincide
with the operation of the “pain”-principle, and in addition with an indirect
mechanism; you will then be able to form a commensurate idea of the

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complexity, in causation, of such temporary forgetting of names. An
adequate analysis that does justice to the facts will, however, completely
disclose all these complications.
The forgetting of impressions and experiences shows the working of
the tendency to ward off from memory that which is unpleasant much more
clearly and invariably than the forgetting of names. It does not of course
belong in its entirety to the category of errors, but only in so far as it
appears to us remarkable and unjustified, judged by the standard of general
experience; as, for instance, where recent or important impressions are
forgotten, or where one memory is forgotten out of an otherwise well-
remembered sequence. How and why we have the capacity of forgetting in
general, particularly how we are able to forget experiences which have
certainly left the deepest impression on us, such as the events of our
childhood, is quite a different problem, in which the defence against painful
associations plays a certain part but is far from explaining everything. That
unwelcome impressions are easily forgotten is an indubitable fact. Various
psychologists have remarked it; and the great Darwin was so well aware of
it that he made a golden rule for himself of writing down with particular
care observations which seemed unfavourable to his theory, having become
convinced that just these would be inclined to slip out of recollection.
Those who bear for the first time of this principle of defence against
unpleasant memory by forgetfulness seldom fail to raise the objection that,
on the contrary, in their experience it is just that which is painful which it is
hard to forget, since it always comes back to mind to torture the person
against his will—as, for example, the recollection of grievances or
humiliations. This fact is quite correct, but the objection is not sound. It is
important to begin early to reckon with the fact that the mind is an arena, a
sort of tumbling-ground, for the struggles of antagonistic impulses; or, to
express it in non-dynamic terms, that the mind is made up of contradictions
and pairs of opposites. Evidence of one particular tendency does not in the
least preclude its opposite; there is room for both of them. The material
questions are: How do these opposites stand to one another and what effects
proceed from one of them and what from the other?
Losing and mislaying objects is of especial interest on account of the
numerous meanings it may have, and the multiplicity of the tendencies in
the service of which these errors may be employed. What is common to all

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the cases is the wish to lose something; what varies in them is the reason for
the wish and the aim of it. One loses something if it has become damaged;
if one has an impulse to replace it with a better; if one has ceased to care for
it; if it came from someone with whom unpleasantness has arisen; or if it
was acquired in circumstances that one no longer wishes to think of. Letting
things fall, spoiling, or breaking things, serves the same tendency. In social
life it is said that unwelcome and illegitimate children are found to be far
more often weakly than those conceived in happier circumstances. This
result does not imply that the crude methods of the so-called baby-farmer
have been employed; some degree of carelessness in the supervision of the
child should be quite enough. The preservation, or otherwise, of objects
may well follow the same lines as that of children.
Then too it may happen that a thing will become destined to be lost
without its having shed any of its value—that is, when there is an impulse
to sacrifice something to fate in order to avert some other dreaded loss.
According to the findings of analysis, such conjurings of fate are still very
common among us, so that our losses are often voluntary sacrifices. Losing
may equally well serve the impulses of spite or of self-punishment; in short,
the more remote forms of motivation behind the impulse to do away with
something by losing cannot easily be exhausted.
Mistaking of objects, or erroneous performance of actions, like other
errors, is often made use of to fulfil a wish which should be denied; the
intention masquerades as a lucky chance. Thus, as once happened to one of
our friends, one has to take a train, most unwillingly, in order to pay a visit
in the suburbs and then, in changing trains at a connection, one gets by
mistake into one which is returning to town; or, on a journey one would
greatly like to make a halt at some stopping-place, which cannot be done
owing to fixed engagements elsewhere, whereupon one mistakes or misses
the connection, so that the desired delay is forced upon one. Or, as
happened to one of my patients whom I had forbidden to telephone to the
lady he was in love with, he “by mistake” and “thoughtlessly” gave the
wrong number when he meant to telephone to me, so that he was suddenly
connected with her. The following account by an engineer is a pretty
example of the conditions under which damage to material objects may be
done, and also demonstrates the practical significance of directly faulty
actions.

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“Some time ago I worked with several colleagues in the laboratory of a
High School on a series of complicated experiments in elasticity, a piece of
work we had undertaken voluntarily; it was beginning to take up more time,
however, than we had anticipated. One day, as I went into the laboratory
with my friend F., he remarked how annoying it was to him to lose so much
time to-day as he had so much to do at home; I could not help agreeing with
him and said half-jokingly, referring to an occasion the week before: ‘Let us
hope the machine will break down again so that we can stop work and go
home early.’ In arranging the work it happened that F. was given the
regulation of the valve of the press; that is to say, he was, by cautiously
opening the valve, to let the liquid pressure out of the accumulator slowly
into the cylinder of the hydraulic press. The man who was conducting the
experiment stood by the pressure gauge, and, when the right pressure was
reached, called out loudly, ‘Stop.’ At this command F. seized the valve and
turned with all his might—to the left! (All valves without exception close to
the right.) Thereby the whole pressure in the accumulator suddenly came
into the press, a strain for which the connecting-pipes are not designed, so
that one of them instantly burst—quite a harmless accident, but one which
forced us, nevertheless, to cease work for the day and go home. It is
characteristic, by the way, that not long after, when we were discussing the
affair, my friend F. had no recollection whatever of my remark, which I
recalled with certainty.”
So with this in mind you may begin to suspect that it is not always a
mere chance which makes the hands of your servants such dangerous
enemies to your household effects. And you may also raise the question
whether it is always an accident when one injures oneself or exposes
oneself to danger—ideas which you may put to the test by analysis when
you have an opportunity.
This is far from being all that could be said about errors. There is still
much to be enquired into and discussed. But I shall be satisfied if you have
been shaken somewhat in your previous beliefs by our investigations, so far
as they have gone, and if you have gained a certain readiness to accept new
ones. For the rest, I must be content to leave you with certain problems still
unsolved. We cannot prove all our principles by the study of errors, nor are
we indeed by any means solely dependent on this material. The great value
of errors for our purpose lies in this, that they are such common
occurrences, may easily be observed in oneself, and are not at all contingent

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upon illness. I should like to mention one more of your unanswered
questions before concluding: “If, as we see from so many examples, people
come so close to understanding errors and so often act as if they perceived
their meaning, how is it possible that they should so generally consider
them accidental, senseless, and meaningless, and so energetically oppose
the psycho-analytic explanation of them?”
You are right: this is indeed striking and requires an explanation. But I
will not give it to you; I will rather guide you slowly towards the
connections by which the explanation will be forced upon you without any
aid from me.

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PART II
DREAMS

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FIFTH LECTURE
DIFFICULTIES AND PRELIMINARY APPROACH TO THE
SUBJECT

One day the discovery was made that the symptoms of disease in
certain nervous patients have meaning.[25] It was upon this discovery that the
psycho-analytic method of treatment was based. In this treatment it
happened that patients in speaking of their symptoms also mentioned their
dreams, whereupon the suspicion arose that these dreams too had meaning.
However, we will not pursue this historical path, but will strike off in
the opposite direction. Our aim is to demonstrate the meaning of dreams, in
preparation for the study of the neuroses. There are good grounds for this
reversal of procedure, since the study of dreams is not merely the best
preparation for that of the neuroses, but a dream is itself a neurotic
symptom and, moreover, one which possesses for us the incalculable
advantage of occurring in all healthy people. Indeed, if all human beings
were healthy and would only dream, we could gather almost all the
knowledge from their dreams which we have gained from studying the
neuroses.
So dreams become the object of psycho-analytic research—another of
these ordinary, under-rated occurrences, apparently of no practical value,
like “errors,” and sharing with them the characteristic of occurring in
healthy persons. But in other respects the conditions of work are rather less
favourable. Errors had only been neglected by science, people had not
troubled their heads much about them, but at least it was no disgrace to
occupy oneself with them. True, people said, there are things more
important but still something may possibly come of it. To occupy oneself
with dreams, however, is not merely unpractical and superfluous, but
positively scandalous: it carries with it the taint of the unscientific and
arouses the suspicion of personal leanings towards mysticism. The idea of a
medical student troubling himself about dreams when there is so much in

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neuropathology and psychiatry itself that is more serious, tumours as large
as apples compressing the organ of the mind, hæmorrhages, chronic
inflammatory conditions in which the alterations in the tissues can be
demonstrated under the microscope! No, dreams are far too unworthy and
trivial to be objects of scientific research.
There is yet another factor involved which, in itself, sets at defiance all
the requirements of exact investigation. In investigating dreams even the
object of research, the dream itself, is indefinite. A delusion, for example,
presents clear and definite outlines. “I am the Emperor of China,” says your
patient plainly. But a dream? For the most part it cannot be related at all.
When a man tells a dream, has he any guarantee that he has told it correctly,
and not perhaps altered it in the telling or been forced to invent part of it on
account of the vagueness of his recollection? Most dreams cannot be
remembered at all and are forgotten except for some tiny fragments. And is
a scientific psychology or a method of treatment for the sick to be founded
upon material such as this?
A certain element of exaggeration in a criticism may arouse our
suspicions. The arguments brought against the dream as an object of
scientific research are clearly extreme. We have met with the objection of
triviality already in “errors,” and have told ourselves that great things may
be revealed even by small indications. As to the indistinctness of dreams,
that is a characteristic like any other—we cannot dictate to things their
characteristics; besides, there are also dreams which are clear and well
defined. Further, there are other objects of psychiatric investigation which
suffer in the same way from the quality of indefiniteness, e.g. the obsessive
ideas of many cases, with which nevertheless many psychiatrists of repute
and standing have occupied themselves. I will recall the last case of the
kind which came before me in medical practice. The patient, a woman,
presented her case in these words: “I have a certain feeling, as if I had
injured, or had meant to injure, some living creature—perhaps a child—no,
no, a dog rather, as if perhaps I had pushed it off a bridge—or done
something else.” Any disadvantage resulting from the uncertain recollection
of dreams may be remedied by deciding that exactly what the dreamer tells
is to count as the dream, and by ignoring all that he may have forgotten or
altered in the process of recollection. Finally, one cannot maintain in so
sweeping a fashion that dreams are unimportant things. We know from our
own experience that the mood in which we awake from a dream may last

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throughout the day, and cases have been observed by medical men in which
mental disorder began with a dream, the delusion which had its source in
this dream persisting; further, it is told of historical persons that impulses to
momentous deeds sprang from their dreams. We may therefore ask: what is
the real cause of the disdain in which dreams are held in scientific circles?
In my opinion it is the reaction from the overestimation of them in earlier
times. It is well known that it is no easy matter to reconstruct the past, but
we may assume with certainty (you will forgive my jest) that as early as
three thousand years ago and more our ancestors dreamt in the same way as
we do. So far as we know, all ancient peoples attached great significance to
dreams and regarded them as of practical value; they obtained from them
auguries of the future and looked for portents in them. For the Greeks and
other Orientals, it was at times as unthinkable to undertake a campaign
without a dream-interpreter as it would be to-day without air-scouts for
intelligence. When Alexander the Great set out on his campaign of conquest
the most famous interpreters of dreams were in his following. The city of
Tyre, still at that time on an island, offered so stout a resistance to the king
that he entertained the idea of abandoning the siege; then one night he
dreamed of a satyr dancing in triumph, and when he related this dream to
his interpreters they informed him that it foretold his victory over the city;
he gave the order to attack and took Tyre by storm. Among the Etruscans
and Romans other methods of foretelling the future were employed, but
during the whole of the Græco-Roman period the interpretation of dreams
was practised and held in high esteem. Of the literature on this subject the
principal work at any rate has come down to us, namely, the book of
Artemidorus of Daldis, who is said to have lived at the time of the Emperor
Hadrian. How it happened that the art of dream-interpretation declined later
and dreams fell into disrepute, I cannot tell you. The progress of learning
cannot have had very much to do with it, for in the darkness of the middle
ages things far more absurd than the ancient practice of the interpretation of
dreams were faithfully retained. The fact remains that the interest in dreams
gradually sank to the level of superstition and could hold its own only
amongst the uneducated. In our day, there survive, as a final degradation of
the art of dream-interpretation, the attempts to find out from dreams
numbers destined to draw prizes in games of chance. On the other hand,
exact science of the present day has repeatedly concerned itself with the
dream, but always with the sole object of illustrating physiological theories.

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By medical men, naturally, a dream was never regarded as a mental process
but as the mental expression of physical stimuli. Binz in 1876 pronounced
the dream to be “a physical process, always useless and in many cases
actually morbid, a process above which the conception of the world-soul
and of immortality stands as high as does the blue sky above the most low-
lying, weed-grown stretch of sand.” Maury compares dreams with the
spasmodic jerkings of St. Vitus’ dance, contrasted with the co-ordinated
movements of the normal human being; in an old comparison a parallel is
drawn between the content of a dream and the sounds which would be
produced if “someone ignorant of music let his ten fingers wander over the
keys of an instrument.”
‘Interpretation’ means discovering a hidden meaning, but there can be
no question of attempting this while such an attitude is maintained towards
the dream-performance. Look up the description of dreams given in the
writings of Wundt, Jodl and other recent philosophers: they are content with
the bare enumeration of the divergences of the dream-life from waking
thought with a view to depreciating the dreams; they emphasize the lack of
connection in the associations, the suspended exercise of the critical faculty,
the elimination of all knowledge, and other indications of diminished
functioning. The single valuable contribution to our knowledge about
dreams for which we are indebted to exact science relates to the influence
upon the dream-content of physical stimuli operating during sleep. We have
the work of a Norwegian author who died recently—J. Mourly Vold—two
large volumes on experimental investigation of dreams (translated into
German in 1910 and 1912), which are concerned almost entirely with the
results obtained by change in the position of the limbs. These investigations
have been held up to us as models of exact research in the subject of
dreams. Now can you imagine what would be the comment of exact science
on learning that we intend to try to find out the meaning of dreams? The
comment that has perhaps been made already! However, we will not allow
ourselves to be appalled at the thought. If it was possible for errors to have
an underlying meaning, it is possible that dreams have one too; and errors
have, in very many cases, a meaning which has eluded the researches of
exact science. Let us adopt the assumption of the ancients and of simple
folk, and follow in the footsteps of the dream-interpreters of old.
First of all, we must take our bearings in this enterprise, and make a
survey of the field of dreams. What exactly is a dream? It is difficult to

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define it in a single phrase. Yet we need not seek after a definition, when all
we need is to refer to something familiar to everyone. Still we ought to pick
out the essential features in dreams. How are we to discover these features?
The boundaries of the region we are entering comprise such vast
differences, differences whichever way we turn. That which we can show to
be common to all dreams is probably what is essential.
Well then—the first common characteristic of all dreams would be that
we are asleep at the time. Obviously, the dream is the life of the mind
during sleep, a life bearing certain resemblances to our waking life and, at
the same time, differing from it widely. That, indeed, was Aristotle’s
definition. Perhaps dream and sleep stand in yet closer relationship to each
other. We can be waked by a dream; we often have a dream when we wake
spontaneously or when we are forcibly roused from sleep. Dreams seem
thus to be an intermediate condition between sleeping and waking. Hence,
our attention is directed to sleep itself: what then is sleep?
That is a physiological or biological problem concerning which much
is still in dispute. We can come to no decisive answer, but I think we may
attempt to define one psychological characteristic of sleep. Sleep is a
condition in which I refuse to have anything to do with the outer world and
have withdrawn my interest from it. I go to sleep by retreating from the
outside world and warding off the stimuli proceeding from it. Again, when I
am tired by that world I go to sleep. I say to it as I fall asleep: “Leave me in
peace, for I want to sleep.” The child says just the opposite: “I won’t go to
sleep yet; I’m not tired, I want more things to happen to me!” Thus the
biological object of sleep seems to be recuperation, its psychological
characteristic the suspension of interest in the outer world. Our relationship
with the world which we entered so unwillingly seems to be endurable only
with intermission; hence we withdraw again periodically into the condition
prior to our entrance into the world: that is to say, into intra-uterine
existence. At any rate, we try to bring about quite similar conditions—
warmth, darkness and absence of stimulus—characteristic of that state.
Some of us still roll ourselves tightly up into a ball resembling the intra-
uterine position. It looks as if we grown-ups do not belong wholly to the
world, but only by two-thirds; one-third of us has never yet been born at all.
Every time we wake in the morning it is as if we were newly born. We do,
in fact, speak of the condition of waking from sleep in these very words: we
feel “as if we were newly born,”—and in this we are probably quite

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mistaken in our idea of the general sensations of the new-born infant; it may
be assumed on the contrary that it feels extremely uncomfortable. Again, in
speaking of birth we speak of “seeing the light of day.”
If this is the nature of sleep, then dreams do not come into its scheme
at all, but seem rather to be an unwelcome supplement to it; and we do
indeed believe that dreamless sleep is the best, the only proper sleep. There
should be no mental activity during sleep; if any such activity bestirs itself,
then in so far have we failed to reach the true pre-natal condition of peace;
we have not been able to avoid altogether some remnants of mental activity,
and the act of dreaming would represent these remnants. In that event it
really does seem that dreams do not need to have meaning. With errors it
was different, for they were at least activities manifested in waking life; but
if I sleep and have altogether suspended mental activity, with the exception
of certain remnants which I have not been able to suppress, there is no
necessity whatever that they should have any meaning. In fact, I cannot
even make use of any such meaning, seeing that the rest of my mind is
asleep. It can really then be a matter of spasmodic reactions only, of such
mental phenomena only as have their origin in physical stimulation. Hence,
dreams must be remnants of the mental activity of waking life disturbing
sleep, and we might as well make up our minds forthwith to abandon a
theme so unsuited to the purposes of psycho-analysis.
Superfluous as dreams may be, however, they do exist nevertheless,
and we can try to account for their existence to ourselves. Why does not
mental life go off to sleep? Probably because there is something that will
not leave the mind in peace; stimuli are acting upon it and to these it is
bound to react. Dreams therefore are the mode of reaction of the mind to
stimuli acting upon it during sleep. We note here a possibility of access to
comprehension of dreams. We can now endeavour to find out, in various
dreams, what are the stimuli seeking to disturb sleep, the reaction to which
takes the form of dreams. By doing this we should have worked out the first
characteristic common to all dreams.
Is there any other common characteristic? Yes, there is another,
unmistakable, and yet much harder to lay hold of and describe. The
character of mental processes during sleep is quite different from that of
waking processes. In dreams we go through many experiences, which we
fully believe in, whereas in reality we are perhaps only experiencing the

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single disturbing stimulus. For the most part our experiences take the form
of visual images; there may be feeling as well, thoughts, too, mixed up with
them, and the other senses may be drawn in; but for the most part dreams
consist of visual images. Part of the difficulty of reciting a dream comes
from the fact that we have to translate these images into words. “I could
draw it,” the dreamer often says to us, “but I do not know how to put it into
words.” Now this is not exactly a diminution in the mental capacity, as seen
in a contrast between a feeble-minded person and a man of genius. The
difference is rather a qualitative one, but it is difficult to say precisely
wherein it lies. G. T. Fechner once suggested that the stage whereon the
drama of the dream (within the mind) is played out is other than that of the
life of waking ideas. That is a saying which we really do not understand,
nor do we know what it is meant to convey to us, but it does actually
reproduce the impression of strangeness which most dreams make upon us.
Again, the comparison of the act of dreaming with the performances of an
unskilled hand in music breaks down here, for the piano will certainly
respond with the same notes, though not with melodies, to a chance touch
on its keys. We will keep this second common characteristic of dreams
carefully in view, even though we may not understand it.
Are there any other qualities common to all dreams? I can think of
none, but can see differences only, whichever way I look, differences too in
every respect—in apparent duration, definiteness, the part played by affects,
persistence in the mind, and so forth. This is really not what we should
naturally expect in the case of a compulsive attempt, at once meagre and
convulsive, to ward off a stimulus. As regards the length of dreams, some
are very short, containing only one image, or very few, or a single thought,
possibly even a single word; others are peculiarly rich in content, enact
entire romances and seem to last a very long time. There are dreams as
distinct as actual experiences, so distinct that for some time after waking we
do not realize that they were dreams at all; others, which are ineffably faint,
shadowy and blurred; in one and the same dream, even, there may be some
parts of extraordinary vividness alternating with others so indistinct as to be
almost wholly elusive. Again, dreams may be quite consistent or at any rate
coherent, or even witty or fantastically beautiful; others again are confused,
apparently imbecile, absurd or often absolutely mad. There are dreams
which leave us quite cold, others in which every affect makes itself felt,
pain to the point of tears, terror so intense as to wake us, amazement,

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delight, and so on. Most dreams are forgotten soon after waking; or they
persist throughout the day, the recollection becoming fainter and more
imperfect as the day goes on; others remain so vivid (as, for example, the
dreams of childhood) that thirty years later we remember them as clearly as
though they were part of a recent experience. Dreams, like people, may
make their appearance once and never come back; or the same person may
dream the same thing repeatedly, either in the same form or with slight
alterations. In short, these scraps of mental activity at night-time have at
command an immense repertory, can in fact create everything that by day
the mind is capable of—only, it is never the same.
One might attempt to account for these diversities in dreams by
assuming that they correspond to different intermediate states between
sleeping and waking, different levels of imperfect sleep. Very well; but then
in proportion as the mind approached the waking state there should be not
merely an increase in the value, content, and distinctness of the dream-
performance, but also a growing perception that it is a dream; and it ought
not to happen that side by side with a clear and sensible element in the
dream there is one which is nonsensical or indistinct, followed again by a
good piece of work. It is certain that the mind could not vary its depth of
sleep so rapidly as that. This explanation therefore does not help; there is in
fact no short cut to an answer.
For the present we will leave the ‘meaning’ of the dream out of
question, and try instead, by starting from the common element in dreams,
to clear a path to a better understanding of their nature. From the
relationship of dreams to sleep we have drawn the conclusion that dreams
are the reaction to a stimulus disturbing sleep. As we have heard, this is also
the single point at which exact experimental psychology can come to our
aid; it affords proof of the fact that stimuli brought to bear during sleep
make their appearance in dreams. Many investigations have been made on
these lines, culminating in those of Mourly Vold whom I mentioned earlier;
we have all, too, been in a position to confirm their results by occasional
observations of our own. I will choose some of the earlier experiments to
tell you. Maury had tests of this kind carried out upon himself. Whilst
dreaming, he was made to smell some eau de Cologne, whereupon he
dreamt he was in Cairo, in the shop of Johann Maria Farina, and this was
followed by further crazy adventures. Again, someone gave his neck a
gentle pinch, and he dreamt of the application of a blister and of a doctor

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who had treated him when he was a child. Again, they let a drop of water
fall on his forehead and he was immediately in Italy, perspiring freely and
drinking the white wine of Orvieto.
The striking feature about these dreams produced under experimental
conditions will perhaps become still clearer to us in another series of
“stimulus”-dreams. These are three dreams of which we have an account by
a clever observer, Hildebrandt, and all three are reactions to the sound of an
alarum-clock:
“I am going for a walk on a spring morning, and I saunter through
fields just beginning to grow green, till I come to a neighbouring village,
where I see the inhabitants in holiday attire making their way in large
numbers to the church, their hymn-books in their hands. Of course! it is
Sunday and the morning service is just about to begin. I decide to take part
in it, but first as I am rather overheated I think I will cool down in the
churchyard which surrounds the church. Whilst reading some of the
epitaphs there I hear the bell-ringer go up into the tower, where I now
notice, high up, the little village bell which will give the signal for the
beginning of the service. For some time yet it remains motionless, then it
begins to swing, and suddenly the strokes ring out, clear and piercing—so
clear and piercing that they put an end to my sleep. But the sound of the bell
comes from the alarum-clock.”
Here is another combination of images. “It is a bright winter day, and
the roads are deep in snow. I have promised to take part in a sleighing
expedition, but I have to wait a long time before I am told that the sleigh is
at the door. Now follow the preparations for getting in, the fur rug is spread
out and the foot-muff fetched and finally I am in my place. But there is still
a delay while the horses wait for the signal to start. Then the reins are jerked
and the little bells, shaken violently, begin their familiar janizary music, so
loudly that in a moment the web of the dream is rent. Again it is nothing but
the shrill sound of the alarum-clock.”
Now for the third example! “I see a kitchen-maid with dozens of piled-
up plates going along the passage to the dining-room. It seems to me that
the pyramid of china in her arms is in danger of overbalancing. I call out a
warning: ‘Take care, your whole load will fall to the ground.’ Of course I
receive the usual answer: that they are accustomed to carrying china in that
way, and so on; meanwhile I follow her as she goes with anxious looks. I

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thought so—the next thing is a stumble on the threshold, the crockery falls,
crashing and clattering in a hundred pieces on the ground. But—I soon
become aware that that interminably prolonged sound is no real crash, but a
regular ringing—and this ringing is due merely to the alarum-clock, as I
realize at last on awakening.”
These dreams are very pretty, perfectly sensible, and by no means so
incoherent as dreams usually are. We have no quarrel with them on those
grounds. The thing common to them all is that in each case the situation
arises from a noise, which the dreamer on waking recognizes as that of the
alarum-clock. Hence we see here how a dream is produced, but we find out
something more. In the dream there is no recognition of the clock, which
does not even appear in it, but for the noise of the clock another noise is
substituted; the stimulus which disturbs sleep is interpreted, but interpreted
differently in each instance. Now why is this? There is no answer; it appears
to be mere caprice. But to understand the dream we should be able to
account for its choice of just this noise and no other to interpret the stimulus
given by the alarum-clock. In analogous fashion we must object to Maury’s
experiments that, although it is clear that the stimulus brought to bear on the
sleeper does appear in the dream, yet his experiments don’t explain why it
appears exactly in that form, which is one that does not seem explicable by
the nature of the stimulus disturbing sleep. And further, in Maury’s
experiments there was mostly a mass of other dream-material attached to
the direct result of the stimulus, for example, the crazy adventures in the
eau de Cologne dream, for which we are at a loss to account.
Now will you reflect that the class of dreams which wake one up
affords the best opportunity for establishing the influence of external
disturbing stimuli. In most other cases it will be more difficult. We do not
wake up out of all dreams, and if in the morning we remember a dream of
the night before, how are we to assign it to a disturbing stimulus operating
perhaps during the night? I once succeeded in subsequently establishing the
occurrence of a sound-stimulus of this sort, but only, of course, because of
peculiar circumstances. I woke up one morning at a place in the Tyrolese
mountains knowing that I had dreamt that the Pope was dead. I could not
explain the dream to myself, but later my wife asked me: “Did you hear
quite early this morning the dreadful noise of bells breaking out in all the
churches and chapels?” No, I had heard nothing, my sleep is too sound, but
thanks to her telling me this I understood my dream. How often may such

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causes of stimulus as this induce dreams in the sleeper without his ever
hearing of them afterwards? Possibly very often: and possibly not. If we can
get no information of any stimulus we cannot be convinced on the point.
And apart from this we have given up trying to arrive at an estimation of the
sleep-disturbing external stimuli, since we know that they only explain a
fragment of the dream and not the whole dream-reaction.
We need not on that account give up this theory altogether; there is still
another possible way of following it out. Obviously it is a matter of
indifference what disturbs sleep and causes the mind to dream. If it cannot
always be something external acting as a stimulus to one of the senses, it is
possible that, instead, a stimulus operates from the internal organs—a so-
called somatic stimulus. This supposition lies very close, and moreover it
corresponds to the view popularly held with regard to the origin of dreams,
for it is a common saying that they come from the stomach. Unfortunately,
here again we must suppose that in very many cases information respecting
a somatic stimulus operating during the night would no longer be
forthcoming after waking, so that it would be incapable of proof. But we
will not overlook the fact that many trustworthy experiences support the
idea that dreams may be derived from somatic stimuli; on the whole it is
indubitable that the condition of the internal organs can influence dreams.
The relation of the content of many dreams to distention of the bladder or to
a condition of excitation of the sex-organs is so plain that it cannot be
mistaken. From these obvious cases we pass to others, in which, to judge by
the content of the dream, we are at least justified in suspecting that some
such somatic stimuli have been at work, since there is something in this
content which can be regarded as elaboration, representation, or
interpretation of these stimuli. Scherner, the investigator of dreams (1861),
emphatically supported the view which traces the origin of dreams to
organic stimuli, and contributed some excellent examples towards it. For
instance, he sees in a dream “two rows of beautiful boys, with fair hair and
delicate complexions, confronting each other pugnaciously, joining in
combat, seizing hold of one another, and again letting go their hold, only to
take up the former position and go through the whole process again”; his
interpretation of the two rows of boys as the teeth is in itself plausible and
seems to receive full confirmation when after this scene the dreamer “pulls
a long tooth from his jaw.” Again, the interpretation of “long, narrow,
winding passages” as being suggested by a stimulus originating in the

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intestine seems sound and corroborates Scherner’s assertion that dreams
primarily endeavour to represent, by like objects, the organ from which the
stimulus proceeds.
We must therefore be prepared to admit that internal stimuli can play
the same rôle in dreams as external ones. Unfortunately, evaluation of this
factor is open to the same objections. In a great number of instances the
attribution of dreams to somatic stimuli must remain uncertain or incapable
of proof; not all dreams, but only a certain number of them, rouse the
suspicion that stimuli from internal organs have something to do with their
origin; and lastly, the internal somatic stimulus will suffice no more than the
external sensory stimulus to explain any other part of the dream than the
direct reaction to it. The origin of all the rest of the dream remains obscure.
Now, however, let us direct our attention to a certain peculiarity of the
dream-life which appears when we study the operation of these stimuli. The
dream does not merely reproduce the stimulus, but elaborates it, plays upon
it, fits it into a context, or replaces it by something else. This is a side of the
dream-work which is bound to be of interest to us because possibly it may
lead us nearer to the true nature of dreams. The scope of a man’s production
is not necessarily limited to the circumstance which immediately gives rise
to it. For instance, Shakespeare’s Macbeth was written as an occasional
drama on the accession of the king who first united in his person the crowns
of the three kingdoms. But does this historical occasion cover the whole
content of the drama, or explain its grandeur and its mystery? Perhaps in the
same way the external and internal stimuli operating upon the sleeper are
merely the occasion of the dream and afford us no insight into its true
nature.
The other element common to all dreams, their peculiarity in mental
life, is on the one hand very difficult to grasp and on the other seems to
afford no clue for further inquiry. Our experiences in dreams for the most
part take the form of visual images. Can these be explained by the stimuli?
Is it really the stimulus that we experience? If so, why is the experience
visual, when it can only be in the very rarest instance that any stimulus has
operated upon our eyesight? Or, can it be shown that when we dream of
speech any conversation or sounds resembling conversation reached our
ears during sleep? I venture to discard such a possibility without any
hesitation whatever.

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If we cannot get any further with the common characteristics of
dreams as a starting-point, let us try beginning with their differences.
Dreams are often meaningless, confused, and absurd, yet there are some
which are sensible, sober, and reasonable. Let us see whether these latter
sensible dreams can help to elucidate those which are meaningless. I will
tell you the latest reasonable dream which was told to me, the dream of a
young man: “I went for a walk in the Kärntnerstrasse and there I met Mr.
X.; after accompanying him for a short time I went into a restaurant. Two
ladies and a gentleman came and sat down at my table. At first I was
annoyed and refused to look at them, but presently I glanced across at them
and found that they were quite nice.” The dreamer’s comment on this was
that the evening before he had actually been walking in the Kärntnerstrasse,
which is the way he usually goes, and that he had met Mr. X. there. The
other part of the dream was not a direct reminiscence, but only bore a
certain resemblance to an occurrence of some time previously. Or here we
have another prosaic dream, that of a lady. “Her husband says to her: ‘Don’t
you think we ought to have the piano tuned?’ and she replies: ‘It is not
worth it, for the hammers need fresh leather anyhow.’” This dream repeats a
conversation which took place in almost the same words between herself
and her husband the day before the dream. What then do we learn from
these two prosaic dreams? Merely that there occur in them recollections of
daily life or of matters connected with it. Even that would be something if it
could be asserted of all dreams without exception. But that is out of the
question; this characteristic too belongs only to a minority of dreams. In
most dreams we find no connection with the day before, and no light is
thrown from this quarter upon meaningless and absurd dreams. All we
know is that we have met with a new problem. Not only do we want to
know what a dream is saying, but if as in our examples that is quite plain,
we want to know further from what cause and to what end we repeat in
dreams this which is known to us and has recently happened to us.
I think you would be as tired as I of continuing the kind of attempts we
have made up to this point. It only shows that all the interest in the world
will not help us with a problem unless we have also an idea of some path to
adopt in order to arrive at a solution. Till now we have not found this path.
Experimental psychology has contributed nothing but some (certainly very
valuable) information about the significance of stimuli in the production of
dreams. Of philosophy we have nothing to expect, unless it be a lofty

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repetition of the reproach that our object is intellectually contemptible;
while from the occult sciences we surely do not choose to borrow. History
and the verdict of the people tell us that dreams are full of meaning and
importance, and of prophetic significance; but that is hard to accept and
certainly does not lend itself to proof. So then our first endeavours are
completely baffled.
But unexpectedly there comes a hint from a direction in which we
have not hitherto looked. Colloquial speech, which is certainly no matter of
chance but the deposit, as it were, of ancient knowledge—a thing which
must not indeed be made too much of—our speech, I say, recognizes the
existence of something to which, strangely enough, it gives the name of
“day-dreams.” Day-dreams are phantasies (products of phantasy); they are
very common phenomena, are observable in healthy as well as in sick
persons, and they also can easily be studied by the subject himself. The
most striking thing about these ‘phantastic’ creations is that they have
received the name of “day-dreams,” for they have nothing in common with
the two universal characteristics of dreams. Their name contradicts any
relationship to the condition of sleep and, as regards the second universal
characteristic, no experience or hallucination takes place in them, we
simply imagine something; we recognize that they are the work of phantasy,
that we are not seeing but thinking. These day-dreams appear before
puberty, often indeed in late childhood, and persist until maturity is reached
when they are either given up or retained as long as life lasts. The content of
these phantasies is dictated by a very transparent motivation. They are
scenes and events which gratify either the egoistic cravings of ambition or
thirst for power, or the erotic desires of the subject. In young men,
ambitious phantasies predominate; in women, whose ambition centres on
success in love, erotic phantasies; but the erotic requirement can often
enough in men too be detected in the background, all their heroic deeds and
successes are really only intended to win the admiration and favour of
women. In other respects these day-dreams show great diversity and their
fate varies. All of them are either given up after a short time and replaced
by a new one, or retained, spun out into long stories, and adapted to
changing circumstances in life. They march with the times, receiving as it
were “date-stamps” upon them which show the influence of new situations.
They form the raw material of poetic production; for the writer by
transforming, disguising, or curtailing them creates out of his day-dreams

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the situations which he embodies in his stories, novels, and dramas. The
hero of a day-dream is, however, always the subject himself, either directly
imagined in the part or transparently identified with someone else.
Perhaps day-dreams are so called on account of their similar relation to
reality, as an indication that their content is no more to be accepted as real
than is that of dreams. But it is possible that they share the name of dreams
because of some mental characteristic of the dream which we do not yet
know but after which we are seeking. On the other hand, it is possible that
we are altogether wrong in regarding this similarity of name as significant.
That is a question which can only be answered later.

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SIXTH LECTURE
PRELIMINARY HYPOTHESES AND TECHNIQUE OF
INTERPRETATION

We thus realize our need of a new way of approach, a definite method,
if we are to make any advance in our researches into dreams. I will now
offer an obvious suggestion: let us accept as the basis of the whole of our
further enquiry the following hypothesis—that dreams are not a somatic,
but a mental, phenomenon. You know what this means; but what is our
justification in making this assumption? We have none, but on the other
hand there is nothing to prevent us. The position is this: if the dream is a
somatic phenomenon it does not concern us; it can only be of interest to us
on the hypothesis that it is a mental phenomenon. So we will assume that
this hypothesis is true, in order to see what happens if we do so. The results
of our work will determine whether we may adhere to the assumption, and
uphold it in its turn as an inference fairly drawn. Now what exactly is the
object of this enquiry of ours, or to what are we directing our efforts? Our
object is that of all scientific endeavour—namely, to achieve an
understanding of the phenomena, to establish a connection between them,
and, in the last resort, wherever it is possible to increase our power over
them.
So we continue our work on the assumption that dreams are a mental
phenomenon. In that event, they are a performance and an utterance on the
part of the dreamer, but of a kind that conveys nothing to us, and which we
do not understand. Now supposing that I give utterance to something that
you do not understand, what do you do? You ask me to explain, do you not?
Why may not we do the same—ask the dreamer the meaning of the dream?
Remember, we have already found ourselves in a similar position. It
was when we were enquiring into certain errors, and the instance we took
was a slip of the tongue. Someone had said: “Then certain things were
refilled,” and thereupon we asked—no, fortunately it was not we who

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asked, but other people who had nothing to do with psycho-analysis—they
asked what he meant by this enigmatic expression. He answered at once
that what he had intended to say was: “That was a filthy business,” but had
checked himself and substituted the milder words: “Things were revealed
there.” I explained to you then that this enquiry was the model for every
psycho-analytic investigation, and you understand now that psycho-analytic
technique endeavours as far as possible to let the persons being analysed
give the answer to their own problems. The dreamer himself then should
interpret his dream for us.
That is not so simple with dreams, however, as we all know. Where
errors were concerned, this method proved possible in many cases; there
were others where the person questioned refused to say anything and even
indignantly repudiated the answer suggested to him. With dreams, instances
of the first type are entirely lacking; the dreamer always says he knows
nothing about it. He cannot very well repudiate our interpretation, since we
have none to offer him. Shall we have to give up our attempt then? Since he
knows nothing, and we know nothing, and a third person can surely know
nothing either, there cannot be any prospect of finding the answer. Well, if
you like, give up the attempt. But if you are not so minded, you can
accompany me. For I assure you that it is not only quite possible, but highly
probable, that the dreamer really does know the meaning of his dream; only
he does not know that he knows, and therefore thinks that he does not.
At this point you will probably call my attention to the fact that I am
again introducing an assumption, the second in quite a short context, and
that by so doing I greatly detract from the force of my claim to a
trustworthy method of procedure. Given the hypothesis that dreams are a
mental phenomenon, and given further the hypothesis that there are in the
minds of men certain things which they know without knowing that they
know them—and so forth! You have only to keep in view the intrinsic
improbability of both these hypotheses, and you may with an easy mind
abandon all interest in the conclusions to be drawn from them.
Well, I have not brought you here either to delude you or to conceal
anything from you. True, I announced that I would give a course of lectures
entitled Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis; but it was no part of my
purpose to play the oracle, professing to show you an easy sequence of
facts, whilst carefully concealing all difficulties, filling up gaps, and

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glossing over doubtful points, so that you might comfortably enjoy the
belief that you have learnt something new. No, it is the very fact that you
are beginners that makes me anxious to show you our science as it is, with
all its excrescences and crudities, the claims that it makes and the criticism
to which it may give rise. I know indeed that it is the same in every science
and that, especially in the beginnings, it cannot be otherwise. I know too
that, in teaching other sciences, an effort is made at first to hide these
difficulties and imperfections from the learner. But that cannot be done in
psycho-analysis. So I really have set up two hypotheses, the one within the
other; and anyone who finds it all too laborious, or too uncertain, or who is
used to higher degrees of certainty, or to more refined deductions, need go
no further with me. Only I should advise him to leave psychological
problems altogether alone, for it is to be feared that this is a field in which
he will find no access to such exact and sure paths as he is prepared to
tread. And, further, it is quite superfluous for any science which can offer a
real contribution to knowledge to strive to make itself heard and to win
adherents. Its reception must depend upon its results, and it can afford to
wait until these have compelled attention.
But I may warn those of you who are not to be deterred in this way
that my two assumptions are not of equal importance. The first, that dreams
are a mental phenomenon, is the hypothesis which we hope to prove by the
results of our work. The second has already been proved in a different field,
and I am merely taking the liberty of transferring it thence to our problems.
Where, and in what connection, is it supposed to have been proved that
a man can possess knowledge without knowing that he does so, which is the
assumption we are making of the dreamer? Surely that would be a
remarkable and surprising fact, which would change our conception of
mental life and would have no need of concealment. Incidentally, it would
be a fact belied in the very statement of it, which yet attempts to be literally
true—a contradiction in terms. There is not, however, any attempt at
concealment. We cannot blame the fact for people’s ignorance of it, or lack
of interest in it, any more than we ourselves are to blame because all these
psychological problems have been passed in judgement by persons who
have held aloof from all the observations and experiments which alone can
be conclusive.

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The proof to which I refer was found in the sphere of hypnotic
phenomena. In the year 1889 I was present at the remarkably impressive
demonstrations by Liébault and Bernheim, in Nancy, and there I witnessed
the following experiment. A man was placed in a condition of
somnambulism, and then made to go through all sorts of hallucinatory
experiences. On being wakened, he seemed at first to know nothing at all of
what had taken place during his hypnotic sleep. Bernheim then asked him in
so many words to tell him what had happened while he was under hypnosis.
The man declared that he could not remember anything. Bernheim,
however, insisted upon it, pressed him, and assured him that he did know
and that he must remember, and lo and behold! the man wavered, began to
reflect, and remembered in a shadowy fashion first one of the occurrences
which had been suggested to him, then something else, his recollection
growing increasingly clear and complete until finally it was brought to light
without a single gap. Now, since in the end he had the knowledge without
having learnt anything from any other quarter in the meantime, we are
justified in concluding that these recollections were in his mind from the
outset. They were merely inaccessible to him; he did not know that he knew
them but believed that he did not know. In fact, his case was exactly similar
to what we assume the dreamer’s to be.
I hope you are duly surprised that this fact is already established and
that you will ask me: “Why did you not refer to this proof before, when we
were considering errors and came to the point of ascribing to a man who
had made a slip of the tongue intentions behind his speech, of which he
knew nothing, and which he denied? If it is possible for a man to believe
that he knows nothing of experiences of which nevertheless he does possess
the recollection, it seems no longer improbable that there should be other
mental processes going on within him about which also he knows nothing.
We should certainly have been impressed by this argument and should have
been in a better position to understand about errors.” Certainly, I might have
brought forward this proof then, but I reserved it for a later occasion when
there would be more need for it. Some of the errors explained themselves,
others suggested to us that in order to understand the connection between
the phenomena it would be advisable to postulate the existence of mental
processes of which the person is entirely ignorant. With dreams we are
compelled to seek our explanations elsewhere, and besides, I am counting
on your being more ready to accept in this connection a proof from the field

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of hypnosis. The condition in which we perform errors must seem to you
normal and, as such, to bear no similarity to that of hypnosis. On the other
hand there exists a clear relationship between the hypnotic state and sleep,
the essential condition of dreaming. Hypnosis is actually called artificial
sleep; we say to the people whom we hypnotize: “Sleep,” and the
suggestions made to them are comparable to the dreams of natural sleep.
The mental situation is really analogous in the two cases. In natural sleep
we withdraw our interest from the whole outer world; so also in hypnotic
sleep, with the exception of the one person who has hypnotized us and with
whom we remain in rapport. Again, the so-called “nurse’s sleep” in which
the nurse remains in rapport with the child and can be wakened only by him
is a normal counterpart of hypnotic sleep. So it does not seem so very
audacious to carry over to natural sleep something which is a condition in
hypnosis. The assumption that some knowledge about his dream exists in
the dreamer and that this knowledge is merely inaccessible to him, so that
he himself does not believe he has it, is not a wild invention. Incidentally,
we observe here that a third way of approaching the study of dreams is thus
opened out for us; we may approach it by the avenue of sleep-disturbing
stimuli, by that of day-dreams, and now by that of the dreams suggested
during hypnosis.
Now perhaps we shall return to our task with greater confidence. We
see it is very probable that the dreamer knows something about his dream;
the problem is how to make it possible for him to get at his knowledge and
impart it to us. We do not expect him immediately to tell us what his dream
means, but we do think he will be able to discover its source, from what
circle of thoughts and interests it is derived. With errors, you will remember
the man was asked how the slip of the tongue “refilled” had come about,
and his first association gave us the explanation. The technique we employ
in the case of dreams is very simple and is modelled on this example. Here
again we shall ask the dreamer how he came to have the dream, and his
next words must be regarded as giving the explanation in this case also. It
makes no difference to us therefore, whether he thinks that he does or does
not know anything about it, and we treat both cases alike.
This technique is certainly very simple, nevertheless I am afraid it will
provoke most strenuous opposition in you. You will say: “Another
assumption, the third! And the most improbable of all! When I ask the
dreamer what ideas come to him about the dream, do you mean to say that

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his very first association will give the desired explanation? But surely he
might have no association at all, or heaven only knows what the association
might be. We cannot imagine upon what grounds such an expectation is
based. It really implies too much trust in Providence, and this at a point
where rather more exercise of the critical faculty would better meet the
case. Besides, a dream is not like a single slip of the tongue but is made up
of many elements. That being so, upon which association is one to rely?”
You are right in all the unessentials. It is true that a dream differs from
a slip of the tongue in the matter of its many elements as well as in other
points. We must take account of that in our technique. So I suggest to you
that we divide the dream up into its various elements, and examine each
element separately; then we shall have re-established the analogy with a slip
of the tongue. Again, you are right in saying that the dreamer when
questioned on the single elements of the dream may reply that he has no
ideas about them. There are cases in which we accept this answer, and later
I will tell you which these are; curiously enough, they are cases about
which we ourselves may have certain definite ideas. But in general, when
the dreamer declares that he has no ideas, we shall contradict him, press
him to answer, assure him that he must have some idea and—shall find we
are right. He will produce an association, any one, it does not matter to us
what it is. He will be especially ready with information which we may term
historical. He will say: “That is something which happened yesterday” (as
in the instance of the two “prosaic” dreams quoted above) or: “That
reminds me of something which happened recently,” and in this way we
shall come to notice that dreams are much more often connected with
impressions of the day before than we thought at first. Finally, with the
dream as his starting-point, he will recall events which happened less
recently, and at last even some which lie very far back in the past.
In regard to the main issue, however, you are wrong. When you think
it arbitrary to assume that the first association of the dreamer must give us
just what we are looking for, or at any rate lead to it, and further, that the
association is much more likely to be quite capricious and to have no
connection with what we are looking for, and that it only shows my blind
trust in Providence if I expect anything else—then you make a very great
mistake. I have already taken the liberty of pointing out to you that there is
within you a deeply-rooted belief in psychic freedom and choice, that this
belief is quite unscientific, and that it must give ground before the claims of

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a determinism which governs even mental life. I ask you to have some
respect for the fact that that one association, and nothing else, occurs to the
dreamer when he is questioned. Nor am I setting up one belief against
another. It can be proved that the association thus given is not a matter of
choice, not indeterminate, and that it is not unconnected with what we are
looking for. Indeed, I have recently learnt—not that I attach too much
importance to the fact—that experimental psychology itself has brought
forward similar proofs.
Because of the importance of the matter I ask you to pay special
attention to this. When I ask a man to say what comes to his mind about any
given element in a dream, I require him to give himself up to the process of
FREE ASSOCIATION which follows when he keeps in mind the original idea.
This necessitates a peculiar attitude of the attention, something quite
different from reflection, indeed, precluding it. Many people adopt this
attitude without any difficulty, but others when they attempt to do so
display an incredible inaptitude. There is a still higher degree of freedom in
association which appears when I dispense with any particular stimulus-
idea and perhaps only describe the kind and species of association that I
want; for example, ask someone to let a proper name or a number occur to
him. An association of this sort should, one would say, be even more
subject to choice and unaccountable than the kind used in our technique.
Nevertheless, it can be shown that in every instance it will be strictly
determined by important inner attitudes of mind, which are unknown to us
at the moment when they operate, just as much unknown as are the
disturbing tendencies which cause errors, and those tendencies which bring
about so-called “chance” actions.
I myself and many after me have repeatedly made an examination of
names and numbers called up without any particular idea as a starting-point;
some of these experiments have been published. The method is this: a train
of associations is stirred up by the name which occurred, and these
associations, as you see, are no longer quite free, but are attached just so far
as the associations to the different elements of the dream are attached; this
train of associations is then kept up until the thoughts arising from the
impulse have been exhausted. By that time, however, you will have
explained the motivation and significance of the free association with a
name. The experiments yield the same result again and again; the
information they give us often includes a wealth of material and

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necessitates going far afield into its ramifications. The associations to
numbers that arise spontaneously are perhaps the most demonstrative; they
follow upon one another so swiftly and make for a hidden goal with such
astounding certainty that one is really quite taken aback. I will give you just
one example of a name-analysis of this sort, because it happens to be one
which does not involve the handling of a great mass of material.
Once, when I was treating a young man, I happened to say something
on this subject and to assert that in spite of our apparent freedom of choice
in such matters we cannot, in point of fact, think of any name which cannot
be shown to be narrowly determined by the immediate circumstances, the
idiosyncrasies, of the person experimented with and his situation at the
moment. As he was inclined to be sceptical, I proposed that he should make
the experiment himself then and there. I knew that he had unusually
numerous relationships of all sorts with women and girls, so I told him that
I thought he would have an exceptionally large number to choose from if he
were to let the name of a woman occur to him. He agreed. To my surprise,
or rather perhaps to his own, he did not overwhelm me with an avalanche of
women’s names, but remained silent for a time, and then confessed that the
only name which came into his mind at all was “Albine.” “How curious!
What do you connect with this name? How many Albines do you know?”
Strangely enough, he knew no one of the name of Albine, and he found no
associations to the name. One might infer that the analysis had failed; but
no, it was already complete, and no further association was required. The
man himself was unusually fair in colouring, and whilst talking to him in
analysis I had often jokingly called him an albino; moreover, we were just
in the midst of tracing the feminine element in his nature. So it was he
himself who was this female albino, the “woman” who interested him most
at the moment.
In the same way, the tunes which suddenly come into a man’s head can
be shown to be conditioned by some train of thought to which they belong,
and which for some reason is occupying his mind without his knowing
anything about it. It is easy to show that the connection with the tune is to
be sought either in the words which belong to it or in the source from which
it comes: I must, however, make this reservation, that I do not maintain this
in the case of really musical people of whom I happen to have had no
experience; in them the musical value of the tune may account for its
suddenly emerging into consciousness. The first case is certainly much

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more common; I know of a young man who for some time was absolutely
haunted by the tune (a charming one, I admit) of the song of Paris in Helen
of Troy, until his attention was drawn in analysis to the fact that at that time
an “Ida” and a “Helen” were rivals in his interest.
If then the associations which arise quite freely are determined in this
way and belong to some definite context, we are surely justified in
concluding that associations attached to one single stimulus-idea must be
equally narrowly conditioned. Examination shows as a fact that they are not
only attached in the first place to the stimulus-idea which we have provided
for them, but that they are also dependent, in the second place, on circles of
thoughts and interests of strong affective value (complexes, as we call them)
of whose influence at the time nothing is known, that is to say, on
unconscious activities.
Associations attached in this way have been made the subject of very
instructive experiments, which have played a notable part in the history of
psycho-analysis. Wundt’s school originated the so-called ‘association-
experiment,’ in which the subject of the experiment is bidden to reply to a
given ‘stimulus-word’ as quickly as possible with whatever ‘reaction-word’
occurs to him. The following points may then be noted: the interval which
elapses between the sounding of the stimulus-word and of the reaction-
word, the nature of the latter, and possibly any mistake which comes in
when the same experiment is repeated later, and so on. The Zurich School,
under the leadership of Bleuler and Jung, arrived at the explanation of the
reactions to the association-experiment by asking the person experimented
upon to throw light upon any associations which seemed at all remarkable,
by means of subsequent associations. In this way it became clear that these
unusual reactions were most strictly determined by the complexes of the
person concerned. By this discovery Bleuler and Jung built the first bridge
between experimental psychology and psycho-analysis.
Having heard this you may possibly say: “We admit now that free
associations are subject to determination and not a matter of choice, as we
thought at first, and we admit this also in the case of associations to the
elements of dreams. But it is not this that we are bothering about. You
maintain that the association to each element in the dream is determined by
some mental background to this particular element, a background of which
we know nothing. We cannot see that there is any proof of this. Naturally

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we expect that the association to the dream-element will be shown to be
conditioned by one of the complexes of the dreamer, but what good is that
to us? That does not help us to understand the dream; it merely leads to
some knowledge of these so-called complexes, as did the association-
experiment; but what have these to do with the dream?”
You are right, but you are overlooking an important point, the very
thing which deterred me from choosing the association-experiment as a
starting-point for this discussion. In this experiment the stimulus-word, the
single thing which determines the reaction, is chosen by us at will, and the
reaction stands as intermediary between this stimulus-word and the
complex aroused in the person experimented upon. In the dream, the
stimulus-word is replaced by something derived from the mental life of the
dreamer, from sources unknown to him, and hence may very probably be
itself a ‘derivative of a complex.’ It is not, therefore, altogether fantastic to
suppose that the further associations connected with the elements of the
dream are determined by no other complex than that which has produced
the particular element itself, and that they will lead to the discovery of that
complex.
Let me give you another instance which may serve to show that, in the
case of dreams, the facts bear out our expectations. The forgetting of proper
names is really an excellent prototype of what happens in dream-analysis,
only that in the former case one person alone is concerned, while in the
interpretation of dreams there are two. When I forget a name temporarily, I
am still certain that I know it, and by way of a détour through Bernheim’s
experiment, we are now in a position to achieve a similar certainty in the
case of the dreamer. Now this name which I have forgotten, and yet really
know, eludes me. Experience soon teaches me that no amount of thinking
about it, even with effort, is any use. I can, however, always think of
another or of several other names instead of the forgotten one. When such a
substitute name occurs to me spontaneously, only then is the similarity
between this situation and that of dream-analysis evident. The dream-
element also is not what I am really looking for; it is only a substitute for
something else, for the real thing which I do not know and am trying to
discover by means of dream-analysis. Again the difference is that when I
forget a name I know perfectly well that the substitute is not the right one,
whereas we only arrived at this conception of the dream-element by a
laborious process of investigation. Now there also is a way in which, when

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we forget a name, we can by starting from the substitute, arrive at the real
thing eluding our consciousness at the moment, i.e. the forgotten name. If I
turn my attention to these substitute names and let further associations to
them come into my mind, I arrive after a short or a long way round at the
name I have forgotten, and in so doing I discover that the substitutes I have
spontaneously produced had a definite connection with, and were
determined by, the forgotten name.
I will give you an instance of an analysis of this sort: one day I found
that I could not call to mind the name of the small country on the Riviera, of
which Monte Carlo is the capital. It was most annoying, but so it was. I
delved into all my knowledge about the country; I thought of Prince Albert
of the House of Lusignan, of his marriages, of his passion for deep-sea
exploration—in fact of everything I could summon up, but all to no
purpose. So I gave up trying to think and, instead of the name I had lost, let
substitute names come into my mind. They came quickly: Monte Carlo
itself, then Piedmont, Albania, Montevideo, Colico. Albania was the first to
attract my attention; it was immediately replaced by Montenegro, probably
because of the contrast between black and white. Then I noticed that four of
the substitute names have the same syllable “mon,” and immediately I
recalled the forgotten word and cried out “Monaco.” You see the substitutes
really originated in the forgotten name; the four first came from the first
syllable and the last gave the sequence of the syllables and the whole of the
final syllable. Incidentally, I could quite easily find out what had made me
forget the name for the time being. Monaco is the Italian name for Munich,
and it was some thoughts connected with this town which had acted as an
inhibition.
Now that is a very pretty example, but it is too simple. In other cases
you might have to take a longer succession of associations to the substitute
name, and then the analogy to dream-analysis would be clearer. I have had
experiences of that sort, too. A stranger once invited me to drink some
Italian wine with him, and in the inn he found he had forgotten the name of
the wine which he had meant to order on account of his very pleasant
recollections of it. A number of dissimilar substitute names occurred to him,
and from these I was able to infer that the thought of someone called
Hedwig had made him forget the name of the wine. Sure enough, not only
did he tell me that there had been a Hedwig with him on the occasion when
he first tasted the wine, but this discovery brought back to him the name he

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wanted. He was now happily married, and “Hedwig” belonged to earlier
days which he did not care to recall.
What is possible in the case of forgotten names must be also possible
in the interpretation of dreams: starting from the substitute, we must be able
to arrive at the real object of our search by means of a train of associations;
and further, arguing from what happens with forgotten names, we may
assume that the associations to the dream-element will have been
determined not only by that element but also by the real thought which is
not in consciousness. If we could do this, we should have gone some way
towards justifying our technique.

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SEVENTH LECTURE
MANIFEST CONTENT AND LATENT THOUGHTS

You see that our study of errors has not been fruitless. Thanks to our
exertions in that direction, we have—reasoning from the hypotheses with
which you are familiar—secured two results: a conception of the nature of
the dream-element and a technique of dream-interpretation. The conception
of the dream-element is as follows: it is not in itself a primary and essential
thing, a ‘thought proper,’ but a substitute for something else unknown to the
person concerned, just as is the underlying intention of the error, a
substitute for something the knowledge of which is indeed possessed by the
dreamer but is inaccessible to him. We hope to be able to carry over the
same conception on to the dream as a whole, which consists of a number of
such elements. Our method is to allow other substitute-ideas, from which
we are able to divine that which lies hidden, to emerge into consciousness
by means of free association to the said elements.
I am now going to propose that we introduce an alteration in our
nomenclature in order to make our terminology more flexible. Instead of
using the words “hidden,” “inaccessible,” or “proper,” let us give a more
precise description and say “inaccessible to the consciousness of the
dreamer” or “unconscious.” By that we mean nothing more than was
implied in the case of the forgotten word, or the underlying intention
responsible for the error; that is to say, unconscious at the moment. It
follows that in contradistinction we may call the dream-elements
themselves, and those substitute-ideas arrived at by the process of
association, conscious. No theoretical implication is so far contained in
these terms; no exception can be taken to the use of the word “unconscious”
as a description at once applicable and easy to understand.[26]
Now, transferring our conception from the single element to the dream
as a whole, it follows that the latter is the distorted substitute for something
else, something unconscious, and that the task of dream-interpretation is to

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discover these unconscious thoughts. Hence are derived three important
rules which should be observed in the work of dream-interpretation:
1. We are not to trouble about the surface meaning of the dream,
whether it be reasonable or absurd, clear or confused; in no case does it
constitute the unconscious thoughts we are seeking. (An obvious limitation
of this rule will force itself upon us later.)
2. We are to confine our work to calling up substitute-ideas for every
element and not to ponder over them and try to see whether they contain
something which fits in, nor to trouble ourselves about how far they are
taking us from the dream-element.
3. We must wait until the hidden unconscious thoughts which we are
seeking appear of their own accord, just as in the case of the missing word
“Monaco” in the experiment which I described.
Now we understand also how entirely indifferent it is whether we
remember much or little of our dreams, above all whether we remember
them accurately or not. The dream as remembered is not the real thing at all,
but a distorted substitute which, by calling up other substitute-ideas,
provides us with a means of approaching the thought proper, of bringing
into consciousness the unconscious thoughts underlying the dream. If our
recollection was at fault, all that has happened is that a further distortion of
the substitute has taken place, and this distortion itself cannot be without
motivation.
We can interpret our own dreams as well as those of others; indeed, we
learn more from our own and the process carries more conviction. Now if
we experiment in this direction, we notice that something is working
against us. Associations come, it is true, but we do not admit them all; we
are moved to criticize and to select. We say to ourselves of one association:
“No, that does not fit in—it is irrelevant,” and of another: “That is too
absurd,” and of a third: “That is quite beside the point”; and then we can
observe further that in making such objections we stifle, and in the end
actually banish, the associations before they have become quite clear. So on
the one hand we tend to hold too closely to the initial idea, that is, the
dream-element itself, and on the other, by allowing ourselves to select, we
vitiate the results of the process of free association. If we are not attempting
the interpretation by ourselves, but are allowing someone else to interpret,
we shall clearly perceive another motive impelling us to this selection,

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forbidden as we know it to be. We find ourselves thinking at times: “No,
this association is too unpleasant; I cannot, or will not, tell it to him.”
Clearly these objections threaten to spoil the success of our work. We
must guard against them when we are interpreting our own dreams by
resolving firmly not to yield to them, and, in interpreting those of someone
else, by laying down the hard and fast rule that he must not withhold any
association, even if one of the four objections I have named rises up against
it, namely, that it is too unimportant, too absurd, too irrelevant or too
unpleasant to speak of. He promises to keep this rule, and we may well feel
annoyed when we find how badly he fulfils his promise later on. At first we
account for this by imagining that in spite of our authoritative assurance he
is not convinced that the process of free association will be justified by its
results; and perhaps our next idea will be to win him over first to our theory,
by giving him books to read or sending him to lectures so that he may be
converted to our views on the subject. But we shall be saved from any such
false steps by observing that the same critical objections against certain
associations arise even in ourselves, whom we surely cannot suspect of
doubt, and can only subsequently, on second thoughts as it were, be
overcome.
Instead of being annoyed at the dreamer’s disobedience, we can turn
this experience to good account as a means of learning something new,
something which is the more important the more unprepared we were for it.
We realize that the work of dream-interpretation is encountering opposition
by a resistance which expresses itself in this very form of critical
objections. This resistance is independent of the theoretical conviction of
the dreamer. We learn even more than this. Experience shows that a critical
objection of this nature is never justified. On the contrary, the associations
which people wish to suppress in this way prove without exception to be the
most important, to be decisive for the discovery of the unconscious thought.
When an association is accompanied by an objection of this sort it
positively calls for special notice.
This resistance is something entirely new; a phenomenon which we
have found by following out our hypotheses, although it was not included in
them. We are not altogether agreeably surprised by this new factor which
we have to reckon with, for we suspect already that it will not make our
work any easier: it might almost tempt us to give up the effort with dreams

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altogether. To take such a trivial subject and then to have so much trouble,
instead of spinning along smoothly with our technique! But we might on
the other hand find these difficulties fascinating and be led to suspect that
the work will be worth the trouble. Resistances invariably confront us when
we try to penetrate to the hidden unconscious thought from the substitute
offered by the dream-element. We may suppose, therefore, that something
very significant must be concealed behind the substitute; for, if not, why
should we meet with such difficulties, the purpose of which is to keep up
the concealment? When a child will not open his clenched fist to show what
is in it, we may be quite certain that it is something which he ought not to
have.
As soon as we introduce into our subject the dynamic conception of
resistance, we must bear in mind that this factor is something quantitatively
variable. There are greater and lesser resistances, and we are prepared to
find these differences showing themselves in the course of our work.
Perhaps we can connect with this another experience also met with in the
process of dream-interpretation. I mean that sometimes only a few
associations—perhaps not more than one—suffice to lead us from the
dream-element to the unconscious thought behind it, whilst on other
occasions long chains of associations are necessary and many critical
objections have to be overcome. We shall probably think that the number of
associations necessary varies with the varying strength of the resistances,
and very likely we shall be right. If there is only a slight resistance, the
substitute is not far removed from the unconscious thought; a strong
resistance on the other hand causes great distortions of the latter, and
thereby entails a long journey back from the substitute to the unconscious
thought itself.
Perhaps this would be a good moment to select a dream and try our
technique upon it, to see whether the expectations we have entertained are
realized. Very well, but what dream shall we choose? You do not know how
difficult it is for me to decide, nor can I make it clear to you yet what the
difficulties are. Obviously there must be dreams in which on the whole
there is very little distortion, and one would think it would be best to begin
with these. But which are the least distorted dreams? Those which make
good sense and are not confused, of which I have already given you two
examples? In assuming this, we should make a great mistake, for
examination shows that these dreams have undergone an exceptionally high

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degree of distortion. Supposing then that I make no special condition but
take any dream at random, you would probably be very much disappointed.
We might have to observe and record such a vast number of associations to
the single dream-elements that it would be quite impossible to gain any
clear view of the work as a whole. If we write the dream down and compare
with it all the associations which it produces, we are likely to find that they
have multiplied the length of the text of the dream many times. So the most
practical method would seem to be that of selecting for analysis several
short dreams, each of which can at least convey some idea to us or confirm
some supposition. This will be the course we shall decide to take, unless
experience gives us a hint where we ought really to look for slightly
distorted dreams.
But I can suggest another means of simplifying matters, one which lies
right before us. Instead of attempting the interpretation of whole dreams, let
us confine ourselves to single dream-elements and find out by taking a
series of examples how the application of our technique explains them:—
(a) A lady related that as a child she very often dreamt that God had a
pointed paper cap on his head. How are you going to understand that
without the help of the dreamer? It sounds quite nonsensical; but the
absurdity disappears when the lady says that as a little girl she used to have
a cap like that put on her head at table, because she wouldn’t give up
looking at the plates of her brothers and sisters to see whether any of them
had been given more than she. Evidently the cap was meant to serve the
purpose of blinkers; this piece of historical information was given, by the
way, without any difficulty. The interpretation of this element and, with it,
of the whole short dream becomes easy enough with the help of a further
association of the dreamer’s: “As I had been told that God knew everything
and saw everything, the dream could only mean that I knew and saw
everything as God did, even when they tried to prevent me.” This example
is perhaps too simple.
(b) A sceptical patient had a longer dream, in which certain people
were telling her about my book on Wit and praising it very highly. Then
something else came in about a canal; it might have been another book in
which the word canal occurred, or something else to do with a canal ... she
did not know ... it was quite vague.

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Now you will certainly be inclined to suppose that the canal in the
dream will defy interpretation on account of its vagueness. You are right in
expecting difficulty, but the difficulty is not caused by the vagueness; on the
contrary, the difficulty in interpretation is caused by something else, by the
same thing that makes the element vague. The dreamer had no association
to the word “canal”; naturally I did not know what to say either. Shortly
afterwards, to be accurate, on the next day, she told me that an association
had occurred to her which perhaps had something to do with it. It was in
fact a witty remark which some one had told her. On board ship between
Dover and Calais a well-known author was talking to an Englishman who
in some particular context quoted the words: “Du sublime au ridicule il n’y
a qu’un pas.” The author answered: “Oui, le Pas-de-Calais,” meaning that
he regarded France as sublime and England as ridiculous. Of course, the
Pas-de-Calais is a canal—that is to say, the Canal la Manche—the English
Channel. Now, you ask, do I think that this association had anything to do
with the dream? Certainly I think so: it gives the true meaning of the
puzzling dream-element. Or are you inclined to doubt that the joke already
existed before the dream and was the unconscious thought behind the
element “canal,” and to maintain that it was a subsequent invention? The
association reveals the scepticism disguised under the obtrusive admiration,
and resistance was no doubt the cause both of the association being so long
in occurring to her, and of the corresponding dream-element being so
vague. Observe here the relation between the dream-element and the
unconscious thought underlying it: it is, as it were, a fragment of the
thought, an allusion to it; by being isolated in that way it became quite
incomprehensible.
(c) A patient had a fairly long dream, part of which was as follows:
Several members of his family were seated at a table of a particular
shape ... etc. This table reminded the dreamer that he had seen one of the
same sort when he was visiting a certain family. From that his thoughts ran
on thus: in this family the relationship between father and son was a
peculiar one, and the patient presently added that his own relationship to his
father was, as a matter of fact, of the same nature. So the table was
introduced into the dream to indicate this parallelism.
It happened that this dreamer had long been familiar with the demands
of dream-interpretation; otherwise he might have taken exception to the
idea of investigating so trivial a detail as the shape of a table. We do

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literally deny that anything in the dream is a matter of chance or of
indifference, and it is precisely by enquiring into such trivial and
(apparently) unmotivated details that we expect to arrive at our conclusion.
You may perhaps still be surprised that the dream-work should happen to
choose the table, in order to express the thought “Our relationship is just
like theirs.” But even this is explicable when you learn that the family in
question was named “Tischler.” (Tisch = table.) In making his relations sit
at this table the dreamer’s meaning was that they too were “Tischler.”[27]
And notice another thing: that in relating dream-interpretations of this sort
one is forced into indiscretion. There you have one of the difficulties I
alluded to in the matter of choosing examples. I could easily have given you
another example instead of this one, but probably I should have avoided this
indiscretion only to commit another in its place.
This seems to me a good point at which to introduce two new terms
which we might have used already. Let us call the dream as related the
manifest dream-content, and the hidden meaning, which we should come by
in following out the associations, the latent dream-thoughts. Then we must
consider the relation between the manifest content and the latent thoughts,
as shown in the above examples. There are many varieties of these
relations. In examples (a) and (b) the manifest dream-element is also an
integral part of the latent thoughts, but only a fragment of them. A small
piece of a great, composite, mental structure in the unconscious dream-
thoughts has made its way into the manifest dream also, in the form of a
fragment or in other cases as an allusion, like a catch-word or an
abbreviation in a telegraphic code. The interpretation has to complete the
whole to which this scrap or allusion belongs, which it did most
successfully in example (b). One method of the distorting process in which
the dream-work consists is therefore that of substituting for something else
a fragment or an allusion. In example (c) we notice, moreover, another
possible relation between manifest content and latent thought, a relation
which is even more plainly and distinctly expressed in the following
examples:—
(d) The dreamer was pulling a certain lady of his acquaintance out of
a ditch. He himself found the meaning of this dream-element by means of
the first association. It meant: he “picked her out,” preferred her.[28]

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(e) Another man dreamt that his brother was digging up his garden all
over again. The first association was to deep-trenching for vegetables, the
second gave the meaning. The brother was retrenching. (Retrenching his
expenses).[29]
(f) The dreamer was climbing a mountain from which he had a
remarkably wide view. This sounds most reasonable; perhaps no
interpretation is called for and we have only to find out what recollection is
referred to in the dream, and what had aroused it. No, you are mistaken; it
comes out that this dream needed interpretation just as much as any other,
more confused. For the dreamer remembers nothing about mountain-
climbing himself; instead, it occurs to him that an acquaintance is
publishing a Rundschau (Review), on the subject of our relations with the
most distant parts of the earth: hence, the latent thought is one in which the
dreamer identifies himself with the “reviewer” (lit. one who takes a survey).
Here you come across a new type of relation between the manifest and
the latent element in dreams. The former is not so much a distortion of the
latter as a representation—a plastic, concrete piece of imagery, originating
in the sound of a word. It is true that this amounts in effect to a distortion,
for we have long forgotten from what concrete image the word sprang, and
hence fail to recognize it when that image is substituted for it. When you
consider that the manifest dream consists of visual images in by far the
greatest number of cases, and less frequently of thoughts and words, you
will easily realize that this kind of relation between the manifest and the
latent has a special significance in the structure of dreams. You see too that
in this way it becomes possible for a long series of abstract thoughts to
create substitute-images in the manifest dream which do indeed serve the
purpose of concealment. This is how our picture-puzzles are made up. The
source of the semblance of wit which goes with this type of representation
is a special question which we need not touch on here.
There is a fourth kind of relation between the manifest and the latent
elements which I will say nothing about until the time comes for it in my
account of our technique. Even then I shall not have given you a full list of
these possible relations, but we shall have sufficient for our purpose.
Now do you think you can summon up courage to venture on the
interpretation of a whole dream? Let us see whether we are adequately
equipped for the task. I shall not, of course, choose one of the most obscure,

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but all the same it shall be one which shows the characteristics of dreams in
a well-marked form.
A young woman who had already been married for a number of years
dreamt as follows: She was at the theatre with her husband, and one side of
the stalls was quite empty. Her husband told her that Elise L. and her fiancé
also wanted to come, but could only get bad seats, three for a florin and a
half, and of course they could not take those. She replied that in her opinion
they did not lose much by that.
The first thing stated by the dreamer is that the occasion giving rise to
the dream is alluded to in the manifest content: her husband had really told
her that Elise L., an acquaintance of about her own age, had become
engaged, and the dream is the reaction to this piece of news. We know
already that in many dreams it is easy to point to some such occasion
occurring on the day before, and that this is often traced by the dreamer
without any difficulty. This dreamer supplies us with further information of
the same sort about other elements in the manifest dream. To what did she
trace the detail of one side of the stalls being empty? It was an allusion to a
real occurrence of the week before, when she had meant to go to a certain
play and had therefore booked seats early, so early that she had to pay extra
for the tickets. On entering the theatre it was evident that her anxiety had
been quite superfluous, for one side of the stalls was almost empty. It would
have been time enough if she had bought the tickets on the actual day of the
performance and her husband did not fail to tease her about having been in
too great a hurry. Next, what about the one florin and a half (1 fl. 50)? This
was traced to quite another context which had nothing to do with the
former, but it again refers to some news received on the previous day. Her
sister-in-law had had a present of 150 florins from her husband and had
rushed off in a hurry, like a silly goose, to a jeweller’s shop and spent it all
on a piece of jewellery. What about the number three? She knew nothing
about that unless this idea could be counted an association, that the engaged
girl, Elise L., was only three months younger than she herself who had been
married ten years. And the absurdity of taking three tickets for two people?
She had nothing to say to this and refused to give any more associations or
information whatever.
Nevertheless, her few associations have provided us with so much
material that it is possible to discover the latent dream-thoughts. We are

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struck by the fact that in her statements references to time are noticeable at
several points, which form a common basis for the different parts of this
material. She had got the theatre tickets too soon, taken them in too great a
hurry, so that she had to pay extra for them; in the same way her sister-in-
law had hurried off to the jeweller’s with her money to buy an ornament
with it, as though she might miss something. If the strongly emphasized
points: “too early,” “too great a hurry,” are connected with the occasion for
the dream (namely, the news that her friend, only three months younger
than herself, had now found a good husband after all) and with the criticism
expressed in her asperity about her sister-in-law, that it was folly to be so
precipitate, there occurs to us almost spontaneously the following
construction of the latent dream-thoughts, for which the manifest dream is a
highly-distorted substitute:
“It was really foolish of me to be in such a hurry to marry! Elise’s
example shows me that I too could have found a husband later on.” (The
over-haste is represented by her own conduct in buying the tickets and that
of her sister-in-law in buying the jewellery. Going to the theatre is
substituted for getting married.) This would be the main thought; perhaps
we may go on, though with less certainty because the analysis in these
passages ought not to be unsupported by statements of the dreamer: “And I
might have had one a hundred times better for the money!” (150 florins is
100 times more than one florin and a half.) If we may substitute the dowry
for the money, it would mean that the husband is bought with the dowry:
both the jewellery and the bad seats would stand for the husband. It would
be still more desirable if we could see some connection between the
element “three tickets” and a husband; but our knowledge does not as yet
extend to this. We have only found out that the dream expresses
depreciation of her own husband and regret at having married so early.
In my opinion we shall be more surprised and confused by the result of
this our first attempt at dream-interpretation than satisfied with it. Too many
ideas force themselves upon us at once, more than as yet we can master. We
see already that we shall not come to the end of what the interpretation of
this dream can teach us. Let us immediately single out those points in which
we can definitely see some new knowledge.
In the first place: we note that in the latent thoughts the chief emphasis
falls upon the element of hurry; in the manifest dream that is exactly a

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feature about which we find nothing. Without analysis we could have had
no suspicion that this thought entered in at all. It seems possible, therefore,
that precisely the main point round which the unconscious thoughts centre
does not appear in the manifest dream at all. This fact must radically change
the impression made upon us by the whole dream. In the second place: in
the dream there is a nonsensical combination of ideas (three for one florin
and a half); in the dream-thoughts we detect the opinion: “It was folly (to
marry so early).” Can one reject the conclusion that this thought, “It was
folly,” is represented by the introduction into the manifest dream of an
absurd element? In the third place: comparison shows us that the relation
between manifest and latent elements is no simple one, certainly not of such
a kind that a manifest always replaces a latent element. The relation
between the two is of the nature of a relation between two different groups,
so that a manifest element can represent several latent thoughts or a latent
thought be replaced by several manifest elements.
As regards the meaning of the dream and the dreamer’s attitude
towards it, here again we might find many surprising things to say. The lady
certainly admitted the interpretation, but she wondered at it; she had not
been aware that she had such disparaging thoughts of her husband; she did
not even know why she should so disparage him. So there is still much that
is incomprehensible about it. I really think that as yet we are not properly
equipped for interpreting a dream and that we need further instruction and
preparation first.

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EIGHTH LECTURE
CHILDREN’S DREAMS

We had the impression that we had advanced too rapidly; let us
therefore retrace our steps a little. Before we made our last experiment in
which we tried to overcome the difficulty of dream-distortion by means of
our technique, we said that it would be best to circumvent it by confining
our attention to dreams in which distortion is absent or occurs only to a very
slight extent, if there are any such dreams. In doing this, we are again
departing from the actual course of development of our knowledge; for in
reality it was only after consistently applying our method of interpretation,
and after exhaustive analysis of dreams in which distortion occurred, that
we became aware of the existence of those in which it is lacking.
The dreams we are looking for are met with in children: short, clear,
coherent, and easy to understand, they are free from ambiguity and yet are
unmistakable dreams. You must not think, however, that all dreams in
children are of this type. Distortion in dreams begins to appear very early in
childhood, and there are on record dreams of children between five and
eight years old which already show all the characteristics of the dreams of
later life. But, if you confine yourselves to those occurring in the period
between the dawn of recognizable mental activity and the fourth or fifth
year of life, you will discover a series which we should characterize as
infantile, and, in the later years of childhood, you may find single dreams of
the same type; indeed, even in grown-up people under certain conditions
dreams appear which in no way differ from the typically infantile.
Now from these children’s dreams it is possible to obtain without any
difficulty trustworthy information about the essential nature of dreams,
which we hope will prove to be decisive and universally valid.
1. In order to understand these dreams there is no need for any analysis
nor for the employment of any technique. It is not necessary to question the
child who relates his dream. But we must know something about his life; in

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every instance there is some experience from the previous day which
explains the dream. The dream is the mind’s reaction in sleep to the
experience of the previous day.
Let us consider some examples in order to base our further conclusions
upon them:
(a) A boy of a year and ten months old had to present someone with a
basket of cherries as a birthday gift. He plainly did it very unwillingly,
although he had been promised some of them for himself. The next morning
he told his dream: “Hermann eaten all the cherries.”
(b) A little girl of three and a quarter years went for the first time for a
trip on the lake. When they came to land, she did not wish to leave the boat
and cried bitterly; the time on the water had evidently gone too quickly for
her. Next morning she said: “Last night I was sailing on the lake.” We may
probably infer that this trip lasted longer.
(c) A boy five and a quarter years old was taken on an excursion to the
Escherntal near Hallstatt. He had heard that Hallstatt lay at the foot of the
Dachstein and had shown great interest in that mountain. From the lodgings
in Aussee there was a fine view of the Dachstein, and with a telescope it
was possible to make out the Simony Hut on top. The child had repeatedly
endeavoured to see the hut through the telescope, but nobody knew whether
he had succeeded. The excursion began in a mood of joyful expectation.
Whenever a new mountain came into sight, the little boy asked: “Is that the
Dachstein?” Every time his question was answered in the negative he grew
more out of spirits and presently became silent and refused to climb a little
way up to the waterfall with the others. He was thought to be overtired, but
the next morning he said quite happily: “Last night I dreamt that we were in
the Simony Hut.” So it was with this expectation that he had taken part in
the excursion. The only detail he gave was one he had heard before: “You
have to climb up steps for six hours.”
These three dreams will be enough to give us all the information we
need at this point.
2. We see that these childhood dreams are not meaningless; they are
complete, comprehensible mental acts. Remember the medical verdict
about dreams, which I told you, and the comparison with unskilled fingers
wandering over the keys of the piano. You cannot fail to notice how sharply
this conception is contradicted by the children’s dreams I have quoted. Now

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it would surely be most extraordinary if a child were able to achieve the
performance of complete mental acts during sleep, and the grown-up person
in the same situation contented himself with spasmodic reactions. Besides,
we have every reason for attributing better and deeper sleep to a child.
3. In these dreams there is no distortion and therefore they need no
interpretation: the manifest and the latent content is here identical. From
this we conclude that distortion is not essential to the nature of the dream. I
expect that this statement will take a weight off your minds. Nevertheless,
closer consideration forces us to admit that even in these dreams distortion
is present, though in a very slight degree, that there is a certain difference
between the manifest content and the latent dream-thought.
4. The child’s dream is a reaction to an experience of the previous day,
which has left behind a regret, a longing, or an unsatisfied wish. In the
dream we have the direct, undisguised fulfilment of this wish. Now consider
our discussion as to the part played by the external or internal somatic
stimuli as disturbers of sleep and begetters of dreams. We learnt certain
quite definite facts on this point, but this explanation only held good in a
small number of dreams. In these children’s dreams there is nothing to
indicate the influence of such somatic stimuli; we can make no mistake
about it, for the dreams are perfectly comprehensible and each can easily be
grasped as a whole. But we need not on that account give up our notion of
the stimulus as causing the dream. We can only ask why we forget from the
outset that there are mental as well as bodily sleep-disturbing stimuli; surely
we know that it is these which are mainly responsible for disturbing the
sleep of the grown-up person, in that they hinder him from bringing about
in himself the mental condition essential for sleep, i.e. the withdrawal of
interest from the outside world. He wishes not to have any interruption in
his life; he would prefer to continue working at whatever occupies him, and
that is the reason why he does not sleep. The mental stimulus which
disturbs sleep is therefore for a child the unsatisfied wish, and his reaction
to this is a dream.
5. This takes us by a very short step to a conclusion about the function
of dreams. If dreams are the reaction to a mental stimulus their value must
lie in effecting a discharge of the excitation so that the stimulus is removed
and sleep can continue. We do not yet know how this discharge through the
dream is effected dynamically, but we notice already that dreams are not

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disturbers of sleep (the accusation commonly brought against them), but are
guardians and deliverers of it from disturbing influences. True, we are apt to
think we should have slept better if we had not dreamed, but there we are
wrong: the truth is that without the help of the dream we should not have
slept at all, and we owe it to the dream that we slept as well as we did. It
could not help disturbing us a little, just as a policeman often cannot avoid
making a noise when driving off disturbers of the peace who would wake
us.
6. That dreams are brought about by a wish and that the content of the
dream expresses this wish is one main characteristic of dreams. The other
equally constant feature is that the dream does not merely give expression
to a thought, but represents this wish as fulfilled, in the form of an
hallucinatory experience. “I should like to sail on the lake,” runs the wish
which gives rise to the dream; the content of the dream itself is: “I am
sailing on the lake.” So that even in these simple dreams belonging to
childhood there is still a difference between the latent and the manifest
dream, and still a distortion of the latent dream-thought, in the translation
of the thought into an experience. In interpreting a dream, we must first of
all undo this process of alteration. If this is to be regarded as one of the
most universal characteristics of all dreams, we then know how to translate
the dream-fragment I quoted before: “I see my brother digging” does not
mean “my brother is retrenching,” but “I wish my brother would retrench,
he is to retrench.” Of the two universal characteristics here mentioned the
second is obviously more likely to be acknowledged without opposition
than the first. It is only by extensive investigations that we can make sure
that what produces the dream must always be a wish and cannot sometimes
be a preoccupation, a purpose, or reproach; but the other characteristic
remains unaffected, namely, that the dream does not merely reproduce this
stimulus, but, by a kind of living it through, removes it, sets it aside,
relieves it.
7. In connection with these characteristics of dreams we may take up
again our comparison between dreams and errors. In the latter we
distinguished between a disturbing tendency and one which is disturbed, the
error being a compromise between the two. Dreams fall into the same
category; the disturbed tendency can only, of course, be the tendency to
sleep, while the disturbing tendency resolves itself into the mental stimulus
which we may call the wish (clamouring for gratification), since at present

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we know of no other mental stimulus disturbing sleep. Here again the
dream is the result of a compromise; we sleep, and yet we experience the
satisfaction of a wish; we gratify a wish and at the same time continue to
sleep. Each achieves part-success and part-failure.
8. You will remember that at one point we hoped to find a path to an
understanding of the problems presented by dreams in the fact that certain
very transparent phantasy-formations are called “day-dreams.” Now these
day-dreams are literally wish-fulfilments, fulfilments of ambitious or erotic
wishes, which we recognize as such; they are, however, carried out in
thought, and, however vividly imagined, they never take the form of
hallucinatory experiences. Here, therefore, the less certain of the two main
characteristics of the dream is retained, whereas the other, to which the
condition of sleep is essential and which cannot be realized in waking life,
is entirely lacking. So in language we find a hint that a wish-fulfilment is a
main characteristic of dreams. And further, if the experience we have in
dreams is only another form of imaginative representation, a form which
becomes possible under the peculiar conditions of the sleeping state—“a
nocturnal day-dream,” as we might call it—we understand at once how it is
that the process of dream-formation can abrogate the stimulus operating at
night and can bring gratification; for day-dreaming also is a mode of
activity closely linked up with gratification, which is in fact the only reason
why people practise it.
Again, there are other linguistic expressions, besides this, which imply
the same thing. We are familiar with the proverbs: “The pig dreams of
acorns and the goose of maize.” “What do chickens dream of? Of millet.”
The proverb, you see, goes even lower in the scale than we do, beyond the
child to the animal, and asserts that the content of dreams is the satisfaction
of a want. And there are many phrases which seem to point to the same
thing: we say “as beautiful as a dream.” “I should never have dreamt of
such a thing.” “I never imagined that in my wildest dreams.” Here
colloquial speech is clearly partial in its judgement. Of course there are also
anxiety-dreams, and dreams the content of which is painful or indifferent,
but these have not given rise to any special phrases. We do indeed speak of
“bad” dreams, but by a “dream” pure and simple common usage always
understands some sort of exquisite wish-fulfilment. Nor is there any
proverb which attempts to assert that pigs or geese dream of being
slaughtered!

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It is, of course, inconceivable that this wish-fulfilling character of
dreams should have escaped the notice of writers on the subject. On the
contrary, they have very often remarked upon it; but it has not occurred to
any of them to recognize this characteristic as universal, and to take it as the
key to the explanation of dreams. We can easily imagine what may have
deterred them, and later we will discuss the question.
Now see how much information we have gained, and that with hardly
any trouble, from our study of children’s dreams! We have learnt that the
function of dreams is to protect sleep; that they arise out of two conflicting
tendencies, of which the one, the desire for sleep, remains constant, whilst
the other endeavours to satisfy some mental stimulus; that dreams are
proved to be mental acts, rich in meaning; that they have two main
characteristics, i.e., they are wish-fulfilments and hallucinatory experiences.
And meanwhile we could almost have forgotten that we were studying
psycho-analysis. Apart from the connection we have made between dreams
and errors our work has not borne any specific stamp. Any psychologist
knowing nothing of the assumptions of psycho-analysis could have given
this explanation of children’s dreams. Why has no one done so?
If only all dreams were of the infantile type the problem would be
solved and our task already achieved, and that without questioning the
dreamer, referring to the unconscious or having recourse to the process of
free association. Clearly it is in this direction that we must continue our
work. We have already repeatedly found that characteristics alleged to be
universally valid have afterwards proved to hold good only for a certain
kind and a limited number of dreams. So the question we now have to
decide is whether the common characteristics revealed by children’s dreams
are any more stable than these, and whether they hold also for those dreams
whose meaning is not obvious and in whose manifest content we can
recognize no reference to a wish remaining from the day before. Our idea is
that these other dreams have undergone a good deal of distortion and on
that account we must refrain from immediate judgement. We suspect too
that to unravel this distortion we shall need the help of psycho-analytic
technique, which we could dispense with while learning, as we have just
now done, the meaning of children’s dreams.
There is yet one other class of dreams at least in which no distortion is
present and which, like children’s dreams, we easily recognize to be wish-

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fulfilments. These are dreams which are occasioned all through life by
imperative physical needs—hunger, thirst, sexual desire—and are wish-
fulfilments in the sense of being reactions to internal somatic stimuli. Thus I
have on record the dream of a little girl, one year and seven months old,
which consisted of a kind of menu, together with her name (Anna F ...,
strawberries, bilberries, egg, pap), the dream being a reaction to a day of
fasting, enforced on account of indigestion due to eating the fruit which
appeared twice in the dream. At the same time her grandmother—their
combined ages totalled seventy—was obliged, owing to a floating kidney,
to go without food for a day and dreamt that night that she had been invited
out and had had the most tempting delicacies set before her. Observations
on prisoners who are left to go hungry, and on people who suffer privations
whilst travelling or on expeditions, show that in these circumstances they
regularly dream about the satisfaction of their wants. Thus Otto
Nordenskjöld in his book on the Antarctic (1904) tells us of the band of
men in whose company he spent the winter (Vol. I, p. 336): “Our dreams
showed very clearly the direction our thoughts were taking. Never had we
dreamt so frequently and so vividly as at that time. Even those of our
comrades who usually dreamt but rarely had now long stories to tell in the
mornings when we exchanged our latest experiences in this realm of
phantasy. All the dreams were about that outside world now so far away, but
often they included a reference to our condition at the time ... eating and
drinking were, incidentally, the pivot on which our dreams most often
turned. One of us, who was particularly good at going out to large dinners
in his sleep, was delighted when he could tell us in the morning that he had
had a three-course dinner. Another dreamt of tobacco, whole mountains of
tobacco; another of a ship which came full sail over the water, at last clear
of ice. Yet another dream deserves mention: the postman came with the
letters and gave a long explanation of why they were so late; he said he had
made a mistake in delivering them, and had had great trouble in getting
them back again. Of course, things even more impossible occupied our
minds in sleep, but the lack of imagination in almost all the dreams which I
dreamt myself or heard the others tell was quite striking. It would certainly
be of great psychological interest if we had a record of all these dreams.
You can imagine how we longed for sleep, when it offered each one of us
all that he most eagerly desired.” Another quotation, this time from Du Prel:
“Mungo Park, when nearly dying of thirst on a journey in Africa, dreamt

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continually of the well-watered hills and valleys of his home. So Trenck,
tormented with hunger in the redoubt at Magdebourg, saw himself in his
dreams surrounded by sumptuous meals; and George Back, who took part
in Franklin’s first expedition, when on the point of dying of hunger owing
to their terrible privations, dreamt regularly of abundant food to eat.”
Anyone who has made himself thirsty at night by eating highly-
seasoned dishes at supper is likely to dream of drinking. Of course it is not
possible to relieve acute hunger or thirst by dreaming; in that case we
awake thirsty and are obliged to drink real water. The service of the dream
is here of little practical account, but it is none the less clear that it was
called up for the purpose of protecting sleep from the stimulus impelling us
to wake up and act. Where the intensity of the desire is less, ‘satisfaction’-
dreams do often answer the purpose.
In the same way, when the stimulus is that of sexual desire the dream
provides satisfaction, but of a kind which shows peculiarities worthy of
mention. Since it is a characteristic of the sexual impulse that it is a degree
less dependent on its object than are hunger and thirst, the satisfaction in a
pollution-dream can be real; and, in consequence of certain difficulties in
the relation to the object (which will be discussed later), it particularly often
happens that the real satisfaction is yet connected with a vague or distorted
dream-content. This peculiarity of pollution-dreams makes them, as O.
Rank has observed, suitable objects for the study of dream-distortion.
Moreover, with adults, dreams of desire usually contain besides the
satisfaction something else, springing from a purely mental source and
requiring interpretation if it is to be understood.
We do not maintain, by the way, that wish-fulfilment dreams of the
infantile type occur in adults solely as reactions to the imperative desires I
have mentioned. We are equally familiar with short clear dreams of this
type, occasioned by certain dominating situations and unquestionably
produced by mental stimuli. For example, there are ‘impatience’-dreams in
which someone making preparations for a journey, for a theatrical
performance in which he is specially interested, or for a lecture or a visit,
has his expectations prematurely realized in a dream, and finds himself the
night before the actual experience already at his journey’s end, at the
theatre, or talking to the friend he is going to visit. Or again, there is the
‘comfort’-dream, rightly so-called, in which someone who wants to go on

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sleeping dreams that he has already got up, that he is washing, or is at
school, while all the time he is really continuing his sleep, meaning that he
would rather dream of getting up than do so in reality. In these dreams the
desire for sleep, which we have recognized as regularly participating in
dream-formation, expresses itself plainly and appears as their actual
originator. The need for sleep ranks itself quite rightly with the other great
physical needs.
I would refer you at this point to the reproduction of a picture by
Schwind in the Schack Gallery at Munich[30] and would ask you to notice
how correctly the artist has realized the way in which a dream arises out of
a dominating situation. The picture is called The Prisoner’s Dream, and the
subject of the dream must undoubtedly be his escape. It is a happy thought
that the prisoner is to escape by the window, for it is through the window
that the ray of light has entered and roused him from sleep. The gnomes
standing one above the other no doubt represent the successive positions he
would have to assume in climbing up to the window; and, if I am not
mistaken and do not attribute too much intentional design to the artist, the
features of the gnome at the top, who is filing the grating through (the very
thing the prisoner himself would like to do), resemble the man’s own.
I have said that in all dreams, other than those of children and such as
conform to the infantile type, we encounter the obstacle of distortion. We
cannot immediately say whether they too are wish-fulfilments, as we are
inclined to suppose, nor can we guess from their manifest content in what
mental stimulus they originate, or prove that they, like the others, endeavour
to remove or relieve the stimulus. They must, in fact, be interpreted, i.e.
translated; the process of distortion must be reversed, and the manifest
content replaced by the latent thought, before we can make any definite
pronouncement whether what we have found out about infantile dreams
may claim to hold good for all dreams alike.

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NINTH LECTURE
THE DREAM-CENSORSHIP

Our study of children’s dreams has taught us how dreams originate,
what their essential character is, and what their function. Dreams are the
means of removing, by hallucinatory satisfaction, mental stimuli that
disturb sleep. It is true that with the dreams of adults we have been able to
explain one group only, those which we termed dreams of the infantile type.
We do not yet know how it may be with the others, neither do we
understand them. The result we have arrived at already is one, however, of
which the significance is not to be under-estimated. Every time that we
fully understand a dream it proves to be a wish-fulfilment; and this
coincidence cannot be accidental or unimportant.
Dreams of another type are assumed by us to be distorted substitutes
for an unknown content, which first of all has to be traced; we have various
grounds for this assumption, amongst others the analogy to our conception
of errors. Our next task is to investigate and understand this dream-
distortion.
It is dream-distortion which makes dreams seem strange and
incomprehensible. There are several things we want to know about it: first,
whence it comes (its dynamics), secondly, what it does, and finally, how it
does it. Further, we can say that distortion is the production of the dream-
work. Let us describe the dream-work and trace out the forces in it.
Now let me tell you a dream recorded by a lady well-known in psycho-
analytical circles[31], who said that the dreamer was an elderly woman,
highly cultivated and held in great esteem. The dream was not analysed and
our informant observed that for psycho-analysts it needed no interpreting.
Nor did the dreamer herself interpret it, but she criticized it and condemned
it in such a way as though she knew what it meant. “Imagine,” she said,
“such abominable nonsense being dreamt by a woman of fifty, whose only
thought day and night is concern for her child.”

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I will now tell you the dream, which is about “love service in war-
time.”[32] ‘She went to the First Military Hospital and said to the sentinel at
the gate that she must speak to the physician-in-chief (giving a name which
she did not know), as she wished to offer herself for service in the hospital.
In saying this, she emphasized the word service in such a way that the
sergeant at once perceived that she was speaking of “love service.” As she
was an old lady, he let her pass after some hesitation, but instead of finding
the chief physician, she came to a large gloomy room, where a number of
officers and army doctors were standing or sitting around a long table. She
turned to a staff doctor and told him her proposal; he soon understood her
meaning. The words she said in her dream were: “I and countless other
women and girls of Vienna are ready for the soldiers, officers or men, to....”
This ended in a murmur. She saw, however, by the half-embarrassed, half-
malicious expressions of the officers that all of them grasped her meaning.
The lady continued: “I know our decision sounds odd, but we are in bitter
earnest. The soldier on the battlefield is not asked whether he wishes to die
or not.” There followed a minute of painful silence; then the staff doctor put
his arm round her waist and said: “Madam, supposing it really came to this,
that ... (murmur.)” She withdrew herself from his arm, thinking: “They are
all alike,” and replied: “Good heavens, I am an old woman and perhaps it
won’t happen to me. And one condition must be observed: age must be
taken into account, so that an old woman and a young lad may not ...
(murmur); that would be horrible.” The staff doctor said: “I quite
understand”; but some of the officers, amongst them one who as a young
man had made love to her, laughed loudly, and the lady asked to be taken to
the physician-in-chief, whom she knew, so that everything might be put
straight. It then struck her, to her great consternation, that she did not know
his name. The staff doctor, however, with the utmost respect and courtesy,
showed her the way to the second floor, up a very narrow iron spiral
staircase leading direct from the room where they were to the upper storeys.
As she went up, she heard an officer say: “That is a tremendous decision, no
matter whether she is young or old; all honour to her!” With the feeling that
she was simply doing her duty, she went up an endless staircase.’
This dream was repeated twice within a few weeks, with alterations
here and there which, as the lady remarked, were quite unimportant and
entirely meaningless.

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The way in which this dream progresses corresponds to the course of a
day-dream; there are only a few places where an interruption occurs, and
many individual points in its content might have been cleared up by
enquiry: this, however, as you know, was not undertaken. But the most
striking and to us the most interesting thing about it is the occurrence of
many gaps, not in the recollection, but in the content. In three places the
latter is, as it were, blotted out; where these gaps occur the speeches are
interrupted by a murmur. As we did not analyse the dream, we have, strictly
speaking, no right to say anything about its meaning; but there are certain
indications from which we may draw conclusions, e.g. the words “love
service”; and, above all, the broken speeches immediately preceding the
murmurs require completion of a kind which admits of only one
construction. If we do so complete them a phantasy results, in which the
content is that the dreamer is ready at the call of duty to offer herself to
gratify the sexual needs of the troops, irrespective of rank. This is certainly
shocking, a model of a shamelessly libidinous phantasy, but—the dream
says nothing about this. Just where the context demands this confession,
there is in the manifest dream an indistinct murmur: something has been
lost or suppressed.
I hope you recognize how obvious is the inference that it is just the
shocking nature of these passages which has led to their suppression. Now
where will you find a parallel to what has taken place here? In these times
you have not far to seek. Take up any political paper and you will find that
here and there in the text something is omitted and in its place the blank
white of the paper meets your eye: you know that this is the work of the
press censor. Where these blank spaces occur, there originally stood
something of which the authorities at the censorship disapproved and which
has been deleted on that account. You probably think it a pity, for that must
have been the most interesting part, the “cream” of the news.
On other occasions the censorship has not dealt with the sentence in its
completed form; for the writer, foreseeing which passages were likely to be
objected to by the censor, has forestalled him by softening them down,
making some slight modification or contenting himself with hints and
allusions to what he really wants to write. In this case there are no blanks,
but from the roundabout and obscure mode of expression you can detect the
fact that, at the time of writing, the author had the censorship in mind.

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Now keeping to this parallel we say that those speeches in the dream
which were omitted or disguised by a murmur have also been sacrificed to
some form of censorship. We actually use the term DREAM-CENSORSHIP, and
ascribe part of the distortion to its agency. Wherever there are gaps in the
manifest dream we know that the censorship is responsible; and indeed we
should go further and recognize that wherever, amongst other more clearly-
defined elements, one appears which is fainter, more indefinite or more
dubious in recollection, it is evidence of the work of the censorship. It is,
however, seldom that it takes a form so undisguised, so naïve, as we might
say, as it does in the case of the dream about “love service;” far more often
the censorship makes itself felt in the second way I mentioned: by effecting
modifications, hints, and allusions in place of the true meaning.
There is a third way in which the dream-censorship works, to which
the ordinances of the Press censorship supply no parallel; but it happens
that I can demonstrate to you this particular mode of activity on the part of
the dream-censorship in the only dream hitherto analysed by us. You will
remember the dream of the “three bad theatre tickets, costing one florin and
a half.” In the latent thoughts underlying this dream, the element “too great
a hurry, too early” was in the foreground; the meaning was: “It was folly to
marry so early, it was foolish also to take the tickets so early, it was
ridiculous of the sister-in-law to spend her money so hurriedly on a piece of
jewellery.” Nothing of this central element of the dream-thoughts appeared
in the manifest content, where everything was focussed on going to the
theatre and taking tickets. By this displacement of the accent and
regrouping of the dream-elements, the manifest content was made so unlike
the latent thoughts that nobody would suspect the presence of the latter
behind the former. This displacement of accent is one of the principal
means employed in distortion, and it is this which gives the dream that
character of strangeness which makes the dreamer himself reluctant to
recognize it as the product of his own mind.
Omission, modification, regrouping of material—these then are the
modes of the dream-censorship’s activity and the means employed in
distortion. The censorship itself is the originator, or one of the originators,
of distortion, the subject of our present enquiry. Modification and alteration
in arrangement are commonly included under the term ‘displacement.’

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After these remarks on the activities of the dream-censorship, let us
turn our attention to its dynamics. I hope you are not taking the expression
“censorship” in too anthropomorphic a sense, picturing to yourselves the
censor as a stern little manikin or a spirit, who lives in a little chamber of
the brain and there discharges the duties of his office; and neither must you
localize it too exactly, so that you imagine a “brain-centre” whence there
emanates a censorial influence, liable to cease with the injury or
disappearance of that centre. For the present we may regard it merely as a
useful term by which to express a dynamic relationship. This need not
hinder us from asking what sort of tendencies exercise this influence and is
it exercised upon; and further, we must not be surprised to discover that we
have already come across the censorship, perhaps without recognizing it.
Indeed this has actually happened. Remember a surprising experience
we had when we began to apply our method of free association: we
discovered that our efforts to penetrate from the dream-element to the
unconscious thought proper for which the former is a substitute encountered
a certain resistance. The strength of this resistance, we said, varies, being
sometimes enormous and at other times very slight. In the latter case we
need only a few connecting-links for the work of interpretation; but where
there is great resistance we are compelled to go through long chains of
associations, which carry us far from the initial idea, and on the way we
have to overcome all the difficulties of professedly critical objections to
associations arising. That which we encountered as resistance in the work of
interpretation we now meet again as the censorship in the dream-work: the
resistance is simply the censorship objectified; it proves to us that the power
of the censorship is not exhausted in effecting distortion, being thereby
extinguished, but that the censorship remains as a permanent institution, the
object of which is to maintain the distortion when once it has been
achieved. Moreover, just as the strength of the resistance encountered
during interpretation varies with each element, so too the degree of
distortion effected by the censorship is different for each element of a whole
dream. A comparison of the manifest and the latent dream shows that
certain latent elements are completely eliminated, others more or less
modified, and others again appear in the manifest dream-content unaltered
or perhaps even intensified.
Our purpose, however, was to find out which are the tendencies
exercising the censorship and upon which tendencies it is exercised. Now

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this question, which is fundamental for the understanding of dreams and
perhaps of human life altogether, is easy to answer when we survey the
series of dreams which we have succeeded in interpreting. The tendencies
which exercise the censorship are those which are acknowledged by the
waking judgement of the dreamer and with which he feels himself to be at
one. You may be sure that when you repudiate any correctly-found
interpretation of a dream of your own, you do so from the same motives as
cause the censorship to be exercised and distortion effected, and make
interpretation necessary. Consider the dream of our lady of fifty: her dream,
although it had not been interpreted, struck her as shocking and she would
have been even more outraged if Dr. von Hug-Hellmuth had told her
something of its unmistakable meaning; it was just this attitude of
condemnation which caused the offensive passages in the dream to be
replaced by a murmur.
Those tendencies against which the dream-censorship is directed must
next be described from the point of view of this inner critical standard.
When we do this, we can only say that they are invariably of an
objectionable nature, offensive from the ethical, æsthetic or social point of
view, things about which we do not dare to think at all, or think of only with
abhorrence. Above all are these censored wishes, which in dreams are
expressed in a distorted fashion, manifestations of a boundless and ruthless
egoism; for the dreamer’s own ego makes its appearance in every dream,
and plays the principal part, even if it knows how to disguise itself
completely as far as the manifest content is concerned. This sacro egoismo
of dreams is certainly not unconnected with the attitude of mind essential to
sleep: the withdrawal of interest from the whole outside world.
The ego which has discarded all ethical bonds feels itself at one with
all the demands of the sexual impulse, those which have long been
condemned by our æsthetic training and those which are contrary to all the
restraints imposed by morality. The striving for pleasure—the libido, as we
say,—chooses its objects unchecked by any inhibition, preferring indeed
those which are forbidden: not merely the wife of another man, but, above
all, the incestuous objects of choice which by common consent humanity
holds sacred—the mother and the sister of men, the father and the brother
of women. (Even the dream of our fifty-year-old lady is an incestuous one,
the libido being unmistakably directed towards the son.) Desires which we
believe alien to human nature show themselves powerful enough to give

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rise to dreams. Hate, too, rages unrestrainedly; wishes for revenge, and
death-wishes, against those who in life are nearest and dearest—parents,
brothers and sisters, husband or wife, the dreamer’s own children—are by
no means uncommon. These censored wishes seem to rise up from a
veritable hell; when we know their meaning, it seems to us in our waking
moments as if no censorship of them could be severe enough. Dreams
themselves, however, are not to blame for this evil content; you surely have
not forgotten that their harmless, nay, useful, function is to protect sleep
from disturbance. Depravity does not lie in the nature of dreams; in fact,
you know that there are dreams which can be recognized as gratifying
justifiable desires and urgent bodily needs. It is true that there is no
distortion in these dreams, but then there is no need for it, they can perform
their function without offending the ethical and æsthetic tendencies of the
ego. Remember, too, that the degree of distortion is proportionate to two
factors: on the one hand, the more shocking the wish that must be censored,
the greater will be the distortion; but it is also great in proportion as the
demands of the censorship are severe. Hence in a strictly brought up and
prudish young girl, a rigid censorship will distort dream-excitations which
we medical men would have recognized as permissible and harmless
libidinous desires, and which the dreamer herself would judge in the same
way ten years later.
Besides, we are still not nearly far enough advanced to allow ourselves
to be outraged at the result of our work of interpretation. I think we still do
not understand it properly; but first of all it is incumbent upon us to secure
it against certain possible attacks. It is not at all difficult to detect weak
points in it. Our interpretations were based on hypotheses which we
adopted earlier: that there really is some meaning in dreams; that the idea of
mental processes being unconscious for a time, which was first arrived at
through hypnotic sleep, may be applied also to normal sleep; and that all
associations are subject to determination. Now if, reasoning from these
hypotheses, we had obtained plausible results in our dream-interpretation
we should have been justified in concluding that these hypotheses were
correct. But what if these discoveries are of the kind I have described? In
that case, surely it seems natural to say: “These results are impossible,
absurd, at the very least highly improbable, so there must have been
something wrong about the hypotheses. Either the dream is after all not a
mental phenomenon, or there is nothing which is unconscious in our normal

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condition, or there is a flaw somewhere in our technique. Is it not simpler
and more satisfactory to assume this than to accept all the abominable
conclusions which we profess to have deduced from our hypotheses?”
Both! it is both simpler and more satisfactory, but not on that account
necessarily more correct. Let us give ourselves time: the matter is not yet
ripe for judgement. First of all, we can make the case against our
interpretations even stronger. The fact that our results are so unpleasant and
repellent would not perhaps weigh so very heavily with us; a stronger
argument is the emphatic and well-grounded repudiation by dreamers of the
wish-tendencies which we try to foist upon them after interpretating their
dreams. “What?” says one, “You want to prove to me from my dream that I
grudge the money I have spent on my sister’s dowry and my brother’s
education? But it is out of the question; I spend my whole time working for
my brothers and sisters and my only interest in life is to do my duty by
them, as, being the eldest, I promised our dead mother I would.” Or a
woman says: “I am supposed to wish that my husband were dead? Really
that is outrageous nonsense! Not only is our married life very happy, though
perhaps you won’t believe that, but if he died I should lose everything I
possess in the world.” Or someone else will reply: “Do you mean to suggest
that I entertain sexual desires towards my sister? The thing is ludicrous; she
is nothing to me; we get on badly with one another, and for years I have not
exchanged a word with her.” We still might not be much impressed if these
dreamers neither admitted nor denied the tendencies attributed to them; we
might say that these are just the things of which they are quite unconscious.
But when they detect in their own minds the exact opposite of such a wish
as is interpreted to them, and when they can prove to us by their whole
conduct in life that the contrary desire predominates, surely we must be
nonplussed. Is it not about time now for us to discard our whole work of
dream-interpretation as something which has led to a reductio ad
absurdum?
No, not even now. Even this stronger argument falls to pieces when
subjected to a critical attack. Assuming that unconscious tendencies do exist
in mental life, the fact that the opposite tendencies predominate in
conscious life goes to prove nothing. Perhaps there is room in the mind for
opposite tendencies, for contradictions, existing side by side; indeed,
possibly the very predominance of the one tendency conditions the
unconscious nature of the opposite. So the first objections raised only

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amount to the statement that the results of dream-interpretation are not
simple and are very disagreeable. To the first charge we may reply that,
however much enamoured of simplicity you may be, you cannot thereby
solve one of the problems of dreams; you have to make up your mind at the
outset to accept the fact of complicated relations. And, as regards the
second point, you are manifestly wrong in taking the fact that something
pleases or repels yourself as the motive for a scientific judgement. What
does it matter if you do find the results of dream-interpretation unpleasant,
or even mortifying and repulsive? Ça n’empêche pas d’exister—as I, when
a young doctor, heard my chief, Charcot, say in a similar case. We must be
humble and put sympathies and antipathies honourably in the background if
we would learn to know reality in this world. If a physicist could prove to
you that organic life on the earth was bound to become extinct before long,
would you venture to say to him also: “That cannot be so; I dislike the
prospect too much.” I think you would say nothing, until another physicist
came along and convicted the first of a mistake in his premises or his
calculations. If you repudiate whatever is distasteful to you, you are
repeating the mechanism of a dream structure rather than understanding and
mastering it.
Perhaps, then, you will undertake to overlook the offensive nature of
the censored dream-wishes and will fall back upon the argument that it is
surely very improbable that we ought to concede so large a part in the
human constitution to what is evil. But do your own experiences justify you
in this statement? I will say nothing of how you may appear in your own
eyes, but have you met with so much goodwill in your superiors and rivals,
so much chivalry in your enemies and so little envy amongst your
acquaintances, that you feel it incumbent on you to protest against the idea
of the part played by egoistic baseness in human nature? Do you not know
how uncontrolled and unreliable the average human being is in all that
concerns sexual life? Or are you ignorant of the fact that all the excesses
and aberrations of which we dream at night are crimes actually committed
every day by men who are wide awake? What does psycho-analysis do in
this connection but confirm the old saying of Plato that the good are those
who content themselves with dreaming of what others, the wicked, actually
do?
And now look away from individuals to the great war still devastating
Europe: think of the colossal brutality, cruelty and mendacity which is now

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allowed to spread itself over the civilized world. Do you really believe that
a handful of unprincipled place-hunters and corrupters of men would have
succeeded in letting loose all this latent evil, if the millions of their
followers were not also guilty? Will you venture, even in these
circumstances, to break a lance for the exclusion of evil from the mental
constitution of humanity?
You will accuse me of taking a one-sided view of war, and tell me that
it has also called out all that is finest and most noble in mankind, heroism,
self-sacrifice, and public spirit. That is true; but do not now commit the
injustice, from which psycho-analysis has so often suffered, of reproaching
it that it denies one thing because it affirms another. It is no part of our
intention to deny the nobility in human nature, nor have we ever done
anything to disparage its value. On the contrary, I show you not only the
evil wishes which are censored but also the censorship which suppresses
them and makes them unrecognizable. We dwell upon the evil in human
beings with the greater emphasis only because others deny it, thereby
making the mental life of mankind not indeed better, but incomprehensible.
If we give up the one-sided ethical valuation then, we are sure to find the
truer formula for the relation of evil to good in human nature.
Here the matter rests. We need not give up the results of our work of
dream-interpretation, even though we cannot fail to find them strange.
Perhaps later we shall be able to come nearer to understanding them by
another path. For the present let us hold fast to this: dream-distortion is due
to the censorship exercised, by certain recognized tendencies of the ego,
over desires of an offensive character which stir in us at night during sleep.
Obviously, when we ask ourselves why it is just at night that they appear
and what is the origin of these reprehensible wishes, we find that there is
still much to investigate and many questions to answer.
It would, however, be wrong if we neglected to give due prominence at
this point to another result of these investigations. The dream-wishes which
would disturb our sleep are unknown to us; we first learn about them by
dream-interpretation; they are therefore to be designated “unconscious at
the moment” in the sense in which we have used the term. But we must
recognize that they are also more than unconscious at the moment; for the
dreamer denies them, as we have so frequently found, even after he has
learnt of them through the interpretation of his dream. Here we have a

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repetition of the case which we first met with when interpreting the slip of
the tongue “hiccough,” where the after-dinner speaker indignantly assured
us that neither then nor at any time had he been conscious of any feeling of
disrespect towards his chief. We ventured even then to doubt the value of
this assertion and assumed instead that the speaker was permanently
ignorant of the existence of this feeling within him. We meet with the same
situation every time we interpret a dream in which there is a high degree of
distortion, and this lends an added significance to our conception. We are
now prepared to assume that there are processes and tendencies in mental
life, of which we know nothing; have known nothing; have, for a very long
time, perhaps even never, known anything about at all. This gives the term
unconscious a fresh meaning for us: the qualification “at the moment” or
“temporary” is seen to be no essential attribute, the term may also mean
permanently unconscious, not merely “latent at the moment.” You see that
later on we shall have to discuss this point further.

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Page 131

TENTH LECTURE
SYMBOLISM IN DREAMS

We have found out that the distortion in dreams which hinders our
understanding of them is due to the activities of a censorship, directed
against the unacceptable, unconscious wish-impulses. But of course we
have not asserted that the censorship is the only factor responsible for the
distortion, and as a matter of fact a further study of dreams leads to the
discovery that there are yet other causes contributing to this effect; that is as
much as to say, if the censorship were eliminated we should nevertheless be
unable to understand dreams, nor would the manifest dream be identical
with the latent dream-thoughts.
This other cause of the obscurity of dreams, this additional
contribution to distortion, is revealed by our becoming aware of a gap in
our technique. I have already admitted to you that there are occasions when
persons being analysed really have no associations to single elements in
their dreams. To be sure, this does not happen as often as they declare that it
does; in very many instances the association may yet be elicited by
perseverance; but still there remain a certain number of cases where
association fails altogether or, if something is finally extorted, it is not what
we need. If this happens during psycho-analytic treatment it has a certain
significance which does not concern us here; but it also occurs in the course
of interpretation of dreams in normal people, or when we are interpreting
our own. When we are convinced in such circumstances that no amount of
pressing is of any use, we finally discover that this unwelcome contingency
regularly presents itself where special dream-elements are in question; and
we begin to recognize the operation of some new principle, whereas at first
we thought we had only come across an exceptional case in which our
technique had failed.
In this way it comes about that we try to interpret these “silent”
elements, and attempt to translate them by drawing upon our own resources.
It cannot fail to strike us that we arrive at a satisfactory meaning in every

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instance in which we venture on this substitution, whereas the dream
remains meaningless and disconnected as long as we do not resolve to use
this method. The accumulation of many exactly similar instances then
affords us the required certainty, our experiment having been tried at first
with considerable diffidence.
I am presenting all this somewhat in outline, but that is surely
allowable for purposes of instruction, nor is it falsified by so doing, but
merely made simpler.
We arrive in this way at constant translations for a series of dream-
elements, just as in popular books on dreams we find such translations for
everything that occurs in dreams. You will not have forgotten that when we
employ the method of free association such constant substitutions for
dream-elements never make their appearance.
Now you will at once say that this mode of interpretation seems to you
far more uncertain and open to criticism than even the former method of
free association. But there is still something more to be said: when we have
collected from actual experience a sufficient number of such constant
translations, we eventually realize that we could actually have filled in these
portions of the interpretation from our own knowledge, and that they really
could have been understood without using the dreamer’s associations. How
it is that we are bound to know their meaning is a matter which will be dealt
with in the second half of our discussion.
We call a constant relation of this kind between a dream-element and
its translation a symbolic one, and the dream-element itself a symbol of the
unconscious dream-thought. You will remember that some time ago, when
we were examining the different relations which may exist between dream-
elements and the thoughts proper underlying them, I distinguished three
relations: substitution of the part for the whole, allusion, and imagery. I told
you then that there was a fourth possible relation, but I did not tell you what
it was. This fourth relation is the symbolic, which I am now introducing;
there are connected with it certain very interesting points for discussion, to
which we will turn attention before setting forth our special observations on
this subject. Symbolism is perhaps the most remarkable part of our theory
of dreams.
First of all: since the relation between a symbol and the idea
symbolized is an invariable one, the latter being as it were a translation of

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the former, symbolism does in some measure realize the ideal of both
ancient and popular dream-interpretation, one from which we have moved
very far in our technique. Symbols make it possible for us in certain
circumstances to interpret a dream without questioning the dreamer, who
indeed in any case can tell us nothing about the symbols. If the symbols
commonly appearing in dreams are known, and also the personality of the
dreamer, the conditions under which he lives, and the impressions in his
mind after which his dream occurred, we are often in a position to interpret
it straightaway; to translate it at sight, as it were. Such a feat flatters the
vanity of the interpreter and impresses the dreamer; it is in pleasing contrast
to the laborious method of questioning the latter. But do not let this lead you
away: it is no part of our task to perform tricks nor is that method of
interpretation which is based on a knowledge of symbolism one which can
replace, or even compare with, that of free association. It is complementary
to this latter, and the results it yields are only useful when applied in
connection with the latter. As regards our knowledge of the dreamer’s
mental situation, moreover, you must reflect that you have not only to
interpret dreams of people whom you know well; that, as a rule, you know
nothing of the events of the previous day which stimulated the dream; and
that the associations of the person analysed are the very source from which
we obtain our knowledge of what we call the mental situation.
Further, it is especially remarkable, particularly with reference to
certain considerations upon which we shall touch later, that the most
strenuous opposition has manifested itself again here, over this question of
the existence of a symbolic relation between the dream and the
unconscious. Even persons of judgement and standing, who in other
respects have gone a long way with psycho-analysis, have renounced their
adherence at this point. This behaviour is the more remarkable when we
remember two things: first, that symbolism is not peculiar to dreams, nor
exclusively characteristic of them; and, in the second place, that the use of
symbolism in dreams was not one of the discoveries of psycho-analysis,
although this science has certainly not been wanting in surprising
discoveries. If we must ascribe priority in this field to anyone in modern
times, the discoverer must be recognized in the philosopher K. A. Scherner
(1861); psycho-analysis has confirmed his discovery, although modifying it
in certain important respects.

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Now you will wish to hear something about the nature of dream-
symbolism and will want some examples. I will gladly tell you what I
know, but I confess that our knowledge is less full than we could wish.
The symbolic relation is essentially that of a comparison, but not any
kind of comparison. We must suspect that this comparison is subject to
particular conditions, although we cannot say what these conditions are.
Not everything with which an object or an occurrence can be compared
appears in dreams as symbolic of it, and, on the other hand, dreams do not
employ symbolism for anything and everything, but only for particular
elements of latent dream-thoughts; there are thus limitations in both
directions. We must admit also that we cannot at present assign quite
definite limits to our conception of a symbol; for it tends to merge into
substitution, representation, etc., and even approaches closely to allusion. In
one set of symbols the underlying comparison may be easily apparent, but
there are others in which we have to look about for the common factor, the
tertium comparationis contained in the supposed comparison. Further
reflection may then reveal it to us, or on the other hand it may remain
definitely hidden from us. Again, if the symbol is really a comparison, it is
remarkable that this comparison is not exposed by the process of free
association, and also that the dreamer knows nothing about it, but makes
use of it unawares; nay, more, that he is actually unwilling to recognize it
when it is brought to his notice. So you see that the symbolic relation is a
comparison of a quite peculiar kind, the nature of which is as yet not fully
clear to us. Perhaps some indication will be found later which will throw
some light upon this unknown quantity.
The number of things which are represented symbolically in dreams is
not great. The human body as a whole, parents, children, brothers and
sisters, birth, death, nakedness—and one thing more. The only typical, that
is to say, regularly occurring, representation of the human form as a whole
is that of a house, as was recognized by Scherner, who even wanted to
attribute to this symbol an overwhelming significance which is not really
due to it. People have dreams of climbing down the front of a house, with
feelings sometimes of pleasure and sometimes of dread. When the walls are
quite smooth, the house means a man; when there are ledges and balconies
which can be caught hold of, a woman. Parents appear in dreams as
emperor and empress, king and queen or other exalted personages; in this
respect the dream attitude is highly dutiful. Children and brothers and

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sisters are less tenderly treated, being symbolized by little animals or
vermin. Birth is almost invariably represented by some reference to water:
either we are falling into water or clambering out of it, saving someone
from it or being saved by them, i.e. the relation between mother and child is
symbolized. For dying we have setting out upon a journey or travelling by
train, while the state of death is indicated by various obscure and, as it were,
timid allusions; clothes and uniforms stand for nakedness. You see that here
the dividing line between the symbolic and the allusive kinds of
representation tends to disappear.
In comparison with the poverty of this enumeration, it cannot fail to
strike us that objects and matters belonging to another range of ideas are
represented by a remarkably rich symbolism. I am speaking of what
pertains to the sexual life—the genitals, sexual processes and intercourse.
An overwhelming majority of symbols in dreams are sexual symbols. A
curious disproportion arises thus, for the matters dealt with are few in
number, whereas the symbols for them are extraordinarily numerous, so that
each of these few things can be expressed by many symbols practically
equivalent. When they are interpreted, therefore, the result of this
peculiarity gives universal offence, for, in contrast to the multifarious forms
of its representation in dreams, the interpretation of the symbols is very
monotonous. This is displeasing to everyone who comes to know of it: but
how can we help it?
As this is the first time in the course of these lectures that I have
touched upon the sexual life, I owe you some explanation of the manner in
which I propose to treat this subject. Psycho-Analysis sees no occasion for
concealments or indirect allusions, and does not think it necessary to be
ashamed of concerning itself with material so important; it is of opinion that
it is right and proper to call everything by its true name, hoping in this way
the more easily to avoid disturbing suggestions. The fact that I am speaking
to a mixed audience can make no difference in this. No science can be
treated as an oracular mystery, or in a manner adapted to school-girls; the
women present, by appearing in this lecture-room, have tacitly expressed
their desire to be regarded on the same footing as the men.
The male genital organ is symbolically represented in dreams in many
different ways, with most of which the common idea underlying the
comparison is easily apparent. In the first place, the sacred number three is

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symbolic of the whole male genitalia. Its more conspicuous and, to both
sexes, more interesting part, the penis, is symbolized primarily by objects
which resemble it in form, being long and upstanding, such as sticks,
umbrellas, poles, trees and the like; also by objects which, like the thing
symbolized, have the property of penetrating, and consequently of injuring,
the body,—that is to say, pointed weapons of all sorts: knives, daggers,
lances, sabres; fire-arms are similarly used: guns, pistols and revolvers,
these last being a very appropriate symbol on account of their shape. In the
anxiety-dreams of young girls, pursuit by a man armed with a knife or rifle
plays a great part. This is perhaps the most frequently occurring dream-
symbol: you can now easily translate it for yourselves. The substitution of
the male organ by objects from which water flows is again easily
comprehensible: taps, watering-cans, or springs; and by other objects
which are capable of elongation, such as pulley lamps, pencils which slide
in and out of a sheath, and so on. Pencils, penholders, nail-files, hammers
and other implements are undoubtedly male sexual symbols, based on an
idea of the male organ which is equally easily perceived.
The peculiar property of this member of being able to raise itself
upright in defiance of the law of gravity, part of the phenomena of erection,
leads to symbolic representation by means of balloons, aeroplanes, and,
just recently, Zeppelins. But dreams have another, much more impressive,
way of symbolizing erection; they make the organ of sex into the essential
part of the whole person, so that the dreamer himself flies. Do not be upset
by hearing that dreams of flying, which we all know and which are often so
beautiful, must be interpreted as dreams of general sexual excitement,
dreams of erection. One psycho-analytic investigator, P. Federn, has
established the truth of this interpretation beyond doubt; but, besides this,
Mourly Vold, a man highly praised for his sober judgement, who carried out
the experiments with artificial postures of the arms and legs, and whose
theories were really widely removed from those of psycho-analysis (indeed
he may have known nothing about it), was led by his own investigations to
the same conclusion. Nor must you think to object to this on the ground that
women can also have dreams of flying; you should rather remind
yourselves that the purpose of dreams is wish-fulfilment, and that the wish
to be a man is frequently met with in women, whether they are conscious of
it or not. Further, no one familiar with anatomy will be misled by supposing
that it is impossible for a woman to realize this wish by sensations similar

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to those of a man, for the woman’s sexual organs include a small one which
resembles the penis, and this little organ, the clitoris, does actually play
during childhood and in the years before sexual intercourse the same part as
the large male organ.
Male sexual symbols less easy to understand are certain reptiles and
fishes: above all, the famous symbol of the serpent. Why hats and cloaks
are used in the same way is certainly difficult to divine, but their symbolic
meaning is quite unquestionable. Finally, it may be asked whether the
representation of the male organ by some other member, such as the hand
or the foot, may be termed symbolic. I think the context in which this is
wont to occur, and the female counterparts with which we meet, force this
conclusion upon us.
The female genitalia are symbolically represented by all such objects
as share with them the property of enclosing a space or are capable of
acting as receptacles: such as pits, hollows and caves, and also jars and
bottles, and boxes of all sorts and sizes, chests, coffers, pockets, and so
forth. Ships too come into this category. Many symbols refer rather to the
uterus than to the other genital organs: thus cupboards, stoves and, above
all, rooms. Room symbolism here links up with that of houses, whilst doors
and gates represent the genital opening. Moreover, material of different
kinds is a symbol of woman,—wood, paper, and objects made of these,
such as tables and books. From the animal world, snails and mussels at any
rate must be cited as unmistakable female symbols; of the parts of the body,
the mouth as a representation of the genital opening, and, amongst
buildings, churches and chapels are symbols of a woman. You see that all
these symbols are not equally easy to understand.
The breasts must be included amongst the organs of sex; these, as well
as the larger hemispheres of the female body, are represented by apples,
peaches and fruit in general. The pubic hair in both sexes is indicated in
dreams by woods and thickets. The complicated topography of the female
sexual organs accounts for their often being represented by a landscape
with rocks, woods and water, whilst the imposing mechanism of the male
sexual apparatus lends it to symbolization by all kinds of complicated and
indescribable machinery.
Yet another noteworthy symbol of the female genital organ is a jewel-
case, whilst “jewel” and “treasure” are used also in dreams to represent the

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beloved person,[33] and sweetmeats frequently stand for sexual pleasures.
Gratification derived from a person’s own genitals is indicated by any kind
of play, including playing the piano. The symbolic representation of
onanism by sliding or gliding and also by pulling off a branch is very
typical. A particularly remarkable dream-symbol is the falling out or
extraction of teeth; the primary significance of this is certainly castration as
a punishment for onanism. Special representations of sexual intercourse are
less frequent in dreams than we should expect after all this, but we may
mention in this connection rhythmical activities such as dancing, riding and
climbing, and also experiencing some violence, e.g. being run over. To these
may be added certain manual occupations, and of course being threatened
with weapons.
You must not imagine that these symbols are either employed or
translated quite simply: on all sides we meet with what we do not expect.
For instance, it seems hardly credible that there is often no sharp
discrimination of the different sexes in these symbolic representations.
Many symbols stand for sexual organs in general, whether male or female:
for instance, a little child, or a little son or daughter. At another time a
symbol which is generally a male one may be used to denote the female
sexual organ, or vice versa. This is incomprehensible until we have
acquired some knowledge of the development of conceptions about
sexuality amongst human beings. In many cases this ambiguity of the
symbols may be apparent rather than real; and moreover, the most striking
amongst them, such as weapons, pockets and chests, are never used
bisexually in this way.
I will now give a brief account, beginning with the symbols
themselves instead of with the objects symbolized, to show you from what
spheres the sexual symbols have for the most part been derived, and I will
add a few remarks relating particularly to those in which the attribute in
common with the thing symbolized is hard to detect. An instance of an
obscure symbol of this kind is the hat, or perhaps head-coverings in
general; this usually has a masculine significance, though occasionally a
feminine one. In the same way a cloak betokens a man, though perhaps
sometimes without special reference to the organs of sex. It is open to you
to ask why this should be so. A tie, being an object which hangs down and
is not worn by women, is clearly a male symbol, whilst underlinen and
linen in general stands for the female. Clothes and uniforms, as we have

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heard, represent nakedness or the human form; shoes and slippers
symbolize the female genital organs. Tables and wood we have mentioned
as being puzzling, but nevertheless certain, female symbols; the act of
mounting ladders, steep places or stairs is indubitably symbolic of sexual
intercourse. On closer reflection we shall notice that the rhythmic character
of this climbing is the point in common between the two, and perhaps also
the accompanying increase in excitation—the shortening of the breath as
the climber ascends.
We have already recognized that landscapes represent the female
sexual organs; mountains and rocks are symbols of the male organ; gardens,
a frequently occurring symbol of the female genitalia. Fruit stands for the
breasts, not for a child. Wild animals denote human beings whose senses are
excited, and, hence, evil impulses or passions. Blossoms and flowers
represent the female sexual organs, more particularly, in virginity. In this
connection you will recollect that the blossoms are really the sexual organs
of plants.
We already know how rooms are used symbolically. This
representation may be extended, so that windows and doors (entrances and
exits from rooms) come to mean the openings of the body; the fact of rooms
being open or closed also accords with this symbolism: the key, which
opens them, is certainly a male symbol.
This is some material for a study of dream-symbolism. It is not
complete, and could be both extended and made deeper. However, I think it
will seem to you more than enough; perhaps you may dislike it. You will
ask: “Do I then really live in the midst of sexual symbols? Are all the
objects round me, all the clothes I wear, all the things I handle, always
sexual symbols and nothing else?” There really is good reason for surprised
questions, and the first of these would be: How do we profess to arrive at
the meaning of these dream-symbols, about which the dreamer himself can
give us little or no information?
My answer is that we derive our knowledge from widely different
sources: from fairy tales and myths, jokes and witticisms, from folk-lore,
i.e. from what we know of the manners and customs, sayings and songs, of
different peoples, and from poetic and colloquial usage of language.
Everywhere in these various fields the same symbolism occurs, and in
many of them we can understand it without being taught anything about it.

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If we consider these various sources individually, we shall find so many
parallels to dream-symbolism that we are bound to be convinced of the
correctness of our interpretations.
The human body is, we said, according to Scherner frequently
symbolized in dreams by a house; by an extension of this symbolism,
windows, doors and gates stand for the entrances to cavities in the body,
and the façades may either be smooth or may have balconies and ledges to
hold on to. The same symbolism is met with in colloquialisms; for instance,
we speak of “a thatch of hair,” or a “tile hat,” or say of someone that he is
not right “in the upper storey.”[34] In anatomy, too, we speak of the openings
of the body as its “portals.”[35]
We may at first find it surprising that parents appear in our dreams as
kings and emperors and their consorts, but we have a parallel to this in fairy
tales. Does it not begin to dawn upon us that the many fairy tales which
begin with the words “Once upon a time there were a king and queen”
simply mean: “Once upon a time there were a father and mother?” In family
life the children are sometimes spoken of jestingly as princes, and the eldest
son as the crown prince. The king himself is called the father of his people.
[36]
Again, in some parts, little children are often playfully spoken of as little
animals, e.g. in Cornwall, as “little toad,” or in Germany as “little worm,”
and, in sympathizing with a child, Germans say “poor little worm.”
Now let us return to the house symbolism. When in our dreams we
make use of the projections of houses as supports, does that not suggest a
well-known, popular German saying, with reference to a woman with a
markedly developed bust: “She has something for one to hold on to” (Die
hat etwas zum Anhalten), whilst another colloquialism in the same
connection is: “She has plenty of wood in front of her house” (Die hat viel
Holz vor dem Hause), as though our interpretation were to be borne out by
this when we say that wood is a female maternal symbol.
There is still something to be said on the subject of wood. It is not easy
to see why wood should have come to represent a woman or mother, but
here a comparison of different languages may be useful to us. The German
word Holz (wood) is said to be derived from the same root as the Greek
ὔλη, which means stuff, raw material. This would be an instance of a
process which is by no means rare, in that a general name for material has
come finally to be applied to a particular material only. Now, in the Atlantic

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Ocean, there is an island named Madeira, and this name was given to it by
the Portuguese when they discovered it, because at that time it was covered
with dense forests; for in Portuguese the word for wood is madeira. But you
cannot fail to notice that this madeira is merely a modified form of the
Latin materia, which again signifies material in general. Now materia is
derived from mater = mother, and the material out of which anything is
made may be conceived of as giving birth to it. So, in the symbolic use of
wood to represent woman or mother, we have a survival of this old idea.
Birth is regularly expressed by some connection with water: we are
plunging into or emerging from water, that is to say, we give birth or are
being born. Now let us not forget that this symbol has a twofold reference
to the actual facts of evolution. Not only are all land mammals, from which
the human race itself has sprung, descended from creatures inhabiting the
water—this is the more remote of the two considerations—but also every
single mammal, every human being, has passed the first phase of existence
in water—that is to say, as an embryo in the amniotic fluid of the mother’s
womb—and thus, at birth, emerged from water. I do not maintain that the
dreamer knows this; on the other hand, I contend that there is no need for
him to know it. He probably knows something else from having been told it
as a child, but even this, I will maintain, has contributed nothing to symbol-
formation. The child is told in the nursery that the stork brings the babies,
but then where does it get them? Out of a pond or a well—again, out of the
water. One of my patients who had been told this as a child (a little count,
as he was then) afterwards disappeared for a whole afternoon, and was at
last found lying at the edge of the castle lake, with his little face bent over
the clear water, eagerly gazing to see whether he could catch sight of the
babies at the bottom of the water.
In the myths of the births of heroes, a comparative study of which has
been made by O. Rank—the earliest is that of King Sargon of Akkad, about
2800 B.C.—exposure in water and rescue from it play a major part. Rank
perceived that this symbolizes birth in a manner analogous to that employed
in dreams. When anyone in his dream rescues somebody from the water, he
makes that person into his mother, or at any rate a mother; and in
mythology, whoever rescues a child from water confesses herself to be its
real mother. There is a well-known joke in which an intelligent Jewish boy,
when asked who was the mother of Moses, answers immediately: “The
Princess.” He is told: “No, she only took him out of the water.” “That’s

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what she said,” he replies, showing that he had hit upon the right
interpretation of the myth.
Going away on a journey stands in dreams for dying; similarly, it is the
custom in the nursery, when a child asks questions as to the whereabouts of
someone who has died and whom he misses, to tell him that that person has
“gone away.” Here again, I deprecate the idea that the dream-symbol has its
origin in this evasive reply to the child. The poet uses the same symbol
when he speaks of the other side as “the undiscovered country from whose
bourne no traveller returns.” Again, in everyday speech it is quite usual to
speak of the “last journey,” and everyone who is acquainted with ancient
rites knows how seriously the idea of a journey into the land of the dead
was taken, for instance, in ancient Egyptian belief. In many cases the “Book
of the Dead” survives, which was given to the mummy, like a Baedeker, to
take with him on the last journey. Since burial-grounds have been placed at
a distance from the houses of the living, the last journey of the dead has
indeed become a reality.
Nor does sexual symbolism belong only to dreams. You will all know
the expression “a baggage” as applied contemptuously to a woman, but
perhaps people do not know that they are using a genital symbol. In the
New Testament we read: “The woman is the weaker vessel.” The sacred
writings of the Jews, the style of which so closely approaches that of poetry,
are full of expressions symbolic of sex, which have not always been
correctly interpreted and the exegesis of which, e.g. in the Song of
Solomon, has led to many misunderstandings.[37] In later Hebrew literature
the woman is very frequently represented by a house, the door standing for
the genital opening; thus a man complains, when he finds a woman no
longer a virgin, that “he has found the door open.” The symbol “table” for a
woman also occurs in this literature; the woman says of her husband “I
spread the table for him, but he overturned it.” Lame children are said to
owe their infirmity to the fact that the man “overturned the table.” I quote
here from a treatise by L. Levy in Brünn: Sexual Symbolism in the Bible
and the Talmud.
That ships in dreams signify women is a belief in which we are
supported by the etymologists, who assert that “ship” (Schiff) was originally
the name of an earthen vessel and is the same word as Schaff (schaffen = to
make or produce). That an oven stands for a woman or the mother’s womb

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is an interpretation confirmed by the Greek story of Periander of Corinth
and his wife Melissa. According to the version of Herodotus, the tyrant
adjured the shade of his wife, whom he had loved passionately but had
murdered out of jealousy, to tell him something about herself, whereupon
the dead woman identified herself by reminding him that he, Periander,
“had put his bread into a cold oven,” thus expressing in a disguised form a
circumstance of which everyone else was ignorant. In the Anthropophyteia,
edited by F. S. Kraus, a work which is an indispensable text-book on
everything concerning the sexual life of different peoples, we read that in a
certain part of Germany people say of a woman who is delivered of a child
that “her oven has fallen to pieces.” The kindling of fire and everything
connected with this is permeated through and through with sexual
symbolism, the flame always standing for the male organ, and the fireplace
or the hearth for the womb of the woman.
If you have chanced to wonder at the frequency with which landscapes
are used in dreams to symbolize the female sexual organs, you may learn
from mythologists how large a part has been played in the ideas and cults of
ancient times by “Mother Earth” and how the whole conception of
agriculture was determined by this symbolism. The fact that in dreams a
room represents a woman you may be inclined to trace to the German
colloquialism by which Frauenzimmer (lit. “woman’s room”) is used for
Frau, that is to say, the human person is represented by the place assigned
for her occupation. Similarly we speak of the Porte, meaning thereby the
Sultan and his government, and the name of the ancient Egyptian ruler,
Pharaoh, merely means “great court.” (In the ancient Orient the courts
between the double gates of the city were places of assembly, like the
market-place in classical times.) But I think this derivation is too
superficial, and it strikes me as more probable that the room came to
symbolize woman on account of its property of enclosing within it the
human being. We have already met with the house in this sense; from
mythology and poetry we may take towns, citadels, castles and fortresses to
be further symbols for women. It would be easy to decide the point by
reference to the dreams of people who neither speak nor understand
German. Of late years I have mainly treated foreign patients, and I think I
recollect that in their dreams rooms stand in the same way for women, even
though there is no word analogous to our Frauenzimmer in their language.
There are other indications that symbolism may transcend the boundaries of

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language, a fact already maintained by the old dream-investigator, Schubert,
in 1862. Nevertheless, none of my patients were wholly ignorant of
German, so that I must leave this question to be decided by those analysts
who can collect instances in other countries from persons who speak only
one language.[38]
Amongst the symbols for the male sexual organ, there is scarcely one
which does not appear in jests, or in vulgar or poetic phrases, especially in
the old classical poets. Here, however, we meet not only with such symbols
as occur in dreams but also with new ones, e.g. the implements employed in
various kinds of work, first and foremost, the plough. Moreover, when we
come to male symbols, we trench on very extensive and much-contested
ground, which, in order not to waste time, we will avoid. I should just like
to devote a few remarks to the one symbol which stands, as it were, by
itself; I refer to the number three. Whether this number does not in all
probability owe its sacred character to its symbolic significance is a
question which we must leave undecided, but it seems certain that many
tripartite natural objects, e.g. the clover-leaf, are used in coats-of-arms and
as emblems on account of their symbolism. The so-called “French” lily with
its three parts and, again, the “trisceles,” that curious coat-of-arms of two
such widely separated islands as Sicily and the Isle of Man (a figure
consisting of three bent legs projecting from a central point), are supposed
to be merely disguised forms of the male sexual organ, images of which
were believed in ancient times to be the most powerful means of warding
off evil influences (apotropaea); connected with this is the fact that the
lucky “charms” of our own time may all be easily recognized as genital or
sexual symbols. Let us consider a collection of such charms in the form of
tiny silver pendants: a four-leaved clover, a pig, a mushroom, a horseshoe, a
ladder and a chimney-sweep. The four-leaved clover has taken the place of
that with three leaves, which was really more appropriate for the purposes
of symbolism; the pig is an ancient symbol of fruitfulness; the mushroom
undoubtedly symbolizes the penis, there are mushrooms which derive their
name from their unmistakable resemblance to that organ (Phallus
impudicus); the horseshoe reproduces the contour of the female genital
opening; while the chimney-sweep with his ladder belongs to this company
because his occupation is one which is vulgarly compared with sexual
intercourse. (Cf. Anthropophyteia.) We have learnt to recognize his ladder
in dreams as a sexual symbol: expressions in language show what a

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completely sexual significance the word steigen, to mount, has, as in the
phrases: Den Frauen nachsteigen (to run after women) and ein alter Steiger
(an old roué). So, in French, where the word for “step” is la marche, we
find the quite analogous expression for an old rake: un vieux marcheur.
Probably the fact that with many of the larger animals sexual intercourse
necessitates a mounting or “climbing upon” the female has something to do
with this association of ideas.
Pulling off a branch to symbolize onanism is not only in agreement
with vulgar descriptions of that act, but also has far-reaching parallels in
mythology. But especially remarkable is the representation of onanism, or
rather of castration as the punishment for onanism, by the falling out or
extraction of teeth; for we find in folk-lore a counterpart to this which could
only be known to very few dreamers. I think that there can be no doubt that
circumcision, a practice common to so many peoples, is an equivalent and
replacement of castration. And recently we have learnt that certain
aboriginal tribes in Australia practise circumcision as a rite to mark the
attaining of puberty (at the celebration of the boy’s coming of age), whilst
other tribes living quite near have substituted for this practice that of
knocking out a tooth.
I will end my account with these examples. They are only examples;
we know more about this subject and you can imagine how much richer and
more interesting a collection of this sort might be made, not by dilettanti
like ourselves, but by real experts in mythology, anthropology, philology
and folk-lore. We are forced to certain conclusions, which cannot be
exhaustive, but nevertheless will give us plenty to think about.
In the first place, we are confronted with the fact that the dreamer has
at his command a symbolic mode of expression of which he knows nothing,
and does not even recognize, in his waking life. This is as amazing as if you
made the discovery that your housemaid understood Sanscrit, though you
know that she was born in a Bohemian village and had never learnt that
language. It is not easy to bring this fact into line with our views on
psychology. We can only say that the dreamer’s knowledge of symbolism is
unconscious and belongs to his unconscious mental life, but even this
assumption does not help us much. Up till now we have only had to assume
the existence of unconscious tendencies which are temporarily or
permanently unknown to us; but now the question is a bigger one and we

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have actually to believe in unconscious knowledge, thought-relations, and
comparisons between different objects, in virtue of which one idea can
constantly be substituted for another. These comparisons are not instituted
afresh every time, but are ready to hand, perfect for all time; this we infer
from their unanimity in different persons, even probably in spite of
linguistic differences.
Whence is our knowledge of this symbolism derived? The usages of
speech cover only a small part of it, whilst the manifold parallels in other
fields are for the most part unknown to the dreamer; we ourselves had to
collate them laboriously in the first instance.
In the second place, these symbolic relations are not peculiar to the
dreamer or to the dream-work by which they are expressed; for we have
discovered that the same symbolism is employed in myths and fairy tales, in
popular sayings and songs, in colloquial speech and poetic phantasy. The
province of symbolism is extraordinarily wide: dream-symbolism is only a
small part of it; it would not even be expedient to attack the whole problem
from the side of dreams. Many of the symbols commonly occurring
elsewhere either do not appear in dreams at all or appear very seldom; on
the other hand, many of the dream-symbols are not met with in every other
department, but, as you have seen, only here and there. We get the
impression that here we have to do with an ancient but obsolete mode of
expression, of which different fragments have survived in different fields,
one here only, another there only, a third in various spheres perhaps in
slightly different forms. At this point I am reminded of the phantasy of a
very interesting insane patient, who had imagined a “primordial language”
(Grundsprache) of which all these symbols were survivals.
In the third place, it must strike you that the symbolism occurring in
the other fields I have named is by no means confined to sexual themes,
whereas in dreams the symbols are almost exclusively used to represent
sexual objects and relations. This again is hard to account for. Are we to
suppose that symbols originally of sexual significance were later employed
differently and that perhaps the decline from symbolic to other modes of
representation is connected with this? It is obviously impossible to answer
these questions by dealing only with dream-symbolism; all we can do is to
hold fast to the supposition that there is a specially close relation between
true symbols and sexuality.

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An important clue in this connection has recently been given to us in
the view expressed by a philologist (H. Sperber, of Upsala, who works
independently of psycho-analysis), that sexual needs have had the largest
share in the origin and development of language. He says that the first
sounds uttered were a means of communication, and of summoning the
sexual partner, and that in the later development the elements of speech
were used as an accompaniment to the different kinds of work carried on by
primitive man. This work was performed by associated efforts, to the sound
of rhythmically repeated utterances, the effect of which was to transfer a
sexual interest to the work. Primitive man thus made his work agreeable, so
to speak, by treating it as the equivalent of and substitute for sexual
activities. The word uttered during the communal work had therefore two
meanings, the one referring to the sexual act, the other to the labour which
had come to be equivalent to it. In time the word was dissociated from its
sexual significance and its application confined to the work. Generations
later the same thing happened to a new word with a sexual signification,
which was then applied to a new form of work. In this way a number of
root-words arose which were all of sexual origin but had all lost their sexual
meaning. If the statement here outlined be correct, a possibility at least of
understanding dream-symbolism opens out before us. We should
comprehend why it is that in dreams, which retain something of these
primitive conditions, there is such an extraordinarily large number of sexual
symbols; and why weapons and tools in general stand for the male, and
materials and things worked on for the female. The symbolic relation would
then be the survival of the old identity in words; things which once had the
same name as the genitalia could now appear in dreams as symbolizing
them.
Further, our parallels to dream-symbolism may assist you to appreciate
what it is in psycho-analysis which makes it a subject of general interest, in
a way that was not possible to either psychology or psychiatry; psycho-
analytic work is so closely intertwined with so many other branches of
science, the investigation of which gives promise of the most valuable
conclusions: with mythology, philology, folk-lore, folk psychology and the
study of religion. You will not be surprised to hear that a publication has
sprung from psycho-analytic soil, of which the exclusive object is to foster
these relations. I refer to Imago, first published in 1912 and edited by Hanns
Sachs and Otto Rank. In its relation to all these other subjects, psycho-

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analysis has in the first instance given rather than received. True, analysis
reaps the advantage of receiving confirmation of its own results, seemingly
so strange, again in other fields; but on the whole it is psycho-analysis
which supplies the technical methods and the points of view, the application
of which is to prove fruitful in these other provinces. The mental life of the
human individual yields, under psycho-analytic investigation, explanations
which solve many a riddle in the life of the masses of mankind or at any
rate can show these problems in their true light.
I have still given you no idea of the circumstances in which we may
arrive at the deepest insight into that hypothetical “primordial language,” or
of the province in which it is for the most part retained. As long as you do
not know this you cannot appreciate the true significance of the whole
subject. I refer to the province of neurosis; the material is found in the
symptoms and other modes of expression of nervous patients, for the
explanation and treatment of which psycho-analysis was indeed devised.
My fourth point of view takes us back to the place from which we
started and leads into the track we have already marked out. We said that
even if there were no dream-censorship we should still find it difficult to
interpret dreams, for we should then be confronted with the task of
translating the symbolic language of dreams into the language of waking
life. Symbolism, then, is a second and independent factor in dream-
distortion, existing side by side with the censorship. But the conclusion is
obvious that it suits the censorship to make use of symbolism, in that both
serve the same purpose: that of making the dream strange and
incomprehensible.
Whether a further study of the dream will not introduce us to yet
another contributing factor in the distortion, we shall soon see. But I must
not leave the subject of dream-symbolism without once more touching on
the puzzling fact that it has succeeded in rousing such strenuous opposition
amongst educated persons, although the prevalence of symbolism in myth,
religion, art and language is beyond all doubt. Is it not probable that, here
again, the reason is to be found in its relation to sexuality?

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ELEVENTH LECTURE
THE DREAM-WORK

When you have successfully grasped the dream-censorship and
symbolic representation, you will not, it is true, have mastered dream-
distortion in its entirety, but you will nevertheless be in a position to
understand most dreams. To do so, you will make use of the two
complementary methods: you will call up the dreamer’s associations till you
have penetrated from the substitute to the thought proper for which it
stands, and you will supply the meaning of the symbols from your own
knowledge of the subject. We will speak later of certain doubtful points
which may arise in the process.
We can now return to a task which we attempted earlier with
inadequate equipment, when we were studying the relations between
dream-elements and the thoughts proper underlying them. We then
determined the existence of four such main relations: substitution of the part
for the whole, hints or allusions, symbolic connection, and plastic word-
representation (images). We will now try to deal with this subject on a
larger scale, by a comparison of the manifest dream-content as a whole with
the latent dream as laid bare by our interpretation.
I hope you will never again confuse these two things. If you succeed in
distinguishing between them, you will have advanced further towards an
understanding of dreams than in all probability most of the readers of my
Interpretation of Dreams have done. Let me again remind you that the
process by which the latent dream is transformed into the manifest dream is
called THE DREAM-WORK; while the reverse process, which seeks to progress
from the manifest to the latent thoughts, is our work of interpretation; the
work of interpretation therefore aims at demolishing the dream-work. In
dreams of the infantile type in which the obvious wish-fulfilments are easily
recognized, the process of dream-work has nevertheless been operative to
some extent, for the wish has been transformed into a reality and, usually,
the thoughts also into visual images. Here no interpretation is necessary; we

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only have to retrace both these transformations. The further operations of
the dream-work, as seen in the other types of dreams, we call dream-
distortion, and here the original ideas have to be restored by our
interpretative work.
Having had the opportunity of comparing many dream-interpretations,
I am in a position to give you a comprehensive account of the manner in
which the dream-work deals with the material of the latent dream-thoughts.
But please do not expect to understand too much: it is a piece of description
which should be listened to quietly and attentively.
The first achievement of the dream-work is CONDENSATION; by this
term we mean to convey the fact that the content of the manifest dream is
less rich than that of the latent thoughts, is, as it were, a kind of abbreviated
translation of the latter. Now and again condensation may be lacking, but it
is present as a rule and is often carried to a very high degree. It never works
in the opposite manner, i.e. it never happens that the manifest dream is
wider in range or richer in content than is the latent dream. Condensation is
accomplished in the following ways: (1) certain latent elements are
altogether omitted; (2) of many complexes in the latent dream only a
fragment passes over into the manifest content; (3) latent elements sharing
some common characteristic are in the manifest dream put together, blended
into a single whole.
If you prefer to do so, you can reserve the term ‘condensation’ for this
last process, the effects of which are particularly easy to demonstrate.
Taking your own dreams, you will be able without any trouble to recall
instances of the condensation of different persons into a single figure. Such
a composite figure resembles A. in appearance, but is dressed like B.,
pursues some occupation which recalls C., and yet all the time you know
that it is really D. The composite picture serves, of course, to lay special
emphasis upon some characteristic common to the four people. And it is
possible also for a composite picture to be formed with objects or places, as
with persons, provided only that the single objects or places have some
common attribute upon which the latent dream lays stress. It is as though a
new and fugitive concept were formed, of which the common attribute is
the kernel. From the superimposing of the separate parts which undergo
condensation there usually results a blurred and indistinct picture, as if
several photographs had been taken on the same plate.

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The formation of such composite figures must be of great importance
in the dream-work, for we can prove that the common properties necessary
to their formation are purposely manufactured where at first sight they
would seem to be lacking, as, for example, by the choice of some particular
verbal expression for a thought. We have already met with instances of
condensation and composite-formation of this sort; they played an
important part in originating many slips of the tongue. You will remember
the case of the young man who wished to “insort” a lady (beleidigen =
insult, begleiten = escort, composite word begleitdigen). Besides, there are
jokes in which the technique is traceable to condensation of this sort. Apart
from this, however, we may venture to assert that this process is something
quite unusual and strange. It is true that in many a creation of phantasy we
meet with counterparts to the formation of the composite persons of our
dreams, component parts which do not belong to one another in reality
being readily united into a single whole by phantasy, as, for instance, in the
centaurs and fabulous animals of ancient mythology or of Boecklin’s
pictures. “Creative” phantasy can, in fact, invent nothing new, but can only
regroup elements from different sources. But the peculiar thing about the
way in which the dream-work proceeds is this: its material consists of
thoughts, some of which may be objectionable and disagreeable, but which
nevertheless are correctly formed and expressed. The dream-work
transmutes these thoughts into another form, and it is curious and
incomprehensible that in this process of translation—of rendering them, as
it were, into another script or language—the means of blending and
combining are employed. The translator’s endeavour in other cases must
surely be to respect the distinctions observed in the text, and especially to
differentiate between things which are similar but not the same; the dream-
work, on the contrary, strives to condense two different thoughts by
selecting, after the manner of wit, an ambiguous word which can suggest
both thoughts. We must not expect to understand this characteristic straight
away, but it may assume great significance for our conception of the dream-
work.
Although condensation renders the dream obscure, yet it does not give
the impression of being an effect of the dream-censorship. Rather we should
be inclined to trace it to mechanical or economic factors; nevertheless the
censorship’s interests are served by it.

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What condensation can achieve is sometimes quite extraordinary: by
this device it is at times possible for two completely different latent trains of
thought to be united in a single manifest dream, so that we arrive at an
apparently adequate interpretation of a dream and yet overlook a second
possible meaning.
Moreover, one of the effects of condensation upon the relationship
between the manifest and the latent dream is that the connection between
the elements of the one and of the other nowhere remains a simple one; for
by a kind of interlacing a manifest element represents simultaneously
several latent ones and, conversely, a latent thought may enter into several
manifest elements. Again, when we come to interpret dreams, we see that
the associations to a single manifest element do not commonly make their
appearance in orderly succession; we often have to wait until we have the
interpretation of the whole dream.
The dream-work, then, follows a very unusual mode of transcription
for the dream-thoughts; not a translation, word for word, or sign for sign;
nor yet a process of selection according to some definite rule, for instance,
as though the consonants only of the words were reproduced and the vowels
omitted; nor again what one might call a process of representation, one
element being always picked out to represent several others. It works by a
different and much more complicated method.
The second achievement of the dream-work is DISPLACEMENT.
Fortunately here we are not breaking perfectly fresh ground; indeed, we
know that it is entirely the work of the dream-censorship. Displacement
takes two forms: first, a latent element may be replaced, not by a part of
itself, but by something more remote, something of the nature of an
allusion; and, secondly, the accent may be transferred from an important
element to another which is unimportant, so that the centre of the dream is
shifted as it were, giving the dream a foreign appearance.
Substitution by allusion is familiar to us in our waking thoughts also,
but with a difference; for it is essential in the latter that the allusion should
be easily comprehensible, and that the content of the substitute should be
associated to that of the thought proper. Allusion is also frequently
employed in wit, where the condition of association in content is dispensed
with and replaced by unfamiliar external associations, such as similarity of
sound, ambiguity of meaning, etc. The condition of comprehensibility,

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however, is observed: the joke would lose all its point if we could not
recognize without any effort what is the actual thing to which the allusion is
made. But in dreams allusion by displacement is unrestricted by either
limitation. It is connected most superficially and most remotely with the
element for which it stands, and for that reason is not readily
comprehensible; and, when the connection is traced, the interpretation gives
the impression of an unsuccessful joke or of a “forced,” far-fetched and
“dragged in” explanation. The object of the dream-censorship is only
attained when it has succeeded in making it impossible to trace the thought
proper back from the allusion.
Displacement of accent is not a legitimate device if our object be the
expression of thought; though we do sometimes admit it in waking life in
order to produce a comic effect. I can to some extent convey to you the
impression of confusion which then results, by reminding you of an
anecdote, according to which there was in a certain village a smith who had
committed a capital offence. The court decided that the smith was guilty;
but, since he was the only one of his trade in the village and therefore
indispensable, whereas there were three tailors living there, one of these
three was hanged in his place!
The third achievement of the dream-work is the most interesting from
the psychological point of view. It consists in the transformation of thoughts
into visual images. Let us be quite clear that not everything in the dream-
thoughts is thus transformed; much keeps its original form and appears also
in the manifest dream as thought or knowledge, on the part of the dreamer;
again, translation of them into visual images is not the only possible
transformation of thoughts. But it is nevertheless the essential feature in the
formation of dreams, and, as we know, this part of the dream-work is, if we
except one other case, the least subject to variation; for single dream-
elements, moreover, plastic word-representation is a process already
familiar to us.
Obviously this achievement is by no means an easy one. In order to get
some idea of its difficulty, imagine that you had undertaken to replace a
political leading article in a newspaper by a series of illustrations; you
would have to abandon alphabetic characters in favour of hieroglyphics.
The people and concrete objects mentioned in the article could be easily
represented, perhaps even more satisfactorily, in pictorial form; but you

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would expect to meet with difficulties when you came to the portrayal of all
the abstract words and all those parts of speech which indicate relations
between the various thoughts, e.g. particles, conjunctions, and so forth.
With the abstract words you would employ all manner of devices: for
instance, you would try to render the text of the article into other words,
more unfamiliar perhaps, but made up of parts more concrete and therefore
more capable of such representation. This will remind you of the fact that
most abstract words were originally concrete, their original significance
having faded; and therefore you will fall back on the original concrete
meaning of these words wherever possible. So you will be glad that you can
represent the “possessing” of an object as a literal, physical “sitting upon” it
(possess = potis + sedeo). This is just how the dream-work proceeds. In
such circumstances you can hardly demand great accuracy of
representation, neither will you quarrel with the dream-work for replacing
an element which is difficult to reduce to pictorial form, such as the idea of
breaking marriage vows, by some other kind of breaking, e.g. that of an arm
or leg.[39] In this way you will to some extent succeed in overcoming the
awkwardness of rendering alphabetic characters into hieroglyphs.
When you come to represent those parts of speech which indicate
thought-relations, e.g. “because,” “therefore,” “but,” and so on, you have no
such means as those described to assist you; so that these parts of the text
must be lost, so far as your translation into pictorial form is concerned.
Similarly, the content of the dream-thoughts is resolved by the dream-work
into its ‘raw material,’ consisting of objects and activities. You may be
satisfied if there is any possibility of indicating somehow, by a more minute
elaboration of the images, certain relations which cannot be represented in
themselves. In a precisely similar manner the dream-work succeeds in
expressing much of the content of the latent thoughts by means of
peculiarities in the form of the manifest dream, by its distinctness or
obscurity, its division into various parts, etc. The number of parts into
which a dream is divided corresponds as a rule with the number of its main
themes, the successive trains of thought in the latent dream; a short
preliminary dream often stands in an introductory or causal relation to the
subsequent detailed main dream; whilst a subordinate dream-thought is
represented by the interpolation into the manifest dream of a change of
scene, and so on. The form of dreams, then, is by no means unimportant in
itself, and itself demands interpretation. Several dreams in the same night

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often have the same meaning, and indicate an endeavour to control more
and more completely a stimulus of increasing urgency. In a single dream, a
specially difficult element may be represented by “doubling” it, i.e. by more
than one symbol.
If we continue the comparison of dream-thoughts with the manifest
dreams representing them, we discover in all directions things we should
never have expected, e.g. that even nonsense and absurdity in dreams have
their meaning; in fact, at this point the contrast between the medical and the
psycho-analytic view of dreams becomes more marked than ever before.
According to the medical view, the dream is absurd because while dreaming
our mental activity has renounced its functions; according to our view, on
the other hand, the dream becomes absurd when it has to represent a
criticism implicit in the latent thoughts—the opinion: “It is absurd.” The
dream I told you, about the visit to the theatre (“three tickets for one florin
and a half”) is a good example of this: the opinion thus expressed was as
follows: “It was absurd to marry so early.”
Similarly, we find out when we interpret dreams what is the real
meaning of the doubts and uncertainties, so frequently mentioned by
dreamers, whether a certain element did actually appear in the dream,
whether it was really this and not rather something else. As a rule, there is
nothing in the latent thoughts corresponding with these doubts and
uncertainties; they originate wholly through the operation of the censorship
and are comparable to a not entirely successful attempt at erasure.
One of our most surprising discoveries is the manner in which
opposites in the latent dream are dealt with by the dream-work. We know
already that points of agreement in the latent material are replaced by
condensation in the manifest dream. Now contraries are treated in just the
same way as similarities, with a marked preference for expression by means
of the same manifest element. An element in the manifest dream which
admits of an opposite may stand simply for itself, or for its opposite, or for
both together; only the sense can decide which translation is to be chosen. It
accords with this that there is no representation of a “No” in dreams, or at
least none which is not ambiguous.
A welcome analogy to this strange behaviour of the dream-work is
furnished in the development of language. Many philologists have
maintained that in the oldest languages opposites such as: strong—weak,

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light—dark, large—small, were expressed by the same root word
(antithetical sense of primal words). Thus, in old Egyptian “ken” stood
originally for both “strong” and “weak.” In speaking, misunderstanding was
guarded against in the use of such ambivalent words by the intonation and
accompanying gestures; in writing, by the addition of a so-called
“determinative,” that is to say, of a picture which was not meant to be
expressed orally. Thus, “ken” = “strong” was written in such a way that
after the letters there was a picture of a little man standing upright; when
“ken” meant “weak,” there was added the picture of a man in a slack,
crouching attitude. Only at a later period did the two opposite meanings of
the same primal word come to be designated in two different ways by slight
modifications of the original. Thus, from “ken” meaning “strong—weak”
were derived two words: “ken” = “strong” and “kan” = “weak.” Nor is it
only the oldest languages, in the last stages of their development, which
have retained many survivals of these early words capable of meaning
either of two opposites, but the same is true of much younger languages,
even those which are to-day still living. I will quote some illustrations of
this taken from the work of C. Abel (1884):
In Latin, such ambivalent words are:
altus = high or deep. sacer = sacred or accursed.
As examples of modifications of the original root, I quote:
clamare = to shout. clam = quietly, silently, secretly. siccus = dry.
succus = juice.
and, in German, Stimme = voice. stumm = dumb.
A comparison of kindred languages yields a large number of examples:
English: lock = to shut. German: Loch = hole. Lücke = gap. English:
cleave.[40] German: kleben = to stick, adhere.
The English word “without,” originally carrying with it both a positive
and a negative connotation, is to-day used in the negative sense only, but it
is clear that “with” has the signification, not merely of “adding to,” but of
“depriving of,” from the compounds “withdraw,” “withhold” (cf. the
German wieder).
Yet another peculiarity of the dream-work has its counterpart in the
development of language. In ancient Egyptian, as well as in other later

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languages, the sequence of sounds was transposed so as to result in different
words for the same fundamental idea. Examples of this kind of parallels
between English and German words may be quoted:
Topf (pot)—pot. Boat—tub. Hurry—Ruhe (rest). Balken (beam)—
Kloben (club). wait—täuwen (to wait).
Parallels between Latin and German:—
capere—packen (to seize). ren—Niere (kidney).
Such transpositions as have taken place here in the case of single
words are made by the dream-work in a variety of ways. The inversion of
the meaning, i.e. substitution by the opposite, is a device with which we are
already familiar; but, besides this, we find in dreams inversion of situations
or of the relations existing between two persons, as though the scene were
laid in a “topsy-turvy” world. In dreams often enough the hare shoots the
hunter. Again, inversion is met with in the sequence of events, so that in
dreams cause follows effect, which reminds us of what sometimes happens
in a third-rate theatrical performance, when first the hero falls and then the
shot which kills him is fired from the wings. Or there are dreams in which
the whole arrangement of the elements is inverted, so that in interpreting
them the last must be taken first, and the first last, in order to make sense at
all. You remember that we also found this in our study of dream-symbolism,
in which the act of plunging or falling into water has the same meaning as
that of emerging from water, namely, giving birth or being born, and going
up steps or a ladder means the same as coming down them. We cannot fail
to recognize the advantage reaped for dream-distortion by this freedom
from restrictions in representing the dream-thoughts.
These features of the dream-work may be termed archaic. They cling
to the primitive modes of expression of languages or scripts, and yield the
same difficulties, which we shall touch upon later in the course of some
critical observations on this topic.
Now let us consider some other aspects of the subject. Clearly what
has to be accomplished by the dream-work is the transformation of the
latent thoughts, as expressed in words, into perceptual forms, most
commonly into visual images. Now our thoughts originated in such
perceptual forms; their earliest material and the first stages in their
development consisted of sense-impressions, or, more accurately, of

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memory-pictures of these. It was later that words were attached to these
pictures and then connected so as to form thoughts. So that the dream-work
subjects our thoughts to a regressive process and retraces the steps in their
development; in the course of this REGRESSION all new acquisitions won
during this development of memory-pictures into thoughts must necessarily
fall away.
This then is what we mean by the dream-work. Beside what we have
learnt of its processes our interest in the manifest dream is bound to recede
far into the background; I will, however, devote still a few more remarks to
the manifest dream, for, after all, that is the only part of the dream with
which we have any direct acquaintance.
It is natural that the manifest dream should lose some of its importance
in our eyes. It must strike us as a matter of indifference whether it is
carefully composed or split up into a succession of disconnected pictures.
Even when the outward form of the dream is apparently full of meaning, we
know that this appearance has been arrived at by the process of dream-
distortion, and can have as little organic connection with the inner content
of the dream as exists between the façade of an Italian church and its
general structure and ground-plan. At times, however, this façade of the
dream has a meaning too, reproducing an important part of the latent
thoughts with little or no distortion. But we cannot know this until we have
interpreted the dream and thus arrived at an opinion with regard to the
degree of distortion present. A similar doubt obtains where two elements
seem to be closely connected; such connection may contain a valuable hint
that the corresponding elements in the latent dream are similarly related, but
at other times we can convince ourselves that what is connected in thought
has become widely separated in the dream.
In general we must refrain from attempting to explain one part of the
manifest dream by another part, as though the dream were a coherent
conception and a pragmatic representation. It is in most cases comparable
rather to a piece of Breccia stone, composed of fragments of different kinds
of stone cemented together in such a way that the markings upon it are not
those of the original pieces contained in it. There is, as a matter of fact, one
mechanism in the dream-work, known as SECONDARY ELABORATION, the
object of which is to combine the immediate results of the work into a
single and fairly coherent whole; during this process the material is often so

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arranged as to give rise to total misunderstanding, and for this purpose any
necessary interpolations are made.
On the other hand, we should not overrate the dream-work or attribute
to it more than is its due. Its activity is limited to the achievements here
enumerated; condensation, displacement, plastic representation and
secondary elaboration of the whole dream; these are all that it can effect.
Such manifestations of judgement, criticism, surprise, or deductive
reasoning, as are met with in dreams are not brought about by the dream-
work and are only very rarely the expression of subsequent reflection about
the dream; but are for the most part fragments of the latent thoughts
introduced into the manifest dream with more or less modification and in a
form suited to the context. Again, the dream-work cannot create
conversation in dreams; save in a few exceptional cases, it is imitated from,
and made up of, things heard or even said by the dreamer himself on the
previous day, which have entered into the latent thoughts as the material or
incitement of his dream. Neither do mathematical calculations come into
the province of the dream-work; anything of the sort appearing in the
manifest dream is generally a mere combination of numbers, a pseudo-
calculation, quite absurd as such, and again only a copy of some calculation
comprised in the latent thoughts. In these circumstances it is not surprising
that the interest which was felt in the dream-work soon becomes directed
instead towards the latent thoughts which disclose themselves in a more or
less distorted form through the manifest dream. We are not justified,
however, in a theoretical consideration of the subject, in letting our interest
stray so far that we altogether substitute the latent thoughts for the dream as
a whole, and make some pronouncement on the latter which is only true of
the former. It is strange that the findings of psycho-analysis could be so
misused as to result in confusion between the two. The term “dream” can
only be applied to the results of the dream-work, i.e. to the form into which
the latent thoughts have been rendered by the dream-work.
This work is a process of a quite peculiar type; nothing like it has
hitherto been known in mental life. This kind of condensation,
displacement, and regressive translation of thoughts into images, is a
novelty, the recognition of which in itself richly rewards our efforts in the
field of psycho-analysis. You will again perceive, from the parallels to
dream-work, the connections revealed between psycho-analytic and other
research, especially in the fields of the development of speech and thought.

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You will only realize the further significance of the insight so acquired
when you learn that the mechanism of the dream-work is a kind of model
for the formation of neurotic symptoms.
I know too that it is not possible for us yet to grasp the full extent of
the fresh gain accruing to psychology from these labours. We will only hint
at the new proofs thereby afforded of the existence of unconscious mental
activities—for this indeed is the nature of the latent dream-thoughts—and at
the promise dream-interpretation gives of an approach, wider than we ever
guessed at, to the knowledge of the unconscious life of the mind.
Now, however, I think the time has come to give you individual
examples of various short dreams, which will illustrate the points for which
I have already prepared you.

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TWELFTH LECTURE
EXAMPLES OF DREAMS AND ANALYSIS OF THEM

You must not be disappointed if I present you once more with
fragments of dream-interpretations, instead of inviting you to participate in
the interpretation of one fine long dream. You will say that after so much
preparation you surely have a right to expect that; and you will express your
conviction that, after successful interpretations of so many thousands of
dreams, it should long ago have been possible to collect a number of
striking examples by which the truth of all our assertions about the dream-
work and dream-thoughts could be demonstrated. Yes, but there are too
many difficulties in the way of fulfilling this wish of yours.
In the first place, I must confess that there is nobody who makes the
interpretation of dreams his main business. In what circumstances, then, do
we come to interpret them? At times we may occupy ourselves, for no
particular purpose, with the dreams of a friend, or we may work out our
own dreams over a period of time in order to train ourselves for psycho-
analytic work; but chiefly we have to do with the dreams of nervous
patients who are undergoing psycho-analytic treatment. These last dreams
provide splendid material and are in no respect inferior to those of healthy
persons, but the technique of the treatment obliges us to subordinate dream-
interpretation to therapeutic purposes and to desist from the attempt to
interpret a large number of the dreams as soon as we have extracted from
them something of use for the treatment. Again, many dreams which occur
during the treatment elude full interpretation altogether; since they have
their origin in the whole mass of material in the mind which is as yet
unknown to us, it is not possible to understand them until the completion of
the cure. To relate such dreams would necessarily involve revealing all the
secrets of a neurosis; this will not do for us, since we have taken up the
problem of dreams in preparation for the study of the neuroses.
Now I expect you would willingly dispense with this material and
would prefer to listen to the explanation of dreams of healthy persons or

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perhaps of your own. But the content of these dreams makes that
impossible. One cannot expose oneself, nor anyone whose confidence has
been placed in one, so ruthlessly as a thorough interpretation of a dream
would necessitate; for, as you already know, they touch upon all that is most
intimate in the personality. Apart from the difficulty arising out of the
nature of the material, there is another difficulty as regards relating the
dreams. You are aware that the dream seems foreign and strange to the
dreamer himself; how much more so to an outsider to whom his personality
is unknown. The literature of psycho-analysis shows no lack of good and
detailed dream-analyses; I myself have published some which formed part
of the history of certain pathological cases. Perhaps the best example of a
dream-interpretation is that published by O. Rank, consisting of the analysis
of two mutually-related dreams of a young girl. These cover about two
pages of print, while the analysis of them runs into 76 pages. It would need
almost a whole term’s lectures in order to take you through a work of this
magnitude. If we selected some fairly long and considerably distorted
dream we should have to enter into so many explanations, to adduce so
much material in the shape of associations and recollections, and to go
down so many sidetracks, that a single lecture would be quite unsatisfying
and would give no clear idea of it as a whole. So I must ask you to be
content if I pursue a less difficult course, and relate some fragments from
dreams of neurotic patients, in which this or that isolated feature may be
recognized. Symbols are the easiest features to demonstrate and, after them,
certain peculiarities of the regressive character of dream-representation. I
will tell you why I regard each of the following dreams as worth relating.
1. A dream consisted only of two short pictures: The dreamer’s uncle
was smoking a cigarette, although it was Saturday.—A woman was fondling
and caressing the dreamer as though he were her child.
With reference to the first picture, the dreamer (a Jew) remarked that
his uncle was a very pious man who never had done, and never would do,
anything so sinful as smoking on the Sabbath. The only association to the
woman in the second picture was that of the dreamer’s mother. These two
pictures or thoughts must obviously be related to one another; but in what
way? Since he expressly denied that his uncle would in reality perform the
action of the dream, the insertion of the conditional “if” will at once suggest
itself. “If my uncle, that deeply religious man, were to smoke a cigarette on
the Sabbath, then I myself might be allowed to let my mother fondle me.”

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Clearly, that is as much as to say that being fondled by the mother was
something as strictly forbidden as smoking on the Sabbath is to the pious
Jew. You will remember my telling you that in the dream-work all relations
among the dream-thoughts disappear; the thoughts are broken up into their
raw material, and our task in interpreting is to re-insert these connections
which have been omitted.
2. My writings on the subject of dreams have placed me to some extent
in the position of public consultant on the question, and for many years now
I have received letters from the most diverse quarters communicating
dreams to me or asking for my opinion. Naturally I am grateful to all those
who have given me sufficient material with their dreams to make an
interpretation possible, or have themselves volunteered one. The following
dream of a medical student in Munich dating from 1910, belongs to this
category; and I quote it because it may prove to you how hard it is,
generally speaking, to understand a dream until the dreamer has given us
what information he can about it. For I have a suspicion that in the bottom
of your hearts you think that the translating of the symbols is the ideal
method of interpretation and that you would like to discard that of free
association; I want, therefore, to clear your minds of so pernicious an error.
July 18th, 1910. Towards morning I had the following dream: I was
bicycling down a street in Tübingen, when a brown dachshund came
rushing after me and caught hold of one of my heels. I rode a little further
and then dismounted, sat down on a step and began to beat the creature off,
for it had set its teeth fast in my heel. (The dog’s biting me and the whole
scene roused no unpleasant sensations.) Two elderly ladies were sitting
opposite, watching me with grinning faces. Then I woke up and, as has
frequently happened before, with the transition to waking consciousness the
whole dream was clear to me.
In this instance symbolism cannot help us much, but the dreamer goes
on to tell us: “I recently fell in love with a girl, just from seeing her in the
street; but I had no means of introduction to her. I should have liked best to
make her acquaintance through her dachshund, for I am a great animal-
lover myself and was attracted by seeing that she was one too.” He adds
that several times he had separated fighting dogs very skilfully, often to the
amazement of the onlookers. Now we learn that the girl who had taken his
fancy was always seen walking with this particular dog. She, however, has

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been eliminated from the manifest dream; only the dog associated with her
has remained. Possibly the elderly ladies who grinned at him represented
her, but the rest of what he tells us does not clear up this point. The fact that
he was riding a bicycle in the dream was a direct repetition of the situation
as he remembered it, for he had not met the girl with the dog except when
he was bicycling.
3. When a man has lost someone dear to him, for a considerable period
afterwards he produces a special type of dream, in which the most
remarkable compromises are effected between his knowledge that that
person is dead and his desire to call him back to life. Sometimes the
deceased is dreamt of as being dead, and yet still alive because he does not
know that he is dead, as if he would only really die if he did know it; at
other times he is half dead and half alive, and each of these conditions has
its distinguishing marks. We must not call these dreams merely nonsensical,
for to come to life again is no more inadmissible in dreams than in fairy
tales, in which it is quite a common fate. As far as I have been able to
analyse such dreams, it appeared that they were capable of a reasonable
explanation, but that the pious wish to recall the departed is apt to manifest
itself in the strangest ways. I will submit a dream of this sort to you, which
certainly sounds strange and absurd enough, and the analysis of which will
demonstrate many points already indicated in our theoretical discussions.
The dreamer was a man who had lost his father some years previously:—
My father was dead but had been exhumed and looked ill. He went on
living, and I did all I could to prevent his noticing it. Then the dream goes
on to other matters, apparently very remote.
That the father was dead we know to be a fact; but the exhumation had
not taken place in reality: indeed, the question of real fact has nothing to do
with anything that follows. But the dreamer went on to say that after he
returned from his father’s funeral one of his teeth began to ache. He wanted
to treat it according to the Jewish precept: “If thy tooth offend thee, pluck it
out,” and accordingly went to the dentist. The latter, however, said that that
was not the way to treat a tooth; one must have patience with it. “I will put
something in it,” he said, “to kill the nerve, and you must come back in
three days’ time, when I will take it out again.” “This ‘taking out,’” said the
dreamer suddenly, “is the exhuming.”

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Now was he right? True, the parallel is not exact, for it was not the
tooth which was taken out, but only a dead part of it. As a result of
experience, however, we can well credit the dream-work with inaccuracies
of this sort. We must suppose that the dreamer had, by a process of
condensation, combined the dead father with the tooth, which was dead and
which he yet retained. No wonder then that an absurdity was the result in
the manifest dream, for obviously not all that was said about the tooth could
apply to the father. What then are we to regard as the tertium comparationis
between the father and the tooth,—what common factor makes the
comparison possible?
Such a factor must have existed, for the dreamer went on to observe
that he knew the saying that if one dreams of losing a tooth it means that
one is about to lose a member of his family.
We know that this popular interpretation is incorrect or at least correct
only in a very distorted sense. We shall therefore be the more surprised
actually to discover the subject thus touched upon behind the other elements
of the dream-content.
Without being pressed further, the dreamer then began to talk of his
father’s illness and death, and of the relations which had existed between
father and son. The illness had been a long one, and the care and treatment
of the invalid had cost the son a large sum of money. Yet it never seemed
too much to him, nor did his patience ever fail or the wish occur to him that
the end should come. He prided himself on his true Jewish filial piety and
on his strict observance of the Jewish law. Does not a certain contradiction
strike us here in the thoughts relating to the dream? He had identified the
tooth with the father. He wanted to treat the former according to the Jewish
law which commanded that a tooth which causes pain and annoyance
should be plucked out. His father he also wanted to treat according to the
precepts of the law, but here the command was that he must pay no heed to
expense and annoyance, must take the whole burden upon himself, and not
allow any hostile intention to arise against the cause of the trouble. Would
not the agreement between the two situations be much more convincing if
he had really gradually come to have the same feelings towards his sick
father as he had towards his diseased tooth, that is to say, if he had wished
for death to put a speedy end to his father’s superfluous, painful and costly
existence?

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I have no doubt that this was, in reality, his attitude towards his father
during the protracted illness and that his boastful assertions of filial piety
were designed to divert his mind from any recollections of the sort. Under
conditions such as these it is no uncommon thing for the death-wish against
the father to be roused, and to mask itself with some ostensibly
compassionate reflection, such as: “It would be a blessed release for him.”
But I want you particularly to notice that here in the latent thoughts
themselves a barrier has been broken down. The first part of the thoughts
was, we may be sure, only temporarily unconscious, that is, during the
actual process of the dream-work; the hostile feelings towards the father, on
the other hand, had probably been permanently so, possibly dating from
childhood and having at times, during the father’s illness, crept as it were
timidly and in a disguised form into consciousness. We can maintain this
with even greater certainty of other latent thoughts which have
unmistakably contributed to the content of the dream. There are, it is true,
no indications in it of hostile feelings towards the father; but when we
enquire into the origin of such hostility in the life of the child we remember
that fear of the father arises from the fact that in the earliest years of life it is
he who opposes the sexual activity of the boy, as he is usually compelled to
do again, after puberty, from motives of social expediency. This was the
relation in which our dreamer stood to his father; his affection for him had
been tinged with a good deal of respect and dread, the source of which was
early sexual intimidation.
We can now explain the further phrases in the dream from the onanism
complex. “He looked ill” was an allusion to another remark of the dentist’s
—that it did not look well for a tooth to be missing just there—but it also
refers at the same time to the “looking ill” by which the young man, during
the period of puberty, betrays, or fears lest he might betray, his excessive
sexual activity. It was with a lightening of his own heart that in the manifest
dream the dreamer transferred the look of illness from himself to his father,
an inversion with which you are familiar as a device of the dream-work.
“He went on living” accords both with the wish to recall the father to life
and the promise of the dentist to save the tooth. The phrase “I did
everything I could to prevent his noticing” is extremely subtly designed to
lead us to complete it with the words “that he was dead.” The only
completion of them that really makes sense, however, is again to be traced
to the onanism complex, where it is a matter of course that the young man

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should do all he can to conceal his sexual life from his father. Finally, I
would remind you that the so-called “toothache dreams” always refer to
onanism, and the punishment for it that is feared.
You see how this incomprehensible dream is built up by a piece of
remarkable and misleading condensation, by omitting from it all the
thoughts that belong to the core of the latent train of thought, and by the
creation of ambiguous substitute-formations to represent those thoughts
which were deepest and most remote in time.
4. We have already tried repeatedly to get to the bottom of those
prosaic and banal dreams which have nothing absurd or strange in them, but
which suggest the question: Why should we dream about such trivialities at
all? I will therefore quote a fresh example of this sort in the shape of three
dreams connected with one another and dreamt by a young lady in the
course of a single night.
(a) She was going through the hall in her house and struck her head on
a low-hanging chandelier with such force as to draw blood. This episode
did not remind her of anything that had actually happened; her remarks led
in quite another direction: “You know how terribly my hair is coming out.
Well, yesterday my mother said to me: ‘My dear child, if it goes on like
this, your head will soon be as bald as your buttocks.’” We see here that the
head stands for the other end of the body. No further assistance is required
to understand the symbolism of the chandelier: all objects capable of
elongation are symbols of the male organ. The real subject of the dream
then is a bleeding at the lower end of the body, caused by contact with the
penis. This might still have other meanings; the dreamer’s further
associations show that the dream has to do with the belief that menstruation
results from sexual intercourse with a man, a notion about sexual matters
which is by no means uncommon amongst immature girls.
(b) The dreamer saw in a vineyard a deep hole which she knew had
been caused by the uprooting of a tree. Her remark on this point was that
“the tree was missing,” meaning that she did not see the tree in the dream;
but the same phrase serves to express another thought, which leaves us in
no doubt as to the symbolic interpretation. The dream refers to another
infantile notion on the subject of sex, to the belief that girls originally had
the same genital organ as boys and that the later conformation of this organ
has been brought about by castration (uprooting the tree).

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(c) The dreamer was standing in front of her writing-table drawer
which she knows so well that, if anyone touched it, she would immediately
be aware of it. The writing-table drawer, like all drawers, chests and boxes,
is a symbol of the female genital. She knew that when sexual intercourse
(or, as she thought, any contact at all) has taken place the genital shows
certain indications of the fact, and she had long had a fear of being
convicted of this. I think that in all three dreams the main emphasis lies on
the idea of knowing. She had in mind the time of childish investigations into
sexual matters, of the results of which she had been very proud at the time.
5. Here is another example of symbolism. But this time I must preface
it with a short account of the mental situation in which the dream occurred.
A man and a woman who were in love had spent a night together; he
described her nature as maternal, she was one of those women whose desire
to have a child comes out irresistibly during caresses. The conditions of
their meeting, however, made it necessary to take precautions to prevent the
semen from entering the womb. On waking the next morning, the woman
related the following dream:—
An officer with a red cap was pursuing her in the street. She fled from
him and ran up the staircase, with him after her. Breathless, she reached
her rooms and slammed and locked the door behind her. The man remained
outside and, peeping through the keyhole in the door, she saw him sitting on
a bench outside, weeping.
In the pursuit by the officer with the red cap and the breathless
climbing of the stairs you will recognize the representation of the sexual
act. That the dreamer shuts her pursuer out may serve as an example of the
device of inversion so frequently employed in dreams, for in reality it was
the man who withdrew before the completion of the sexual act. In the same
way, she has projected her own feeling of grief on to her partner, for it is he,
who weeps in the dream, his tears at the same time alluding to the seminal
fluid.
You will certainly have heard it said at some time or other that psycho-
analysis maintains that all dreams have a sexual meaning. You are now in a
position yourselves to form an opinion as to the falseness of this reproach.
You have learnt of wish-fulfilment dreams, dealing with the gratification of
the most obvious needs—hunger, thirst, and the longing for liberty—
comfort-dreams and impatience-dreams, as well as those which are frankly

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avaricious and egoistical. You may, however, certainly bear it in mind that,
according to the results of psycho-analysis, dreams in which a marked
degree of distortion is present mainly (but here again not exclusively) give
expression to sexual desires.
6. I have a special motive in giving many instances of the use of
symbols in dreams. In our first lecture I complained of the difficulty of
demonstrating my statements in such a way as to carry conviction with
regard to the findings of psycho-analysis, and since then you have doubtless
agreed with me. Now the separate propositions of psycho-analysis are
nevertheless so intimately related that conviction on a single point easily
leads to acceptance of the greater part of the whole theory. It might be said
of psycho-analysis that if you give it your little finger it will soon have your
whole hand. If you accept the explanation of errors as satisfactory, you
cannot logically stop short of belief in all the rest. Now dream-symbolism
provides another, equally good, approach to such acceptance. I will recount
to you a dream, which has already been published, of a woman of the
poorer classes, whose husband was a watchman and of whom we may be
sure that she had never heard of dream-symbolism and psycho-analysis.
You can then judge for yourselves whether the interpretation arrived at with
the help of sexual symbols can justly be called arbitrary or forced.
“... Then someone broke into the house and in terror she cried for a
watchman. But the watchman, accompanied by two tramps, had gone into a
church, which had several steps leading up to it. Behind the church there
was a mountain and, up above, a thick wood. The watchman wore a helmet,
gorget and cloak, and had a full brown beard. The two tramps, who had
gone along peaceably with him, had aprons twisted round their hips like
sacks. A path led from the church to the mountain and was overgrown on
both sides with grass and bushes which grew denser and denser, and at the
top of the mountain there was a regular wood.”
You will recognize without any trouble the symbols here employed:
the male organ is represented by the trinity of three persons appearing,
whilst the female sexual organs are symbolized by a landscape with a
chapel, a mountain and a wood, and once more you have the act of going up
steps as symbolic of the sexual act. The part of the body called in the dream
“a mountain” is similarly termed in anatomy the mons veneris.

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7. I will tell you another dream which is to be explained in the light of
symbolism, a dream, moreover, which is noteworthy and convincing from
the fact that the dreamer himself translated all the symbols, though he
brought no previous theoretical knowledge to the interpretation. This is a
very unusual circumstance and we have no accurate idea of the conditions
which give rise to it.
He was walking with his father in a place which must have been the
Prater,[41] for they saw the Rotunda with a little building in front of it, to
which was made fast a captive balloon which looked rather slack. His
father asked him what it was all for; the son wondered at his asking, but
explained it nevertheless. Then they came to a court-yard, where a large
sheet of metal lay spread out. His father wanted to break off a big piece, but
looked round first in case anyone should notice him. He said to his son that
all the same he need only tell the overseer and then he could take it
straightaway. Some steps led down from this court to a shaft, the sides of
which were upholstered with some soft stuff, something like a leather
armchair. At the bottom of this shift was a rather long platform and, beyond
it, another shaft.
The following is the dreamer’s own interpretation:—“The Rotunda
stands for my genitals and the captive balloon in front of it for the penis,
which I have had to complain of for being limp.” A more detailed
translation would then run thus: the rotunda stands for the buttocks
(regularly included by children amongst the genitals), the smaller structure
in front is the scrotum. In the dream, his father asks him what all this is, i.e.
what are the purpose and function of the genitals. To invert this situation so
that the son asks the questions is an obvious idea, and, since these questions
were never asked in reality, we must construe the dream-thoughts as a wish
or take them in a conditional sense: “If I had asked my father to explain....”
The sequel to this thought we shall find presently.
The court-yard where the sheet-metal lay is not in the first place to be
explained symbolically, but is a reference to the father’s place of business.
From motives of discretion I have substituted “sheet-metal” for the actual
material dealt with by him, but otherwise I have made no alteration in the
words of the dream. The dreamer had entered his father’s business and had
been much scandalized by the extremely questionable practices upon which
the high profits largely depended. Hence the sequel to the dream-thought

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mentioned above would run: “(If I had asked him), he would have deceived
me as he deceives his customers.” The dreamer himself gives a second
explanation for the pulling off the piece of metal which serves to represent
commercial dishonesty: it means, he says, the practice of masturbation. Not
only is this an explanation with which we have long been familiar, but it is
well in accordance with this interpretation that the secret practice of
masturbation should be expressed by the opposite idea (“We may do it
openly”). So the fact that this practice is imputed to the father, as was the
questioning in the first scene of the dream, is exactly what we should
expect. The dreamer immediately interpreted the shaft, on account of the
soft upholstering of the walls, as the vagina, and I, on my own account,
offer the remark that going-down as well as going-up stands for sexual
intercourse.
The details of the long platform at the bottom of the first shaft, and
beyond that the second shaft, were explained by the dreamer himself from
his own history. He had practised intercourse for some time and then given
it up on account of inhibitions, but hoped to be able to resume it by the help
of the treatment.
8. I quote the two following dreams, dreamt by a foreigner with
marked polygamous tendencies, because they may serve to illustrate the
statement that the dreamer’s own person is present in every dream, even
when it is disguised in the manifest content. The trunks in the dreams are
female symbols.
(a) The dreamer was going on a journey and his luggage was being
taken to the station on a carriage. There were a number of trunks piled one
on the top of the other, and amongst them two large black boxes like those
of a commercial traveller. He said consolingly to someone: “You see those
are only going as far as the station.”
He does, as a matter of fact, travel with a great deal of luggage, and he
also brings many stories about women to the treatment. The two black
trunks stand for two dark women who at the moment are playing the
principal part in his life. One of them wanted to follow him to Vienna, but
on my advice he had telegraphed to put her off.
(b) A scene at a customs house:—A fellow-traveller opened his trunk
and said nonchalantly, smoking a cigarette: “There is nothing to declare in
that.” The customs official seemed to believe him, but felt in the trunk again

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and found a strictly prohibited article. The traveller then said in a resigned
way: “Well, it can’t be helped.” The dreamer himself is the traveller and I
am the official. He is generally very straightforward with me, but had made
up his mind to conceal from me a relation which he had recently formed
with a lady, for he assumed quite correctly that I knew her. He displaces on
to a stranger the embarrassing situation of being detected, so that he himself
does not seem to come into the dream at all.
9. Here we have an example of a symbol which I have not yet
mentioned:—
The dreamer met his sister with two friends who were themselves
sisters. He shook hands with these two, but not with his sister.
There was no real episode connected with this in his mind. Instead, his
thoughts went back to a time when his observations led him to wonder why
a girl’s breasts are so late in developing. The two sisters, therefore, stand for
the breasts; he would have liked to grasp them with his hand, if only it had
not been his sister.
10. Here is an example of death symbolism in dreams:—The dreamer
was crossing a very high, steep, iron bridge, with two people whose names
he knew, but forgot on waking. Suddenly both of them had vanished and he
saw a ghostly man in a cap and an overall. He asked him whether he were
the telegraph messenger.... “No.” Or the coachman?... “No.” He then went
on, and in the dream, had a feeling of great dread; on waking, he followed it
up with the phantasy that the iron bridge suddenly broke and that he fell
into the abyss.
When stress is laid upon the fact that people in a dream are unknown
to the dreamer, or that he has forgotten their names, they are, as a rule,
persons with whom he is intimately connected. The dreamer was one of a
family of three children; if he had ever wished for the death of the other
two, it would be only just that he should be visited with the fear of death.
With reference to the telegraph messenger, he remarked that they always
bring bad news. From his uniform, the man in the dream might have been a
lamp-lighter, who also puts out the lights, as the spirit of death extinguishes
the torch of life. With the coachman he associated Uhland’s poem of the
voyage of King Karl, and recalled a dangerous sail on a lake with two
companions, when he played the part of the king in the poem. The iron

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bridge suggested to him a recent accident, also the stupid saying: “Life is a
suspension bridge.”
11. The following may be regarded as another example of a death-
dream:—
An unknown gentleman was leaving a black-edged visiting card on the
dreamer.
12. I give another dream which will interest you from several points of
view; it is to be traced partly, however, to a neurotic condition in the
dreamer:—
He was in a train which stopped in the open country. He thought there
was going to be an accident and that he must make his escape, so he went
through all the compartments, killing everyone he met,—driver, guard, and
so on.
This dream recalls a story told him by a friend. On a certain Italian
line, an insane man was being conveyed in a small compartment, but by
some mistake a passenger was allowed to get in with him. The madman
murdered the other traveller. Thus the dreamer identified himself with this
insane man, his reason being that he was at times tormented by an
obsession that he must make away with “everyone who shared his
knowledge.” Then he himself found a better motivation for the dream. The
day before, he had seen at the theatre a girl he had meant to marry but had
given up because she gave him cause for jealousy. Knowing the intensity
which jealousy could assume in him, he would really have been mad to
want to marry her. That is to say, he thought her so unreliable that his
jealousy would have led him to murder everyone who got in his way. The
going through a number of rooms, or, as here, compartments, we have
already learnt to know as a symbol of marriage (the expression of
monogamy according to the rule of opposites).
With reference to the train’s stopping in the open country and the fear
of an accident, he told the following story:—
Once when such a sudden halt occurred on the line outside a station, a
young lady who was in the carriage said that perhaps there was going to be
a collision, and that the best thing to do was to raise the legs high. This
phrase “raise the legs” had associations with many walks and excursions
into the country, which he had shared with the girl mentioned above in the
happy early days of their love. Here was a new argument for the contention

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that he would be mad to marry her now; nevertheless, my knowledge of the
situation led me to regard it as certain that there existed in him all the same
the desire to fall a victim to this form of madness.

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THIRTEENTH LECTURE
ARCHAIC AND INFANTILE FEATURES IN DREAMS

Let us start afresh from our conclusion that, under the influence of the
censorship, the dream-work translates the latent dream-thoughts into
another form. These thoughts are of the same nature as the familiar,
conscious thoughts of waking life; the new form in which they are
expressed is, owing to many peculiar characteristics, incomprehensible to
us. We have said that it goes back to phases in our intellectual development
which we have long outgrown—to hieroglyphic writing, to symbolic-
connections, possibly to conditions which existed before the language of
thought was evolved. On this account we called the form of expression
employed by the dream-work archaic or regressive.
From this you may draw the inference that a more profound study of
the dream-work must lead to valuable conclusions about the initial stages of
our intellectual development, of which at present little is known. I hope it
will be so, but so far this task has not been attempted. The era to which the
dream-work takes us back is “primitive” in a twofold sense: in the first
place, it means the early days of the individual—his childhood—and,
secondly, in so far as each individual repeats in some abbreviated fashion
during childhood the whole course of the development of the human race,
the reference is phylogenetic. I believe it not impossible that we may be
able to discriminate between that part of the latent mental processes which
belongs to the early days of the individual and that which has its roots in the
infancy of the race. It seems to me, for instance, that symbolism, a mode of
expression which has never been individually acquired, may claim to be
regarded as a racial heritage.
This, however, is not the only archaic feature in dreams. You are all
familiar from actual experience with the peculiar amnesia of childhood to
which we are subject. I mean that the first years of life, up to the age of
five, six, or eight, have not left the same traces in memory as our later
experiences. True, we come across individuals who can boast of continuous

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recollection from early infancy to the present time, but it is incomparably
more common for the opposite, a blank in memory, to be found. In my
opinion, this has not aroused sufficient surprise. At two years old the child
can speak well and soon shows his capacity for adapting himself to
complicated mental situations, and, moreover, says things which he himself
has forgotten when they are repeated to him years later. And yet memory is
more efficient in early years, being less overburdened than it is later. Again,
there is no reason to regard the function of memory as an especially high or
difficult form of mental activity; on the contrary, excellent memory may be
found in people who are yet on a very low plane intellectually.
But I must draw your attention to a second peculiarity, based upon the
first—namely, that from the oblivion in which the first years of childhood
are shrouded certain clearly retained recollections emerge, mostly in the
form of plastic images, for the retention of which there seems no adequate
ground. Memory deals with the mass of impressions received in later life by
a process of selection, retaining what is important and omitting what is not;
but with the recollections retained from childhood this is not so. They do
not necessarily reflect important experiences in childhood, not even such as
must have seemed important from the child’s standpoint, but are often so
banal and meaningless in themselves that we can only ask ourselves in
amazement why just this particular detail has escaped oblivion. I have tried,
with the help of analysis, to attack the problem of childhood amnesia and of
the fragments of recollection which break through it, and have come to the
conclusion that, whatever may appear to the contrary, the child no less than
the adult only retains in memory what is important; but that what is
important is represented (by the processes of condensation and, more
especially, of displacement, already familiar to you) in the memory by
something apparently trivial. For this reason I have called these childhood
recollections screen-memories; a thorough analysis can evolve from them
all that has been forgotten.
It is a regular task in psycho-analytic treatment to fill in the blank in
infantile memories, and, in so far as the treatment is successful to any extent
at all (very frequently, therefore) we are enabled to bring to light the content
of those early years long buried in oblivion. These impressions have never
really been forgotten, but were only inaccessible and latent, having become
part of the unconscious. But sometimes it happens that they emerge
spontaneously from the unconscious, and it is in connection with dreams

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that this happens. It is clear that the dream-life knows the way back to these
latent, infantile experiences. Many good illustrations of this are to be found
in psycho-analytical literature, and I myself have been able to furnish a
contribution of the sort. I once dreamt in a particular connection of someone
who had evidently done me a service and whom I saw plainly. He was a
one-eyed man, short, fat and high-shouldered; from the context I gathered
that he was a doctor. Fortunately I was able to ask my mother, who was still
living, what was the personal appearance of the doctor who attended us at
the place where I was born and which I left at the age of three; she told me
that he had only one eye and was short, fat and high-shouldered; I learnt
also of the accident which was the occasion of this doctor’s being called in
and which I had forgotten. This command of the forgotten material of the
earliest years of childhood is thus a further ‘archaic’ feature of dreams.
This knowledge has a bearing on another of the problems which up to
the present have proved insoluble. You will remember the astonishment
caused by our discovery that dreams have their origin in actively evil or in
excessive sexual desires, which have made both the dream-censorship and
dream-distortion necessary. Supposing now that we have interpreted a
dream of this sort, and the circumstances are specially favourable in that the
dreamer does not quarrel with the interpretation itself, he does nevertheless
invariably ask how any such wish could come into his mind, since it seems
quite foreign to him and he is conscious of desiring the exact opposite. We
need have no hesitation in pointing out to him the origin of the wish he
repudiates: these evil impulses may be traced to the past, often indeed to a
past which is not so very far away. It may be demonstrated that he once
knew and was conscious of them, even if this is no longer so. A woman who
had a dream meaning that she wished to see her only daughter (then
seventeen years old) lying dead found, with our help, that at one time she
actually had cherished this death-wish. The child was the offspring of an
unhappy marriage, which ended in the speedy separation of husband and
wife. Once when the child was as yet unborn the mother, in an access of
rage after a violent scene with her husband, beat her body with her clenched
fists in order to kill the baby in her womb. How many mothers who to-day
love their children tenderly, perhaps with excessive tenderness, yet
conceived them unwillingly and wished that the life within them might not
develop further; and have indeed turned this wish into various actions,
fortunately of a harmless kind. The later death-wish against beloved

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persons, which appears so puzzling, thus dates from the early days of the
relationship to them.
A father, whose dream when interpreted shows that he wished for the
death of his eldest and favourite child, is in the same way obliged to recall
that there was a time when this wish was not unknown to him. The man,
whose marriage had proved a disappointment, often thought when the child
was still an infant that if the little creature who meant nothing to him were
to die he would again be free and would make better use of his freedom. A
large number of similar impulses of hate are to be traced to a similar source;
they are recollections of something belonging to the past, something which
was once in consciousness and played its part in mental life. From this you
will be inclined to draw the conclusion that such dreams and such wishes
would not occur in cases where there have been no changes of this sort in
the relations between two persons, that is to say, where the relation has been
of the same character from the beginning. I am prepared to grant you this
conclusion, only I must warn you that you have to consider, not the literal
meaning of the dream, but what it signifies on interpretation. It may be that
the manifest dream of the death of some beloved person was only using this
as a terrible mask, whilst really meaning something totally different, or it is
possible that the beloved person is an illusory substitute for someone else.
This situation will, however, raise in you another and much more
serious question. You will say: “Even though this death-wish did at one
time actually exist and this is confirmed by recollection, that is still no true
explanation; for the desire has long since been overcome and surely at the
present time can exist in the unconscious merely as a recollection, of no
affective value, and not as a powerful exciting agent. For this later
assumption we have no evidence. Why is the wish recollected at all in
dreams?” This is a question which you are really justified in asking; the
attempt to answer it would take us far afield and would oblige us to define
our position with regard to one of the most important points in the theory of
dreams. But I must keep within the limits of our discussion and must
forbear to follow up this question; so you must be reconciled to leaving it
for the present. Let us content ourselves with the actual evidence that this
wish, long since subdued, can be proved to have given rise to the dream,
and let us continue our enquiry whether other evil wishes also can be traced
in the same way to the past.

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Let us keep to the death-wishes, which we shall certainly find mostly
derived from the unbounded egoism of the dreamer. Wishes of this sort are
very often found to be the underlying agents of dreams. Whenever anyone
gets in our way in life—and how often must this happen when our relations
to one another are so complicated!—a dream is immediately prepared to
make away with that person, even if it be father, mother, brother or sister,
husband or wife. It appeared to us amazing that such wickedness should be
innate in humanity, and certainly we were not inclined to admit without
further evidence that this result of our interpretation of dreams was correct.
But, when once we had seen that the origin of wishes of this sort must be
looked for in the past, we had little difficulty in finding the period in the
past of the individual in which there is nothing strange in such egoism and
such wishes, even when directed against the nearest and dearest. A child in
his earliest years (which later are veiled in oblivion) is just the person who
frequently displays such egoism in boldest relief; invariably, unmistakable
tendencies of this kind, or, more accurately, surviving traces of them, are
plainly visible in him. For a child loves himself first and only later learns to
love others and to sacrifice something of his own ego to them. Even the
people whom he seems to love from the outset are loved in the first instance
because he needs them and cannot do without them—again therefore, from
motives of egoism. Only later does the impulse of love detach itself from
egoism: it is a literal fact that the child learns how to love through his own
egoism.
In this connection it will be instructive to compare a child’s attitude
towards his brothers and sisters with his attitude towards his parents. The
little child does not necessarily love his brothers and sisters, and often he is
quite frank about it. It is unquestionable that in them he sees and hates his
rivals, and it is well known how commonly this attitude persists without
interruption for many years, till the child reaches maturity and even later.
Of course it often gives place to a more tender feeling, or perhaps we
should say it is overlaid by this, but the hostile attitude seems very
generally to be the earlier. We can most easily observe it in children of two
and a half to four years old when a new baby arrives, which generally meets
with a very unfriendly reception; remarks such as “I don’t like it. The stork
is to take it away again” are very common. Subsequently every opportunity
is seized to disparage the new-comer; attempts are even made to injure it
and actual attacks upon it are by no means unheard-of. If the difference in

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age is less, by the time the child’s mental activity is more fully developed
the rival is already in existence and he adapts himself to the situation; if on
the other hand there is a greater difference between their ages, the new baby
may rouse certain kindly feelings from the first, as an object of interest, a
sort of living doll; and when there is as much as eight years or more
between them, especially if the elder child is a girl, protective, motherly
impulses may at once come into play. But, speaking honestly, when we find
a wish for the death of a brother or a sister latent in a dream we need
seldom be puzzled, for we find its origin in early childhood without much
trouble, or indeed, quite often in the later years when they still lived
together.
There is probably no nursery without violent conflicts between the
inhabitants, actuated by rivalry for the love of the parents, competition for
possessions shared by them all, even for the actual space in the room they
occupy. Such hostility is directed against older as well as younger brothers
and sisters. I think it was Bernard Shaw who said: “If there is anyone whom
a young English lady hates more than her mother it is her elder sister.” Now
there is something in this dictum which jars upon us; it is hard enough to
bring ourselves to understand hatred and rivalry between brothers and
sisters, but how can feelings of hate force themselves into the relation
between mother and daughter, parents and children?
This relationship is no doubt a more favourable one, also from the
children’s point of view; and this too is what our expectations require: we
find it far more offensive for love to be lacking between parents and
children than between brothers and sisters. We have, so to speak, sanctified
the former love while allowing the latter to remain profane. Yet everyday
observation may show us how frequently the sentiments entertained
towards each other by parents and grown-up children fall short of the ideal
set up by society, and how much hostility lies smouldering, ready to burst
into flame if it were not stifled by considerations of filial or parental duty
and by other, tender impulses. The motives for this hostility are well known,
and we recognize a tendency for those of the same sex to become alienated,
daughter from mother and father from son. The daughter sees in her mother
the authority which imposes limits to her will, whose task it is to bring her
to that renunciation of sexual freedom which society demands; in certain
cases, too, the mother is still a rival, who objects to being set aside. The
same thing is repeated still more blatantly between father and son. To the

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son the father is the embodiment of the social compulsion to which he so
unwillingly submits, the person who stands in the way of his following his
own will, of his early sexual pleasures and, when there is family property,
of his enjoyment of it. When a throne is involved this impatience for the
death of the father may approach tragic intensity. The relation between
father and daughter or mother and son would seem less liable to disaster;
the latter relation furnishes the purest examples of unchanging tenderness,
undisturbed by any egoistic considerations.
Why, you ask, do I speak of things so banal and so well-known to
everybody? Because there exists an unmistakable tendency in people’s
minds to deny the significance of these things in real life and to pretend that
the social ideal is much more frequently realized than it actually is. But it is
better that psychology should tell the truth than that it should be left to
cynics to do so. This general denial is only applied to real life, it is true; for
fiction and drama are free to make use of the motives laid bare when these
ideals are rudely disturbed.
There is nothing to wonder at therefore if the dreams of a great number
of people bring to light the wish for the removal of their parents, especially
of the parent whose sex is the same as the dreamer’s. We may assume that
the wish exists in waking life as well, sometimes even in consciousness if it
can disguise itself behind another motive, as the dreamer in our third
example disguised his real thought by pity for his father’s useless suffering.
It is but rarely that hostility reigns alone,—far more often it yields to more
tender feelings which finally suppress it, when it has to wait in abeyance till
a dream shows it, as it were, in isolation. That which the dream shows in a
form magnified by this very isolation resumes its true proportions when our
interpretation has assigned to it its proper place in relation to the rest of the
dreamer’s life. (H. Sachs.) But we also find this death-wish where there is
no basis for it in real life and where the adult would never have to confess
to entertaining it in his waking life. The reason for this is that the deepest
and most common motive for estrangement, especially between parent and
child of the same sex, came into play in the earliest years of childhood.
I refer to that rivalry of affections in which sexual elements are plainly
emphasized. The son, when quite a little child, already begins to develop a
peculiar tenderness towards his mother, whom he looks upon as his own
property, regarding his father in the light of a rival who disputes this sole

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possession of his; similarly the little daughter sees in her mother someone
who disturbs her tender relation to her father and occupies a place which
she feels she herself could very well fill. Observation shows us how far
back these sentiments date, sentiments which we describe by the term
Oedipus complex, because in the Oedipus myth the two extreme forms of
the wishes arising from the situation of the son—the wish to kill the father
and to marry the mother—are realized in an only slightly modified form. I
do not assert that the Oedipus complex exhausts all the possible relations
which may exist between parents and children; these relations may well be
a great deal more complicated. Again, this complex may be more or less
strongly developed, or it may even become inverted, but it is a regular and
very important factor in the mental life of the child; we are more in danger
of underestimating than of overestimating its influence and that of the
developments which may follow from it. Moreover, the parents themselves
frequently stimulate the children to react with an Oedipus complex, for
parents are often guided in their preferences by the difference in sex of their
children, so that the father favours the daughter and the mother the son; or
else, where conjugal love has grown cold, the child may be taken as a
substitute for the love-object which has ceased to attract.
It cannot be said that the world has shown great gratitude to psycho-
analytic research for the discovery of the Oedipus complex; on the contrary,
the idea has excited the most violent opposition in grown-up people; and
those who omitted to join in denying the existence of sentiments so
universally reprehended and tabooed have later made up for this by
proffering interpretations so wide of the mark as to rob the complex of its
value. My own unchanged conviction is that there is nothing in it to deny or
to gloss over. We ought to reconcile ourselves to facts in which the Greek
myth itself saw the hand of inexorable destiny. Again, it is interesting to
find that the Oedipus complex, repudiated in actual life and relegated to
fiction, has there come to its own. O. Rank in a careful study of this theme
has shown how this very complex has supplied dramatic poetry with an
abundance of motives in countless variations, modifications and disguises,
in short, subject to just the distortion familiar to us in the work of the
dream-censorship. So we may look for the Oedipus complex even in those
dreamers who have been fortunate enough to escape conflicts with their
parents in later life; and closely connected with this we shall find what is
termed the castration complex, the reaction to that intimidation in the field

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of sex or to that restraint of early infantile sexual activity which is ascribed
to the father.
What we have already ascertained has guided us to the study of the
child’s mental life, and we may now hope to find in a similar way an
explanation of the source of the other kind of prohibited wishes in dreams,
i.e. the excessive sexual desires. We are impelled therefore to study the
development of the sexual life of the child, and here from various sources
we learn the following facts. In the first place, it is an untenable fallacy to
suppose that the child has no sexual life and to assume that sexuality first
makes its appearance at puberty, when the genital organs come to maturity.
On the contrary he has from the very beginning a sexual life rich in content,
though it differs in many points from that which later is regarded as normal.
What in adult life are termed “perversions” depart from the normal in the
following respects: (1) in a disregard for the barriers of species (the gulf
between man and beast), (2) in the insensibility to barriers imposed by
disgust, (3) in the transgression of the incest-barrier (the prohibition against
seeking sexual gratification with close blood-relations), (4) in
homosexuality and, (5) in the transferring of the part played by the genital
organs to other organs and different areas of the body. All these barriers are
not in existence from the outset, but are only gradually built up in the
course of development and education. The little child is free from them: he
does not perceive any immense gulf between man and beast, the arrogance
with which man separates himself from the other animals only dawns in
him at a later period. He shows at the beginning of life no disgust for
excrement, but only learns this feeling slowly under the influence of
education; he attaches no particular importance to the difference between
the sexes, in fact he thinks that both have the same formation of the genital
organs; he directs his earliest sexual desires and his curiosity to those
nearest to him or to those who for other reasons are specially beloved—his
parents, brothers and sisters or nurses; and finally we see in him a
characteristic which manifests itself again later at the height of some love-
relationship—namely, he does not look for gratification in the sexual organs
only, but discovers that many other parts of the body possess the same sort
of sensibility and can yield analogous pleasurable sensations, playing
thereby the part of genital organs. The child may be said then to be
polymorphously perverse, and even if mere traces of all these impulses are
found in him, this is due on the one hand to their lesser intensity as

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compared with that which they assume in later life and, on the other hand,
to the fact that education immediately and energetically suppresses all
sexual manifestations in the child. This suppression may be said to be
embodied in a theory; for grown-up people endeavour to overlook some of
these manifestations, and, by misinterpretation, to rob others of their sexual
nature, until in the end the whole thing can be altogether denied. It is often
the same people who first inveigh against the sexual “naughtiness” of
children in the nursery and then sit down to their writing-tables to defend
the sexual purity of the same children. When they are left to themselves or
when they are seduced children often display perverse sexual activity to a
really remarkable extent. Of course grown-up people are right in not taking
this too seriously and in regarding it, as they say, as “childish tricks” and
“play,” for the child cannot be judged either by a moral or legal code as if
he were mature and fully responsible; nevertheless these things do exist,
and they have their significance both as evidence of innate constitutional
tendencies and inasmuch as they cause and foster later developments: they
give us an insight into the child’s sexual life and so into that of humanity as
a whole. If then we find all these perverse wishes behind the distortions of
our dreams, it only means that dreams in this respect also have regressed
completely to the infantile condition.
Amongst these forbidden wishes special prominence must still be
given to the incestuous desires, i.e. those directed towards sexual
intercourse with parents or brothers and sisters. You know in what
abhorrence human society holds, or at least professes to hold, such
intercourse, and what emphasis is laid upon the prohibitions of it. The most
preposterous attempts have been made to account for this horror of incest:
some people have assumed that it is a provision of nature for the
preservation of the species, manifesting itself in the mind by these
prohibitions because in-breeding would result in racial degeneration; others
have asserted that propinquity from early childhood has deflected sexual
desire from the persons concerned. In both these cases, however, the
avoidance of incest would have been automatically secured and we should
be at a loss to understand the necessity for stern prohibitions, which would
seem rather to point to a strong desire. Psycho-analytic investigations have
shown beyond the possibility of doubt that an incestuous love-choice is in
fact the first and the regular one, and that it is only later that any opposition

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is manifested towards it, the causes of which are not to be sought in the
psychology of the individual.
Let us sum up the results which our excursion into child-psychology
has brought to the understanding of dreams. We have learnt not only that
the material of the forgotten childish experiences is accessible to the dream,
but also that the child’s mental life, with all its peculiarities, its egoism, its
incestuous object-choice, persists in it and therefore in the unconscious, and
that our dreams take us back every night to this infantile stage. This
corroborates the belief that the Unconscious is the infantile mental life, and,
with this, the objectionable impression that so much evil lurks in human
nature grows somewhat less. For this terrible evil is simply what is original,
primitive and infantile in mental life, what we find in operation in the child,
but in part overlook in him because it is on so small a scale, and in part do
not take greatly to heart because we do not demand a high ethical standard
in a child. By regressing to this infantile stage our dreams appear to have
brought the evil in us to light, but the appearance is deceptive, though we
have let ourselves be dismayed by it; we are not so evil as the interpretation
of our dreams would lead us to suppose.
If the evil impulses of our dreams are merely infantile, a reversion to
the beginnings of our ethical development, the dream simply making us
children again in thought and feeling, it is surely not reasonable to be
ashamed of these evil dreams. But the reasoning faculty is only part of our
mental life; there is much in it besides which is not reasonable, and so it
happens that, although it is unreasonable, we nevertheless are ashamed of
such dreams. We subject them to the dream-censorship and are ashamed
and indignant when one of these wishes by way of exception penetrates our
consciousness in a form so undisguised that we cannot fail to recognize it;
yes, we even at times feel just as much ashamed of a distorted dream as if
we really understood it. Just think of the outraged comment of the
respectable elderly lady upon her dream about “love service,” although it
was not interpreted to her. So the problem is not yet solved, and it is still
possible that if we pursue this question of the evil in dreams we may arrive
at another conclusion and another estimate of human nature.
Our whole enquiry has led to two results which, however, merely
indicate the beginning of new problems and new doubts. In the first place:
the regression in dreams is one not only of form but of substance. Not only

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does it translate our thoughts into a primitive form of expression, but it also
re-awakens the peculiarities of our primitive mental life—the old
supremacy of the ego, the initial impulses of our sexual life, even restores to
us our old intellectual possession if we may conceive of symbolism in this
way. And secondly: all these old infantile characteristics, which were once
dominant and solely dominant, must to-day be accounted to the
unconscious and must alter and extend our views about it. “Unconscious” is
no longer a term for what is temporarily latent: the unconscious is a special
realm, with its own desires and modes of expression and peculiar mental
mechanisms not elsewhere operative. Yet the latent dream-thoughts
disclosed by our interpretation do not belong to this realm; rather they
correspond to the kind of thoughts we have in waking life also. And yet
they are unconscious: how is the paradox to be resolved? We begin to
realize that here we must discriminate. Something which has its origin in
our conscious life and shares its characteristics—we call it the “residue”
from the previous day—meets together with something from the realm of
the unconscious in the formation of a dream, and it is with these two
contributing elements that the dream-work is accomplished. The influence
of the unconscious impinging upon this residue probably constitutes the
condition for regression. This is the deepest insight into the nature of
dreams possible to us until we have explored further fields in the mind; but
soon it will be time to give another name to the unconscious character of
the latent dream-thoughts, in order to distinguish it from that unconscious
material which has its origin in the province of the infantile.
We can of course also ask: What is it that forces our mental activity
during sleep to such regression? Why cannot the mental stimuli that disturb
sleep be dealt with without it? And if on account of the dream-censorship
the mental activity has to disguise itself in the old, and now
incomprehensible, form of expression, what is the object of re-animating
the old impulses, desires and characteristics, now surmounted; what, in
short, is the use of regression in substance as well as in form? The only
satisfactory answer would be that this is the one possible way in which
dreams can be formed, that, dynamically considered, the relief from the
stimulus giving rise to the dream cannot otherwise be accomplished. But
this is an answer for which, at present, we have no justification.

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Page 188

FOURTEENTH LECTURE
WISH-FULFILMENT

Shall I remind you once more of the steps by which we have arrived at
our present position? When in applying our technique we came upon the
distortion in dreams, we made up our minds to avoid it for the moment and
turned to the study of infantile dreams for some definite information about
the nature of dreams in general. Next, equipped with the results of this
investigation, we attacked the question of dream-distortion directly, and I
hope that bit by bit we have also mastered that. Now, however, we are
bound to admit that our findings in these two directions do not exactly tally,
and it behoves us to combine and correlate our results.
Both enquiries have made it plain that the essential feature in the
dream-work is the transformation of thoughts into hallucinatory experience.
It is puzzling enough to see how this process is accomplished, but this is a
problem for general psychology, and we have not to deal with it here. We
have learnt from children’s dreams that the object of the dream-work is to
remove, by means of the fulfilment of some wish, a mental stimulus which
is disturbing sleep. We could make no similar pronouncement with regard
to distorted dreams until we understood how to interpret them, but from the
outset we expected to be able to bring our ideas about them into line with
our views on infantile dreams. This expectation was for the first time
fulfilled when we recognized that all dreams are really children’s dreams;
that they make use of infantile material and are characterized by impulses
and mechanisms which belong to the childish mind. When we feel we have
mastered the distortion in dreams we must go on to find out whether the
notion that dreams are WISH-FULFILMENTS holds good of distorted dreams
also.
We have just subjected a series of dreams to interpretation, but without
taking the question of wish-fulfilment into consideration at all. I feel certain
that while we were talking about them the question repeatedly forced itself
upon you: “What has become of the wish-fulfilment which is supposed to

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be the object of the dream-work?” Now this question is important, for it is
the one which our lay critics are constantly asking. As you know, mankind
has an instinctive antipathy to intellectual novelties; one of the ways in
which this shows itself is that any such novelty is immediately reduced to
its very smallest compass, and if possible embodied in some catch-word.
“Wish-fulfilment” has become the catch-word for the new theory of dreams.
Directly they hear that dreams are said to be wish-fulfilments, the laity asks:
“Where does the wish-fulfilment come in?” and their asking the question
amounts to a repudiation of the idea. They can immediately think of
countless dreams of their own which were accompanied by feeling so
unpleasant as sometimes to reach the point of agonizing dread; and so this
statement of the psycho-analytical theory of dreams appears to them highly
improbable. It is easy to reply that in distorted dreams the wish-fulfilment is
not openly expressed, but has to be looked for, so that it cannot be shown
until the dreams have been interpreted. We know too that the wishes
underlying these distorted dreams are those which are prohibited and
rejected by the censorship, and that it is just their existence which is the
cause of distortion and the motive for the intervention of the censorship.
But it is difficult to make the lay critic understand that we must not ask
about the wish-fulfilment in a dream before it has been interpreted; he
always forgets this. His reluctance to accept the theory of wish-fulfilment is
really nothing but the effect of the dream-censorship, causing him to replace
the real thought by a substitute, and following from his repudiation of these
censored dream-wishes.
Of course we ourselves must feel the need to explain why so many
dreams are painful in content; and in particular we shall want to know how
we come to have ‘anxiety-dreams.’ Here for the first time we are confronted
with the problem of the affects in dreams; a problem which deserves special
study, but one which we cannot concern ourselves with just now,
unfortunately. If the dream is a wish-fulfilment, it should be impossible for
any painful emotions to come into it: on this point the lay critics seem to be
right. But the matter is complicated by three considerations which they have
overlooked.
First, it may happen that the dream-work is not wholly successful in
creating a wish-fulfilment, so that part of the painful feeling in the latent
thoughts is carried over into the manifest dream. Analysis would then have
to show that these thoughts were a great deal more painful than the dream

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which is formed from them; this much can be proved in every instance. We
admit then that the dream-work has failed in its purpose, just as a dream of
drinking excited by the stimulus of thirst fails to quench that thirst. One is
still thirsty after it and has to wake up and drink. Nevertheless, it is a proper
dream: it has renounced nothing of its essential nature. We must say: “Ut
desint vires, tamen est laudanda voluntas.” The clearly recognizable
intention remains a praiseworthy one, at any rate. Such instances of failure
in the work are by no means rare, and one reason is that it is so much more
difficult for the dream-work to produce the required change in the nature of
the affect than to modify the content; affects are often very intractable. So it
happens that in the process of the dream-work the painful content of the
dream-thoughts is transformed into a wish-fulfilment while the painful
affect persists unchanged. When this occurs the affect is quite out of
harmony with the content, which gives our critics the opportunity of
remarking that the dream is so far from being a wish-fulfilment that even a
harmless content may be accompanied in it by painful feelings. Our answer
to this rather unintelligent comment will be that it is just in dreams of this
sort that the wish-fulfilling tendency of the dream-work is most apparent,
because it is there seen in isolation. The mistake in this criticism arises
because people who are not familiar with the neuroses imagine a more
intimate connection between content and affect than actually exists, and so
cannot understand that there may be an alteration in the content while the
accompanying affect remains unchanged.
A second consideration, much more important and far-reaching but
equally overlooked by the laity, is the following. A wish-fulfilment must
certainly bring some pleasure; but we go on to ask: “To whom?” Of course
to the person who has the wish. But we know that the attitude of the
dreamer towards his wishes is a peculiar one: he rejects them, censors them,
in short, he will have none of them. Their fulfilment then can afford him no
pleasure, rather the opposite, and here experience shows that this
“opposite,” which has still to be explained, takes the form of anxiety. The
dreamer, where his wishes are concerned, is like two separate people
closely linked together by some important thing in common. Instead of
enlarging upon this I will remind you of a well-known fairy-tale in which
you will see these relationships repeated. A good fairy promised a poor man
and his wife to fulfil their first three wishes. They were delighted and made
up their minds to choose the wishes carefully. But the woman was tempted

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by the smell of some sausages being cooked in the next cottage and wished
for two like them. Lo! and behold, there they were—and the first wish was
fulfilled. With that, the man lost his temper and in his resentment wished
that the sausages might hang on the tip of his wife’s nose. This also came to
pass, and the sausages could not be removed from their position; so the
second wish was fulfilled, but it was the man’s wish and its fulfilment was
most unpleasant for the woman. You know the rest of the story: as they
were after all man and wife, the third wish had to be that the sausages
should come off the end of the woman’s nose. We might make use of this
fairy-tale many times over in other contexts, but here it need only serve to
illustrate the fact that it is possible for the fulfilment of one person’s wish to
be very disagreeable to someone else, unless the two people are entirely at
one.
It will not be difficult now to arrive at a still better understanding of
anxiety-dreams. There is just one more observation to be made use of and
then we may adopt an hypothesis which is supported by several
considerations. The observation is that anxiety-dreams often have a content
in which there is no distortion; it has, so to speak, escaped the censorship.
This type of dream is frequently an undisguised wish-fulfilment, the wish
being of course not one which the dreamer would accept but one which he
has rejected; anxiety has developed in place of the working of the
censorship. Whereas the infantile dream is an open fulfilment of a wish
admitted by the dreamer, and the ordinary distorted dream is the disguised
fulfilment of a repressed wish, the formula for the anxiety-dream is that it is
the open fulfilment of a repressed wish. Anxiety is an indication that the
repressed wish has proved too strong for the censorship and has
accomplished or was about to accomplish its fulfilment in spite of it. We
can understand that fulfilment of a repressed wish can only be, for us who
are on the side of the censorship, an occasion for painful emotions and for
setting up a defence. The anxiety then manifested in our dreams is, if you
like to put it so, anxiety experienced because of the strength of wishes
which at other times we manage to stifle. The study of dreams alone does
not reveal to us why this defence takes the form of anxiety; obviously we
must consider the latter in other connections.
The hypothesis which holds good for anxiety-dreams without any
distortion may be adopted also for those which have undergone some
degree of distortion, and for other kinds of unpleasant dreams in which the

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accompanying unpleasant feelings probably approximate to anxiety.
Anxiety-dreams generally wake us; we usually break off our sleep before
the repressed wish behind the dream overcomes the censorship and reaches
complete fulfilment. In such a case the dream has failed to achieve its
purpose, but its essential character is not thereby altered. We have compared
the dream with a night-watchman, a guardian of sleep, whose purpose it is
to protect sleep from interruption. Now night-watchmen also, just like
dreams, have to rouse sleepers when they are not strong enough to ward off
the cause of disturbance or danger alone. Nevertheless we do sometimes
succeed in continuing to sleep even when our dreams begin to give us some
uneasiness and to turn to anxiety. We say to ourselves in sleep: “It is only a
dream after all,” and go on sleeping.
You may ask when it happens that the dream-wish is able to overcome
the censorship. This may depend either on the wish or on the censorship: it
may be that for unknown reasons the strength of the wish at times becomes
excessive; but our impression is that it is more often the attitude of the
censorship which is responsible for this shifting in the balance of power. We
have already heard that the censorship works with varying intensity in each
individual instance, treating the different elements with different degrees of
strictness; now we may add that it is very variable in its general behaviour
and does not show itself always equally severe towards the same element. If
then it chances that the censorship feels itself for once powerless against
some dream-wish which threatens to overthrow it, it then, instead of making
use of distortion, employs the last weapon left to it and destroys sleep by
bringing about an access of anxiety.
At this point it strikes us that we still have no idea why these evil,
rejected wishes rise up just at night-time, so as to disturb us when we sleep.
The answer can hardly be found except in another hypothesis which goes
back to the nature of sleep itself. During the day the heavy pressure of a
censorship is exercised upon these wishes and, as a rule, it is impossible for
them to make themselves felt at all. But in the night it is probable that this
censorship, like all the other interests of mental life, is suspended, or at least
very much weakened, in favour of the single desire for sleep. So it is due to
this partial abrogation of the censorship at night that the forbidden wishes
can again become active. There are nervous people suffering from insomnia
who confess that their sleeplessness was voluntary in the first instance; for
they did not dare to go to sleep because they were afraid of their dreams—

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that is to say, they feared the consequences of the diminished vigilance of
the censorship. You will have no difficulty in understanding that this
curtailment of the censorship does not argue any flagrant carelessness: sleep
impairs our motor functions; even if our evil intentions do begin to stir
within us the utmost they can do is to produce a dream, which is for all
practical purposes harmless; and it is this comforting circumstance which
gives rise to the sleeper’s remark, made, it is true, in the night but yet not
part of his dream-life: “It is only a dream.” So we let it have its way and
continue to sleep.
Thirdly, if you call to mind our idea that the dreamer striving against
his own wishes is like a combination of two persons, separate and yet
somehow intimately united, you will be able to understand another possible
way in which something that is highly unpleasant may be brought about
through wish-fulfilment: I am speaking of punishment. Here again the fairy-
tale of the three wishes may help to make things clear. The sausages on the
plate were the direct fulfilment of the first person’s (the woman’s) wish; the
sausages on the tip of her nose were the fulfilment of the second person’s
(the husband’s) wish, but at the same time they were the punishment for the
foolish wish of the wife. In the neuroses we shall meet with wishes
corresponding in motivation to the third wish of the fairy-tale, the only one
left. There are many such punishment tendencies in the mental life of man;
they are very strong and we may well regard them as responsible for some
of our painful dreams. Now you will probably think that with all this there
is very little of the famous wish-fulfilment left; but on closer consideration
you will admit that you are wrong. In comparison with the manifold
possibilities (to be discussed later) of what dreams might be—according to
some writers, what they actually are—the solution: wish-fulfilment,
anxiety-fulfilment, punishment-fulfilment, is surely quite a narrow one. Add
to this, that anxiety is the direct opposite of a wish and that opposites lie
very near one another in association and, as we have learned, actually
coincide in the unconscious. Moreover, punishment itself is the fulfilment
of a wish, namely, the wish of the other, censoring person.
On the whole then, I have made no concession to your objections to
the wish-fulfilment theory; we are bound, however, to demonstrate its
presence in any and every distorted dream, and we have certainly no desire
to shirk this task. Let us go back to the dream we have already interpreted,
about the three bad theatre tickets for one florin and a half, from which we

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have already learnt a good deal. I hope you still remember it: A lady, whose
husband told her one day about the engagement of her friend Elise who was
only three months younger than herself, dreamt on the following night that
she and her husband were at the theatre and that one side of the stalls was
almost empty. Her husband told her that Elise and her fiancé had wanted to
go to the theatre too; but could not, because they could only get such bad
seats, three tickets for a florin and a half. His wife said that they had not lost
much by it. We discovered that the dream-thoughts had to do with her
vexation at having been in such a hurry to marry and her dissatisfaction
with her husband. We may well be curious how these gloomy thoughts can
have been transformed into a wish-fulfilment, and what trace of it can be
found in the manifest content. Now we know already that the element “too
soon, too great a hurry,” was eliminated by the censorship; the empty stalls
are an allusion to this element. The puzzling phrase three for one and a half
florins is now more comprehensible to us than at first, through the
knowledge of symbolism that we have acquired since then.[42] The number
three really stands for a man and we can easily translate the manifest
element to mean: “to buy a man (husband) with the dowry.” (“I could have
bought one ten times better for my dowry.”) Going to the theatre obviously
stands for marriage. Getting the tickets too soon is in fact a direct substitute
for “marrying too soon.” Now this substitution is the work of the wish-
fulfilment. The dreamer had not always felt so dissatisfied with her
premature marriage as she was on the day when she heard of her friend’s
engagement. She had been proud of her marriage at the time and considered
herself more highly favoured than her friend. One hears that naïve girls, on
becoming engaged, frequently express their delight at the idea that they will
now soon be able to go to all plays and see everything hitherto forbidden
them.
The indication of curiosity and a desire to “look on” evinced here
comes, without doubt, originally from the sexual ‘gazing-impulse,’
especially regarding the parents, and this became a strong motive impelling
the girl to marry early; in this manner going to the theatre became an
obvious allusive substitute for getting married. In her vexation at the
present time on account of her premature marriage she therefore reverted to
the time when this same marriage fulfilled a wish, by gratifying her
skoptophilia; and so, guided by this old wish-impulse, she replaced the idea
of marriage by that of going to the theatre.

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We may say that the example we have chosen to demonstrate a hidden
wish-fulfilment is not the most convenient one, but in all other distorted
dreams we should have to proceed in a manner analogous to that employed
above. It is not possible for me to do this here and now, so I will merely
express my conviction that such procedure will invariably meet with
success. But I wish to dwell longer upon this point in our theory: experience
has taught me that it is one of the most perilous of the whole theory of
dreams, exposed to many contradictions and misunderstandings. Besides,
you are perhaps still under the impression that I have already retracted part
of my statement by saying that the dream may be either a wish-fulfilment,
or its opposite, an anxiety or a punishment, brought to actuality; and you
may think this a good opportunity to force me to make further reservations.
Also I have been reproached with presenting facts that seem obvious to
myself in a manner too condensed to carry conviction.
When anyone has gone as far as this in dream-interpretation and has
accepted all our conclusions up to this point, it often happens that he comes
to a standstill at this question of wish-fulfilment and asks: “Admitting that
every dream means something and that this meaning may be discovered by
employing the technique of psycho-analysis, why must it always, in face of
all the evidence to the contrary, be forced into the formula of wish-
fulfilment? Why must our thoughts at night be any less many-sided than our
thoughts by day; so that at one time a dream might be a fulfilment of some
wish; at another time, as you say yourself, the opposite, the actualization of
a dread; or, again, the expression of a resolution, a warning, a weighing of
some problem with its pro’s and con’s, or a reproof, some prick of
conscience, or an attempt to prepare oneself for something which has to be
done—and so forth? Why this perpetual insistence upon a wish or, at the
most, its opposite?”
It might be supposed that a difference of opinion on this point is a
matter of no great moment, if there is agreement on all others. Cannot we
be satisfied with having discovered the meaning of dreams and the ways by
which we can find out the meaning? We surely go back on the advance we
have made if we try to limit this meaning too strictly. But this is not so. A
misunderstanding on this head touches what is essential to our knowledge
of dreams and imperils its value for the understanding of neuroses.
Moreover, that readiness to “oblige the other party” which has its value in

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business life is not only out of place but actually harmful in scientific
matters.
My first answer to the question why dreams should not be many-sided
in their meaning is the usual one in such a case: I do not know why they
should not be so, and should have no objection if they were. As far as I am
concerned, they can be so! But there is just one trifling obstacle in the way
of this wider and more convenient conception of dreams—that as a matter
of fact they are not so. My second answer would emphasize the point that to
assume that dreams represent manifold modes of thought and intellectual
operations is by no means a novel idea to myself: once, in the history of a
pathological case, I recorded a dream which occurred three nights running
and never again; and gave it as my explanation that this dream
corresponded to a resolution, the repetition of which became unnecessary as
soon as that resolution was carried out. Later on, I published a dream which
represented a confession. How is it possible for me then to contradict
myself and assert that dreams are always and only wish-fulfilments?
I do it rather than permit a stupid misunderstanding which might cost
us the fruit of all our labours on the subject of dreams; a misunderstanding
that confounds the dream with the latent dream-thoughts, and makes
statements with regard to the former which are applicable to the latter and
to the latter only. For it is perfectly true that dreams can represent, and be
themselves replaced by, all the modes of thought just enumerated:
resolutions, warnings, reflections, preparations or attempts to solve some
problem in regard to conduct, and so on. But when you look closely, you
will recognize that all this is true only of the latent thoughts which have
been transformed into the dream. You learn from interpretations of dreams
that the unconscious thought-processes of mankind are occupied with such
resolutions, preparations and reflections, out of which dreams are formed
by means of the dream-work. If your interest at any given moment is not so
much in the dream-work, but centres on the unconscious thought-processes
in people, you will then eliminate the dream-formation and say of dreams
themselves, what is for all practical purposes correct, that they represent a
warning, a resolve, and so on. This is what is often done in psycho-analytic
work: generally we endeavour simply to demolish the manifest form of
dreams and to substitute for it the corresponding latent thoughts in which
the dream originated.

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Thus it is that we learn quite incidentally from our attempt to assess
the latent dream-thoughts that all the highly complicated mental acts we
have enumerated can be performed unconsciously—a conclusion surely as
tremendous as it is bewildering.
But to go back a little: you are quite right in speaking of dreams as
representing these various modes of thought, provided that you are quite
clear in your own minds that you are using an abbreviated form of
expression and do not imagine that the manifold variety of which you speak
is in itself part of the essential nature of dreams. When you speak of “a
dream” you must mean either the manifest dream, i.e. the product of the
dream-work, or at most that work itself, i.e. the mental process which forms
the latent dream-thoughts into the manifest dream. To use the word in any
other sense is a confusion of ideas which is bound to be mischievous. If
what you say is meant to apply to the latent thoughts behind the dream, then
say so plainly, and do not add to the obscurity of the problem by your loose
way of expressing yourselves. The latent dream-thoughts are the material
which is transformed by the dream-work into the manifest dream. What
makes you constantly confound the material with the process which deals
with it? If you do that, in what way are you superior to those who know of
the final product only, without being able to explain where it comes from or
how it is constructed?
The only thing essential to the dream itself is the dream-work which
has operated upon the thought-material; and when we come to theory we
have no right to disregard this, even if in certain practical situations it may
be neglected. Further, analytic observation shows that the dream-work
never consists merely in translating the latent thoughts into the archaic or
regressive forms of expression described. On the contrary, something is
invariably added which does not belong to the latent thoughts of the day-
time, but which is the actual motive force in dream-formation; this
indispensable component being the equally unconscious wish, to fulfil
which the content of the dream is transformed. In so far, then, as you are
considering only the thoughts represented in it, the dream may be any
conceivable thing—a warning, a resolve, a preparation, and so on; but
besides this, it itself is always the fulfilment of an unconscious wish, and,
when you regard it as the result of the dream-work, it is this alone. A dream
then is never simply the expression of a resolve or warning, and nothing
more: in it the resolve, or whatever it may be, is translated into the archaic

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form with the assistance of an unconscious wish, and metamorphosed in
such a way as to be a fulfilment of that wish. This single characteristic, that
of fulfilling a wish, is the constant one: the other component varies; it may
indeed itself be a wish; in which event the dream represents the fulfilment
of a latent wish from our waking hours brought about by the aid of an
unconscious wish.
Now all this is quite clear to myself, but I do not know whether I have
succeeded in making it equally clear to you; and it is difficult to prove it to
you; for, on the one hand, proof requires the evidence afforded by a careful
analysis of many dreams and, on the other hand, this, the crucial and most
important point in our conception of dreams, cannot be presented
convincingly without reference to considerations upon which we have not
yet touched. Seeing how closely linked up all phenomena are, you can
hardly imagine that we can penetrate very far into the nature of any one of
them without troubling ourselves about others of a similar nature. Since as
yet we know nothing about those phenomena which are so nearly akin to
dreams—neurotic symptoms—we must once more content ourselves with
what we actually have achieved. I will merely give you the explanation of
one more example and adduce a new consideration.
Let us take once more that dream to which we have already reverted
several times, the one about the three theatre tickets for one florin and a
half. I can assure you that I had no ulterior motive in selecting it in the first
instance for an illustration. You know what the latent thoughts were: the
vexation, after hearing that her friend had only just become engaged, that
she herself should have married so hastily; depreciation of her husband and
the idea that she could have found a better one if only she had waited. We
also know already that the wish which made a dream out of these thoughts
was the desire to “look on,” to be able to go to the theatre—very probably
an offshoot of an old curiosity to find out at last what really does happen
after marriage. It is well known that in children this curiosity is regularly
directed towards the sexual life of the parents; that is to say, it is an infantile
impulse and, wherever it persists later in life, it has its roots in the infantile
period. But the news received on the day previous to the dream gave no
occasion for the awakening of this skoptophilia; it only roused vexation and
regret. This wish-impulse (of skoptophilia) was not at first connected with
the latent thoughts, and the results of the dream-interpretation could have
been used by the analysis without taking it into consideration at all. But

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again, the vexation was not in itself capable of producing a dream: no
dream could be formed out of the thought: “It was folly to be in such a
hurry to marry” until that thought had stirred up the early wish to see at last
what happened after marriage. Then this wish formed the dream-content,
substituting for marriage the going to the theatre; and the form was that of
the fulfilment of the earlier wish: “Now I may go to the theatre and look at
all that we have never been allowed to see; and you may not. I am married
and you have got to wait.” In this way the actual situation was transformed
into its opposite and an old triumph substituted for the recent discomfiture;
and incidentally, satisfaction both of a ‘gazing’ impulse and of one of
egoistic rivalry was brought about. It is this latter satisfaction which
determines the manifest content of the dream; for in it she is actually sitting
in the theatre, while her friend cannot get in. Those portions of the dream-
content behind which the latent thoughts still conceal themselves are to be
found in the form of inappropriate and incomprehensible modifications of
the gratifying situation. The business of interpretation is to put aside those
features in the whole which merely represent a wish-fulfilment and to
reconstruct the painful latent dream-thoughts from these indications.
The consideration which I said I wished to call to your notice is
intended to direct your attention to these latent dream-thoughts now brought
into prominence. I must beg you not to forget that, first, the dreamer is
unconscious of them; secondly that they are quite reasonable and coherent,
so that we can understand them as comprehensible reactions to whatever
stimulus has given rise to the dream; and, thirdly, that they may have the
value of any mental impulse or intellectual operation. I will designate these
thoughts more strictly now than hitherto as the residue from the previous
day; the dreamer may acknowledge them or not. I then distinguish between
this ‘residue’ and ‘latent dream-thoughts,’ so that, as we have been
accustomed to do all along, I will call everything which we learn from the
interpretation of the dream ‘the latent dream-thoughts,’ while ‘the residue
from the previous day’ is only a part of the latent dream-thoughts. Then our
conception of what happens is this: something has been added to the residue
from the previous day, something which also belongs to the unconscious, a
strong but repressed wish-impulse, and it is this alone which makes the
formation of a dream possible. The wish-impulse, acting upon the ‘residue,’
creates the other part of the latent dream-thoughts, that part which no longer

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need appear rational or comprehensible from the point of view of our
waking life.
To illustrate the relation between the residue and the unconscious wish
I have elsewhere made use of a comparison which I cannot do better than
repeat here. Every business undertaking requires a capitalist to defray the
expenses and an entrepreneur who has the idea and understands how to
carry it out. Now the part of the capitalist in dream-formation is always and
only played by the unconscious wish; it supplies the necessary fund of
mental energy for it: the entrepreneur is the residue from the previous day,
determining the manner of the expenditure. It is, of course, quite possible
for the capitalist himself to have the idea and the special knowledge needed,
or for the entrepreneur himself to have capital. This simplifies the practical
situation but makes the theory of it more difficult. In economics we
discriminate between the man in his function of capitalist and the same man
in his capacity as entrepreneur; and this distinction restores the fundamental
situation upon which our comparison is based. The same variations are to
be found in the formation of dreams: I leave you to follow them out for
yourselves.
We cannot go any further at this point; for I think it likely that a
disturbing thought has long since occurred to you and it deserves a hearing.
You may ask: “Is the so-called ‘residue’ really unconscious in the sense in
which the wish necessary for the formation of the dream is unconscious?”
Your suspicion is justified: this is the salient point in the whole matter. They
are not both unconscious in the same sense. The dream-wish belongs to a
different type of UNCONSCIOUS, which, as we have seen, has its roots in
the infantile period and is furnished with special mechanisms. It is very
expedient to distinguish the two types of “unconscious” from one another
by speaking of them in different terms. But, all the same, we will rather
wait until we have familiarized ourselves with the phenomena of the
neuroses. If our conception of the existence of any kind of unconscious be
already regarded as fantastic, what will people say if we admit that to reach
our solution we have had to assume two kinds?
Let us break off at this point. Once more you have heard only an
incomplete statement; but is it not a hopeful thought that this knowledge
will be carried further, either by ourselves or by those who come after us?
And have not we ourselves learnt enough that is new and startling?

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Page 202

FIFTEENTH LECTURE
DOUBTFUL POINTS AND CRITICAL OBSERVATIONS

We will not leave the subject of dreams without dealing with the most
common doubts and uncertainties arising in connection with the novel ideas
and conceptions we have been discussing: those of you who have followed
these lectures attentively will have collected some material of the kind.
1. You may have received an impression that even with strict
adherence to technique our work of dream-interpretation leaves so much
room for uncertainty that reliable translation of manifest dreams into their
latent dream-thoughts will be thereby frustrated. You will urge first that one
never knows whether any particular element in a dream is to be understood
literally or symbolically, since things employed as symbols do not thereby
cease to be themselves. Where there is no objective evidence to decide the
question the interpretation on that particular point will be left to be
arbitrarily determined by the interpreter. Further, since in the dream-work
opposites coincide, it is in every instance uncertain whether a specific
dream-element is to be understood in a positive or a negative sense, as itself
or as its opposite—another opportunity for the interpreter to exercise a
choice. Thirdly, on account of the frequency with which inversion of every
kind is employed in dreams, it is open to him to assume whenever he
chooses that such an inversion has taken place. Finally you will point to
having heard that one is seldom certain that the interpretation arrived at is
the only possible one, and that there is danger of overlooking another
perfectly admissible interpretation of the same dream. In these
circumstances, you will conclude, the discretion of the interpreter has a
latitude that seems incompatible with any objective certainty in the result.
Or you may also assume that the fault does not lie in dreams themselves,
but that something erroneous in our conceptions and premises produces the
unsatisfactory character of our interpretations.
All that you say is undeniable and yet I do not think it justifies either
of your conclusions: that dream-interpretation as practised by us is at the

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mercy of the interpreter’s arbitrary decisions or that the inadequacy of the
results calls in question the correctness of our procedure. If for the
“arbitrary decision” of the interpreter you will substitute his skill, his
experience and his understanding, then I am with you. This kind of personal
factor is of course indispensable, especially when interpretation is difficult;
it is just the same in other scientific work, however; it can’t be helped that
one man will use any given technique less well, or apply it better, than
another. The impression of arbitrariness made, for example, by the
interpretation of symbols is corrected by the reflection that as a rule the
connection of the dream-thoughts with one another, and of the dream with
the life of the dreamer and the whole mental situation at the time of the
dream, points directly to one of all the possible interpretations and renders
all the rest useless. The conclusion that the imperfect character of the
interpretations proceeds from fallacious hypotheses loses its force when
consideration shows that, on the contrary, the ambiguity or indefiniteness of
dreams is a quality which we should necessarily expect in them.
Let us call to mind our statement that the dream-work undertakes a
translation of the dream-thoughts into a primitive mode of expression,
analogous to hieroglyphics. Now all such primitive systems of expression
are necessarily accompanied by ambiguity and indefiniteness; but we
should not on that account be justified in doubting their practicability. You
know that the coincidence of opposites in the dream-work is analogous to
what is called the antithetical sense of primal words in the oldest languages.
The philologist, R. Abel, to whom we owe this information, writing in
1884, begs us not on any account to imagine that there was any ambiguity
in what one person said to another by means of ambivalent words of this
sort. On the contrary, intonation, gestures and the whole context can have
left no doubt whatever which of the two opposites the speaker had in mind
to convey. In writing where gestures are absent the addition of little
pictorial signs, not meant to receive separate oral expression, replaced
them: e.g. a drawing of a little man, either crouching or standing upright,
according as the ambiguous ken of the hieroglyphic meant “weak” or
“strong.” So that misunderstanding was avoided in spite of the ambiguity of
sounds and signs.
In ancient systems of expression, for instance, in the scripts of the
oldest languages, indefiniteness of various kinds is found with a frequency
which we should not tolerate in our writings to-day. Thus in many Semitic

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writings only the consonants of the words appear: the omitted vowels have
to be supplied by the reader from his knowledge and from the context.
Hieroglyphic writing follows a similar principle, although not exactly the
same; and this is the reason why nothing is known of the pronunciation of
ancient Egyptian. There are besides other kinds of indefiniteness in the
sacred writings of the Egyptians: for example, it is left to the writer’s choice
to inscribe the pictures from right to left or from left to right. To be able to
read them, we have to remember that we must be guided by the direction of
the faces of the figures, birds, and so forth. But it was also open to the
writer to set the pictures in vertical columns and, in the case of inscriptions
on smaller objects, he was led by considerations of what was pleasing to the
eye, and of the space at his disposal, to introduce still further alterations in
the arrangement of the signs. The most confusing feature in hieroglyphic
script is that there is no spacing between the words. The pictures are all
placed at equal intervals on the page, and it is generally impossible to know
whether any given sign goes with the preceding one or forms the beginning
of a new word. In Persian cuneiform writing, on the other hand, a slanting
sign is used to separate the words.
The Chinese language, both spoken and written, is exceedingly ancient
but is still used to-day by four hundred million people. Don’t suppose that I
understand it at all; I only obtained some information about it because I
hoped to find in it analogies to the kinds of indefiniteness occurring in
dreams; nor was I disappointed in my expectation, for Chinese is so full of
uncertainties as positively to terrify one. As is well known, it consists of a
number of syllabic sounds which are pronounced singly or doubled in
combination. One of the chief dialects has about four hundred of these
sounds, and since the vocabulary of this dialect is estimated at somewhere
about four thousand words it is evident that every sound has an average of
ten different meanings—some fewer, but some all the more. For this reason
there are a whole series of devices to escape ambiguity, for the context
alone will not show which of the ten possible meanings of the syllable the
speaker wishes to convey to the hearer. Amongst these devices is the
combining of two sounds into a single word and the use of four different
“tones” in which these syllables may be spoken. For purposes of our
comparison a still more interesting fact is that this language is practically
without grammar: it is impossible to say of any of the one-syllabled words
whether it is a noun, a verb or an adjective; and, further, there are no

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inflections to show gender, number, case, tense or mood. The language
consists, as we may say, of the raw material only; just as our thought-
language is resolved into its raw material by the dream-work omitting to
express the relations in it. Wherever there is any uncertainty in Chinese the
decision is left to the intelligence of the listener, who is guided by the
context. I made a note of a Chinese saying, which literally translated runs
thus: “Little what see, much what wonderful.” This is simple enough to
understand. It may mean: “The less a man has seen, the more he finds to
wonder at,” or “There is much to wonder at for the man who has seen
little.” Naturally there is no occasion to choose between these two
translations which differ only in grammatical construction. We are assured
that in spite of these uncertainties the Chinese language is a quite
exceptionally good medium of expression; so it is clear that indefiniteness
does not necessarily lead to ambiguity.
Now we must certainly admit that the position of affairs is far less
favourable in regard to the mode of expression in dreams than it is with
these ancient tongues and scripts; for these latter were originally designed
as a means of communication; that is, they were intended to be understood,
no matter what ways or means they had to employ. But just this character is
lacking to dreams: their object is not to tell anyone anything; they are not a
means of communication; on the contrary, it is important to them not to be
understood. So we ought not to be surprised or misled if the result is that a
number of the ambiguities and uncertainties in dreams cannot be
determined. The only certain piece of knowledge gained from our
comparison is that this indefiniteness (which people would like to make use
of as an argument against the accuracy of our dream-interpretations) is
rather to be recognized as a regular characteristic of all primitive systems of
expression.
Practice and experience alone can determine the extent to which
dreams can in actual fact be understood. My own opinion is that this is
possible to a very great extent; and a comparison of the results obtained by
properly-trained analysts confirms my view. It is well known that the lay
public, even in scientific circles, delights to make a parade of superior
scepticism in the face of the difficulties and uncertainties which beset a
scientific achievement; I think they are wrong in so doing. You may
possibly not at all know that the same thing happened at the time when the
Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions were being deciphered. There was a

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point at which public opinion was active in declaring that the men
deciphering the cuneiform writing were victims of a chimera and that the
whole business of investigation was a fraud. But in the year 1857 the Royal
Asiatic Society made a conclusive test. They challenged four of the most
distinguished men engaged in this branch of research—Rawlinson, Hincks,
Fox Talbot and Oppert—to send to the Society in sealed envelopes
independent translations of a newly-discovered inscription, and, after
comparing the four versions, they were able to announce that there was
sufficient agreement between the four to justify belief in what had been
achieved and confidence in further progress. The mockery of the learned
laity then gradually came to an end, and certainty in the reading of
cuneiform documents has advanced enormously since then.
2. A second series of objections is closely connected with an
impression which you also have probably not escaped; namely, that a
number of the solutions achieved by our method of dream-interpretation
seem strained, specious, “dragged in,”—in other words, forced, or even
comical or joking. These criticisms are so frequent that I will take at
random the last that has come to my ears. Now listen: a head-master in
Switzerland—that free country—was recently asked to resign his post on
account of his interest in psycho-analysis. He protested and a Berne paper
published the decision of the school authorities on his case. I shall quote a
few sentences from the article which refer to psycho-analysis: “Further, we
are amazed at the far-fetched and factitious character of many of the
examples given in the said book by Dr. Pfister of Zurich.... It is indeed a
matter for surprise that the head-master of a Training College should accept
so credulously all these assertions and such specious evidence.” These
sentences purport to be the final opinion of “One who judges calmly.” I am
much more inclined to think this “calm” factitious. Let us examine these
remarks more closely in the expectation that a certain amount of reflection
and knowledge of the subject will do no harm, even to a “calm judgement.”
It is really quite refreshing to see how swiftly and unerringly anyone
relying merely on his first impressions can arrive at an opinion on some
critical question of psychology in its more abstruse aspects. The
interpretations seem to him far-fetched and strained, and do not commend
themselves to him; consequently, they are wrong and the whole business is
rubbish. Such critics never give even a passing thought to the possibility
that there may be good reasons why the interpretations are bound to convey

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this very impression—a thought which would lead to the further question
what these good reasons are.
The circumstance which calls forth this criticism is essentially related
to the effect of displacement, which you have learnt to know as the most
powerful instrument in the service of the dream-censorship. With its aid the
substitute-formations which we call allusions are created; but these
allusions are of a kind not easy to recognize as such; nor is it easy to
discover the thought proper by working back from them, for they are
connected with it by the most extraordinary and unusual extrinsic
associations. But the whole matter throughout concerns things which are
meant to be hidden, intended to be concealed: that is exactly the object of
the dream-censorship. We must not expect, though, to find something that
has been hidden by looking in the very place where it ordinarily belongs.
The frontier surveillance authorities nowadays are a good deal more
cunning in this respect than the Swiss school authorities; for they are not
content with examining portfolios and letter-cases when hunting for
documents and plans; but consider the possibility that spies and smugglers
may conceal anything compromising about their persons, in places where it
is most difficult to detect and where such things certainly do not belong, for
example, between the double soles of their boots. If the concealed articles
are found there, it is certainly true that they have been “dragged” to light,
but they are none the less a very good “find.”
In admitting the possibility that the connection between a latent dream-
element and its manifest substitute may appear most remote and
extraordinary, sometimes even comical or joking, we are guided by our
wide experience of instances in which we did not as a rule find the meaning
ourselves. It is often impossible to arrive at such interpretations by our own
efforts: no sane person could guess the bridge connecting the two. The
dreamer either solves the riddle straightaway by a direct association (he can
do it because it is in his mind that the substitute-formation originated); or
else he provides so much material that there is no longer any need for
special penetration in order to solve it—the solution thrusts itself upon us as
inevitable. If the dreamer does not help us in either of these two ways the
manifest element in question will remain for ever incomprehensible. Let me
give you one more instance of this kind which happened recently. A patient
of mine lost her father during the course of the treatment, after which she
seized every opportunity to bring him back to life in her dreams. In one of

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these her father appeared in a certain connection otherwise not applicable
and said: “It is quarter past eleven, it is half past eleven, it is quarter to
twelve.” For the interpretation of this curious detail she could only provide
the association that her father was pleased when his older children were
punctual at the midday meal. This certainly fitted in with the dream-
element, but it threw no light on its origin. The situation which had just
been reached in the treatment gave good grounds for the suspicion that a
carefully-suppressed critical antagonism to her much loved and honoured
father had played a part in this dream. Following out her further
associations, apparently quite remote from the dream, she told how she had
heard a long discussion of psychological questions on the day before and a
relative had said: “Primitive man (Urmensch) survives in all of us.” Now a
light dawns on us. Here was again a splendid opportunity for her to imagine
that her dead father survived, and so in the dream she made him a “clock-
man” (Uhrmensch), telling the quarters up to the time of the midday meal.
The likeness to a pun in this cannot be ignored, and as a matter of fact
it has often happened that a dreamer’s pun has been ascribed to the
interpreter; there are yet other examples in which it is not at all easy to
decide whether we are dealing with a joke or a dream. But you will
remember that the same sort of doubt arose with some slips of the tongue. A
man related as a dream that he and his uncle were sitting in the latter’s auto
(automobile) and his uncle kissed him. The dreamer himself instantly
volunteered the interpretation: it meant “auto-erotism” (a term used in our
theory of the libido, signifying gratification obtained without any external
love-object). Now was this man allowing himself a joke at our expense and
pretending that a pun which occurred to him was part of a dream? I do not
think so: he really did dream it. But where does this bewildering
resemblance between dreams and jokes come from? At one time this
question took me somewhat out of my way, for it necessitated my making a
thorough investigation into the question of wit itself. This led to the
conclusion that wit originates as follows: a preconscious train of thought is
for a moment left to a process of unconscious elaboration, from which it
emerges in the form of a witticism. While under the influence of the
unconscious it is subject to the mechanisms there operative—to
condensation and displacement; that is to say, to the same processes as we
found at work in the dream-work; and the similarity sometimes found
between dreams and wit is to be ascribed to this character common to both.

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But the unintentional “dream joke” does not amuse us as does an ordinary
witticism; a deeper study of wit may show you why this is so. The “dream
joke” strikes us as a poor form of wit; it does not make us laugh, it leaves us
cold.
Now in this we are following the path of the ancient method of dream-
interpretation, which has given us, besides much that is useless, many a
valuable example of interpretation upon which we ourselves could not
improve. I will tell you a dream of historic importance which is related in
slightly different versions by Plutarch and Artemidorus of Daldis, the
dreamer being Alexander the Great. When he was laying siege to the city of
Tyre, which was putting up an obstinate resistance (B.C. 322), he dreamt one
night that he saw a dancing satyr. The dream-interpreter Aristandros, who
accompanied the army on its campaigns, interpreted this dream by dividing
the word “satyros” into σὰ Τύρος (“Tyre is thine”), and prophesied from
this the king’s victory over the city. This interpretation decided Alexander to
continue the siege and eventually the city fell. The interpretation, factitious
as it seems, was undoubtedly the right one.
3. I can well imagine that you will be especially impressed on being
told that even people who have long studied the interpretation of dreams in
the course of their work as psycho-analysts have raised objections to our
conception of dreams. It would indeed have been exceptional if so excellent
an opportunity for new mistakes had been let slip; and so assertions have
been made, due to confusion of ideas and based on unjustifiable
generalizations, which are hardly less incorrect than the medical conception
of dreams. One of these statements you know already: that dreams deal with
attempts at adaptation to the situation at the moment and with the solution
of future problems; in other words, that they pursue a “prospective
tendency” or aim (A. Maeder). We have already demonstrated that this
statement rests upon a confusion between dreams and the latent dream-
thoughts and ignores the process of dream-work. If those who speak of this
“prospective tendency” mean thereby to characterize the unconscious
mental activity to which the latent thoughts belong, then, on the one hand,
they tell us nothing new and, on the other hand, the description is not
exhaustive; for unconscious mental activity occupies itself with many other
things besides preparation for the future. There seems to be a much worse
confusion behind the assurance that the “death clause” may be found
underlying every dream; I am not quite clear what this formula is intended

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to mean, but I suspect that behind it the dream is confounded with the
whole personality of the dreamer.
An unjustifiable generalization, based on a few striking examples, is
contained in the statement that every dream admits of two kinds of
interpretation: one of the kind we have described, the so-called “psycho-
analytic” interpretation, and the other the so-called “anagogic,” which
disregards the instinctive tendencies and aims at a representation of the
higher mental functions (H. Silberer); there are dreams of this kind, but you
will seek in vain to extend this conception to include even a majority of
dreams. After all you have heard, the statement that all dreams are to be
interpreted bisexually, as a combination of two tendencies which may be
called male and female (A. Adler), will seem to you quite
incomprehensible. Here again, single dreams of this sort do of course occur
and later on you may learn that their structure is similar to that of certain
hysterical symptoms. I mention all these discoveries of new general
characteristics of dreams in order to warn you against them, or at least to
leave you in no doubt about my own opinion of them.
4. At one time the objective value of research into dreams seemed to
be discredited by the fact that patients treated analytically appeared to suit
the content of their dreams to the favourite theories of their doctors, one
class dreaming mainly of sexual impulses, and another of impulses for
mastery, others again even of rebirth (W. Stekel). The force of this
observation is weakened by the reflection that people dreamed dreams
before there was any such thing as psycho-analytic treatment to influence
their dreams and that the patients undergoing treatment nowadays also used
to dream before they began it. The actual fact in this supposedly new
observation is soon shown to be self-evident and of no consequence for the
theory of dreams. The residue from the previous day which gives rise to
dreams is a residue from the great interests of waking life. If the physician’s
words and the stimuli which he gives have become of importance to the
patient they then enter into whatever constitutes the residue and can act as
mental stimuli for dream-formation, just like other interests of affective
value roused on the preceding day which have not subsided; they operate in
the same way as bodily stimuli which affect the sleeper during sleep. Like
these other factors inciting dreams, the trains of thought roused by the
physician can appear in the manifest dream-content or be revealed in the
latent thoughts. We know indeed that dreams can be experimentally

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produced, or, to speak more accurately, a part of the dream-material can be
thus introduced into the dream. In influencing his patients thus the analyst
plays a part no different from that of an experimenter, like Mourly Void,
who placed in certain positions the limbs of the person upon whom he
experimented.
We can often influence what a man shall dream about, but never what
he will dream; for the mechanism of the dream-work and the unconscious
dream-wish are inaccessible to external influence of any sort. We realized,
when we were considering dreams arising out of bodily stimuli, that in the
reaction to the bodily or mental stimuli brought to bear upon the dreamer
the peculiarity and independence of dream-life is clearly seen. The criticism
I have just discussed which tends to cast a doubt upon the objectivity of
dream investigation is again an assertion based upon confounding, this time
confounding dreams with—their material.
I wanted to tell you as much as this about the problems of dreams. You
will guess that I have passed over a great deal and will have discovered for
yourselves that my treatment of nearly every point has necessarily been
incomplete; but this is due to the phenomena of dreams being so closely
connected with those of the neuroses. Our plan was to study dreams as an
introduction to the study of the neuroses and it was certainly a better one
than beginning the other way about; but since dreams prepare us for
comprehension of the neuroses, so also can a correctly-formed estimate of
dreams be acquired only after some knowledge of neurotic manifestations
has been gained.
I do not know how you may think about it, but I can assure you that I
do not regret having taken up so much of your interest and of the time at
our disposal in the consideration of problems connected with dreams. I
know no other way by which one can so speedily arrive at conviction of the
correctness of those statements by which psycho-analysis stands or falls. It
requires strenuous work for many months, and even years, to demonstrate
that the symptoms in a case of neurotic illness have a meaning, serve a
purpose, and arise from the patient’s experiences in life. On the other hand,
a few hours’ effort may be enough to show these things in some dream
which at first seemed utterly confused and incomprehensible, and in this
way to confirm all the premises upon which psycho-analysis rests—the
existence of unconscious mental processes, the special mechanisms which

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they obey, and the instinctive propelling forces which are expressed by
them. And when we remember how far-reaching is the analogy in the
structure of dreams to that of neurotic symptoms and, with that, reflect how
rapid is the transformation of a dreamer into a wide-awake, reasonable
human being, we acquire an assurance that the neuroses too depend only
upon an alteration in the balance of the forces at work in mental life.

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PART III
GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES

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SIXTEENTH LECTURE
PSYCHO-ANALYSIS AND PSYCHIATRY

It pleases me greatly to see you here again to continue our discussions
after a year has passed. Last year the subject of my lectures was the
application of psycho-analysis to errors and to dreams; I hope this year to
lead you to some comprehension of neurotic phenomena which, as you will
soon discover, have much in common with both our former subjects. I must
tell you before I begin, however, that I cannot concede you the same
attitude towards me now as I did last year. Then I endeavoured to make no
step without being in agreement with your judgement; I debated a great deal
with you, submitted to your objections, in fact, recognized you and your
“healthy common-sense” as the deciding factor. That is no longer possible
and for a very simple reason. Errors and dreams are phenomena which were
familiar to you; one might say you had as much experience of them as I, or
could easily have obtained it. The manifestations of neurosis, however, are
an unknown region to you; those of you who are not yourselves medical
men have no access there except through the accounts I give you; and of
what use is the most excellent judgement where there is no knowledge of
the subject under debate?
However, do not receive this announcement as though I were going to
give these lectures ex cathedra or to demand unconditional acceptance from
you. Any such misconception would do me a gross injustice. I do not aim at
producing conviction,—my aim is to stimulate enquiry and to destroy
prejudices. If owing to ignorance of the subject you are not in a position to
adjudicate, then you should neither believe nor reject. You should only
listen and allow what I tell you to make its own effect upon you.
Convictions are not so easily acquired, or, when they are achieved without
much trouble, they soon prove worthless and unstable. No one has a right to
conviction on these matters who has not worked at this subject for many
years, as I have, and has not himself experienced the same new and
astonishing discoveries. Then why these sudden convictions in intellectual

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matters, lightning conversions, and instantaneous repudiations? Do you not
see that the coup de foudre, “love at first sight,” proceeds from a very
different mental sphere, from the affective one? We do not require even our
patients to bring with them any conviction in favour of psycho-analysis or
any devotion to it. It would make us suspicious of them. Benevolent
scepticism is the attitude in them which we like best. Therefore will you
also try to let psycho-analytical conceptions develop quietly in your minds
alongside the popular or the psychiatric view, until opportunities arise for
them to influence each other and be united into a decisive opinion.
On the other hand, you are not for a moment to suppose that the
psycho-analytic point of view which I shall lay before you is a speculative
system of ideas. On the contrary, it is the result of experience, being
founded either on direct observations or on conclusions drawn from
observation. Whether these have been drawn in an adequate or a justifiable
manner future advances in science will show; after nearly two and a half
decades and now that I am fairly well advanced in years I may say, without
boasting, that it was particularly difficult, intense, and all-absorbing work
that yielded these observations. I have often had the impression that our
opponents were unwilling to consider this source of our statements, as if
they looked upon them as ideas derived subjectively which anyone could
dispute at his own sweet will. This attitude on the part of my opponents is
not quite comprehensible to me. Perhaps it comes from the circumstance
that physicians pay so little attention to neurotics and listen so carelessly to
what they say that it has become impossible for them to perceive anything
in the patients’ communications or to make detailed observations from
them. I will take this opportunity of assuring you that in these lectures I
shall make few controversial references, least of all to individuals. I have
never been able to convince myself of the truth of the saying that “strife is
the father of all things.” I think the source of it was the philosophy of the
Greek sophists and that it errs, as does the latter, through the over
estimation of dialectics. It seems to me, on the contrary, that scientific
controversy, so-called, is on the whole quite unfruitful, apart from the fact
that it is almost always conducted in a highly personal manner. Until a few
years ago I could boast that I had only once been engaged in a regular
scientific dispute, and that with one single investigator, Löwenfeld of
Munich. The end of it was that we became friends and have remained so to

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this day. But I did not repeat the experiment for a very long time because I
was not certain that the outcome would be the same.
Now you will surely judge that a refusal of this kind to discuss matters
publicly points to a high degree of inaccessibility to criticism, to obstinacy,
or, in the polite colloquialism of the scientific world, to “pig-
headedness.”[43] My reply to you would be that, should you have arrived at a
conviction by means of such hard work, you would also thereby derive a
certain right to maintain it with some tenacity. Further, on my own behalf, I
can say that in the course of my work I have modified my views on
important points, changed them or replaced them by others, and have of
course in each case published the fact. What has been the result of this
frankness? Some people have ignored my corrections of myself altogether
and still to-day criticize me in respect of views which no longer mean the
same to me. Others positively reproach me for these changes and declare
me to be unreliable on that account. No one who changes his views once or
twice deserves to be believed, for it is only too likely that he will be
mistaken again in his latest assertions; but anyone who sticks to anything he
has once said, or refuses to give way upon it easily enough, is obstinate or
pig-headed; is it not so? What is to be done in the face of these self-
contradictory criticisms except to remain as one is and behave as seems best
to one? This is what I decided to do; and I am not deterred from
remodelling and improving my theories in accordance with later
experience. I have so far found nothing to alter in my fundamental
standpoint and I hope this will never be necessary.
So now I have to lay before you the psycho-analytic theory of neurotic
manifestations. For this purpose it will be simplest, on account of both the
analogy and the contrast, to take an example which links up with the
phenomena we have already considered. I will take a ‘symptomatic act’
which I see many people commit in my own consulting-room. The analyst
has little to offer to the people who come to a physician’s consulting-room
for half-an-hour to recount the lifelong misery of their fate. His deeper
comprehension makes it difficult for him to give, as another might, the
opinion that there is nothing wrong with them and that they had better take
a light course of hydrotherapy. One of our colleagues once replied, with a
shrug, when asked how he dealt with consultation patients, that he “fined
them so many crowns for ‘wasting the time of the court.’” You will
therefore not be surprised to hear that even the busiest psycho-analysts are

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not much sought after for consultations. I have had the ordinary door
between the waiting-room and my consulting-room supplemented by
another door and covered with felt. The reason for this is obvious. Now it
constantly happens when I admit people from the waiting-room that they
omit to close these doors, leaving even both doors open behind them. When
I see this happen, I at once, with some stiffness, request him or her to go
back and make good the omission, no matter how fine a gentleman he may
be nor how many hours she had spent on her toilet. My action gives the
impression of being uncalled-for and pedantic; occasionally too I have
found myself in the wrong, when the person turned out to be one of those
who cannot themselves grasp a door-handle and are glad when those with
them avoid it. But in the majority of cases I was right, for anyone who
behaves in this way and leaves the door of a physician’s consulting-room
open into the waiting-room belongs to the rabble and deserves to be
received with coldness. Now don’t allow yourselves to be biassed before
you have heard the rest. This omission on the part of a patient occurs only
when he has been waiting alone in the outer room and thus leaves an empty
room behind him, never when others, strangers to him, have also been
waiting there. In the latter case he knows very well that it is to his own
interest not to be overheard while he talks to the physician and he never
neglects to close both doors carefully.
Occurring in this way, the patient’s omission is neither accidental nor
meaningless, and not even unimportant, for it betrays the visitor’s attitude
to the physician. He belongs to that large class who seek those in high
places, and wish to be dazzled and intimidated. Perhaps he had made
enquiries by telephone at what time he would be most likely to gain
admittance and had been expecting to find a crowd of applicants in a queue,
as if at the grocer’s in war-time. Then he is shown into an empty room
which, moreover, is most modestly furnished, and he is dumbfounded. He
must somehow make the physician atone for the superfluous respect he had
been prepared to show him; and so he omits to close the doors between the
waiting- and the consulting-rooms. He intends this to mean: “Pooh! there is
no one here and I daresay there won’t be, however long I stay!” He would
behave during the interview in an uncivil and supercilious manner, too, if
his presumption were not curbed at the outset by a sharp reminder.
In the analysis of this little symptomatic act you find nothing that is
not already known to you; namely, the conclusion that it is no accident but

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has in it motive, meaning, and intention; that it belongs to a mental context
which can be specified; and that it provides a small indication of a more
important mental process. But above all it implies that the process thus
indicated is not known to the consciousness of the person who carries it out;
for not one of the patients who left the two doors open would have admitted
that he wished to show any depreciation of me by his neglect. Many of
them could probably recall a sense of disappointment on entering the empty
waiting-room, but the connection between this impression and the
succeeding symptomatic act certainly remained outside their consciousness.
Now let us place this little analysis of a symptomatic act by the side of
an observation made on a patient. I will choose one which is fresh in my
memory, and also because it can be described in comparatively few words.
A certain amount of detail is indispensable for any such account.
A young officer, home on short leave of absence, asked me to treat his
mother-in-law, who was living in the happiest surroundings and yet was
embittering her own and her family’s lives by a nonsensical idea. I found
her a well-preserved lady, fifty-three years of age, of a friendly, simple
disposition, who gave without hesitation the following account of herself.
She is most happily married, and lives in the country with her husband who
manages a large factory. She cannot say enough of her husband’s kindness
and consideration; theirs had been a love-marriage thirty years ago, since
when they had never had a cloud, a quarrel, or a moment’s jealousy. Her
two children have both married well, but her husband’s sense of duty keeps
him still at work. A year before, an incredible and, to her, incomprehensible
thing happened. She received an anonymous letter telling her that her
excellent husband was carrying on an intrigue with a young girl, and
believed it on the spot—since then her happiness has been destroyed. The
details were more or less as follows: she had a housemaid with whom she
discussed confidential matters, perhaps rather too freely. This young woman
cherished a positively venomous hatred for another girl who had succeeded
better in life than herself, although of no better origin. Instead of going into
service, the other young woman had had a commercial training, been taken
into the factory and, owing to vacancies caused by the absence of staff on
service in the field, had been promoted to a good position. She lived in the
factory, knew all the gentlemen, and was even addressed as “Miss.” The
other one who had been left behind in life was only too ready to accuse her
former schoolmate of all possible evil. One day our patient and her

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housemaid were discussing an elderly gentleman who had visited the house
and of whom it was said that he did not live with his wife but kept a
mistress. Why, she did not know, but she suddenly said: “I cannot imagine
anything more awful than to hear that my husband had a mistress.” The next
day she received by post an anonymous letter in disguised handwriting
which informed her of the very thing she had just imagined. She concluded
—probably correctly—that the letter was the handiwork of her malicious
housemaid, for the woman who was named as the mistress of her husband
was the very girl who was the object of this housemaid’s hatred. Although
she at once saw through the plot and had seen enough of such cowardly
accusations in her own surroundings to place little credence in them, our
patient was nevertheless prostrated by this letter. She became terribly
excited and at once sent for her husband to overwhelm him with reproaches.
The husband laughingly denied the accusation and did the best thing he
could. He sent for the family physician (who also attended the factory), and
he did his best to calm the unhappy lady. The next thing they did was also
most reasonable. The housemaid was dismissed, but not the supposed
mistress. From that time on the patient claims to have repeatedly brought
herself to a calm view of the matter, so that she no longer believes the
contents of the letter; but it has never gone very deep nor lasted very long.
It was enough to hear the young woman’s name mentioned, or to meet her
in the street, for a new attack of suspicion, agony, and reproaches to break
out.
This is the clinical picture of this excellent woman’s case. It did not
require much experience of psychiatry to perceive that, in contrast to other
neurotics, she described her symptoms too mildly—as we say, dissimulated
them—and that she had never really overcome her belief in the anonymous
letter.
Now what attitude does a psychiatrist take up to such a case? We know
already what he would say to the symptomatic act of a patient who does not
close the waiting-room doors. He explains it as an accident, without interest
psychologically, and no concern of his. But he cannot continue to take up
this attitude in regard to the case of the jealous lady. The symptomatic
action appears to be unimportant; the symptom calls for notice as a grave
matter. Subjectively it involves intense suffering, and objectively it
threatens to break up a family; its claim to psychiatric interest is therefore
indisputable. First the psychiatrist tries to characterize the symptom by

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some essential attribute. The idea with which this lady torments herself
cannot be called nonsensical in itself; it does happen that elderly husbands
contract relationships with young women. But there is something else about
it that is nonsensical and incomprehensible. The patient has absolutely no
grounds, except the anonymous letter, for supposing that her loving and
faithful husband belongs to this category of men, otherwise not so
uncommon. She knows that this communication carries no proof, she can
explain its origin satisfactorily; she ought therefore to be able to say to
herself that she has no grounds for her jealousy and she does even say so,
but she suffers just as much as if she regarded her jealousy as well-founded.
Ideas of this kind that are inaccessible to logic and the arguments of reality
are unanimously described as delusions. The good lady suffers therefore,
from a delusion of jealousy. That is evidently the essential characteristic of
the case.
Having established this first point, our psychiatric interest increases.
When a delusion cannot be dissipated by the facts of reality, it probably
does not spring from reality. Where else then does it spring from? Delusions
can have the most various contents; why is the content of it in this case
jealousy? What kind of people have delusions, and particularly delusions of
jealousy? Now we should like to listen to the psychiatrist, but he leaves us
in the lurch here. He considers only one of our questions. He will examine
the family history of this woman and will perhaps bring us the answer that
the kind of people who suffer from delusions are those in whose families
similar or different disorders have occurred repeatedly. In other words, this
lady has developed a delusion because she had an hereditary predisposition
to do so. That is certainly something; but is it all that we want to know? Is it
the sole cause of her disease? Does it satisfy us to assume that it is
unimportant, arbitrary, or inexplicable that one kind of delusion should have
been developed instead of another? And are we to understand the
proposition—that the hereditary predisposition is decisive—also in a
negative sense; that is, that no matter what experiences and emotions life
had brought her she was destined some time or other to produce a delusion?
You will want to know why scientific psychiatry gives no further
explanation. And I reply: “Only a rogue gives more than he has.” The
psychiatrist knows of no path leading to any further explanation in such a
case. He has to content himself with a diagnosis and, in spite of wide
experience, with a very uncertain prognosis of its future course.

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Now can psycho-analysis do better than this? Yes, certainly I hope to
show you that even in such an obscure case as this it is possible to discover
something which makes closer comprehension possible. First, I shall ask
you to notice this incomprehensible detail; that the anonymous letter on
which her delusion is founded was positively provoked by the patient
herself, by her saying to the scheming housemaid the day before that
nothing could be more awful than to hear that her husband had an intrigue
with a young woman. She first put the idea of sending the letter into the
servant’s mind by this. So the delusion acquires a certain independence of
the letter; it existed beforehand as a fear—or, as a wish?—in her mind.
Besides this, the further small indications revealed in the bare two hours of
analysis are noteworthy. The patient responded very coldly, it is true, to the
request to tell me her further thoughts, ideas, and recollections, after she
had finished her story. She declared that nothing came to her mind, she had
told me everything; and after two hours the attempt had to be given up,
because she announced that she felt quite well already and was certain that
the morbid idea would not return. Her saying this was naturally due to
resistance and to the fear of further analysis, In these two hours she had let
fall some remarks, nevertheless, which made a certain interpretation not
only possible but inevitable, and this interpretation threw a sharp light on
the origin of the delusion of jealousy. There actually existed in her an
infatuation for a young man, for the very son-in-law who had urged her to
seek my assistance. Of this infatuation she herself knew nothing or only
perhaps very little; in the circumstances of their relationship it was easily
possible for it to disguise itself as harmless tenderness on her part. After
what we have already learnt it is not difficult to see into the mind of this
good woman and excellent mother. Such an infatuation, such a monstrous,
impossible thing, could not come into her conscious mind; it persisted,
nevertheless, and unconsciously exerted a heavy pressure. Something had to
happen, some sort of relief had to be found; and the simplest alleviation lay
in that mechanism of displacement which so regularly plays its part in the
formation of delusional jealousy. If not merely she, old woman that she
was, were in love with a young man, but if only her old husband too were in
love with a young mistress, then her torturing conscience would be
absolved from the infidelity. The phantasy of her husband’s infidelity was
thus a cooling balm on her burning wound. Of her own love she never
became conscious; but its reflection in the delusion, which brought such

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advantages, thus became compulsive, delusional and conscious. All
arguments against it could naturally avail nothing; for they were directed
only against the reflection, and not against the original to which its strength
was due and which lay buried out of reach in the Unconscious.
Let us now piece together the results of this short, obstructed psycho-
analytic attempt to understand this case. It is assumed of course that the
information acquired was correct, a point which I cannot submit to your
judgement here. First of all, the delusion is no longer senseless and
incomprehensible; it is sensible, logically motivated, and has its place in
connection with an affective experience of the patient’s. Secondly, it has
arisen as a necessary reaction to another mental process which has itself
been revealed by other indications; and it owes its delusional character, its
quality of resisting real and logical objections, to this relation with this
other mental process. It is something desired in itself, a kind of consolation.
Thirdly, the fact that the delusion is one of jealousy and no other is
unmistakably determined by the experience underlying the disease. You will
also recognize the two important analogies with the symptomatic act we
analysed; namely, the discovery of the sense or intention behind the
symptom and the relation of it to something in the given situation which is
unconscious.
This does not, of course, answer all the questions arising out of this
case. On the contrary, it bristles with further problems, some of which have
not yet proved soluble at all, while others cannot be solved owing to the
unfavourable circumstances met with in this case. For instance, why does
this happily-married lady fall in love with her son-in-law, and why does
relief come to her in the form of this kind of reflection, this projection of
her own state of mind on to her husband, when other forms of relief were
also possible? Do not think that it is idle and uncalled-for to propound these
questions. We have already a good deal of material at hand to provide
possible answers. The patient had come to that critical time of life which
brings a sudden and unwelcome increase of sexual desire to a woman; that
may have been sufficient in itself. Or there may have been an additional
reason, in that the sexual capacity of her excellent and faithful husband may
have been for some years insufficient for the still vigorous woman’s needs.
Observation has taught us that it is just such men, whose fidelity is thus a
matter of course, who treat their wives with particular tenderness and are
unusually considerate of their nervous ailments. Neither is it unimportant,

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moreover, that the object of this abnormal infatuation should be her
daughter’s young husband. A strong erotic attachment to the daughter, with
its roots in the individual sexual constitution of the mother, often manages
to maintain itself in such a transformation. I may perhaps remind you in this
connection that the relation between mother-in-law and son-in-law has from
time immemorial been regarded by mankind as a particularly sensitive one,
which among primitive races has given rise to very powerful taboos and
precautions.[44] On the positive as well as on the negative side it frequently
exceeds the limits regarded as desirable in civilized society. Of these three
possible factors, whether one of them has been at work in the case before
us, or two of them, or whether all three together have taken part, I cannot
tell you; though only because the analysis of the case could not be
continued beyond the second hour.
I perceive now that I have been speaking entirely of things which you
were not yet prepared to understand. I did so in order to carry out the
comparison between psychiatry and psycho-analysis. But I may ask you one
thing at this point: Have you observed anything in the nature of a
contradiction between the two? Psychiatry does not employ the technical
methods of psycho-analysis, neglects any consideration of the content of the
delusion, and in pointing to heredity gives us but a general and remote
ætiology instead of first disclosing the more specific and immediate one.
But is any contradiction or opposition contained in this? Is not the one
rather a supplement to the other? Is the hereditary factor inconsistent with
the importance of experience and would they not both work together most
effectively? You will admit that there is nothing essential in the work of
psychiatry which could oppose psycho-analytic researches. It is therefore
the psychiatrists who oppose it, and not psychiatry itself. Psycho-Analysis
stands to psychiatry more or less as histology does to anatomy; in one, the
outer forms of organs are studied, in the other, the construction of these out
of the tissues and constituent elements. It is not easy to conceive of any
contradiction between these two fields of study, in which the work of the
one is continued in the other. You know that nowadays anatomy is the basis
of the scientific study of medicine; but time was when dissecting human
corpses in order to discover the internal structure of the body was as much a
matter for severe prohibition as practising psycho-analysis in order to
discover the internal workings of the human mind seems to-day to be a
matter for condemnation. And, presumably at a not too distant date, we

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shall have perceived that there can be no psychiatry which is scientifically
radical without a thorough knowledge of the deep-seated unconscious
processes in mental life.
There may be some of you who perhaps are friendly enough towards
psycho-analysis, often attacked as it is, to wish that it would justify itself in
another direction also, that is, therapeutically. You know that psychiatric
therapy has hitherto been unable to influence delusions. Can psycho-
analysis do so perhaps, by reason of its insight into the mechanism of these
symptoms? No, I have to tell you that it cannot; for the present, at any rate,
it is just as powerless as any other therapy to heal these sufferers. It is true
that we can understand what has happened to the patient; but we have no
means by which we can make him understand it himself. You have heard
that I could not continue the analysis of this delusion beyond the first
preliminaries. Would you then maintain that analysis of such cases is
undesirable because it remains fruitless? I do not think so. It is our right,
yes, and our duty, to pursue our researches without respect to the immediate
gain effected. The day will come, where and when we know not, when
every little piece of knowledge will be converted into power, and into
therapeutic power. Even if psycho-analysis showed itself as unsuccessful
with all other forms of nervous and mental diseases as with delusions, it
would still remain justified as an irreplaceable instrument of scientific
research. It is true that we should not be in a position to practise it; the
human material on which we learn lives, and has its own will, and must
have its own motives in order to participate in the work; and it would then
refuse to do so. I will therefore close my lecture for to-day by telling you
that there are large groups of nervous disturbances for which this
conversion of our own advance in knowledge into therapeutic power has
actually been carried out; and that with these diseases, otherwise so
refractory, our measures yield, under certain conditions, results which give
place to none in the domain of medical therapy.

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SEVENTEENTH LECTURE
THE MEANING OF SYMPTOMS

In the last lecture I explained to you that clinical psychiatry troubles
itself little about the actual form of the individual symptom or the content of
it; but that psycho-analysis has made this its starting-point, and has
ascertained that the symptom itself has a meaning and is connected with
experiences in the life of the patient. The meaning of neurotic symptoms
was first discovered by J. Breuer in the study and successful cure of a case
of hysteria (1880–82), which has since then become famous. It is true that
P. Janet independently reached the same result; in fact, priority in
publication must be granted to the French investigator, for Breuer did not
publish his observations until more than a decade later (1893–95), during
the period of our work together. Incidentally, it is of no great importance to
us who made the discovery, for you know that every discovery is made
more than once, and none is made all at once, nor is success meted out
according to deserts. America is not called after Columbus. Before Breuer
and Janet, the great psychiatrist Leuret expressed the opinion that even the
delusions of the insane would prove to have some meaning, if only we
knew how to translate them. I confess that for a long time I was willing to
accord Janet very high recognition for his explanation of neurotic
symptoms, because he regarded them as expressions of “idées
inconscientes” possessing the patient’s mind. Since then, however, Janet has
taken up an attitude of undue reserve, as if he meant to imply that the
Unconscious had been nothing more to him than a manner of speaking, a
makeshift, une façon de parler, and that he had nothing “real” in mind.
Since then I have not understood Janet’s views, but I believe that he has
gratuitously deprived himself of great credit.
Neurotic symptoms then, just like errors and dreams, have their
meaning and, like these, are related to the life of the person in whom they
appear. This is an important matter which I should like to demonstrate to
you by some examples. I can merely assert, I cannot prove, that it is so in

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every case; anyone observing for himself will be convinced of it. For
certain reasons though, I shall not take these examples from cases of
hysteria, but from another very remarkable form of neurosis, closely allied
in origin to the latter, about which I must say a few preliminary words. This,
which we call the obsessional neurosis, is not so popular as the widely-
known hysteria; it is, if I may so express myself, not so noisily ostentatious,
behaves more as if it were a private affair of the patient’s, dispenses almost
entirely with bodily manifestations and creates all its symptoms in the
mental sphere. The obsessional neurosis and hysteria are the two forms of
neurotic disease upon the study of which psycho-analysis was first built up,
and in the treatment of which also our therapy celebrates its triumphs. In the
obsessional neurosis, however, that mysterious leap from the mental to the
physical is absent, and it has really become more intimately comprehensible
and transparent to us through psycho-analytic research than hysteria; we
have come to understand that it displays far more markedly certain extreme
features of the neurotic constitution.
The obsessional neurosis[45] takes this form: the patient’s mind is
occupied with thoughts that do not really interest him, he feels impulses
which seem alien to him, and he is impelled to perform actions which not
only afford him no pleasure but from which he is powerless to desist. The
thoughts (obsessions) may be meaningless in themselves or only of no
interest to the patient; they are often absolutely silly; in every case they are
the starting-point of a strained concentration of thought which exhausts the
patient and to which he yields most unwillingly. Against his will he has to
worry and speculate as if it were a matter of life or death to him. The
impulses which he perceives within him may seem to be of an equally
childish and meaningless character; mostly, however, they consist of
something terrifying, such as temptations to commit serious crimes, so that
the patient not only repudiates them as alien, but flees from them in horror,
and guards himself by prohibitions, precautions, and restrictions against the
possibility of carrying them out. As a matter of fact he never, literally not
even once, carries these impulses into effect; flight and precautions
invariably win. What he does really commit are very harmless, certainly
trivial acts—what are termed the obsessive actions—which are mostly
repetitions and ceremonial elaborations of ordinary everyday performances,
making these common necessary actions—going to bed, washing, dressing,
going for walks, etc.—into highly laborious tasks of almost insuperable

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difficulty. The morbid ideas, impulses, and actions are not by any means
combined in the same proportions in individual types and cases of the
obsessional neurosis; on the contrary, the rule is that one or another of these
manifestations dominates the picture and gives the disease its name; but
what is common to all forms of it is unmistakable enough.
This is a mad disease, surely. I don’t think the wildest psychiatric
phantasy could have invented anything like it, and if we did not see it every
day with our own eyes we could hardly bring ourselves to believe in it.
Now do not imagine that you can do anything for such a patient by advising
him to distract himself, to pay no attention to these silly ideas, and to do
something sensible instead of his nonsensical practices. This is what he
would like himself; for he is perfectly aware of his condition, he shares
your opinion about his obsessional symptoms, he even volunteers it quite
readily. Only he simply cannot help himself; the actions performed in an
obsessional condition are supported by a kind of energy which probably has
no counterpart in normal mental life. Only one thing is open to him—he can
displace and he can exchange; instead of one silly idea he can adopt another
of a slightly milder character, from one precaution or prohibition he can
proceed to another, instead of one ceremonial rite he can perform another.
He can displace his sense of compulsion, but he cannot dispel it. This
capacity for displacing all the symptoms, involving radical alteration of
their original forms, is a main characteristic of the disease; it is, moreover,
striking that in this condition the ‘opposite-values’ (polarities) pervading
mental life appear to be exceptionally sharply differentiated. In addition to
compulsions of both positive and negative character, doubt appears in the
intellectual sphere, gradually spreading until it gnaws even at what is
usually held to be certain. All these things combine to bring about an ever-
increasing indecisiveness, loss of energy, and curtailment of freedom; and
that although the obsessional neurotic is originally always a person of a
very energetic disposition, often highly opinionated, and as a rule
intellectually gifted above the average. He has usually attained to an
agreeably high standard of ethical development, is over-conscientious, and
more than usually correct. You may imagine that it is a sufficiently arduous
task to find one’s bearings in this maze of contradictory character-traits and
morbid manifestations. At the moment our aim is merely to interpret some
symptoms of this disease.

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Perhaps in view of our previous discussions you would like to know
what present-day psychiatry has to offer concerning the obsessional
neurosis; it is but a miserable contribution, however. Psychiatry has given
names to the various compulsions; and has nothing more to say about them.
It asserts instead that persons exhibiting these symptoms are “degenerate.”
That is not much satisfaction to us; it is no more than an estimate of their
value, a condemnation instead of an explanation. We are intended, I
suppose, to conclude that deterioration from type would naturally produce
all kinds of oddities in people. Now, we do believe that people who develop
such symptoms must be somewhat different in type from other human
beings; but we should like to know whether they are more “degenerate”
than other nervous patients, than hysterical or insane people. The
characterization is clearly again much too general. One may even doubt
whether it is justified at all when one learns that such symptoms occur in
men and women of exceptional ability who have left their mark on their
generation. Thanks to their own discretion and the untruthfulness of
biographers we usually learn very little of an intimate nature about our
exemplary great men; but it does happen occasionally that one of them is a
fanatic about truth like Émile Zola,[46] and then we hear of the many
extraordinary obsessive habits from which he suffered throughout life.
Psychiatry has got out of this difficulty by dubbing these people
“dégénerés superieurs.” Very well; but psycho-analysis has shown that
these extraordinary obsessional symptoms can be removed permanently,
like the symptoms of other diseases, and as in other people who are not
degenerate. I myself have frequently succeeded in doing so.
I shall only give you two examples of analysis of obsessional
symptoms; one is an old one, but I have never found a better; and one is a
recent one. I shall limit myself to these two because an account of this kind
must be very explicit and go into great detail.
A lady of nearly thirty years of age suffered from very severe
obsessional symptoms. I might perhaps have been able to help her if my
work had not been destroyed by the caprice of fate—perhaps I shall tell you
about it later. In the course of a day she would perform the following
peculiar obsessive act, among others, several times over. She would run out
of her room into the adjoining one, there take up a certain position at the
table in the centre of the room, ring for her maid, give her a trivial order or

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send her away without, and then run back again. There was certainly
nothing very dreadful about this, but it might well arouse curiosity. The
explanation presented itself in the simplest and most unexceptionable
manner, without any assistance on the part of the analyst. I cannot imagine
how I could even have suspected the meaning of this obsession or could
possibly have suggested an interpretation for it. Every time I had asked the
patient, “Why do you do this? What is the meaning of it?” she had
answered, “I don’t know.” But one day, after I had succeeded in overcoming
a great hesitation on her part, involving a matter of principle, she suddenly
did know, for she related the history of the obsessive act. More than ten
years previously she had married a man very much older than herself, who
had proved impotent on the wedding-night. Innumerable times on that night
he had run out of his room into hers in order to make the attempt, but had
failed every time. In the morning he had said angrily: “It’s enough to
disgrace one in the eyes of the maid who does the beds,” and seizing a
bottle of red ink which happened to be at hand he poured it on the sheet, but
not exactly in the place where such a mark might have been. At first I did
not understand what this recollection could have to do with the obsessive
act in question; for I could see no similarity between the two situations,
except in the running from one room into the other, and perhaps also in the
appearance of the servant on the scene. The patient then led me to the table
in the adjoining room, where I found a great mark on the table-cover. She
explained further that she stood by the table in such a way that when the
maid came in she could not miss seeing this mark. After this, there could no
longer be any doubt about the connection between the current obsessive act
and the scene of the wedding-night, though there was still a great deal to
learn about it.
It was clear, first of all, that the patient identified herself with her
husband; in imitating his running from one room into another she acted his
part. To keep up the similarity we must assume that she has substituted the
table and table-cover for the bed and sheet. This might seem too arbitrary;
but then we have not studied dream-symbolism in vain. In dreams a table is
very often found to represent a bed. “Bed and board” together mean
marriage, so that the one easily stands for the other.
All this would be proof enough that the obsessive act is full of
meaning; it seems to be a representation, a repetition of that all-important
scene. But we are not bound to stop at this semblance; if we investigate

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more closely the relation between the two situations we shall probably find
out something more, the purpose of the obsessive act. The kernel of it
evidently lies in the calling of the maid, to whom she displays the mark, in
contrast to her husband’s words: “It’s enough to disgrace one before the
servant.” In this way he, whose part she is playing, is not ashamed before
the servant, the stain is where it ought to be. We see therefore that she has
not simply repeated the scene, she has continued it and corrected it,
transformed it into what it ought to have been. This implies something else,
too, a correction of the circumstance which made that night so distressing,
and which made the red ink necessary: namely, the husband’s impotence.
The obsessive act thus says: “No, it is not true, he was not disgraced before
the servant, he was not impotent.” As in a dream she represents this wish as
fulfilled, in a current obsessive act, which serves the purpose of restoring
her husband’s credit after that unfortunate incident.
Everything else which I could tell you about this lady fits in with this,
or, more correctly stated, everything else that we know about her points to
this interpretation of the obsessive act, in itself so incomprehensible. She
had been separated from her husband for years and was trying to make up
her mind to divorce him legally. But there would have been no prospect of
being free from him in her mind; she forced herself to be true to him. She
withdrew from the world and from everyone so that she might not be
tempted, and in her phantasies she excused and idealized him. The deepest
secret of her illness was that it enabled her to shield him from malicious
gossip, to justify her separation from him, and to make a comfortable
existence apart from her possible for him. The analysis of a harmless
obsessive act thus leads straight to the inmost core of the patient’s disease,
and at the same time betrays a great deal of the secret of the obsessional
neurosis in general. I am quite willing that you should spend some time
over this example, for it unites conditions which cannot reasonably be
expected in all cases. The interpretation of the symptom was discovered by
the patient herself in a flash, without guidance or interference from the
analyst, and it had arisen in connection with an event which did not belong,
as it commonly does, to a forgotten period in childhood, but which had
occurred in the patient’s adult life and was clear in her memory. All those
objections which critics habitually raise against our interpretations of
symptoms are quite out of place here. To be sure, we cannot always be so
fortunate.

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And one thing more! Has it not struck you that this innocent obsessive
act leads directly to this lady’s most private affairs? A woman can hardly
have anything more intimate to relate than the story of her wedding-night;
and is it by chance and without special significance that we are led straight
to the innermost secrets of her sexual life? It might certainly be due to the
choice I made of this example. Let us not decide this point too quickly; but
let us turn to the second example, which is of a totally different nature, and
belongs to a very common type, that of rituals preparatory to sleep.
A well-grown clever girl of 19, the only child of her parents, superior
to them in education and intellectual activity, was a wild, high-spirited
child, but of late years had become very nervous without any apparent
cause. She was very irritable, particularly with her mother, was discontented
and depressed, inclined to indecision and doubt, finally confessing that she
could no longer walk alone through squares and wide streets. We will not
go very closely into her complicated condition, which requires at least two
diagnoses: agoraphobia and obsessional neurosis; but will turn our attention
to the ritual elaborated by this young girl preparatory to going to bed, as a
result of which she caused her parents great distress. In a certain sense,
every normal person may be said to carry out a ritual before going to sleep,
or at least, he requires certain conditions without which he is hindered in
going to sleep; the transition from waking life to sleep has been made into a
regular formula which is repeated every night in the same manner. But
everything that a healthy person requires as a condition of sleep can be
rationally explained, and if the external circumstances make any alteration
necessary he adapts himself easily to it without waste of time. The morbid
ritual on the other hand is inexorable, it will be maintained at the greatest
sacrifices; it is disguised, too, under rational motives and appears
superficially to differ from the normal only in a certain exaggerated
carefulness of execution. On a closer examination, however, it is clear that
the disguise is insufficient, that the ritual includes observances which go far
beyond what reason can justify and even some which directly contravene
this. As the motive of her nightly precautions, our patient declares that she
must have silence at night and must exclude all possibility of noise. She
does two things for this purpose; she stops the large clock in her room and
removes all other clocks out of the room, including even the tiny wrist-
watch on her bed-table. Flower-pots and vases are placed carefully together
on the writing-table, so that they cannot fall down in the night and break,

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and so disturb her sleep. She knows that these precautions have only an
illusory justification in the demand for quiet; the ticking of the little watch
could not be heard, even if it lay on the table by the bed; and we all know
that the regular ticking of a pendulum-clock never disturbs sleep, but is
more likely to induce it. She also admits that her fear that the flower-pots
and vases, if left in their places at night, might fall down of themselves and
break is utterly improbable. For some other practices in her ritual this
insistence upon silence as a motive is dropped; indeed, by ordaining that the
door between her bedroom and that of her parents shall remain half-open (a
condition which she ensures by placing various objects in the doorway) she
seems, on the contrary, to open the way to sources of noise. The most
important observances are concerned with the bed itself, however. The
bolster at the head of the bed must not touch the back of the wooden
bedstead. The pillow must lie across the bolster exactly in a diagonal
position and in no other; she then places her head exactly in the middle of
this diamond, lengthways. The eiderdown must be shaken before she puts it
over her, so that all the feathers sink to the foot-end; she never fails,
however, to press this out and redistribute them all over it again.
I will pass over other trivial details of her ritual; they would teach us
nothing new and lead us too far from our purpose. Do not suppose, though,
that all this is carried out with perfect smoothness. Everything is
accompanied by the anxiety that it has not all been done properly; it must
be tested and repeated; her doubts fix first upon one, then another, of the
precautions; and the result is that one or two hours elapse before the girl
herself can sleep, or lets the intimidated parents sleep.
The analysis of these torments did not proceed so simply as that of the
former patient’s obsessive act. I had to offer hints and suggestions of its
interpretation which were invariably received by her with a positive denial
or with scornful doubt. After this first reaction of rejection, however, there
followed a period in which she herself took up the possibilities suggested to
her, noted the associations they aroused, produced memories, and
established connections until she herself had accepted all the interpretations
in working them out for herself. In proportion as she did this she began to
relax the performance of her obsessive precautions and before the end of
the treatment she had given up the whole ritual. I must also tell you that
analytic work, as we conduct it nowadays, definitely excludes any
uninterrupted concentration on a single symptom until its meaning becomes

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fully clear. It is necessary, on the contrary, to abandon a given theme again
and again, in the assurance that one will come upon it anew in another
context. The interpretation of the symptom, which I am now going to tell
you, is therefore a synthesis of the results which, amid the interruptions of
work on other points, took weeks and months to procure.
The patient gradually learnt to understand that she banished clocks and
watches from her room at night because they were symbols of the female
genitals. Clocks, which we know may have other symbolic meanings
besides this, acquire this significance of a genital organ by their relation to
periodical processes and regular intervals. A woman may be heard to boast
that menstruation occurs in her as regularly as clockwork. Now this
patient’s special fear was that the ticking of the clocks would disturb her
during sleep. The ticking of a clock is comparable to the throbbing of the
clitoris in sexual excitation. This sensation, which was distressing to her,
had actually on several occasions wakened her from sleep; and now her fear
of an erection of the clitoris expressed itself by the imposition of a rule to
remove all going clocks and watches far away from her during the night.
Flower-pots and vases are, like all receptacles, also symbols of the female
genitals. Precautions to prevent them from falling and breaking during the
night are therefore not lacking in meaning. We know the very widespread
custom of breaking a vessel or a plate on the occasion of a betrothal;
everyone present possesses himself of a fragment in symbolic acceptance of
the fact that he may no longer put forward any claims to the bride,
presumably a custom which arose with monogamy. The patient also
contributed a recollection and several associations to this part of her ritual.
Once as a child she had fallen while carrying a glass or porcelain vessel,
and had cut her finger which had bled badly. As she grew up and learnt the
facts about sexual intercourse, she developed the apprehension that on her
wedding-night she would not bleed and so would prove not to be a virgin.
Her precautions against the vases breaking signified a rejection of the whole
complex concerned with virginity and with the question of bleeding during
the first act of intercourse; a rejection of the anxiety both that she would
bleed and that she would not bleed. These precautions were in fact only
remotely connected with the prevention of noise.
One day she divined the central idea of her ritual when she suddenly
understood her rule not to let the bolster touch the back of the bed. The
bolster had always seemed a woman to her, she said, and the upright back

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of the bedstead a man. She wished therefore, by a magic ceremony, as it
were, to keep man and woman apart; that is to say, to separate the parents
and prevent intercourse from occurring. Years before the institution of her
ritual, she had attempted to achieve this end by a more direct method. She
had simulated fear, or had exploited a tendency to fear, so that the door
between her bedroom and that of her parents should not be closed. This
regulation was still actually included in her present ritual; in this way she
managed to make it possible to overhear her parents; a proceeding which at
one time had caused her months of sleeplessness. Not content with
disturbing her parents in this way, she at that time even succeeded
occasionally in sleeping between the father and mother in their bed.
“Bolster” and “bedstead” were then really prevented from coming together.
As she finally grew too big to be comfortable in the same bed with the
parents, she achieved the same thing by consciously simulating fear and
getting her mother to change places with her and to give up to her her place
by the father. This incident was undoubtedly the starting-point of
phantasies, the effect of which was evident in the ritual.
If the bolster was a woman, then the shaking of the eiderdown till all
the feathers were at the bottom, making a protuberance there, also had a
meaning. It meant impregnating a woman; she did not neglect, though, to
obliterate the pregnancy again, for she had for years been terrified that
intercourse between her parents might result in another child and present
her with a rival. On the other hand, if the large bolster meant the mother
then the small pillow could only represent the daughter. Why had this
pillow to be placed diamond-wise upon the bolster and her head be laid
exactly in its middle lengthways? She was easily reminded that a diamond
is repeatedly used in drawings on walls to signify the open female genitals.
The part of the man (the father) she thus played herself and replaced the
male organ by her own head. (Cf. Symbolism of beheading for castration.)
Horrible thoughts, you will say, to run in the mind of a virgin girl. I
admit that; but do not forget that I have not invented these ideas, only
exposed them. A ritual of this kind before sleep is also peculiar enough, and
you cannot deny the correspondence, revealed by the interpretation,
between the ceremonies and the phantasies. It is more important to me,
however, that you should notice that the ritual was the outcome, not of one
single phantasy, but of several together which of course must have had a
nodal point somewhere. Note, too, that the details of the ritual reflect the

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sexual wishes both positively and negatively, and serve in part as
expressions of them, in part as defences against them.
It would be possible to obtain much more out of the analysis of this
ritual by bringing it into its place in connection with the patient’s other
symptoms. But that is not our purpose at the moment. You must be content
with a reference to an erotic attachment to the father, originating very early
in childhood, which had enslaved this girl. It was perhaps for this reason
that she was so unfriendly towards her mother. Also we cannot overlook the
fact that the analysis of this symptom has again led to the patient’s sexual
life. The more insight we gain into the meaning and purpose of neurotic
symptoms, the less surprising will this seem.
From two selected examples I have now shown you that neurotic
symptoms have meaning, like errors and like dreams, and that they are
closely connected with the events of the patient’s life. Can I expect you to
believe this exceptionally significant statement on the strength of two
examples? No. But can you expect me to go on quoting examples to you
until you declare yourselves convinced? Again, no; for in view of the
explicit treatment given to each individual case I should have to devote five
hours a week for a whole term to the consideration of this one point in the
theory of the neuroses. I will content myself therefore with the samples
given, as evidence of my statement; and will refer you for more to the
literature on the subject, to the classical interpretation of symptoms in
Breuer’s first case (hysteria), to the striking elucidations of very obscure
symptoms in dementia præcox, so-called, made by C. G. Jung at a time
when this investigator was a mere psycho-analyst and did not yet aspire to
be a prophet, and to all the subsequent contributions with which our
periodicals have been filled since then. Precisely this type of investigation
is plentiful. Analysis, interpretation, and translation of neurotic symptoms
has proved so attractive to psycho-analysts that in comparison they have
temporarily neglected the other problems of the neuroses.
Anyone of you who makes the necessary effort to look up this question
will certainly be strongly impressed by the wealth of evidential material.
But he will also meet with a difficulty. The meaning of a symptom lies, as
we have seen, in its connection with the life of the patient. The more
individually the symptom has been formed, the more clearly may we expect
to establish this connection. Then the task resolves itself specifically into a

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discovery, for every nonsensical idea and every useless action, of the past
situation in which the idea was justified and the action served a useful
purpose. The obsessive act of the patient who ran to the table and rang for
the maid is a perfect model of this kind of symptom. But symptoms of quite
a different type are very frequently seen. They are what we call typical
symptoms of a disease, in each case they are practically identical, the
individual differences in them vanish or at least fade away, so that it is
difficult to connect them with the patient’s life or to relate them to special
situations in his past. Let us consider the obsessional neurosis again. The
second patient’s ceremonies preparatory to sleep are in many ways quite
typical, although showing enough individual features as well to make an
“historical” interpretation, so to speak, possible. But all obsessional patients
are given to repetitions, to isolating certain of their actions and to rhythmic
performances. Most of them wash too much. Those patients who suffer
from agoraphobia (topophobia, fear of space), no longer reckoned as an
obsessional neurosis but now classified as anxiety-hysteria, reproduce the
same features of the pathological picture often with fatiguing monotony.
They fear enclosed spaces, wide, open squares, long stretches of road, and
avenues; they feel protected if accompanied, or if a vehicle drives behind
them, and so on. Nevertheless, on this groundwork of similarity the various
patients construct individual conditions of their own, moods, one might call
them, which directly contrast with other cases. One fears narrow streets
only, another wide streets only, one can walk only when few people are
about, others only when surrounded with people. Similarly in hysteria,
beside the wealth of individual features there are always plenty of common
typical symptoms which appear to resist an easy interpretation on historical
lines. Do not let us forget that it is these typical symptoms which enable us
to take our bearings in forming a diagnosis. Supposing we do trace back a
typical symptom in a case of hysteria to an experience or to a chain of
similar experiences (for instance, an hysterical vomiting to a series of
impressions of a disgusting nature), it will be confusing to discover in
another case of vomiting an entirely dissimilar series of apparently
causative experiences. It almost looks as though hysterical patients must
vomit, for some unknown reason, and as though the historical factors
revealed by analysis were but pretexts, seized upon by an inner necessity,
when opportunity offered, to serve its purpose.

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This brings us to the discouraging conclusion that although individual
forms of neurotic symptoms can certainly be satisfactorily explained by
their relation to the patient’s experiences, yet our science fails us for the far
more frequent typical symptoms in the same cases. In addition to this, I
have not nearly explained to you all the difficulties that arise during a
resolute pursuit of the historical meaning of a symptom. Nor shall I do so;
for although my intention is to conceal nothing from you and to gloss over
nothing, I do not need to confuse you and stupefy you at the outset of our
studies together. It is true that our understanding of symptom-interpretation
has only just begun, but we will hold fast to the knowledge gained and
proceed to overcome step by step the difficulties of the unknown. I will try
to cheer you with the thought that it is hardly possible to presume a
fundamental difference between the one kind of symptom and the other. If
the individual form of symptom is so unmistakably connected with the
patient’s experiences, it is possible that the typical symptom relates to an
experience which is itself typical and common to all humanity. Other
regularly recurring features of a neurosis, such as the repetition and doubt
of the obsessional neurosis, may be universal reactions which the patient is
compelled to exaggerate by the nature of the morbid change. In short, there
is no reason to give up hastily in despair; let us see what more we can find
out.
There is a very similar difficulty met with in the theory of dreams, one
which I could not deal with in the course of our previous discussions of
dreams. The manifest content of dreams is multifarious and highly
differentiated individually, and we have shown exhaustively what can be
obtained by analysis from this content. But there are also dreams which
may in the same way be called typical and occur in everybody, dreams with
an identical content, which present the same difficulties to analysis. These
are the dreams of falling, flying, floating, swimming, of being hindered, of
being naked, and certain other anxiety-dreams; which yield first this, then
that, interpretation, according to the person concerned, without any
explanation of their monotonous and typical recurrence. But we notice that
in these dreams also the common groundwork is embroidered with
additions of an individually varying character. Most probably they too will
prove to fit in with other knowledge about the dream-life, gained from a
study of other kinds of dreams—not by any forcible twist, but by a gradual
widening of our comprehension of these things.

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Page 239

EIGHTEENTH LECTURE
FIXATION UPON TRAUMATA: THE UNCONSCIOUS

I said last time that we would take, as a starting-point for further work,
the knowledge we have gained already, and not the doubts which it has
roused in us. We have not yet even begun to discuss two of the most
interesting conclusions arising from the analysis of the two examples.
First: both the patients give the impression that they are “fixed” to a
particular point in their past, that they do not know how to release
themselves from it, and are consequently alienated from both present and
future. They are marooned in their illness, as it were; just as in former times
people used to withdraw to the cloister to live out their unhappy fate there.
In the case of the first patient, it was the marriage to the husband, which in
reality had long ago come to an end, that had settled this doom upon her.
Her symptoms enabled her to continue her relationship with him; we could
perceive in them the voices which pleaded for him, excused him, exalted
him, lamented his loss. Although she is young and could attract other men,
she has seized upon every possible real and imaginary (magical) precaution
that will preserve her fidelity to him. She will not meet strangers, she
neglects her appearance; moreover, she cannot readily rise from any chair
which she sits upon, and she refuses to sign her name and can give no
presents, because no one must have anything which is hers.
With the second patient, the young girl, it is the erotic attachment to
the father established in the years before puberty that plays this part in her
life. She also has herself perceived that she cannot marry as long as she is
so ill. We may suspect that she became so ill in order to be unable to marry
and so to remain with her father.
We cannot avoid asking the question how, by what means, and
impelled by what motives, anyone can take up such an extraordinary and
unprofitable attitude towards life. Provided, that is, that this attitude is a
universal character of neurosis and is not a special peculiarity of these two

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patients. As a matter of fact, this is so; it is a universal trait common to
every neurosis, and one of great practical significance. Breuer’s first
hysterical patient was fixated, in the same way, to the time when her father
was seriously ill and she nursed him. In spite of her recovery, she has
remained to some extent cut off from life since that time; for although she
has remained healthy and active, she did not take up the normal career of a
woman. In every one of our patients we learn through analysis that the
symptoms and their effects have set the sufferer back into some past period
of his life. In the majority of cases it is actually a very early phase of the
life-history which has been thus selected, a period in childhood, even,
absurd as it may sound, the period of existence as a suckling infant.
The closest analogy to this behaviour in our nervous patients is
provided by the forms of illness recently made so common by the war—the
so-called traumatic neuroses. Of course similar cases had occurred before
the war, after railway accidents and other terrifying experiences involving
danger to life. The traumatic neuroses are not fundamentally the same as
those which occur spontaneously, which we investigate analytically and are
accustomed to treat; neither have we been successful so far in correlating
them with our views on other subjects; later on I hope to show you where
this limitation lies. Yet there is a complete agreement between them on one
point which may be emphasized. The traumatic neuroses demonstrate very
clearly that a fixation to the moment of the traumatic occurrence lies at their
root. These patients regularly reproduce the traumatic situation in their
dreams; in cases showing attacks of an hysterical type in which analysis is
possible, it appears that the attack constitutes a complete reproduction of
this situation. It is as though these persons had not yet been able to deal
adequately with the situation, as if this task were still actually before them
unaccomplished. We take this attitude of theirs in all seriousness; it points
the way to what we may call an economic conception of the mental
processes. The term ‘traumatic’ has actually no other meaning but this
economic one. An experience which we call traumatic is one which within a
very short space of time subjects the mind to such a very high increase of
stimulation that assimilation or elaboration of it can no longer be effected
by normal means, so that lasting disturbances must result in the distribution
of the available energy in the mind.
This analogy tempts us also to classify as traumatic those experiences
to which our nervous patients seem to be fixated. In this way we should be

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provided with a simple condition for a neurotic illness; it would be
comparable to a traumatic illness and would result from an incapacity to
deal with an overpowering affective experience. Indeed, the first formula in
which Breuer and I, in 1893–95, reduced our new observations to a theory
was expressed very similarly. A case like that of the first patient described,
the young woman separated from her husband, fits very well into this
description; she had not been able to “get over” the impracticability of her
marriage and was still attached to her trauma. But the second case of the
young girl who was tied to her father shows us at once that the formula is
not comprehensive enough. On the one hand, an infantile adoration of her
father by a little girl is such a common experience and so frequently grown
out of that the term ‘traumatic’ would lose all its meaning if applied to it; on
the other hand, the history of the case shows that this first erotic fixation
was gone through by the patient quite harmlessly at the time, to all
appearances, and only several years later came to expression in the
obsessional neurosis. So we see that there are complications ahead, a
considerable variety and number of determining factors in neurosis; but we
divine that the traumatic view will not necessarily be abandoned as false,
and that it will fit in and have to be co-ordinated properly elsewhere.
Here again we must leave the path we have been following. At the
moment it will take us no further, and we have much more to learn before
we can find a satisfactory continuation of it. But before leaving the subject
of fixation to traumata it should be noted that it is a phenomenon
manifested extensively outside the neuroses; every neurosis contains such a
fixation, but not every fixation leads to a neurosis, or is necessarily
combined with a neurosis, or arises in the course of a neurosis. Grief is a
prototype and perfect example of an affective fixation upon something that
is past, and, like the neuroses, it also involves a state of complete alienation
from the present and the future. But even the lay public distinguishes
clearly between grief and neurosis. On the other hand, there are neuroses
which may be described as morbid forms of grief.
It does also happen that persons may be brought to a complete
standstill in life by a traumatic experience which has shaken the whole
structure of their lives to the foundations, so that they give up all interest in
the present and the future, and live permanently absorbed in their
retrospections; but these unhappy persons do not necessarily become
neurotic. Therefore this single feature must not be overestimated as a

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characteristic of neurosis, however invariable and significant it may be
otherwise.
Now let us turn to the second conclusion to be drawn from our
analyses; it is one upon which we shall not need to impose any subsequent
limitation. With the first patient we have heard of the senseless obsessive
act she performed and of the intimate memories she recalled in connection
with it; we also considered the relation between the two, and deduced the
purpose of the obsessive act from its connection with the memory. But there
is one factor which we have entirely neglected, and yet it is one which
deserves our fullest attention. As long as the patient continued this
performance she did not know that it was in any way connected with the
previous experience; the connection between the two things was hidden;
she could quite truly answer that she did not know what impulse led her to
do it. Then it happened suddenly that, under the influence of the treatment,
she found this connection and was able to tell it. But even then she knew
nothing of the purpose she had in performing the action, the purpose that
was to correct a painful event of the past and to raise the husband she loved
in her own estimation. It took a long time and much effort for her to grasp,
and admit to me, that such a motive as this alone could have been the
driving force behind the obsessive act.
The connection with the scene on the morning after the unhappy
bridal-night, and the patient’s own tender feeling for her husband, together,
make up what we have called the “meaning” of the obsessive act. But both
sides of this meaning were hidden from her, she understood neither the
whence nor the whither of her act, as long as she carried it on. Mental
processes had been at work in her, therefore, of which the obsessive act was
the effect; she was aware in a normal manner of their effect; but nothing of
the mental antecedents of this effect had come to the knowledge of her
consciousness. She was behaving exactly like a subject under hypnotism
whom Bernheim had ordered to open an umbrella in the ward five minutes
after he awoke, but who had no idea why he was doing it. This is the kind
of occurrence we have in mind when we speak of the existence of
unconscious mental processes; we may challenge anyone in the world to
give a more correctly scientific explanation of this matter, and will then
gladly withdraw our inference that unconscious mental processes exist.
Until they do, however, we will adhere to this inference and, when anyone
objects that in a scientific sense the Unconscious has no reality, that it is a

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mere makeshift, une façon de parler, we must resign ourselves with a shrug
to rejecting his statement as incomprehensible. Something unreal, which
can nevertheless produce something so real and palpable as an obsessive
action!
In the second patient fundamentally the same thing is found. She has
instituted a rule that the bolster must not touch the back of the bedstead, and
she had to carry out this rule, but she does not know whence it comes, what
it means, or to what it owes its strength. Whether she regards it
indifferently, or struggles against it, or rages against it, or determines to
overcome it, matters not; it will be followed. It must be followed; in vain
she asks herself why. It is undeniable that these symptoms of the
obsessional neurosis, these ideas and these impulses which arise no man
knows where and which oppose such a powerful resistance against all the
influences to which an otherwise normal mental life is susceptible, give the
impression, even to the patients themselves, of being all-powerful visitants
from another world, immortal beings mingling in the whirlpool of mortal
things. In these symptoms lies the clearest indication of a special sphere of
mental activity cut off from all the rest. They show the way unmistakably to
conviction on the question of the unconscious in the mind; and for that very
reason clinical psychiatry, which only recognizes a psychology of
consciousness, can do nothing with these symptoms except to stigmatize
them as signs of a special kind of degeneration. Naturally, the obsessive
ideas and impulses are not themselves unconscious, any more than is the
performance of the obsessive acts. They would not have become symptoms
if they had not penetrated into consciousness. But the mental antecedents of
them disclosed by analysis, the connections into which they fit after
interpretation, are unconscious, at least until the time when we make the
patient conscious of them by the work of the analysis.
Consider now, in addition, that the facts established in these two cases
are confirmed in every symptom of every neurotic disease; that always and
everywhere the meaning of the symptoms is unknown to the sufferer; that
analysis invariably shows that these symptoms are derived from
unconscious mental processes which can, however, under various
favourable conditions, become conscious. You will then understand that we
cannot dispense with the unconscious part of the mind in psycho-analysis,
and that we are accustomed to deal with it as with something actual and
tangible. Perhaps you will also be able to realize how unfitted all those who

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only know the Unconscious as a phrase, who have never analysed, never
interpreted dreams, or translated neurotic symptoms into their meaning and
intention, are to form an opinion on this matter. I will repeat the substance
of it again in order to impress it upon you: The fact that it is possible to find
meaning in neurotic symptoms by means of analytic interpretation is an
irrefutable proof of the existence—or, if you prefer it, of the necessity for
assuming the existence—of unconscious mental processes.
But that is not all. Thanks to a second discovery of Breuer’s, for which
he alone deserves credit and which seems to me even more far-reaching in
its significance than the first, more still has been learnt about the relation
between the Unconscious and the symptoms of neurotics. Not merely is the
meaning of the symptom invariably unconscious; there exists also a
connection of a substitutive nature between the two; the existence of the
symptom is only possible by reason of this unconscious activity. You will
soon understand what I mean. With Breuer, I maintain the following: Every
time we meet with a symptom we may conclude that definite unconscious
activities which contain the meaning of the symptom are present in the
patient’s mind. Conversely, this meaning must be unconscious before a
symptom can arise from it. Symptoms are not produced by conscious
processes; as soon as the unconscious processes involved are made
conscious the symptom must vanish. You will perceive at once that here is
an opening for therapy, a way by which symptoms can be made to
disappear. It was by this means that Breuer actually achieved the recovery
of his patient, that is, freed her from her symptoms; he found a method of
bringing into her consciousness the unconscious processes which contained
the meaning of her symptoms and the symptoms vanished.
This discovery of Breuer’s was not the result of any speculation but of
a fortunate observation made possible by the co-operation of the patient.
Now you must not rack your brains to try and understand this by seeking to
compare it with something similar that is already familiar to you; but you
must recognize in it a fundamentally new fact, by means of which much
else becomes explicable. Allow me therefore to express it again to you in
other words.
The symptom is formed as a substitute for something else which
remains submerged. Certain mental processes would, under normal
conditions, develop until the person became aware of them consciously.

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This has not happened; and, instead, the symptom has arisen out of these
processes which have been interrupted and interfered with in some way and
have had to remain unconscious. Thus something in the nature of an
exchange has occurred; if we can succeed in reversing this process by our
therapy we shall have performed our task of dispersing the symptom.
Breuer’s discovery still remains the foundation of psycho-analytic
therapy. The proposition that symptoms vanish when their unconscious
antecedents have been made conscious has been borne out by all subsequent
research; although the most extraordinary and unexpected complications are
met with in attempting to carry this proposition out in practice. Our therapy
does its work by transforming something unconscious into something
conscious, and only succeeds in its work in so far as it is able to effect this
transformation.
Now for a rapid digression, lest you should run the risk of imagining
that this therapeutic effect is achieved too easily. According to the
conclusions we have reached so far, neurosis would be the result of a kind
of ignorance, a not-knowing of mental processes which should be known.
This would approach very closely to the well-known Socratic doctrine
according to which even vice is the result of ignorance. Now it happens in
analysis that an experienced practitioner can usually surmise very easily
what those feelings are which have remained unconscious in each
individual patient. It should not therefore be a matter of great difficulty to
cure the patient by imparting this knowledge to him and so relieving his
ignorance. At least, one side of the unconscious meaning of the symptom
would be easily dealt with in this way, although it is true that the other side
of it, the connection between the symptom and the previous experiences in
the patient’s life, can hardly be divined thus; for the analyst does not know
what the experiences have been, he has to wait till the patient remembers
them and tells him. But one might find a substitute even for this in many
cases. One might ask for information about his past life from the friends
and relations; they are often in a position to know what events have been of
a traumatic nature, perhaps they can even relate some of which the patient
is ignorant because they took place at some very early period of childhood.
By a combination of these two means it would seem that the pathogenic
ignorance of the patients might be overcome in a short time without much
trouble.

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If only it were so! But we have made discoveries that we were quite
unprepared for at first. There is knowing and knowing; they are not always
the same thing. There are various kinds of knowing, which psychologically
are not by any means of equal value. Il y a fagots et fagots, as Molière says.
Knowing on the part of the physician is not the same thing as knowing on
the part of the patient and does not have the same effect. When the
physician conveys his knowledge to the patient by telling him what he
knows, it has no effect. No, it would be incorrect to say that. It does not
have the effect of dispersing the symptoms; but it has a different one, it sets
the analysis in motion, and the first result of this is often an energetic
denial. The patient has learned something that he did not know before—the
meaning of his symptom—and yet he knows it as little as ever. Thus we
discover that there is more than one kind of ignorance. It requires a
considerable degree of insight and understanding of psychological matters
in order to see in what the difference consists. But the proposition that
symptoms vanish with the acquisition of knowledge of their meaning
remains true, nevertheless. The necessary condition is that the knowledge
must be founded upon an inner change in the patient which can only come
about by a mental operation directed to that end. We are here confronted by
problems which to us will soon develop into the dynamics of symptom-
formation.
Now I must really stop and ask you whether all that I have been saying
is not too obscure and complicated? Am I confusing you by so often
qualifying and restricting, spinning out trains of thought and then letting
them drop? I should be sorry if it were so. But I have a strong dislike of
simplification at the expense of truth, I am not averse from giving you a full
impression of the many-sidedness and intricacy of the subject, and also I
believe that it does no harm to tell you more about each point than you can
assimilate at the moment. I know that every listener and every reader
arranges what is offered him as suits him in his own mind, shortens it,
simplifies it, and extracts from it what he will retain. Within certain limits it
is true that the more we begin with the more we shall have at the end. So let
me hope that, in spite of the elaboration, you will have grasped the essential
substance of my remarks concerning the meaning of symptoms, the
Unconscious, and the connection between the two. You have probably
understood also that our further efforts will proceed in two directions; first,
towards discovering how people become ill, how they come to take up the

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characteristic neurotic attitude towards life, which is a clinical problem; and
secondly, how they develop the morbid symptoms out of the conditions of a
neurosis, which remains a problem of mental dynamics. The two problems
must somewhere have a point of contact.
I shall not go further into this to-day; but as our time is not yet up I
propose to draw your attention to another characteristic of our two analyses;
namely, the memory gaps or amnesias, again a point which only later will
appear in its full significance. You have heard that the task of the psycho-
analytic treatment can be summed up in this formula: everything pathogenic
in the Unconscious must be transferred into consciousness. Now you will
be perhaps astonished to hear that another formula may be substituted for
that one: all gaps in the patient’s memory must be filled in, his amnesias
removed. It amounts to the same thing; which means that an important
connection is to be recognized between the development of the symptoms
and the amnesias. If you consider the case of the first patient analysed you
will, however, not find this view of amnesia justified; the patient had not
forgotten the scene from which the obsessive act is derived; on the contrary,
it was vivid in her memory, nor is there any other forgotten factor involved
in the formation of her symptom. The situation is quite analogous, although
less clear, in the second case, the girl with the obsessional ceremonies. She,
too, had not really forgotten her behaviour in former years, the fact that she
had insisted upon the open door between her parents’ bedroom and her own,
and that she had turned her mother out of her place in the parents’ bed; she
remembered it quite clearly, although with hesitation and unwillingness.
What is remarkable about it is that the first patient, although she had carried
out her obsessive act such a countless number of times, had not once been
reminded of its similarity to the scene after the wedding-night, nor did this
recollection ever occur to her when she was directly asked to search for the
origin of her obsessive act. The same thing is true in the case of the girl,
where not merely the ritual, but the situation which gave rise to it, was
repeated identically every evening. In neither case was there really an
amnesia, a lapse of memory; but a connection, which should have existed
intact and have led to the reproduction, the recollection, of the memory, had
been broken. This kind of disturbance of memory suffices for the
obsessional neurosis; in hysteria it is different. This latter neurosis is usually
characterized by amnesias on a grand scale. As a rule the analysis of each
single hysterical symptom leads to a whole chain of former impressions,

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which upon their return may be literally described as having been hitherto
forgotten. This chain reaches, on the one hand, back to the earliest years of
childhood, so that the hysterical amnesia is seen to be a direct continuation
of the infantile amnesia which hides the earliest impressions of our mental
life from all of us. On the other hand, we are astonished to find that the
most recent experiences of the patient are liable to be forgotten also, and
that in particular the provocations which induced the outbreak of the disease
or aggravated it are at least partially obliterated, if not entirely wiped out,
by amnesia. From the complete picture of any such recent recollection
important details have invariably disappeared or been replaced by
falsifications. It happens again and again, almost invariably, that not until
shortly before the completion of an analysis do certain recollections of
recent experiences come to the surface, which had managed to be withheld
throughout it and had left noticeable gaps in the context.
These derangements in the capacity to recall memories are, as I have
said, characteristic of hysteria, in which disease it also happens even that
states occur as symptoms (the hysterical attacks) without necessarily
leaving a trace of recollection behind them. Since it is otherwise in the
obsessional neurosis, you may infer that these amnesias are part of the
psychological character of the hysterical change and are not a universal trait
of neurosis in general. The importance of this difference will be diminished
by the following consideration. Two things are combined to constitute the
meaning of a symptom; its whence and its whither or why; that is, the
impressions and experiences from which it sprang, and the purpose which it
serves. The whence of a symptom is resolved into impressions which have
been received from without, which were necessarily at one time conscious,
and which may have become unconscious by being forgotten since that
time. The why of the symptom, its tendency, is however always an endo-
psychic process, which may possibly have been conscious at first, but just
as possibly may never have been conscious and may have remained in the
Unconscious from its inception. Therefore it is not very important whether
the amnesia has also infringed upon the whence, the impressions upon
which the symptom is supported, as happens in hysteria; the whither, the
tendency of the symptom, which may have been unconscious from the
beginning, is what maintains the symptom’s dependence upon the
Unconscious, in the obsessional neurosis no less strictly than in hysteria.

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By thus emphasizing the unconscious in mental life we have called
forth all the malevolence in humanity in opposition to psycho-analysis. Do
not be astonished at this and do not suppose that this opposition relates to
the obvious difficulty of conceiving the Unconscious or to the relative
inaccessibility of the evidence which supports its existence. I believe it has
a deeper source. Humanity has in the course of time had to endure from the
hands of science two great outrages upon its naïve self-love. The first was
when it realized that our earth was not the centre of the universe, but only a
tiny speck in a world-system of a magnitude hardly conceivable; this is
associated in our minds with the name of Copernicus, although Alexandrian
doctrines taught something very similar. The second was when biological
research robbed man of his peculiar privilege of having been specially
created, and relegated him to a descent from the animal world, implying an
ineradicable animal nature in him: this transvaluation has been
accomplished in our own time upon the instigation of Charles Darwin,
Wallace, and their predecessors, and not without the most violent opposition
from their contemporaries. But man’s craving for grandiosity is now
suffering the third and most bitter blow from present-day psychological
research which is endeavouring to prove to the “ego” of each one of us that
he is not even master in his own house, but that he must remain content
with the veriest scraps of information about what is going on unconsciously
in his own mind. We psycho-analysts were neither the first nor the only
ones to propose to mankind that they should look inward; but it appears to
be our lot to advocate it most insistently and to support it by empirical
evidence which touches every man closely. This is the kernel of the
universal revolt against our science, of the total disregard of academic
courtesy in dispute, and the liberation of opposition from all the constraints
of impartial logic. And besides this, we have been compelled to disturb the
peace of the world in yet another way, as you will soon hear.

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NINETEENTH LECTURE
RESISTANCE AND REPRESSION

We now need more data before we can advance further in our
understanding of the neuroses; two observations lie to hand for us. Both are
very remarkable and at first were very surprising. You are of course
prepared for both of them by the work we did last year.
First: when we undertake to cure a patient of his symptoms he opposes
against us a vigorous and tenacious resistance throughout the entire course
of the treatment. This is such an extraordinary thing that we cannot expect
much belief in it. It is best to say nothing about it to the patient’s relations,
for they invariably regard it as a pretext set up by us to excuse the length or
the failure of the treatment. The patient, too, exhibits all the manifestations
of this resistance without recognizing it as such, and it is a great step
forward when we have brought him to realize this fact and to reckon with it.
To think that the patient, whose symptoms cause him and those about him
such suffering, who is willing to make such sacrifices in time, money,
effort, and self-conquest in order to be freed from them,—that he should, in
the interests of his illness, resist the help offered him. How improbable this
statement must sound! And yet it is so, and if the improbability is made a
reproach against us we need only reply that it is not without its analogies;
for a man who has rushed off to a dentist with a frightful toothache may
very well fend him off when he takes his forceps to the decayed tooth.
The resistance shown by patients is highly varied and exceedingly
subtle, often hard to recognize and protean in the manifold forms it takes;
the analyst needs to be continually suspicious and on his guard against it. In
psycho-analytic therapy we employ the technique which is already familiar
to you through dream-interpretation: we require the patient to put himself
into a condition of calm self-observation, without trying to think of
anything, and then to communicate everything which he becomes inwardly
aware of, feelings, thoughts, remembrances, in the order in which they arise
in his mind. We expressly warn him against giving way to any kind of

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motive which would cause him to select from or to exclude any of the ideas
(associations), whether because they are too “disagreeable,” or too
“indiscreet” to be mentioned, or too “unimportant” or “irrelevant” or
“nonsensical” to be worth saying. We impress upon him that he has only to
attend to what is on the surface consciously in his mind, and to abandon all
objections to whatever he finds, no matter what form they take; and we
inform him that the success of the treatment, and, above all, its duration,
will depend upon his conscientious adherence to this fundamental technical
rule. We know from the technique of dream-interpretation that it is precisely
those associations against which innumerable doubts and objections are
raised that invariably contain the material leading to the discovery of the
unconscious.
The first thing that happens as a result of instituting this technical rule
is that it becomes the first point of attack for the resistance. The patient
attempts to escape from it by every possible means. First he says nothing
comes into his head, then that so much comes into his head that he can’t
grasp any of it. Then we observe with displeasure and astonishment that he
is giving in to his critical objections, first to this, then to that; he betrays it
by the long pauses which occur in his talk. At last he admits that he really
cannot say something, he is ashamed to, and he lets this feeling get the
better of his promise. Or else, he has thought of something but it concerns
someone else and not himself, and is therefore to be made an exception to
the rule. Or else, what he has just thought of is really too unimportant, too
stupid and too absurd, I could never have meant that he should take account
of such thoughts. So it goes on, with untold variations, to which one
continually replies that telling everything really means telling everything.
One hardly ever meets with a patient who does not attempt to make a
reservation in some department of his thoughts, in order to guard them
against intrusion by the analysis. One patient, who in the ordinary way was
remarkably intelligent, concealed a most intimate love-affair from me for
weeks in this way; when accused of this violation of the sacred rule he
defended himself with the argument that he considered this particular story
his private affair. Naturally analytic treatment cannot countenance a right of
sanctuary like this; one might as well try to allow an exception to be made
in certain parts of a town like Vienna, and forbid that any arrests should be
made in the market-place or in the square by St. Stephen’s church, and then
attempt to take up a “wanted” man. Of course he would never be found

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anywhere but in those safe places. Once I decided to permit a man to make
an exception of such a point; for a great deal depended on his recovering his
capacity for work and he was bound by his oath as a civil servant not to
communicate certain matters to any other person. He was content with the
result, it is true, but I was not: I made up my mind never again to repeat the
attempt under such conditions.
Obsessional patients are exceedingly clever at making the technical
rule almost useless by bringing their over-conscientiousness and doubt to
bear upon it. Patients with anxiety-hysteria sometimes succeed in reducing
it to absurdity by only producing associations which are so far removed
from what is wanted that they yield nothing for analysis. However, I do not
intend to introduce you to these technical difficulties of the treatment. It is
enough to know that finally, with resolution and perseverance, we do
succeed in extracting from the patient a certain amount of obedience for the
rule of the technique; and then the resistance takes another line altogether. It
appears as intellectual opposition, employs arguments as weapons, and
turns to its own use all the difficulties and improbabilities which normal but
uninstructed reasoning finds in analytical doctrines. We then have to hear
from the mouth of the individual patient all the criticisms and objections
which thunder about us in chorus in scientific literature. What the critics
outside shout at us is nothing new, therefore. It is indeed a storm in a
teacup. Still, the patient can be argued with; he is very glad to get us to
instruct him, teach him, defeat him, point out the literature to him so that he
can learn more; he is perfectly ready to become a supporter of psycho-
analysis on the condition that analysis shall spare him personally. We
recognize resistance in this desire for knowledge, however; it is a digression
from the particular task in hand and we refuse to allow it. In the obsessional
neurosis the resistance makes use of special tactics which we are prepared
for. It permits the analysis to proceed uninterruptedly along its course, so
that more and more light is thrown upon the problems of the case, until we
begin to wonder at last why these explanations have no practical effect and
entail no corresponding improvement in the symptoms. Then we discover
that the resistance has fallen back upon the doubt characteristic of the
obsessional neurosis and is holding us successfully at bay from this
vantage-point. The patient has said to himself something of this kind: “This
is all very pretty and very interesting. I should like to go on with it. I am
sure it would do me a lot of good if it were true. But I don’t believe it in the

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least, and as long as I don’t believe it, it doesn’t affect my illness.” So it
goes on for a long time, until at last this reservation itself is reached and
then the decisive battle begins.
The intellectual resistances are not the worst; one can always get the
better of them. But the patient knows how to set up resistances within the
boundaries of analysis proper, and the defeat of these is one of the most
difficult tasks of the technique. Instead of remembering certain of the
feelings and states of mind of his previous life, he reproduces them, lives
through again such of them as, by means of what is called the
‘transference,’ may be made effective in opposition against the physician
and the treatment. If the patient is a man, he usually takes this material from
his relationship with his father, in whose place he has now put the
physician; and in so doing he erects resistances out of his struggles to attain
to personal independence and independence of judgement, out of his
ambition, the earliest aim of which was to equal or to excel the father, out of
his disinclination to take the burden of gratitude upon himself for the
second time in his life. There are periods in which one feels that the
patient’s desire to put the analyst in the wrong, to make him feel his
impotence, to triumph over him, has completely ousted the worthier desire
to bring the illness to an end. Women have a genius for exploiting in the
interests of resistance a tender erotically-tinged transference to the analyst;
when this attraction reaches a certain intensity all interest in the actual
situation of treatment fades away, together with every obligation incurred
upon undertaking it. The inevitable jealousy and the embitterment
consequent upon the unavoidable rejection, however considerately it is
handled, is bound to injure the personal relationship with the physician, and
so to put out of action one of the most powerful propelling forces in the
analysis.
Resistances of this kind must not be narrowly condemned. They
contain so much of the most important material from the patient’s past life
and bring it back in so convincing a fashion that they come to be of the
greatest assistance to the analysis, if a skilful technique is employed
correctly to turn them to the best use. What is noteworthy is that this
material always serves at first as a resistance and comes forward in a guise
which is inimical to the treatment. Again it may be said that they are
character-traits, individual attitudes of the Ego, which are thus mobilized to
oppose the attempted alterations. One learns then how these character-traits

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have been developed in connection with the conditions of the neurosis and
in reaction against its demands, and observes features in this character
which would not otherwise have appeared, at least, not so clearly: that is,
which may be designated latent. Also you must not carry away the
impression that we look upon the appearance of these resistances as an
unforeseen danger threatening our analytic influence. No, we know that
these resistances are bound to appear; we are dissatisfied only if we cannot
rouse them definitely enough and make the patient perceive them as such.
Indeed, we understand at last that the overcoming of these resistances is the
essential work of the analysis, that part of the work which alone assures us
that we have achieved something for the patient.
Besides this, you must take into account that all accidental occurrences
arising during the treatment are made use of by the patient to interfere with
it, anything which could distract him or deter him from it, every hostile
expression of opinion from anyone in his circle whom he can regard as an
authority, any chance organic illness or one complicating the neurosis;
indeed, he even converts every improvement in his condition into a motive
for slackening his efforts. Then you will have obtained an approximate,
though still incomplete, picture of the forms and the measures taken by the
resistances which must be met and overcome in the course of every
analysis. I have given such a detailed consideration to this point because I
am about to inform you that our dynamic conception of the neuroses is
founded upon this experience of ours of the resistances that neurotic
patients set up against the cure of their symptoms. Breuer and I both
originally practised psycho-therapy by the hypnotic method. Breuer’s first
patient was treated throughout in a state of hypnotic suggestibility; at first I
followed his example. I admit that at that time my work went forward more
easily and agreeably and also took much less time: but the results were
capricious and not permanent; therefore I finally gave up hypnotism. And
then I understood that no comprehension of the dynamics of these
affections was possible as long as hypnosis was employed. In this condition
the very existence of resistances is concealed from the physician’s
observation. Hypnosis drives back the resistances and frees a certain field
for the work of the analysis, but dams them up at the boundaries of this
field so that they are insurmountable; it is similar in effect to the doubt of
the obsessional neurosis. Therefore I may say that true psycho-analysis only
began when the help of hypnosis was discarded.

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If it is a matter of such importance to establish these resistances then
surely it would be wise to allow caution and doubt full play, in case we
have been too ready with our assumption that they exist. Perhaps cases of
neurosis may be found in which the associations really fail for other
reasons, perhaps the arguments against our theories really deserve serious
attention, and we may be wrong in so conveniently disposing of the
patient’s intellectual objections by stigmatizing them as resistance. Well, I
can only assure you that our judgement in this matter has not been formed
hastily; we have had opportunity to observe these critical patients both
before the resistance comes to the surface and after it disappears. In the
course of the treatment the resistance varies in intensity continually; it
always increases as a new topic is approached, it is at its height during the
work upon it, and dies down again when this theme has been dealt with.
Unless certain technical errors have been committed we never have to meet
the full measure of resistance, of which any patient is capable, at once. Thus
we could definitely ascertain that the same man would take up and then
abandon his critical objections over and over again in the course of the
analysis. Whenever we are on the point of bringing to his consciousness
some piece of unconscious material which is particularly painful to him,
then he is critical in the extreme; even though he may have previously
understood and accepted a great deal, yet now all these gains seem to be
obliterated; in his struggles to oppose at all costs he can behave just as
though he were mentally deficient, a form of ‘emotional stupidity.’ If he can
be successfully helped to overcome this new resistance he regains his
insight and comprehension. His critical faculty is not functioning
independently, and therefore is not to be respected as if it were; it is merely
a maid-of-all-work for his affective attitudes and is directed by his
resistance. When he dislikes anything he can defend himself against it most
ingeniously; but when anything suits his book he can be credulous enough.
We are perhaps all much the same; a person being analysed shows this
dependence of the intellect upon the affective life so clearly because in the
analysis he is so hard-pressed.
In what way can we now account for this fact observed, that the patient
struggles so energetically against the relief of his symptoms and the
restoration of his mental processes to normal functioning? We say that we
have come upon the traces of powerful forces at work here opposing any
change in the condition; they must be the same forces that originally

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induced the condition. In the formation of symptoms some process must
have been gone through, which our experience in dispersing them makes us
able to reconstruct. As we already know from Breuer’s observations, it
follows from the existence of a symptom that some mental process has not
been carried through to an end in a normal manner so that it could become
conscious; the symptom is a substitute for that which has not come through.
Now we know where to place the forces which we suspect to be at work. A
vehement effort must have been exercised to prevent the mental process in
question from penetrating into consciousness and as a result it has remained
unconscious; being unconscious it had the power to construct a symptom.
The same vehement effort is again at work during analytic treatment,
opposing the attempt to bring the unconscious into consciousness. This we
perceive in the form of resistances. The pathogenic process which is
demonstrated by the resistances we call Repression.
It will now be necessary to make our conception of this process of
repression more precise. It is the essential preliminary condition for the
development of symptoms, but it is also something else, a thing to which
we have no parallel. Let us take as a model an impulse, a mental process
seeking to convert itself into action: we know that it can suffer rejection, by
virtue of what we call “repudiation” or “condemnation”; whereupon the
energy at its disposal is withdrawn, it becomes powerless, but it can
continue to exist as a memory. The whole process of decision on the point
takes place with the full cognizance of the Ego. It is very different when we
imagine the same impulse subject to repression: it would then retain its
energy and no memory of it would be left behind; the process of repression,
too, would be accomplished without the cognizance of the Ego. This
comparison therefore brings us no nearer to the nature of repression.
I will expound to you those theoretical conceptions which alone have
proved useful in giving greater definiteness to the term repression. For this
purpose it is first necessary that we should proceed from the purely
descriptive meaning of the word “unconscious” to its systematic meaning;
that is, we resolve to think of the consciousness or unconsciousness of a
mental process as merely one of its qualities and not necessarily definitive.
Suppose that a process of this kind has remained unconscious, its being
withheld from consciousness may be merely a sign of the fate it has
undergone, not necessarily the fate itself. Let us suppose, in order to gain a
more concrete notion of this fate, that every mental process—there is one

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exception, which I will go into later—first exists in an unconscious state or
phase, and only develops out of this into a conscious phase, much as a
photograph is first a negative and then becomes a picture through the
printing of the positive. But not every negative is made into a positive, and
it is just as little necessary that every unconscious mental process should
convert itself into a conscious one. It may be best expressed as follows:
Each single process belongs in the first place to the unconscious psychical
system; from this system it can under certain conditions proceed further into
the conscious system.
The crudest conception of these systems is the one we shall find most
convenient, a spatial one. The unconscious system may therefore be
compared to a large ante-room, in which the various mental excitations are
crowding upon one another, like individual beings. Adjoining this is a
second, smaller apartment, a sort of reception-room, in which, too,
consciousness resides. But on the threshold between the two there stands a
personage with the office of door-keeper, who examines the various mental
excitations, censors them, and denies them admittance to the reception-
room when he disapproves of them. You will see at once that it does not
make much difference whether the door-keeper turns any one impulse back
at the threshold, or drives it out again once it has entered the reception-
room; that is merely a matter of the degree of his vigilance and promptness
in recognition. Now this metaphor may be employed to widen our
terminology. The excitations in the unconscious, in the antechamber, are not
visible to consciousness, which is of course in the other room, so to begin
with they remain unconscious. When they have pressed forward to the
threshold and been turned back by the door-keeper, they are ‘incapable of
becoming conscious’; we call them then repressed. But even those
excitations which are allowed over the threshold do not necessarily become
conscious; they can only become so if they succeed in attracting the eye of
consciousness. This second chamber therefore may be suitably called the
preconscious system. In this way the process of becoming conscious retains
its purely descriptive sense. Being repressed, when applied to any single
impulse, means being unable to pass out of the unconscious system because
of the door-keeper’s refusal of admittance into the preconscious. The door-
keeper is what we have learnt to know as resistance in our attempts in
analytic treatment to loosen the repressions.

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Now I know very well that you will say that these conceptions are as
crude as they are fantastic and not at all permissible in a scientific
presentation. I know they are crude; further indeed, we even know that they
are incorrect, and unless I am mistaken, we have something better ready as
a substitute for them; whether you will then continue to think them so
fantastic, I do not know. At the moment they are useful aids to
understanding, like Ampère’s manikin swimming in the electric current,
and, in so far as they do assist comprehension, are not to be despised. Still, I
should like to assure you that these crude hypotheses, the two chambers, the
door-keeper on the threshold between the two, and consciousness as a
spectator at the end of the second room, must indicate an extensive
approximation to the actual reality. I should also like to hear you admit that
our designations, unconscious, preconscious, and conscious, are less
prejudicial and more easily defensible than some others which have been
suggested or have come into use, e.g. sub-conscious, inter-conscious, co-
conscious, etc.
If so, I should think it more significant if you then went on to point out
that any such constitution of the mental apparatus as I have assumed in
order to account for neurotic symptoms can only be of universal validity
and must throw light on normal functioning. In this, of course, you are
perfectly right. We cannot follow up this conclusion at the moment; but our
interest in the psychology of symptom-development would certainly be
enormously increased if we could see any prospect of obtaining, by the
study of pathological conditions, an insight into normal mental functioning,
hitherto such a mystery.
Do you not recognize, moreover, what it is that supports these
conceptions of the two systems and the relationship between them and
consciousness? The door-keeper between the unconscious and the
preconscious is nothing else than the censorship to which we found the
form of the manifest dream subjected. The residue of the day’s experiences,
which we found to be the stimuli exciting the dream, was preconscious
material which at night during sleep had been influenced by unconscious
and repressed wishes and excitations; and had thus by association with them
been able to form the latent dream, by means of their energy. Under the
dominion of the unconscious system this material had been elaborated
(worked over)—by condensation and displacement—in a way which in
normal mental life, i.e. in the preconscious system, is unknown or

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admissible very rarely. This difference in their manner of functioning is
what distinguishes the two systems for us; the relationship to consciousness,
which is a permanent feature of the preconscious, indicates to which of the
two systems any given process belongs. Neither is dreaming a pathological
phenomenon; every healthy person may dream while asleep. Every
inference concerning the constitution of the mental apparatus which
comprises an understanding of both dreams and neurotic symptoms has an
irrefutable claim to be regarded as applying also to normal mental life.
This is as much as we will say about repression for the present.
Moreover, it is but a necessary preliminary condition, a prerequisite, of
symptom-formation. We know that the symptom is a substitute for some
other process which was held back by repression; but even given repression
we have still a long way to go before we can obtain comprehension of this
substitute-formation. There are other sides to the problem of repression
itself which present questions to be answered: What kind of mental
excitations suffer repression? What forces effect it? and from what motives?
On one point only, so far, have we gained any knowledge relevant to these
questions. While investigating the problem of resistance we learned that the
forces behind it proceed from the Ego, from character-traits, recognizable or
latent: it is these forces therefore which have also effected the repression, or
at least they have taken a part in it. We know nothing more than this at
present.
The second observation for which I prepared you will help us now. By
means of analysis we can always discover the purpose behind the neurotic
symptom. This is of course nothing new to you: I have already pointed it
out in two cases of neurosis. But, to be sure, what do two cases signify? You
have a right to demand two hundred cases, innumerable cases, in
demonstration of it. But then, I cannot comply with that. So you must fall
back on personal experience, or upon belief, which in this matter can rely
upon the unanimous testimony of all psycho-analysts.
You will remember that in the two cases in which we submitted the
symptoms to detailed investigation analysis led to the innermost secrets of
the patient’s sexual life. In the first case, moreover, the purpose or tendency
of the symptom under examination was particularly evident; in the second
case, it was perhaps to some extent veiled by another factor to be mentioned
later. Well now, what we found in these two examples we should find in

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every case we submitted to analysis. Every time we should be led by
analysis to the sexual experiences and desires of the patient, and every time
we should have to affirm that the symptom served the same purpose. This
purpose shows itself to be the gratification of sexual wishes; the symptoms
serve the purpose of sexual gratification for the patient; they are a substitute
for satisfactions which he does not obtain in reality.
Think of the obsessive act of our first patient. This woman has to do
without the husband she loved so intensely; on account of his deficiencies
and short-comings she could not share his life. She had to be faithful to
him; she could not put anyone else in his place. Her obsessional symptom
gives her what she so much desires; it exalts her husband, denies and
corrects his deficiencies, above all, his impotence. This symptom is
fundamentally a wish-fulfilment, in that respect exactly like a dream; it is,
moreover, what a dream is not always, an erotic wish-fulfilment. In the case
of the second patient you could see that her ritual aims at preventing
intercourse between the parents or at hindering the procreation of another
child; you have probably also divined that fundamentally it seeks to set her
in her mother’s place. It again therefore constitutes a removal of hindrances
to sexual satisfaction and the fulfilment of the subject’s own sexual wishes.
Of the complications referred to in the second case I shall speak shortly.
I wish to avoid making reservations later on about the universal
applicability of these statements, and therefore I will ask you to notice that
all I have just been saying about repression, symptom-formation and
symptom-interpretation has been obtained from the study of three types of
neurosis, and for the present is only applicable to these three types—
namely, anxiety-hysteria, conversion-hysteria, and the obsessional neurosis.
These three disorders, which we are accustomed to combine together in a
group as the TRANSFERENCE NEUROSES, constitute the field open to psycho-
analytic therapy. The other neuroses have been far less closely studied
psycho-analytically; in one group of them the impossibility of therapeutic
influence has no doubt been one reason for this neglect. You must not forget
that psycho-analysis is still a very young science, that much time and
trouble are required for the study of it, and that not so very long ago there
was only one man practising it: yet we are approaching from all directions
to a nearer comprehension of these other conditions which are not
transference neuroses. I hope I shall still be able to tell you of the
developments that our hypotheses and conclusions have undergone in the

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course of adaptation to this new material, and to show you that these further
studies have not yielded contradictions but have led to a higher degree of
unification in our knowledge. Everything that has been said, then, applies
only to the three transference neuroses and I will now add another piece of
information which throws further light upon the significance of the
symptoms. A comparative examination of the situations out of which the
disease arose yields the following result, which may be reduced to a
formula—namely, that these persons have fallen ill owing to some kind of
PRIVATION which they suffer when reality withholds from them gratification
of their sexual wishes. You will perceive how beautifully these two
conclusions supplement one another. The symptoms are now explicable as
substitute-gratifications for desires which are unsatisfied in life.
It is certainly possible to make all kinds of objections to the
proposition that neurotic symptoms are substitutes for sexual gratifications.
I will discuss two of them to-day. If any one of you has himself undertaken
the analysis of a large number of neurotics, he will perhaps shake his head
and say: “In certain cases this is not at all applicable, in them the symptoms
seem rather to contain the opposite purpose, of excluding or of
discontinuing sexual gratification.” I shall not dispute your interpretation. In
psycho-analysis things are often a good deal more complicated than we
could wish: if they had been simpler psycho-analysis would perhaps not
have been required to bring them to light. Certain features of the ritual of
our second patient are distinctly recognizable as being of this ascetic
character, inimical to sexual satisfaction; e.g., her removing the clocks for
the magic purpose of preventing erections at night, or her trying to prevent
the falling and breaking of vessels, which amounts to a protection of her
virginity. In other cases of ceremonials on going to bed which I have
analysed this negative character was far more marked; the whole ritual
could consist of defensive regulations against sexual recollections and
temptations. But we have long ago learnt from psycho-analysis that
opposites do not constitute a contradiction. We might extend our
proposition and say that the purpose of the symptom is either a sexual
gratification or a defence against it; in hysteria the positive, wish-fulfilling
character predominates on the whole, and in the obsessional neurosis the
negative ascetic character. The symptoms can serve the purpose both of
sexual gratification and of its opposite so well because this double-
sidedness, or polarity, has a most suitable foundation in one element of

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their mechanism which we have not yet had an opportunity to mention.
They are in fact, as we shall see, the effects of compromises between two
opposed tendencies, acting on one another; they represent both that which is
repressed, and also that which has effected the repression and has co-
operated in bringing them about. The representation of either one or another
of these two factors may predominate in the symptom, but it happens very
rarely that one of them is absent altogether. In hysteria a collaboration of
the two tendencies in one symptom is usually achieved. In the obsessional
neurosis the two parts are often distinct: the symptom is then a double one
and consists of two successive actions which cancel each other.
It will not be so easy to dispose of a second difficulty. When you
consider a whole series of symptom-interpretations your first opinion would
probably be that the conception of a sexual substitute-gratification has to be
stretched to its widest limits in order to include them. You will not neglect
to point out that these symptoms offer nothing real in the way of
gratification, that often enough they are confined to re-animating a
sensation, or to enacting a phantasy arising from some sexual complex.
Further, that the ostensible sexual gratification is very often of an infantile
and unworthy character, perhaps approximating to a masturbatory act, or is
reminiscent of dirty habits which long ago in childhood had been forbidden
and abandoned. And further still, you will express your astonishment that
anyone should reckon among sexual gratifications those which can only be
described as gratifications of cruel or horrible appetites, or which may be
termed unnatural. Indeed, we shall come to no agreement on these latter
points until we have submitted human sexuality to a thorough investigation
and have thus established what we are justified in calling sexual.

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TWENTIETH LECTURE
THE SEXUAL LIFE OF MAN

One would certainly think that there could be no doubt about what is to
be understood by the term “sexual.” First and foremost, of course, it means
the “improper,” that which must not be mentioned. I have been told a story
about some pupils of a famous psychiatrist, who once endeavoured to
convince their master that the symptoms of an hysteric are frequently
representations of sexual things. With this object, they took him to the
bedside of an hysterical woman whose attacks were unmistakable imitations
of childbirth. He objected, however: “Well, there is nothing sexual about
childbirth.” To be sure, childbirth is not necessarily always improper.
I perceive that you don’t approve of my joking about such serious
matters. It is not altogether a joke, however. Seriously, it is not so easy to
define what the term sexual includes. Everything connected with the
difference between the two sexes is perhaps the only way of hitting the
mark; but you will find that too general and indefinite. If you take the
sexual act itself as the central point, you will perhaps declare sexual to
mean everything which is concerned with obtaining pleasurable
gratification from the body (and particularly the sexual organs) of the
opposite sex; in the narrowest sense, everything which is directed to the
union of the genital organs and the performance of the sexual act. In doing
so, however, you come very near to reckoning the sexual and the improper
as identical, and childbirth would really have nothing to do with sex. If then
you make the function of reproduction the kernel of sexuality you run the
risk of excluding from it a whole host of things like masturbation, or even
kissing, which are not directed towards reproduction, but which are
nevertheless undoubtedly sexual. However, we have already found that
attempts at definition always lead to difficulties; let us give up trying to do
any better in this particular case. We may suspect that in the development of
the concept “sexual” something has happened which has resulted in what H.

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Silberer has aptly called a ‘covering error.’ On the whole, indeed, we know
pretty well what is meant by sexual.
In the popular view, which is sufficient for all practical purposes in
ordinary life, sexual is something which combines references to the
difference between the sexes, to pleasurable excitement and gratification, to
the reproductive function, and to the idea of impropriety and the necessity
for concealment. But this is no longer sufficient for science. For painstaking
researches (only possible, of course, in a spirit of self-command maintained
by self-sacrifice) have revealed that classes of human beings exist whose
sexual life deviates from the usual one in the most striking manner. One
group among these “perverts” has, as it were, expunged the difference
between the sexes from its scheme of life. In these people, only the same
sex as their own can rouse sexual desire; the other sex (especially the
genital organ of the other sex) has absolutely no sexual attraction for them,
can even in extreme cases be an object of abhorrence to them. They have
thus of course foregone all participation in the process of reproduction.
Such persons are called homosexuals or inverts. Often, though not always,
they are men and women who otherwise have reached an irreproachably
high standard of mental growth and development, intellectually and
ethically, and are only afflicted with this one fateful peculiarity. Through the
mouths of their scientific spokesmen they lay claim to be a special variety
of the human race, a “third sex,” as they call it, standing with equal rights
alongside the other two. We may perhaps have an opportunity of critically
examining these claims. They are not, of course, as they would gladly
maintain, the “elect” of mankind; they contain in their ranks at least as
many inferior and worthless individuals as are to be found amongst those
differently constituted sexually.
These perverts do at least seek to achieve very much the same ends
with the objects of their desires as normal people do with theirs. But after
them comes a long series of abnormal types, in whom the sexual activities
become increasingly further removed from anything which appears
attractive to a reasonable being. In their manifold variety and their
strangeness these types may be compared to the grotesque monstrosities
painted by P. Breughel to represent the temptations of St. Anthony, or to the
long procession of effete gods and worshippers which G. Flaubert shows us
passing before his pious penitent, and to nothing else. The chaotic assembly
calls out for classification if it is not to bewilder us completely. We divide

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them into those in whom the sexual object has been altered, as with the
homosexuals, and those in whom, first and foremost, the sexual aim has
been altered. In the first group belong those who have dispensed with the
mutual union of the genital organs and who have substituted for the
genitals, in one of the partners in the act, another organ or part of the body
(mouth or anus, in place of the vagina) making light of both the anatomical
difficulties and the suppression of disgust involved. There follow others
who, it is true, still retain the genital organs as object; not, however, by
virtue of their sexual function, but on account of other functions in which
they take part anatomically or by reason of their proximity. These people
demonstrate that the excretory functions, which in the course of the child’s
upbringing are relegated to a limbo as indecent, remain capable of attracting
the entire sexual interest. There are others who have given up altogether the
genital organs as object; and, instead, have exalted some other part of the
body to serve as the object of desire, a woman’s breast, foot, or plait of hair.
There are others yet to whom even a part of the body is meaningless, while
a particle of clothing, a shoe or a piece of underclothing, will gratify all
their desires; these are the fetichists. Farther on in the scale come those who
indeed demand the object as a whole: but whose requirements in regard to it
take specific forms, of an extraordinary or horrible nature—even to the
point of seeking it as a defenceless corpse and, urged on by their criminal
obsessions, of making it one in order so to enjoy it. But enough of these
horrors!
Foremost in the second group are those perverts whose sexual desires
aim at the performance of an act which normally is but an introductory or
preparatory one. They are those who seek gratification in looking and
touching, or in watching the other person’s most intimate doings; or those
who expose parts of their own bodies which should be concealed, in the
vague expectation of being rewarded by a similar action on the part of the
other. Then come the incomprehensible sadists, in whom all affectionate
feeling strains towards the one goal of causing their object pain and torture,
ranging in degree from mere indications of a tendency to humiliate the
other up to the infliction of severe bodily injuries. Then, as though
complementary to these, come the masochists whose only longing is to
suffer, in real or in symbolic form, humiliations and tortures at the hands of
the loved object. There are others yet, in whom several abnormal
characteristics of this kind are combined and interwoven with one another.

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Finally, we learn that the persons belonging to each of these groups may be
divided again: into those who seek their particular form of sexual
satisfaction in reality and those who are satisfied merely to imagine it in
their own minds, needing no real object at all but being able to substitute for
it a creation of phantasy.
There is not the slightest possible doubt that these mad, extraordinary
and horrible things do actually constitute the sexual activities of these
people. Not merely do they themselves so regard them, recognizing their
substitutive character; but we also have to acknowledge that they play the
same part in their lives as normal sexual satisfaction plays in ours, exacting
the same, often excessive, sacrifices. It is possible to trace out, both broadly
and in great detail, where these abnormalities merge into the normal and
where they diverge from it. Nor will it escape you that that quality of
impropriety which adheres inevitably to a sexual activity is not absent from
these forms of it: in most of them it is intensified to the point of odium.
Well, now, what attitude are we to take up to these unusual forms of
sexual satisfaction? Indignation and expressions of our personal disgust,
together with assurances that we do not share these appetites, will obviously
not carry us very far. That is not the point at issue. After all, this is a field of
phenomena like any other; attempts to turn away and flee from it, on the
pretext that these are but rarities and curiosities, could easily be rebutted.
On the contrary, the phenomena are common enough and widely
distributed. But if it is objected that our views on the sexual life of mankind
require no revision on this account, since these things are one and all
aberrations and divagations of the sexual instinct, a serious reply will be
necessary. If we do not understand these morbid forms of sexuality and
cannot relate them to what is normal in sexual life, then neither can we
understand normal sexuality. It remains, in short, our undeniable duty to
account satisfactorily in theory for the existence of all the perversions
described and to explain their relation to normal sexuality, so-called.
In this task we can be helped by a point of view, and by two new
evidential observations. The first we owe to Ivan Bloch; according to him,
the view that all the perversions are “signs of degeneration” is incorrect;
because of the evidence existing that such aberrations from the sexual aim,
such erratic relationships to the sexual object, have been manifested since
the beginning of time through every age of which we have knowledge, in

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every race from the most primitive to the most highly civilized, and at times
have succeeded in attaining to toleration and general prevalence. The two
evidential observations have been made in the course of psycho-analytic
investigations of neurotic patients; they must undoubtedly influence our
conception of sexual perversions in a decisive manner.
We have said that neurotic symptoms are substitutes for sexual
satisfactions and I have already indicated that many difficulties will be met
with in proving this statement from the analysis of symptoms. It is, indeed,
only accurate if the “perverse” sexual needs, so-called, are included under
the sexual satisfactions; for an interpretation of the symptoms on this basis
is forced upon us with astonishing frequency. The claim made by
homosexuals or inverts, that they constitute a select class of mankind, falls
at once to the ground when we discover that in every single neurotic
evidence of homosexual tendencies is forthcoming and that a large
proportion of the symptoms are expressions of this latent inversion. Those
who openly call themselves homosexuals are merely those in whom the
inversion is conscious and manifest; their number is negligible compared
with those in whom it is latent. We are bound, in fact, to regard the choice
of an object of the same sex as a regular type of offshoot of the capacity to
love, and are learning every day more and more to recognize it as especially
important. The differences between manifest homosexuality and the normal
attitude are certainly not thereby abrogated; they have their practical
importance, which remains, but theoretically their value is very
considerably diminished. In fact, we have even come to the conclusion that
one particular mental disorder, paranoia, no longer to be reckoned among
the transference neuroses, invariably arises from an attempt to subdue
unduly powerful homosexual tendencies. Perhaps you will remember that
one of our patients,[47] in her obsessive act, played the part of a man—of her
own husband, that is, whom she had left; such symptoms, representing the
impersonation of a man, are very commonly produced by neurotic women.
If this is not actually attributable to homosexuality, it is certainly very
closely connected with its origins.
As you probably know, the neurosis of hysteria can create its
symptoms in all systems of the body (circulatory, respiratory, etc.) and may
thus disturb all the functions. Analysis shows that all those impulses,
described as perverse, which aim at replacing the genital organ by another
come to expression in these symptoms. These organs thus behave as

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substitutes for the genital organs: it is precisely from the study of hysterical
symptoms that we have arrived at the view that, besides their functional
rôle, a sexual—erotogenic—significance must be ascribed to the bodily
organs; and that the needs of the former will be interfered with if the
demands of the latter upon them are too great. Countless sensations and
innervations, which we meet as hysterical symptoms, in organs apparently
not concerned with sexuality, are thus discovered to be essentially
fulfilments of perverse sexual desires, by the other organs having usurped
the function of the genitalia. In this way also the very great extent to which
the organs of nutrition and of excretion, in particular, may serve in yielding
sexual excitement is brought home to us. It is indeed the same thing as is
manifested in the perversions; except that in the latter it is unmistakable and
recognizable without any difficulty, whereas in hysteria we have to make
the détour of interpreting the symptom, and then do not impute the perverse
sexual impulse in question to the person’s consciousness, but account it to
the unconscious part of his personality.
Of the many types of symptom characteristic of the obsessional
neurosis the most important are found to be brought about by the undue
strength of one group of sexual tendencies with a perverted aim, i.e. the
sadistic group. These symptoms, in accordance with the structure of the
obsessional neurosis, serve mainly as a defence against these wishes or else
they express the conflict between satisfaction and rejection. Satisfaction
does not find short shrift, however; it knows how to get its own way by a
roundabout route in the patient’s behaviour, by preference turning against
him in self-inflicted torment. Other forms of this neurosis are seen in
excessive “worry” and brooding; these are the expressions of an
exaggerated sexualization of acts which are normally only preparatory to
sexual satisfaction: the desire to see, to touch and to investigate. In this lies
the explanation of the very great importance dread of contact and obsessive
washing attains to in this disease. An unsuspectedly large proportion of
obsessive actions are found to be disguised repetitions and modifications of
masturbation, admittedly the only uniform act which accompanies all the
varied flights of sexual phantasy.
It would not be difficult to show you the connections between
perversion and neurosis in a much more detailed manner, but I believe that I
have said enough for our purposes. We must beware, however, of
overestimating the frequency and intensity of the perverse tendencies in

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mankind, after these revelations of their importance in the interpretation of
symptoms. You have heard that privation in normal sexual satisfactions
may lead to the development of neurosis. In consequence of this privation
in reality the need is forced into the abnormal paths of sexual excitation.
Later you will be able to understand how this happens. You will at any rate
understand that a “collateral” damming-up of this kind must swell the force
of the perverse impulses, so that they become more powerful than they
would have been had no hindrance to normal sexual satisfaction been
present in reality. Incidentally, a similar factor may be recognized also in
the manifest perversions. In many cases they are provoked or activated by
the unduly great difficulties in the way of normal satisfaction of the sexual
instinct which are produced either by temporary conditions or by permanent
social institutions. In other cases, certainly, perverse tendencies are quite
independent of such conditions; they are, as it were, the natural kind of
sexual life for the individual concerned.
Perhaps you are momentarily under the impression that all this tends to
confuse rather than to explain the relations between normal and perverted
sexuality. But keep in mind this consideration. If it is correct that real
obstacles to sexual satisfaction or privation in regard to it bring to the
surface perverse tendencies in people who would otherwise have shown
none, we must conclude that something in these people is ready to embrace
the perversions; or, if you prefer it, the tendencies must have been present in
them in a latent form. Thus we come to the second of the new evidential
observations of which I spoke. Psycho-Analytic investigation has found it
necessary also to concern itself with the sexual life of children, for the
reason that in the analysis of symptoms the forthcoming reminiscences and
associations invariably lead back to the earliest years of childhood. That
which we discovered in this way has since been corroborated point by point
by the direct observation of children. In this way it has been found that all
the perverse tendencies have their roots in childhood, that children are
disposed towards them all and practise them all to a degree conforming
with their immaturity; in short, perverted sexuality is nothing else but
infantile sexuality, magnified and separated into its component parts.
Now you will see the perversions in an altogether different light and no
longer ignore their connection with the sexual life of mankind; but what
distressing emotions these astonishing and grotesque revelations will
provoke in you! At first you will certainly be tempted to deny everything—

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the fact that there is anything in children which can be termed sexual life,
the accuracy of our observations, and the justification of our claim to see in
the behaviour of children any connection with that which in later years is
condemned as perverted. Permit me first to explain to you the motives of
your antagonism and then to put before you a summary of our observations.
That children should have no sexual life—sexual excitement, needs, and
gratification of a sort—but that they suddenly acquire these things in the
years between twelve and fourteen would be, apart from any observations at
all, biologically just as improbable, indeed, nonsensical, as to suppose that
they are born without genital organs which first begin to sprout at the age of
puberty. What does actually awake in them at this period is the reproductive
function, which then makes use for its own purposes of material lying to
hand in body and mind. You are making the mistake of confounding
sexuality and reproduction with each other and thus you obstruct your own
way to the comprehension of sexuality, the perversions, and the neuroses.
This mistake, moreover, has a meaning in it. Strange to say, its origin lies in
the fact that you yourselves have all been children and as children were
subject to the influences of education. For it is indeed one of the most
important social tasks of education to restrain, confine, and subject to an
individual control (itself identical with the demands of society) the sexual
instinct when it breaks forth in the form of the reproductive function. In its
own interests, accordingly, society would postpone the child’s full
development until it has attained a certain stage of intellectual maturity,
since educability practically ceases with the full onset of the sexual instinct.
Without this the instinct would break all bounds and the laboriously erected
structure of civilization would be swept away. Nor is the task of restraining
it ever an easy one; success in this direction is often poor and, sometimes,
only too great. At bottom society’s motive is economic; since it has not
means enough to support life for its members without work on their part, it
must see to it that the number of these members is restricted and their
energies directed away from sexual activities on to their work—the eternal
primordial struggle for existence, therefore, persisting to the present day.
Experience must have taught educators that the task of moulding the
sexual will of the next generation can only be carried out by beginning to
impose their influence very early, and intervening in the sexual Life of
children before puberty, instead of waiting till the storm bursts.
Consequently almost all infantile sexual activities are forbidden or made

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disagreeable to the child; the ideal has been to make the child’s life asexual,
and in course of time it has come to this that it is really believed to be
asexual, and is given out as such, even at the hands of science. In order then
to avoid any contradiction with established beliefs and aims, the sexual
activity of children is overlooked—no small achievement, by the way—
while science contents itself with otherwise explaining it away. The little
child is supposed to be pure and innocent; he who says otherwise shall be
condemned as a hardened blasphemer against humanity’s tenderest and
most sacred feelings.
The children alone take no part in this convention; they assert their
animal nature naïvely enough and demonstrate persistently that they have
yet to learn their “purity.” Strange to say, those who deny sexuality in
children are the last to relax educative measures against it; they follow up
with the greatest severity every manifestation of the “childish tricks” the
existence of which they deny. Moreover, it is theoretically of great interest
that the time of life which most flagrantly contradicts the prejudice about
asexual childhood, the years of infancy up to five or six, is precisely the
period which is veiled by oblivion in most people’s memories; an oblivion
which can only be dispelled completely by analytic investigation but which
is nevertheless sufficiently penetrable to allow of the formation of single
dreams.
I will now tell you the most clearly recognizable of the child’s sexual
activities. It will be expedient if I first introduce you to the term Libido. In
every way analogous to hunger, Libido is the force by means of which the
instinct, in this case the sexual instinct, as, with hunger, the nutritional
instinct, achieves expression. Other terms, such as sexual excitation and
satisfaction, require no definition. Interpretation finds most to do in regard
to the sexual activities of the infant, as you will easily perceive; and no
doubt you will find it a reason for objections. This interpretation is formed
on the basis of analytic investigation, working backwards from a given
symptom. The infant’s first sexual excitations appear in connection with the
other functions important for life. Its chief interest, as you know, is
concerned with taking nourishment; as it sinks asleep at the breast, utterly
satisfied, it bears a look of perfect content which will come back again later
in life after the experience of the sexual orgasm. This would not be enough
to found a conclusion upon. However, we perceive that infants wish to
repeat, without really getting any nourishment, the action necessary to

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taking nourishment; they are therefore not impelled to this by hunger. We
call this action “lutschen” or “ludeln” (German words signifying the
enjoyment of sucking for its own sake—as with a rubber “comforter”); and
as when it does this the infant again falls asleep with a blissful expression
we see that the action of sucking is sufficient in itself to give it satisfaction.
Admittedly, it very soon contrives not to go to sleep without having sucked
in this way. An old physician for children in Budapest, Dr. Lindner, was the
first to maintain the sexual nature of this procedure. Nurses and people who
look after children appear to take the same view of this kind of sucking
(lutschen), though without taking up any theoretic attitude about it. They
have no doubt that its only purpose is in the pleasure derived; they account
it one of the child’s “naughty tricks”; and take severe measures to force it to
give it up, if it will not do so of its own accord. And so we learn that an
infant performs actions with no other object but that of obtaining pleasure.
We believe that this pleasure is first of all experienced while nourishment is
being taken, but that the infant learns rapidly to enjoy it apart from this
condition. The gratification obtained can only relate to the region of the
mouth and lips; we therefore call these areas of the body erotogenic zones
and describe the pleasure derived from sucking (lutschen) as a sexual one.
To be sure, we have yet to discuss the justification for the use of this term.
If the infant could express itself it would undoubtedly acknowledge
that the act of sucking at its mother’s breast is far and away the most
important thing in life. It would not be wrong in this, for by this act it
gratifies at the same moment the two greatest needs in life. Then we learn
from psycho-analysis, not without astonishment, how much of the mental
significance of this act is retained throughout life. Sucking at the mother’s
breast (saugen) becomes the point of departure from which the whole
sexual life develops, the unattainable prototype of every later sexual
satisfaction, to which in times of need phantasy often enough reverts. The
desire to suck includes within it the desire for the mother’s breast, which is
therefore the first object of sexual desire; I cannot convey to you any
adequate idea of the importance of this first object in determining every
later object adopted, of the profound influence it exerts, through
transformation and substitution, upon the most distant fields of mental life.
First of all, however, as the infant takes to sucking for its own sake
(lutschen) this object is given up and is replaced by a part of its own body;
it sucks its thumb or its own tongue. For purposes of obtaining pleasure it

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thus makes itself independent of the concurrence of the outer world and, in
addition, it extends the region of excitation to a second area of the body,
thus intensifying it. The erotogenic zones are not all equally capable of
yielding enjoyment; it is therefore an important experience when, as Dr.
Lindner says, the infant in feeling about on its own body discovers the
particularly excitable region of its genitalia, and so finds the way from
sucking (lutschen) to onanism.
This assessment of the nature of sucking (lutschen) has now brought to
our notice two of the decisive characteristics of infantile sexuality. It
appears in connection with the satisfaction of the great organic needs, and it
behaves auto-erotically, that is to say, it seeks and finds its objects in its
own person. What is most clearly discernible in regard to the taking of
nourishment is to some extent repeated with the process of excretion. We
conclude that infants experience pleasure in the evacuation of urine and the
contents of the bowels, and that they very soon endeavour to contrive these
actions so that the accompanying excitation of the membranes in these
erotogenic zones may secure them the maximum possible gratification. As
Lou Andreas has pointed out, with fine intuition, the outer world first steps
in as a hindrance at this point, a hostile force opposed to the child’s desire
for pleasure—the first hint he receives of external and internal conflicts to
be experienced later on. He is not to pass his excretions whenever he likes
but at times appointed by other people. To induce him to give up these
sources of pleasure he is told that everything connected with these functions
is “improper,” and must be kept concealed. In this way he is first required to
exchange pleasure for value in the eyes of others. His own attitude to the
excretions is at the outset very different. His own fæces produce no disgust
in him; he values them as part of his own body and is unwilling to part with
them, he uses them as the first “present” by which he can mark out those
people whom he values especially. Even after education has succeeded in
alienating him from these tendencies, he continues to feel the same high
regard for his “presents” and his “money”; while his achievements in the
way of urination appear to be the subject of particular pride.
I know that for some time you have been longing to interrupt me with
cries of: “Enough of these monstrosities! The motions of the bowels a
source of pleasurable sexual satisfaction exploited even by infants! Fæces a
substance of great value and the anus a kind of genital organ! We do not
believe it; but we understand why children’s physicians and educationists

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have emphatically rejected psycho-analysis and its conclusions!” Not at all;
you have merely forgotten for the moment that I have been endeavouring to
show you the connection between the actual facts of infantile sexual life
and the actual facts of the sexual perversions. Why should you not know
that in many adults, both homosexual and heterosexual, the anus actually
takes over the part played by the vagina in sexual intercourse? And that
there are many persons who retain the pleasurable sensations accompanying
evacuations of the bowels throughout life and describe them as far from
insignificant? You may hear from children themselves, when they are a little
older and able to talk about these things, what an interest they take in the
act of defæcation and what pleasure they find in watching others in the act.
Of course if you have previously systematically intimidated these children
they will understand very well that they are not to speak of such things. And
for all else that you refuse to believe I refer you to the evidence brought out
in analysis and to the direct observation of children and I tell you that it will
require the exercise of considerable ingenuity to avoid seeing all this or to
see it in a different light. Nor am I at all averse from your thinking the
relationship between childish sexual activities and the sexual perversions
positively striking. It is a matter of course that there should be this
relationship; for if a child has a sexual life at all it must be of a perverted
order, since apart from a few obscure indications he is lacking in all that
transforms sexuality into the reproductive function. Moreover, it is a
characteristic common to all the perversions that in them reproduction as an
aim is put aside. This is actually the criterion by which we judge whether a
sexual activity is perverse—if it departs from reproduction in its aims and
pursues the attainment of gratification independently. You will understand
therefore that the gulf and turning-point in the development of the sexual
life lies at the point of its subordination to the purposes of reproduction.
Everything that occurs before this conversion takes place, and everything
which refuses to conform to it and serves the pursuit of gratification alone,
is called by the unhonoured title of “perversion” and as such is despised.
So let me continue my brief account of infantile sexuality. I could
supplement what I have told you concerning two of the bodily systems by
extending the same scrutiny to the others. The sexual life of the child
consists entirely in the activities of a series of component-instincts which
seek for gratification independently of one another, some in his own body
and others already in an external object. Among the organs of these bodily

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systems the genitalia rapidly take the first place; there are people in whom
pleasurable gratification in their own genital organ, without the aid of any
other genital organ or object, is continued without interruption from the
onanism habitual in the suckling period of infancy to the onanism of
necessity occurring in the years of puberty, and then maintained indefinitely
beyond that. Incidentally, the subject of onanism is not so easily exhausted;
it contains material for consideration from various angles.
In spite of my wish to limit the extent of this discussion I must still say
something about sexual curiosity in children. It is too characteristic of
childish sexuality and too important for the symptom-formation of the
neuroses to be omitted. Infantile sexual curiosity begins very early,
sometimes before the third year. It is not connected with the difference
between the sexes, which is nothing to children, since they—boys, at least
—ascribe the same male genital organ to both sexes. If then a boy discovers
the vagina in a little sister or play-mate he at once tries to deny the evidence
of his senses; for he cannot conceive of a human being like himself without
his most important attribute. Later, he is horrified at the possibilities it
reveals to him; the influence of previous threats occasioned by too great a
preoccupation with his own little member now begins to be felt. He comes
under the dominion of the castration complex, which will play such a large
part in the formation of his character if he remains healthy, and of his
neurosis if he falls ill, and of his resistances if he comes under analytic
treatment. Of little girls we know that they feel themselves heavily
handicapped by the absence of a large visible penis and envy the boy’s
possession of it; from this source primarily springs the wish to be a man
which is resumed again later in the neurosis, owing to some mal-adjustment
to a female development. The clitoris in the girl, moreover, is in every way
equivalent during childhood to the penis; it is a region of especial
excitability in which auto-erotic satisfaction is achieved. In the transition to
womanhood very much depends upon the early and complete relegation of
this sensitivity from the clitoris over to the vaginal orifice. In those women
who are sexually anæsthetic, as it is called, the clitoris has stubbornly
retained this sensitivity.
The sexual interest of children is primarily directed to the problem of
birth—the same problem that lies behind the riddle of the Theban Sphinx.
This curiosity is for the most part aroused by egoistic dread of the arrival of
another child. The answer which the nursery has ready for the child, that the

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stork brings the babies, meets with incredulity even in little children much
more often than we imagine. The feeling of having been deceived by
grown-up people, and put off with lies, contributes greatly to a sense of
isolation and to the development of independence. But the child is not able
to solve this problem on his own account. His undeveloped sexual
constitution sets definite limits to his capacity to understand it. He first
supposes that children are made by mixing some special thing with the food
taken; nor does he know that only women can have children. Later, he
learns of this limitation and gives up the idea of children being made by
food, though it is retained in fairy tales. A little later he soon sees that the
father must have something to do with making babies, but he cannot
discover what it is. If by chance he is witness of the sexual act he conceives
it as an attempt to overpower the woman, as a combat, the sadistic
misconception of coitus; at first, however, he does not connect this act with
the creation of children; if he discovers blood on the mother’s bed or
underlinen he takes it as evidence of injury inflicted by the father. In still
later years of childhood he probably guesses that the male organ of the man
plays an essential part in the procreation of children, but cannot ascribe to
this part of the body any function but that of urination.
Children are all united from the outset in the belief that the birth of a
child takes place by the bowel; that is to say, that the baby is produced like
a piece of fæces. Not until all interest has been weaned from the anal region
is this theory abandoned and replaced by the supposition that the navel
opens, or that the area between the two nipples is the birthplace of the child.
In some such manner as this the enquiring child approaches some
knowledge of the facts of sex, unless, misled by his ignorance, he overlooks
them until he receives an imperfect and discrediting account of them,
usually in the period before puberty, which not infrequently affects him
traumatically.
Now you will probably have heard that the term “sexual” has suffered
an unwarrantable expansion of meaning at the hands of psycho-analysis, in
order that its assertions regarding the sexual origin of the neuroses and the
sexual significance of the symptoms may be maintained. You can now
judge for yourselves whether this amplification is justified or not. We have
extended the meaning of the concept “sexuality” only so far as to include
the sexual life of perverted persons and also of children; that is to say, we
have restored to it its true breadth of meaning. What is called sexuality

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outside psycho-analysis applies only to the restricted sexual life that is
subordinated to the reproductive function and is called normal.

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Page 279

TWENTY-FIRST LECTURE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE LIBIDO AND SEXUAL
ORGANIZATIONS

It is my impression that I have not succeeded in bringing home to you
with complete conviction the importance of the perversions for our
conception of sexuality. I wish therefore, as far as I am able, to review and
improve upon what I have already said on this subject.
Now I do not wish you to think that it was the perversions alone that
required us to make the alteration in the meaning of the term sexuality
which has aroused such vehement opposition. The study of infantile
sexuality has contributed even more to it, and the unanimity between the
two was decisive. But, however unmistakable they may be in the later years
of childhood, the manifestations of infantile sexuality in its earliest forms
do seem to fade away indefinably. Those who do not wish to pay attention
to evolution and to the connections brought out by analysis will dispute the
sexual nature of them, and will ascribe in consequence some other,
undifferentiated character to them. You must not forget that as yet we have
no generally acknowledged criterion for the sexual nature of a phenomenon,
unless it is some connection with the reproductive function—a definition
which we have had to reject as too narrow. The biological criteria, such as
the periodicities of twenty-three and twenty-eight days, suggested by W.
Fliess, are exceedingly debatable; the peculiar chemical features which we
may perhaps assume for sexual processes are yet to be discovered. The
sexual perversions in adults, on the other hand, are something definite and
unambiguous. As their generally accepted description implies, they are
unquestionably of a sexual nature; whether you call them marks of
degeneration or anything else, no one has yet been so bold as to rank them
anywhere but among the phenomena of sexual life. In view of them alone
we are justified in maintaining that sexuality and the reproductive function
are not identical, for they one and all abjure the aim of reproduction.

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I notice a not uninteresting parallel here. Whereas, for most people, the
word ‘mental’ means ‘conscious,’ we found ourselves obliged to widen the
application of the term ‘mental’ to include a part of the mind that is not
conscious. In a precisely similar way, most people declare ‘sexual’ identical
with ‘pertaining to reproduction’—or, if you like it expressed more
concisely, with ‘genital’; whereas we cannot avoid admitting things as
‘sexual’ that are not ‘genital’ and have nothing to do with reproduction. It is
only a formal analogy, but it is not without deeper significance.
However, if the existence of sexual perversions is such a forcible
argument on this point, why has it not long ago done its work and settled
the question? I really am unable to say. It seems to me that the sexual
perversions have come under a very special ban, which insinuates itself into
the theory, and interferes even with scientific judgement on the subject. It
seems as if no one could forget, not merely that they are detestable, but that
they are also something monstrous and terrifying; as if they exerted a
seductive influence; as if at bottom a secret envy of those who enjoy them
had to be strangled—the same sort of feeling that is confessed by the count
who sits in judgement in the famous parody of Tannhäuser:
So in the Mount of Venus conscience, duty, are forgot!
—Remarkable that such a thing has never been my lot!

In reality, perverts are more likely to be poor devils who have to pay most
bitterly for the satisfactions they manage to procure with such difficulty.
That which makes perverse activities so unmistakably sexual, in spite
of all that seems unnatural in their objects or their aims, is the fact that in
perverse satisfaction the act still terminates usually in a complete orgasm
with evacuation of the genital product. This is of course only the
consequence of adult development in the persons concerned; in children,
orgasm and genital excretion are not very well possible; as substitutes they
have approximations to them which are again not recognized definitely as
sexual.
I must still add something more in order to complete our assessment of
the sexual perversions. Abominated as they are, sharply distinguished from
normal sexual activity as they may be, simple observation will show that
very rarely is one feature or another of them absent from the sexual life of a
normal person. The kiss to begin with has some claim to be called a
perverse act, for it consists of the union of the two erotogenic mouth zones

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instead of the two genital organs. But no one condemns it as perverse; on
the contrary, in the theatre it is permitted as a refined indication of the
sexual act. Nevertheless, kissing is a thing that can easily become an
absolute perversion—namely, when it occurs in such intensity that orgasm
and emission directly accompany it, which happens not at all uncommonly.
Further, it will be found that gazing at and handling the object are in one
person an indispensable condition of sexual enjoyment, while another at the
height of sexual excitement pinches or bites; that in another lover not
always the genital region, but some other bodily region in the object,
provokes the greatest excitement, and so on in endless variety. It would be
absurd to exclude people with single idiosyncrasies of this kind from the
ranks of the normal and place them among perverts; rather, it becomes more
and more clear that what is essential to the perversions lies, not in the
overstepping of the sexual aim, not in the replacement of the genitalia, not
always even in the variations in the object, but solely in the exclusiveness
with which these deviations are maintained, so that the sexual act which
serves the reproductive process is rejected altogether. In so far as perverse
performances are included in order to intensify or to lead up to the
performance of the normal sexual act, they are no longer actually perverse.
Facts of the kind just described naturally tend to diminish the gulf between
normal and perverse sexuality very considerably. The obvious inference is
that normal sexuality has arisen, out of something existing prior to it, by a
process of discarding some components of this material as useless, and by
combining the others so as to subordinate them to a new aim, that of
reproduction.
The point of view thus gained in regard to the perversions can now be
employed by us in penetrating more deeply, with a clearer perspective, into
the problem of infantile sexuality; but before doing this I must draw your
attention to an important difference between the two. Perverse sexuality is
as a rule exceedingly concentrated, its whole activity is directed to one—
and mostly to only one—aim; one particular component-impulse is
supreme; it is either the only one discernible or it has subjected the others to
its own purposes. In this respect there is no difference between perverse and
normal sexuality, except that the dominating component-impulse, and
therefore the sexual aim, is a different one. Both of them constitute a well-
organized tyranny; only that in one case one ruling family has usurped all
the power, and in the other, another. This concentration and organization, on

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the other hand, is in the main absent from infantile sexuality; its
component-impulses are equally valid, each of them strives independently
after its own pleasure. Both the lack of this concentration (in childhood) and
the presence of it (in the adult) correspond well with the fact that both
normal and perverse sexuality are derived from the same source, namely,
infantile sexuality. There are indeed also cases of perversion which
correspond even more closely to infantile sexuality in that numerous
component-instincts, independently of one another, with their aims, are
developed or, better, perpetuated in them. With these cases it is more correct
to speak of infantilism than of perversion of the sexual life.
Thus prepared we may now go on to consider a suggestion which we
shall certainly not be spared. It will be said: “Why are you so set upon
declaring as already belonging to sexuality those indefinite manifestations
of childhood out of which what is sexual later develops, and which you
yourself admit to be indefinite? Why are you not content rather to describe
them physiologically and simply to say that activities, such as sucking for
its own sake and the retaining of excreta, may be observed already in young
infants, showing that they seek pleasure in their organs? In that way you
would have avoided the conception of a sexual life even in babies which is
so repugnant to all our feelings.” Well, I can only answer that I have
nothing against pleasure derived from the organs of the body; I know
indeed that the supreme pleasure of the sexual union is also only a bodily
pleasure, derived from the activity of the genital organ. But can you tell me
when this originally indifferent bodily pleasure acquires the sexual
character that it undoubtedly possesses in later phases of development? Do
we know any more about this ‘organ-pleasure’ than we know about
sexuality? You will answer that the sexual character is added to it when the
genitalia begin to play their part; sexuality simply means genital. You will
even evade the obstacle of the perversions by pointing out that after all with
most of them a genital orgasm occurs, although brought about by other
means than the union of the genitalia. If you were to eliminate the relation
to reproduction from the essential characteristics of sexuality since this
view is untenable in consequence of the existence of the perversions, and
were to emphasize instead activity of the genital organs, you would actually
take up a much better position. But then we should no longer differ very
widely; it would be a case of the genital organs versus the other organs.
What do you now make of the abundant evidence that the genital organs

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may be replaced by other organs for the purpose of gratification, as in the
normal kiss, or the perverse practices of loose living, or in the
symptomatology of hysteria? In this neurosis it is quite usual for stimulation
phenomena, sensations, innervations, and even the processes of erection,
which properly belong to the genitalia to be displaced on to other distant
areas of the body (e.g. the displacement from below upwards to the head
and face). Thus you will find that nothing is left of all that you cling to as
essentially characteristic of sexuality; and you will have to make up your
minds to follow my example and extend the designation ‘sexual’ to include
those activities of early infancy which aim at ‘organ-pleasure.’
And now will you permit me to bring forward two further
considerations in support of my view. As you know, we call the doubtful
and indefinable activities of earliest infancy towards pleasure ‘sexual,’
because in the course of analysing symptoms we reach them by way of
material that is undeniably sexual. They would not thereby necessarily be
sexual themselves, let us grant; but let us take an analogous case. Suppose
that there were no way to observe the development from seed of two
dicotyledonous plants—the apple-tree and the bean; but imagine that in
both it was possible to follow back its development from the fully-
developed plant to the first seedling with two cotyledons. The two
cotyledons are indistinguishable in each; they look exactly alike in both
plants. Shall I conclude from this that they actually are exactly alike and
that the specific differences between apple-tree and bean-plant arise later in
the plant’s development? Or is it not more correct biologically to believe
that this difference exists already in the seedlings, although I cannot see any
in the cotyledons? This is what we do when we call infantile pleasurable
activities sexual. Whether each and every organ-pleasure may be called
sexual or whether there exists, besides the sexual, another kind of pleasure
that does not deserve this name is a matter I cannot discuss here. I know too
little about organ-pleasure and its conditions; and I am not at all surprised
that in consequence of the retrogressive character of analysis I arrive finally
at factors which at the present time do not permit of definite classification.
One thing more. You have on the whole gained very little for what you
are so eager to maintain, the sexual ‘purity’ of children, even if you can
convince me that the infant’s activities had better not be regarded as sexual.
For from the third year onwards there is no longer any doubt about sexual
life in the child; at this period the genital organs begin already to show signs

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of excitation; there is a perhaps regular period of infantile masturbation,
that is, of gratification in the genital organs. The mental and social sides of
sexual life need no longer be overlooked: choice of object, distinguishing of
particular persons with affection, even decision in favour of one sex or the
other, and jealousy, were conclusively established independently by
impartial observation before the time of psycho-analysis; they may be
confirmed by any observer who will use his eyes. You will object that you
never doubted the early awakening of affection but only that this affection
was of a ‘sexual’ quality. Children between the ages of three and eight have
certainly learnt to conceal this element in it; but nevertheless if you look
attentively you will collect enough evidence of the ‘sensual’ nature of this
affection, and whatever still escapes your notice will be amply and readily
supplied by analytic investigation. The sexual aims in this period of life are
in closest connection with the sexual curiosity arising at the same time, of
which I have given you some description. The perverse character of some
of these aims is a natural result of the immature constitution of the child
who has not yet discovered the aim of the act of intercourse.
From about the sixth or eighth year onwards a standstill or
retrogression is observed in the sexual development, which in those cases
reaching a high cultural standard deserves to be called a latency period.
This latency period, however, may be absent; nor does it necessarily entail
an interruption of sexual activities and sexual interests over the whole field.
Most of the mental experiences and excitations occurring before the latency
period then succumb to the infantile amnesia, already discussed, which
veils our earliest childhood from us and estranges us from it. It is the task of
every psycho-analysis to bring this forgotten period of life back into
recollection; one cannot resist the supposition that the beginnings of sexual
life belonging to this period are the motive for this forgetting, that is, that
this oblivion is an effect of repression.
From the third year onwards the sexual life of children shows much in
common with that of adults; it is differentiated from the latter, as we already
know, by the absence of a stable organization under the primacy of the
genital organs, by inevitable traits of a perverse order, and of course also by
far less intensity in the whole impulse. But those phases of the sexual
development, or as we will call it, of the Libido-development, which are of
greatest interest theoretically lie before this period. This development is
gone through so rapidly that direct observation alone would perhaps never

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have succeeded in determining its fleeting forms. Only by the help of
psycho-analytic investigation of the neuroses has it become possible to
penetrate so far back and to discover these still earlier phases of Libido-
development. These phases are certainly only theoretic constructions, but in
the practice of psycho-analysis you will find them necessary and valuable
constructions. You will soon understand how it happens that a pathological
condition enables us to discover phenomena which we should certainly
overlook in normal conditions.
Thus we can now define the forms taken by the sexual life of the child
before the primacy of the genital zone is reached; this primacy is prepared
for in the early infantile period, before the latent period, and is permanently
organized from puberty onwards. In this early period a loose sort of
organization exists which we shall call pre-genital; for during this phase it
is not the genital component-instincts, but the sadistic and anal, which are
most prominent. The contrast between masculine and feminine plays no part
as yet; instead of it there is the contrast between active and passive, which
may be described as the forerunner of the sexual polarity with which it also
links up later. That which in this period seems masculine to us, regarded
from the standpoint of the genital phase, proves to be the expression of an
impulse to mastery, which easily passes over into cruelty. Impulses with a
passive aim are connected with the erotogenic zone of the rectal orifice, at
this period very important; the impulses of skoptophilia (gazing) and
curiosity are powerfully active; the function of excreting urine is the only
part actually taken by the genital organ in the sexual life. Objects are not
wanting to the component-instincts in this period, but these objects are not
necessarily all comprised in one object. The sadistic-anal organization is the
stage immediately preceding the phase of primacy of the genital zone.
Closer study reveals how much of it is retained intact in the later final
structure, and what are the paths by which these component-instincts are
forced into the service of the new genital organization. Behind the sadistic-
anal phase of the Libido-development we obtain a glimpse of an even more
primitive stage of development, in which the erotogenic mouth zone plays
the chief part. You can guess that the sexual activity of sucking (for its own
sake) belongs to this stage; and you may admire the understanding of the
ancient Egyptians in whose art a child, even the divine Horus, was
represented with a finger in the mouth. Abraham has quite recently

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published work showing that traces of this primitive oral phase of
development survive in the sexual life of later years.
I can indeed imagine that you will have found this last information
about the sexual organizations less of an enlightenment than an infliction.
Perhaps I have again gone too much into detail; but have patience! what
you have just heard will be of more use when we employ it later. Keep in
view at the moment the idea that the sexual life—the Libido-function, as we
call it—does not first spring up in its final form, does not even expand
along the lines of its earliest forms, but goes through a series of successive
phases unlike one another; in short, that many changes occur in it, like those
in the development of the caterpillar into the butterfly. The turning-point of
this development is the subordination of all the sexual component-instincts
under the primacy of the genital zone and, together with this, the enrolment
of sexuality in the service of the reproductive function. Before this happens
the sexual life is, so to say, disparate—independent activities of single
component-impulses each seeking organ-pleasure (pleasure in a bodily
organ). This anarchy is modified by attempts at pre-genital ‘organizations,’
of which the chief is the sadistic-anal phase, behind which is the oral,
perhaps the most primitive. In addition there are the various processes,
about which little is known as yet, which effect the transition from one
stage of organization to the next above it. Of what significance this long
journey over so many stages in the development of the Libido is for
comprehension of the neuroses we shall learn later on.
To-day we will follow up another aspect of this development—namely,
the relation of the sexual component-impulses to an object; or, rather, we
will take a fleeting glimpse over this development so that we may spend
more time upon a comparatively late result of it. Certain of the component-
impulses of the sexual instinct have an object from the very beginning and
hold fast to it: such are the impulse to mastery (sadism), to gazing
(skoptophilia) and curiosity. Others, more plainly connected with particular
erotogenic areas in the body, only have an object in the beginning, so long
as they are still dependent upon the non-sexual functions, and give it up
when they become detached from these latter. Thus the first object of the
oral component of the sexual instinct is the mother’s breast which satisfies
the infant’s need for nutrition. In the act of sucking for its own sake
(lutschen) the erotic component, also gratified in sucking for nutrition
(saugen), makes itself independent, gives up the object in an external

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person, and replaces it by a part of the child’s own person. The oral impulse
becomes auto-erotic, as the anal and other erotogenic impulses are from the
beginning. Further development has, to put it as concisely as possible, two
aims: first, to renounce auto-erotism, to give up again the object found in
the child’s own body in exchange again for an external one; and secondly,
to combine the various objects of the separate impulses and replace them by
one single one. This naturally can only be done if the single object is again
itself complete, with a body like that of the subject; nor can it be
accomplished without some part of the auto-erotic impulse-excitations
being abandoned as useless.
The processes by which an object is found are rather involved, and
have not so far received comprehensive exposition. For our purposes it may
be emphasized that, when the process has reached a certain point in the
years of childhood before the latency period, the object adopted proves
almost identical with the first object of the oral pleasure impulse, adopted
by reason of the child’s dependent relationship to it; it is, namely, the
mother, although not the mother’s breast. We call the mother the first love-
object. We speak of ‘love’ when we lay the accent upon the mental side of
the sexual impulses and disregard, or wish to forget for a moment, the
demands of the fundamental physical or ‘sensual’ side of the impulses. At
about the time when the mother becomes the love-object, the mental
operation of repression has already begun in the child and has withdrawn
from him the knowledge of some part of his sexual aims. Now with this
choice of the mother as love-object is connected all that which, under the
name of ‘the Oedipus complex,’ has become of such great importance in the
psycho-analytic explanation of the neuroses, and which has had a perhaps
equally important share in causing the opposition against psycho-analysis.
Here is a little incident which occurred during the present war. One of
the staunch adherents of psycho-analysis was stationed in his medical
capacity on the German front in Poland; he attracted the attention of his
colleagues by the fact that he occasionally effected an unexpected influence
upon a patient. On being questioned, he admitted that he worked with
psycho-analytic methods and with readiness agreed to impart his knowledge
to his colleagues. So every evening the medical men of the corps, his
colleagues and superiors, met to be initiated into the mysteries of psycho-
analysis. For a time all went well; but when he had introduced his audience
to the Oedipus complex a superior officer rose and announced that he did

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not believe this, it was the behaviour of a cad for the lecturer to relate such
things to brave men, fathers of families, who were fighting for their country,
and he forbade the continuation of the lectures. This was the end; the
analyst got himself transferred to another part of the front. In my opinion,
however, it is a bad outlook if a victory for German arms depends upon an
‘organization’ of science such as this, and German science will not prosper
under any such organization.
Now you will be impatiently waiting to hear what this terrible Oedipus
complex comprises. The name tells you: you all know the Greek myth of
King Oedipus, whose destiny it was to slay his father and to wed his
mother, who did all in his power to avoid the fate prophesied by the oracle,
and who in self-punishment blinded himself when he discovered that in
ignorance he had committed both these crimes. I trust that many of you
have yourselves experienced the profound effect of the tragic drama
fashioned by Sophocles from this story. The Attic poet’s work portrays the
gradual discovery of the deed of Oedipus, long since accomplished, and
brings it slowly to light by skilfully prolonged enquiry, constantly fed by
new evidence; it has thus a certain resemblance to the course of a psycho-
analysis. In the dialogue the deluded mother-wife, Jocasta, resists the
continuation of the enquiry; she points out that many people in their dreams
have mated with their mothers, but that dreams are of no account. To us
dreams are of much account, especially typical dreams which occur in
many people; we have no doubt that the dream Jocasta speaks of is
intimately related to the shocking and terrible story of the myth.
It is surprising that Sophocles’ tragedy does not call forth indignant
remonstrance in its audience; this reaction would be much better justified in
them than it was in the blunt army doctor. For at bottom it is an immoral
play; it sets aside the individual’s responsibility to social law, and displays
divine forces ordaining the crime and rendering powerless the moral
instincts of the human being which would guard him against the crime. It
would be easy to believe that an accusation against destiny and the gods
was intended in the story of the myth; in the hands of the critical Euripides,
at variance with the gods, it would probably have become such an
accusation. But with the reverent Sophocles there is no question of such an
intention; the pious subtlety which declares it the highest morality to bow to
the will of the gods, even when they ordain a crime, helps him out of the
difficulty. I do not believe that this moral is one of the virtues of the drama,

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but neither does it detract from its effect; it leaves the hearer indifferent; he
does not react to this, but to the secret meaning and content of the myth
itself. He reacts as though by self-analysis he had detected the Oedipus
complex in himself, and had recognized the will of the gods and the oracle
as glorified disguises of his own Unconscious; as though he remembered in
himself the wish to do away with his father and in his place to wed his
mother, and must abhor the thought. The poet’s words seem to him to mean:
“In vain do you deny that you are accountable, in vain do you proclaim how
you have striven against these evil designs. You are guilty, nevertheless; for
you could not stifle them; they still survive unconsciously in you.” And
psychological truth is contained in this; even though man has repressed his
evil desires into his Unconscious and would then gladly say to himself that
he is no longer answerable for them, he is yet compelled to feel his
responsibility in the form of a sense of guilt for which he can discern no
foundation.
There is no possible doubt that one of the most important sources of
the sense of guilt which so often torments neurotic people is to be found in
the Oedipus complex. More than this: in 1913, under the title of Totem und
Tabu, I published a study of the earliest forms of religion and morality in
which I expressed a suspicion that perhaps the sense of guilt of mankind as
a whole, which is the ultimate source of religion and morality, was acquired
in the beginnings of history through the Oedipus complex. I should much
like to tell you more of this, but I had better not; it is difficult to leave this
subject when once one begins upon it, and we must return to individual
psychology.
Now what does direct observation of children, at the period of object-
choice before the latency period, show us in regard to the Oedipus
complex? Well, it is easy to see that the little man wants his mother all to
himself, finds his father in the way, becomes restive when the latter takes
upon himself to caress her, and shows his satisfaction when the father goes
away or is absent. He often expresses his feelings directly in words and
promises his mother to marry her; this may not seem much in comparison
with the deeds of Oedipus, but it is enough in fact; the kernel of each is the
same. Observation is often rendered puzzling by the circumstance that the
same child on other occasions at this period will display great affection for
the father; but such contrasting—or, better, ambivalent—states of feeling,
which in adults would lead to conflicts, can be tolerated alongside one

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another in the child for a long time, just as later on they dwell together
permanently in the Unconscious. One might try to object that the little boy’s
behaviour is due to egoistic motives and does not justify the conception of
an erotic complex; the mother looks after all the child’s needs and
consequently it is to the child’s interest that she should trouble herself about
no one else. This too is quite correct; but it is soon clear that in this, as in
similar dependent situations, egoistic interests only provide the occasion on
which the erotic impulses seize. When the little boy shows the most open
sexual curiosity about his mother, wants to sleep with her at night, insists on
being in the room while she is dressing, or even attempts physical acts of
seduction, as the mother so often observes and laughingly relates, the erotic
nature of this attachment to her is established without a doubt. Moreover, it
should not be forgotten that a mother looks after a little daughter’s needs in
the same way without producing this effect; and that often enough a father
eagerly vies with her in trouble for the boy without succeeding in winning
the same importance in his eyes as the mother. In short, the factor of sex
preference is not to be eliminated from the situation by any criticisms. From
the point of view of the boy’s egoistic interests it would merely be foolish if
he did not tolerate two people in his service rather than only one of them.
As you see, I have only described the relationship of a boy to his father
and mother; things proceed in just the same way, with the necessary
reversal, in little girls. The loving devotion to the father, the need to do
away with the superfluous mother and to take her place, the early display of
coquetry and the arts of later womanhood, make up a particularly charming
picture in a little girl, and may cause us to forget its seriousness and the
grave consequences which may later result from this situation. Let us not
fail to add that frequently the parents themselves exert a decisive influence
upon the awakening of the Oedipus complex in a child, by themselves
following the sex attraction where there is more than one child; the father in
an unmistakable manner prefers his little daughter with marks of
tenderness, and the mother, the son: but even this factor does not seriously
impugn the spontaneous nature of the infantile Oedipus complex. When
other children appear, the Oedipus complex expands and becomes a family
complex. Reinforced anew by the injury resulting to the egoistic interests, it
actuates a feeling of aversion towards these new arrivals and an
unhesitating wish to get rid of them again. These feelings of hatred are as a
rule much more often openly expressed than those connected with the

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parental complex. If such a wish is fulfilled and after a short time death
removes the unwanted addition to the family, later analysis can show what a
significant event this death is for the child, although it does not necessarily
remain in memory. Forced into the second place by the birth of another
child and for the first time almost entirely parted from the mother, the child
finds it very hard to forgive her for this exclusion of him; feelings which in
adults we should describe as profound embitterment are roused in him, and
often become the groundwork of a lasting estrangement. That sexual
curiosity and all its consequences is usually connected with these
experiences has already been mentioned. As these new brothers and sisters
grow up the child’s attitude to them undergoes the most important
transformations. A boy may take his sister as love-object in place of his
faithless mother; where there are several brothers to win the favour of a
little sister hostile rivalry, of great importance in after life, shows itself
already in the nursery. A little girl takes an older brother as a substitute for
the father who no longer treats her with the same tenderness as in her
earliest years; or she takes a little sister as a substitute for the child that she
vainly wished for from her father.
So much and a great deal more of a similar kind is shown by direct
observation of children, and by consideration of clear memories of
childhood, uninfluenced by any analysis. Among other things you will infer
from this that a child’s position in the sequence of brothers and sisters is of
very great significance for the course of his later life, a factor to be
considered in every biography. What is even more important, however, is
that in the face of these enlightening considerations, so easily to be
obtained, you will hardly recall without smiling the scientific theories
accounting for the prohibition of incest. What has not been invented for this
purpose! We are told that sexual attraction is diverted from the members of
the opposite sex in one family owing to their living together from early
childhood; or that a biological tendency against in-breeding has a mental
equivalent in the horror of incest! Whereby it is entirely overlooked that no
such rigorous prohibitions in law and custom would be required if any
trustworthy natural barriers against the temptation to incest existed. The
opposite is the truth. The first choice of object in mankind is regularly an
incestuous one, directed to the mother and sister of men, and the most
stringent prohibitions are required to prevent this sustained infantile
tendency from being carried into effect. In the savage and primitive peoples

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surviving to-day the incest prohibitions are a great deal stricter than with us;
Theodor Reik has recently shown in a brilliant work that the meaning of the
savage rites of puberty which represent rebirth is the loosening of the boy’s
incestuous attachment to the mother and his reconciliation with the father.
Mythology will show you that incest, ostensibly so much abhorred by
men, is permitted to their gods without a thought; and from ancient history
you may learn that incestuous marriage with a sister was prescribed as a
sacred duty for kings (the Pharaohs of Egypt and the Incas of Peru); it was
therefore in the nature of a privilege denied to the common herd.
Incest with the mother is one of the crimes of Oedipus and parricide
the other. Incidentally, these are the two great offences condemned by
totemism, the first social-religious institution of mankind. Now let us turn
from the direct observation of children to the analytic investigation of adults
who have become neurotic; what does analysis yield in further knowledge
of the Oedipus complex? Well, this is soon told. The complex is revealed
just as the myth relates it; it will be seen that every one of these neurotics
was himself an Oedipus or, what amounts to the same thing, has become a
Hamlet in his reaction to the complex. To be sure, the analytic picture of the
Oedipus complex is an enlarged and accentuated edition of the infantile
sketch; the hatred of the father and the death-wishes against him are no
longer vague hints, the affection for the mother declares itself with the aim
of possessing her as a woman. Are we really to accredit such grossness and
intensity of the feelings to the tender age of childhood; or does the analysis
deceive us by introducing another factor? It is not difficult to find one.
Every time anyone describes anything past, even if he be a historian, we
have to take into account all that he unintentionally imports into that past
period from present and intermediate times, thereby falsifying it. With the
neurotic it is even doubtful whether this retroversion is altogether
unintentional; we shall hear later on that there are motives for it and we
must explore the whole subject of the ‘retrogressive phantasy-making’
which goes back to the remote past. We soon discover, too, that the hatred
against the father has been strengthened by a number of motives arising in
later periods and other relationships in life, and that the sexual desires
towards the mother have been moulded into forms which would have been
as yet foreign to the child. But it would be a vain attempt if we endeavoured
to explain the whole of the Oedipus complex by ‘retrogressive phantasy-
making,’ and by motives originating in later periods of life. The infantile

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nucleus, with more or less of the accretions to it, remains intact, as is
confirmed by direct observation of children.
The clinical fact which confronts us behind the form of the Oedipus
complex as established by analysis now becomes of the greatest practical
importance. We learn that at the time of puberty, when the sexual instinct
first asserts its demands in full strength, the old familiar incestuous objects
are taken up again and again invested by the Libido. The infantile object-
choice was but a feeble venture in play, as it were, but it laid down the
direction for the object-choice of puberty. At this time a very intense flow
of feeling towards the Oedipus complex or in reaction to it comes into
force; since their mental antecedents have become intolerable, however,
these feelings must remain for the most part outside consciousness. From
the time of puberty onward the human individual must devote himself to the
great task of freeing himself from the parents; and only after this
detachment is accomplished can he cease to be a child and so become a
member of the social community. For a son, the task consists in releasing
his libidinal desires from his mother, in order to employ them in the quest
of an external love-object in reality; and in reconciling himself with his
father if he has remained antagonistic to him, or in freeing himself from his
domination if, in the reaction to the infantile revolt, he has lapsed into
subservience to him. These tasks are laid down for every man; it is
noteworthy how seldom they are carried through ideally, that is, how
seldom they are solved in a manner psychologically as well as socially
satisfactory. In neurotics, however, this detachment from the parents is not
accomplished at all; the son remains all his life in subjection to his father,
and incapable of transferring his Libido to a new sexual object. In the
reversed relationship the daughter’s fate may be the same. In this sense the
Oedipus complex is justifiably regarded as the kernel of the neuroses.
You will imagine how incompletely I am sketching a large number of
the connections bound up with the Oedipus complex which practically and
theoretically are of great importance. I shall not go into the variations and
possible inversions of it at all. Of its less immediate effects I should like to
allude to one only, which proves it to have influenced literary production in
a far-reaching manner. Otto Rank has shown in a very valuable work that
dramatists throughout the ages have drawn their material principally from
the Oedipus and incest complex and its variations and masked forms. It
should also be remarked that long before the time of psycho-analysis the

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two criminal offences of Oedipus were recognized as the true expressions
of unbridled instinct. Among the works of the Encyclopædist Diderot you
will find the famous dialogue, Le neveu de Rameau, which was translated
into German by no less a person than Goethe. There you may read these
remarkable words: Si le petit sauvage était abandonné à lui-même, qu’il
conserva toute son imbecillité et qu’il réunit au peu de raison de l’enfant au
berceau la violence des passions de l’homme de trente ans, il tordrait le cou
à son père et coucherait avec sa mère.
There is yet one thing more which I cannot pass over. The mother-wife
of Oedipus must not remind us of dreams in vain. Do you still remember
the results of our dream-analyses, how so often the dream-forming wishes
proved perverse and incestuous in their nature, or betrayed an unsuspected
enmity to near and beloved relatives? We then left the source of these evil
strivings of feeling unexplained. Now you can answer this question
yourselves. They are dispositions of the Libido, and investments of objects
by Libido, belonging to early infancy and long since given up in conscious
life, but which at night prove to be still present and in a certain sense
capable of activity. But, since all men and not only neurotic persons have
perverse, incestuous, and murderous dreams of this kind, we may infer that
those who are normal to-day have also made the passage through the
perversions and the object-investments of the Oedipus complex; and that
this is the path of normal development; only that neurotics show in a
magnified and exaggerated form what we also find revealed in the dream-
analyses of normal people. And this is one of the reasons why we chose the
study of dreams to lead up to that of neurotic symptoms.

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TWENTY-SECOND LECTURE
ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT AND REGRESSION.
ÆTIOLOGY

As we have heard, the Libido-function goes through an extensive
development before it can enter the service of reproduction in the way that
is called normal. Now I wish to show you the significance of this fact for
the causation of the neuroses.
I think that it will be in agreement with the doctrines of general
pathology to assume that such a development involves two dangers; first,
that of inhibition, and secondly, that of regression. That is to say, owing to
the general tendency to variation in biological processes it must necessarily
happen that not all these preparatory phases will be passed through and
completely outgrown with the same degree of success; some parts of the
function will be permanently arrested at these early stages, with the result
that with the general development there goes a certain amount of inhibited
development.
Let us seek analogies to these processes in other fields. When a whole
people leaves its dwellings in order to seek a new country, as often
happened in earlier periods of human history, their entire number certainly
did not reach the new destination. Apart from losses due to other causes, it
must invariably have happened that small groups or bands of the migrating
people halted on the way, and settled down in these stopping-places, while
the main body went further. Or, to take a nearer comparison, you know that
in the higher mammals the seminal glands, which are originally located
deep in the abdominal cavity, begin a movement at a certain period of intra-
uterine development which brings them almost under the skin of the pelvic
extremity. In a number of males it is found that one of this pair of organs
has remained in the pelvic cavity, or else that it has taken up a permanent
position in the inguinal canal which both of them had to pass through on the
journey, or at least that this canal has not closed as it normally should after

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the passage of the seminal glands through it. When as a young student I was
doing my first piece of scientific research under v. Brücke, I was working
on the origin of the dorsal nerve-roots in the spinal cord of a small fish, still
very archaic in form. I found that the nerve-fibres of these roots grew out of
large cells in the posterior horn of the grey matter, a condition which is no
longer found in other vertebrates. But soon after I discovered that similar
nerve-cells were to be found outside the grey matter along the whole length
to the so-called spinal ganglion of the posterior roots, from which I
concluded that the cells of this ganglion had moved out of the spinal cord
along the nerve-roots. Evolutionary development shows this too; in this
little fish, however, the whole route of this passage was marked by cells
arrested on the way. Closer consideration will soon show you the weak
points of these comparisons. Therefore let me simply say that we consider it
possible that single portions of every separate sexual impulse may remain in
an early stage of development, although at the same time other portions of it
may have reached their final goal. You will see from this that we conceive
each such impulse as a current continuously flowing from the beginning of
life, and that we have divided its flow to some extent artificially into
separate successive forward movements. Your impression that these
conceptions require further elucidation is correct, but the attempt would
lead us too far afield. We will, however, decide at this point to call this
arrest in a component-impulse at an early stage a FIXATION (of the impulse).
The second danger in a development by stages such as this we call
REGRESSION; it also happens that those portions which have proceeded
further may easily revert in a backward direction to these earlier stages. The
impulse will find occasion to regress in this way when the exercise of its
function in a later and more developed form meets with powerful external
obstacles, which thus prevent it from attaining the goal of satisfaction. It is
a short step to assume that fixation and regression are not independent of
each other; the stronger the fixations in the path of development the more
easily will the function yield before the external obstacles, by regressing on
to those fixations; that is, the less capable of resistance against the external
difficulties in its path will the developed function be. If you think of a
migrating people who have left large numbers at the stopping-places on
their way, you will see that the foremost will naturally fall back upon these
positions when they are defeated or when they meet with an enemy too

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strong for them. And again, the more of their number they leave behind in
their progress, the sooner will they be in danger of defeat.
It is important for comprehension of the neuroses that you should keep
in mind this relation between fixation and regression. You will thus acquire
a secure foothold from which to investigate the causation of the neuroses—
their ætiology—which we shall soon consider.
For the present we will keep to the question of regression. After what
you have heard about the development of the Libido you may anticipate
two kinds of regression; a return to the first objects invested with Libido,
which we know to be incestuous in character, and a return of the whole
sexual organization to earlier stages. Both kinds occur in the transference
neuroses, and play a great part in their mechanism. In particular, the return
to the first incestuous objects of the Libido is a feature found with quite
fatiguing regularity in neurotics. There is much more to be said about the
regressions of Libido if another group of neuroses, called the narcissistic, is
taken into account; but this is not our intention at the moment. These
affections yield conclusions about other developmental processes of the
Libido-function, not yet mentioned, and also show us new types of
regression corresponding with them. I think, however, that I had better warn
you now above all not to confound Regression with Repression and that I
must assist you to clear your minds about the relation between the two
processes. Repression, as you will remember, is the process by which a
mental act capable of becoming conscious (that is, one which belongs to the
preconscious system) is made unconscious and forced back into the
unconscious system. And we also call it repression when the unconscious
mental act is not permitted to enter the adjacent preconscious system at all,
but is turned back upon the threshold by the censorship. There is therefore
no connection with sexuality in the concept ‘repression’; please mark this
very carefully. It denotes a purely psychological process; and would be
even better described as topographical, by which we mean that it has to do
with the spatial relationships we assume within the mind, or, if we again
abandon these crude aids to the formulation of theory, with the structure of
the mental apparatus out of separate psychical systems.
The comparisons just now instituted showed us that hitherto we have
not been using the word ‘regression’ in its general sense but in a quite
specific one. If you give it its general sense, that of a reversion from a

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higher to a lower stage of development in general, then repression also
ranges itself under regression; for repression can also be described as
reversion to an earlier and lower stage in the development of a mental act.
Only, in repression this retrogressive direction is not a point of any moment
to us; for we also call it repression in a dynamic sense when a mental
process is arrested before it leaves the lower stage of the Unconscious.
Repression is thus a topographic-dynamic conception, while regression is a
purely descriptive one. But what we have hitherto called ‘regression’ and
considered in its relation to fixation signified exclusively the return of the
Libido to its former halting-places in development, that is, something which
is essentially quite different from repression and quite independent of it.
Nor can we call regression of the Libido a purely psychical process; neither
do we know where to localize it in the mental apparatus; for though it may
exert the most powerful influence upon mental life, the organic factor in it
is nevertheless the most prominent.
Discussions of this sort tend to be rather dry; therefore let us turn to
clinical illustrations of them in order to get a more vivid impression of
them. You know that the group of the transference neuroses consists
principally of hysteria and the obsessional neurosis. Now in hysteria, a
regression of the Libido to the primary incestuous sexual objects is without
doubt quite regular, but there is little or no regression to an earlier stage of
sexual organization. Consequently the principal part in the mechanism of
hysteria is played by repression. If I may be allowed to supplement by a
construction the certain knowledge of this neurosis acquired up to the
present I might describe the situation as follows: The fusion of the
component-impulses under the primacy of the genital zone has been
accomplished; but the results of this union meet with resistance from the
direction of the preconscious system with which consciousness is
connected. The genital organization therefore holds good for the
Unconscious, but not also for the preconscious, and this rejection on the
part of the preconscious results in a picture which has a certain likeness to
the state prior to the primacy of the genital zone. It is nevertheless actually
quite different. Of the two kinds of regression of the Libido, that on to an
earlier phase of sexual organization is much the more striking. Since it is
absent in hysteria and our whole conception of the neuroses is still far too
much dominated by the study of hysteria which came first in point of time,
the significance of Libido-regression was recognized much later than that of

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repression. We may be sure that our points of view will undergo still further
extensions and alterations when we include consideration of still other
neuroses (the narcissistic) in addition to hysteria and the obsessional
neurosis.
In the obsessional neurosis, on the other hand, regression of the Libido
to the antecedent stage of the sadistic-anal organization is the most
conspicuous factor and determines the form taken by the symptoms. The
impulse to love must then mask itself under the sadistic impulse. The
obsessive thought, “I should like to murder you,” means (when it has been
detached from certain superimposed elements that are not, however,
accidental but indispensable to it) nothing else but “I should like to enjoy
love of you.” When you consider in addition that regression to the primary
objects has also set in at the same time, so that this impulse concerns only
the nearest and most beloved persons, you can gain some idea of the horror
roused in the patient by these obsessive ideas and at the same time how
unaccountable they appear to his conscious perception. But repression also
has its share, a great one, in the mechanism of this neurosis, and one which
is not easy to expound in a rapid survey such as this. Regression of Libido
without repression would never give rise to a neurosis, but would result in a
perversion. You will see from this that repression is the process which
distinguishes the neuroses particularly and by which they are best
characterized. Perhaps, however, I may have an opportunity at some time of
expounding to you what we know of the mechanism of the perversions, and
you will then see that there again nothing proceeds so simply as we should
like to imagine in our constructions.
I think that you will be soonest reconciled to this exposition of fixation
and regression of the Libido if you will regard it as preparatory to a study of
the ætiology of the neuroses. So far I have only given you one piece of
information on this subject, namely, that people fall ill of a neurosis when
the possibility of satisfaction for the Libido is removed from them—they
fall ill in consequence of a ‘privation,’ as I called it, therefore—and that
their symptoms are actually substitutes for the missing satisfaction. This of
course does not mean that every privation in regard to libidinal satisfaction
makes everyone who meets with it neurotic, but merely that in all cases of
neurosis investigated the factor of privation was demonstrable. The
statement therefore cannot be reversed. You will no doubt have understood
that this statement was not intended to reveal the whole secret of the

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ætiology of the neuroses, but that it merely emphasized an important and
indispensable condition.
Now in order to consider this proposition further we do not know
whether to begin upon the nature of the privation or the particular character
of the person affected by it. The privation is very rarely a comprehensive
and absolute one; in order to have a pathogenic effect it would probably
have to strike at the only form of satisfaction which that person desires, the
only form of which he is capable. In general, there are very many ways by
which it is possible to endure lack of libidinal satisfaction without falling
ill. Above all we know of people who are able to take such abstinence upon
themselves without injury; they are then not happy, they suffer from
unsatisfied longing, but they do not become ill. We therefore have to
conclude that the sexual impulse-excitations are exceptionally ‘plastic,’ if I
may use the word. One of them can step in in place of another; if
satisfaction of one is denied in reality, satisfaction of another can offer full
recompense. They are related to one another like a network of
communicating canals filled with fluid, and this in spite of their
subordination to the genital primacy, a condition which is not at all easily
reduced to an image. Further, the component-instincts of sexuality, as well
as the united sexual impulse which comprises them, show a great capacity
to change their object, to exchange it for another—i.e. for one more easily
attainable; this capacity for displacement and readiness to accept surrogates
must produce a powerful counter-effect to the effect of a privation. One
amongst these processes serving as protection against illness arising from
want has reached a particular significance in the development of culture. It
consists in the abandonment, on the part of the sexual impulse, of an aim
previously found either in the gratification of a component-impulse or in the
gratification incidental to reproduction, and the adoption of a new aim—
which new aim, though genetically related to the first, can no longer be
regarded as sexual, but must be called social in character. We call this
process SUBLIMATION, by which we subscribe to the general standard which
estimates social aims above sexual (ultimately selfish) aims. Incidentally,
sublimation is merely a special case of the connections existing between
sexual impulses and other, asexual ones. We shall have occasion to discuss
this again in another context.
Your impression now will be that we have reduced want of satisfaction
to a factor of negligible proportions by the recognition of so many means of

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enduring it. But no; this is not so: it retains its pathogenic power. The means
of dealing with it are not always sufficient. The measure of unsatisfied
Libido that the average human being can take upon himself is limited. The
plasticity and free mobility of the Libido is not by any means retained to the
full in all of us; and sublimation can never discharge more than a certain
proportion of Libido, apart from the fact that many people possess the
capacity for sublimation only in a slight degree. The most important of
these limitations is clearly that referring to the mobility of the Libido, since
it confines the individual to the attaining of aims and objects which are very
few in number. Just remember that incomplete development of the Libido
leaves behind it very extensive (and sometimes also numerous) Libido-
fixations upon earlier phases of organization and types of object-choice,
mostly incapable of satisfaction in reality; you will then recognize fixation
of Libido as the second powerful factor working together with privation in
the causation of illness. We may condense this schematically and say that
Libido-fixation represents the internal, predisposing factor, while privation
represents the external, accidental factor, in the ætiology of the neuroses.
I will take this opportunity to warn you against taking sides in a quite
superfluous dispute. It is a popular habit in scientific matters to seize upon
one side of the truth and set it up as the whole truth, and then in favour of
that element of truth to dispute all the rest which is equally true. More than
one faction has already split off in this way from the psycho-analytic
movement; one of them recognizes only the egoistic impulses and denies
the sexual; another perceives only the influence of real tasks in life but
overlooks that of the individual’s past life, and so on. Now here is occasion
for another of these antitheses and moot-points: Are the neuroses exogenous
or endogenous diseases—the inevitable result of a certain type of
constitution or the product of certain injurious (traumatic) events in the
person’s life? In particular, are they brought about by the fixation of Libido
and the rest of the sexual constitution, or by the pressure of privation? This
dilemma seems to me about as sensible as another I could point to: Is the
child created by the father’s act of generation or by the conception in the
mother? You will properly reply: Both conditions are alike indispensable.
The conditions underlying the neuroses are very similar, if not exactly the
same. From the point of view of causation, cases of neurotic illness fall into
a series, within which the two factors—sexual constitution and events
experienced, or, if you wish, fixation of Libido and privation—are

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represented in such a way that where one of them predominates the other is
proportionately less pronounced. At one end of the series stand those
extreme cases of whom one can say: These people would have fallen ill
whatever happened, whatever they experienced, however merciful life had
been to them, because of their anomalous Libido-development. At the other
end stand cases which call forth the opposite verdict—they would
undoubtedly have escaped illness if life had not put such and such burdens
upon them. In the intermediate cases in the series, more or less of the
disposing factor (the sexual constitution) is combined with less or more of
the injurious impositions of life. Their sexual constitution would not have
brought about their neurosis if they had not gone through such and such
experiences, and life’s vicissitudes would not have worked traumatically
upon them if the Libido had been otherwise constituted. In this series I can
perhaps admit a certain preponderance in the effect of the predisposing
factor, but this admission again depends upon where you draw the line in
marking the boundaries of nervousness.
I shall now suggest to you that we should call series such as these
complemental series, and will inform you beforehand that we shall find
occasion to establish others of this kind.
The tenacity with which the Libido holds to particular channels and
particular objects, the ‘adhesiveness’ of the Libido, so to say, seems to be an
independent factor, varying in individuals, the determining conditions of
which are completely unknown to us, but the importance of which in the
ætiology of the neuroses we shall certainly no longer underestimate. At the
same time we should not overestimate the close relation between the two
things. A similar ‘adhesiveness’ of the Libido occurs—from unknown
causes—in normal people under numerous conditions, and is found as a
decisive factor in those persons who in a certain sense are the extreme
opposite of neurotics—namely, perverted persons. It was known before the
time of psycho-analysis that in the anamnesis of such persons a very early
impression, relating to an abnormal instinct-tendency or object-choice, is
frequently discovered, to which the Libido of that person henceforth
remains attached for life (Binet). It is often hard to say what has enabled
this impression to exert such an intense power of attraction upon the Libido.
I will describe a case of this kind observed by myself. A man to whom the
genitals and all the other attractions in a woman now mean nothing can be
roused to irresistible sexual excitation only by a shoe-clad foot of a certain

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shape; he can remember an event in his sixth year which determined this
fixation of Libido. He was sitting upon a stool by the side of his governess
who was to give him an English lesson. She was a plain, elderly, shrivelled
old maid, with watery blue eyes and a snub nose, and on this day she had
hurt her foot and had it therefore stretched out on a cushion in a velvet
slipper, with the leg itself most decorously concealed. Later on, after a timid
attempt at normal sexual activity during puberty, a thin sinewy foot like that
of the governess became his only sexual object; and if still other features in
the person reminded him of the type of woman represented by the English
governess the man was helplessly attracted. This fixation of the Libido,
however, rendered him not neurotic but perverse; he became, as we say, a
foot-fetichist. So you see that although an excessive and, in addition,
premature fixation of Libido is an indispensable condition in the causation
of neurosis, the extent of its influence far exceeds the boundaries of the
neuroses. This condition by itself is also as little decisive as the privation
mentioned previously.
So the problem of the causation of the neuroses seems to become more
complicated. In fact, psycho-analytic investigation acquaints us with yet a
new factor, not considered in our ætiological series, and best observed in
someone whose previous good health is suddenly disturbed by falling ill of
a neurosis. In these people signs of contradictory and opposed wishes, or, as
we say, of mental conflict, are regularly found. One side of the personality
stands for certain wishes, while another part struggles against them and
fends them off. There is no neurosis without such a CONFLICT. There might
seem to be nothing very special in this; you know that mental life in all of
us is perpetually engaged with conflicts that have to be decided. Therefore
it would seem that special conditions must be fulfilled before such a
conflict can become pathogenic; we may ask what these conditions are,
what forces in the mind take part in these pathogenic conflicts, and what
relation conflict bears to the other causative factors.
I hope to be able to give you answers to these questions which will be
satisfactory although perhaps schematically condensed. Conflict is
produced by privation, in that the Libido which lacks satisfaction is urged to
seek other paths and other objects. A condition of it then is that these other
paths and objects arouse disfavour in one side of the personality, so that a
veto ensues, which at first makes the new way of satisfaction impossible.
This is the point of departure for the formation of symptoms, which we

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shall follow up later. The rejected libidinal longings manage to pursue their
course by circuitous paths, though not indeed without paying toll to the
prohibition in the form of certain disguises and modifications. The
circuitous paths are the ways of symptom-formation; the symptoms are the
new or substitutive satisfactions necessitated by the fact of the privation.
The significance of the mental conflict can be defined in another way,
thus: in order to become pathogenic external privation must be
supplemented by internal privation. When this is so, the external and the
internal privation relate of course to different paths and different objects;
external privation removes one possibility of satisfaction, internal privation
tries to exclude another possibility, and it is this second possibility which
becomes the debatable ground of the conflict. I choose this form of
presentation because it contains a certain implication; it implies that the
internal impediment arose originally, in primitive phases of human
development, out of real external obstacles.
But what are these forces out of which the prohibition against the
libidinal longings proceeds, the other parties in the pathogenic conflict?
Speaking very broadly, we may say that they are the non-sexual instincts.
We include them all under the name ‘Ego-instincts’; analysis of the
transference neuroses offers no adequate opportunity for further
investigation of them; at most we learn something of them from the
resistances opposed to the analysis. The pathogenic conflict is, therefore,
one between the Ego-instincts and the sexual instincts. In a whole series of
cases it looks as though there might also be conflict between various purely
sexual impulses; at bottom, however, this is the same thing, because of the
two sexual impulses engaged in a conflict one will always be found
‘consistent with the Ego’ (ichgerecht) while the other calls forth a protest
from the Ego. It remains, therefore, a conflict between Ego and sexuality.
Over and over again when psycho-analysis has regarded something
happening in the mind as an expression of the sexual instincts indignant
protests have been raised to the effect that other instincts and other interests
exist in mental life besides the sexual, that one should not derive
“everything” from sexuality, and so on. Well, it is a real pleasure for once to
be in agreement with one’s opponents. Psycho-analysis has never forgotten
that non-sexual instincts also exist; it has been built upon a sharp distinction
between sexual instincts and Ego-instincts; and in the face of all opposition

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it has insisted, not that they arise from sexuality, but that the neuroses owe
their origin to a conflict between Ego and sexuality. It has no conceivable
motive in denying the existence or the significance of the Ego-instincts
while it investigates the part played by sexual instincts in disease and in life
generally. Only, psycho-analysis has been destined to concern itself first and
foremost with the sexual instincts, because in the transference neuroses
these are the most accessible to investigation, and because it was obliged to
study what others had neglected.
It is not any more accurate to say that psycho-analysis has not
occupied itself at all with the non-sexual side of the personality. The very
distinction between the Ego and sexuality has shown us with particular
clearness that the Ego-instincts also undergo an important development
which is neither entirely independent of the development of the Libido nor
without influence upon the latter. We certainly understand the development
of the Ego much less well than the development of the Libido, because it is
only by the study of the narcissistic neuroses that we have just reached
some hope of insight into the structure of the Ego. Nevertheless, we have
already a notable attempt on the part of Ferenczi[48] to reconstruct
theoretically the developmental stages of the Ego; and there are at least two
points at which we have a secure foothold from which to examine this
development further. We are not at all disposed to think that the libidinal
interests of a human being are from the outset in opposition to the interests
of self-preservation; the Ego is rather impelled at every stage to attempt to
remain in harmony with the corresponding stage of sexual organization and
to accommodate itself to that. The succession of the separate phases in the
development of the Libido probably follows a prescribed course; it is
undeniable, however, that this course may be influenced from the direction
of the Ego. A certain parallelism, a definite correspondence between the
phases in the two developments (of the Ego and of the Libido) may also be
assumed; indeed, a disturbance in this correspondence may become a
pathogenic factor. More important to us is the question how the Ego
behaves when the Libido has undergone a powerful fixation at an earlier
point in its development. The Ego may countenance the fixation and will
then be perverse to that extent, or, what is the same thing, infantile; it may,
however, hold itself averse from this attachment of Libido, the result of
which is that where the Libido undergoes a fixation there the Ego institutes
an act of repression.

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In this way we arrive at the conclusion that the third factor in the
ætiology of the neuroses, the susceptibility to conflict, is as much connected
with the development of the Ego as with the development of the Libido; our
insight into the causation of the neuroses is thus enlarged. First, there is the
most general condition of privation, then the fixation of Libido (forcing it
into particular channels), and thirdly, the susceptibility to conflict produced
by the development of the Ego having repudiated libidinal excitations of
that particular kind. The thing is therefore not so very obscure and intricate
—as you probably thought it during the course of my exposition. To be
sure, though, after all, we have not done with it yet; there is still something
new to add and something we already know to dissect further.
In order to demonstrate the effect of the development of the Ego upon
the tendency to conflict and therewith upon the causation of the neurosis, I
will quote an example which, although entirely imaginary, is not at all
improbable in any respect. I will give it the title of Nestroy’s farce: On the
Ground-Floor and in the Mansion. Suppose that a caretaker is living on the
ground-floor of a house, while the owner, a rich and well-connected man,
lives above. They both have children, and we will assume that the owner’s
little girl is permitted to play freely without supervision with the child of
lower social standing. It may then very easily happen that their games
become “naughty,” that is, take on a sexual character: that they play “father
and mother,” watch each other in the performance of intimate acts, and
stimulate each other’s genital parts. The caretaker’s daughter may have
played the temptress in this, since in spite of her five or six years she has
been able to learn a great deal about sexual matters. These occurrences,
even though they are only kept up for a short period, will be enough to
rouse certain sexual excitations in both children which will come to
expression in the practice of masturbation for a few years, after the games
have been discontinued. There is common ground so far, but the final result
will be very different in the two children. The caretaker’s daughter will
continue masturbation, perhaps up to the onset of menstruation, and then
give it up without difficulty; a few years later will find a lover, perhaps bear
a child; choose this or that path in life, perhaps become a popular actress
and end as an aristocrat. Probably her career will turn out less brilliantly,
but in any case she will be unharmed by the premature sexual activity, free
from neurosis, and able to live her life. Very different is the result in the
other child. She will very soon, while yet a child, acquire a sense of having

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done wrong; after a fairly short time she will give up the masturbatory
satisfaction, though perhaps only with a tremendous struggle, but will
nevertheless retain an inner feeling of subdued depression. When later on as
a young girl she comes to learn something of sexual intercourse, she will
turn from it with inexplicable horror and wish to remain ignorant. Probably
she will then again suffer a fresh irresistible impulse to masturbation about
which she will not dare to unburden herself to anyone. When the time
comes for a man to choose her as a wife the neurosis will break out and
cheat her out of marriage and the joy of life. If analysis makes it possible to
obtain an insight into this neurosis, it will be found that this well-broughtup,
intelligent and idealistic girl has completely repressed her sexual desires;
but that they are, unconsciously, attached to the few little experiences she
had with the childish play-mate.
The differences which ensue in these two destinies in spite of the
common experiences undergone, arise because in one girl the Ego has
sustained a development absent in the other. To the caretaker’s daughter
sexual activity seemed as natural and harmless in later years as in
childhood. The gentleman’s daughter had been “well-brought-up” and had
adopted the standards of her education. Thus stimulated, her Ego had
formed ideals of womanly purity and absence of desire that were
incompatible with sexual acts; her intellectual training had caused her to
depreciate the feminine rôle for which she is intended. This higher moral
and intellectual development in her Ego has brought her into conflict with
the claims of her sexuality.
I will explore one more aspect of the development of the Libido to-
day, both because it leads out upon certain wide prospects, and also because
it is well-suited to justify the sharp, and not immediately obvious, line of
demarcation we are wont to draw between Ego-instincts and sexual
instincts. In considering the two developments undergone by the Ego and
by the Libido we must emphasize an aspect which hitherto has received
little attention. Both of them are at bottom inheritances, abbreviated
repetitions of the evolution undergone by the whole human race through
long-drawn-out periods and from prehistoric ages. In the development of
the Libido this phylogenetic origin is readily apparent, I should suppose.
Think how in one class of animals the genital apparatus is in closest relation
with the mouth, in another it is indistinguishable from the excretory
mechanism, in another it is part of the organs of motility; you will find a

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delightful description of these facts in W. Bölsche’s valuable book. One
sees in animals all the various perversions, ingrained, so to speak, in the
form taken by their sexual organizations. Now the phylogenetic aspect is to
some extent obscured in man by the circumstance that what is
fundamentally inherited is nevertheless individually acquired anew,
probably because the same conditions that originally induced its acquisition
still prevail and exert their influence upon each individual. I would say,
where they originally created a new response they now stimulate a
predisposition. Apart from this, it is unquestionable that the course of the
prescribed development in each individual can be disturbed and altered by
current impressions from without. But the power which has enforced this
development upon mankind, and still to-day maintains its pressure in the
same course, is known to us; it is, again, the privation exacted by reality; or,
if we give it its great real name, it is Necessity, the struggle for life,
’ANATKH. Necessity has been a severe task-mistress, and she has taught us
a great deal. Neurotics are those of her children upon whom this severity
has had evil effects, but that risk is inevitable in any education. Incidentally,
this view of the struggle for existence as the motive force in evolution need
not detract from the significance of “inner evolutionary tendencies,” if such
are found to exist.
Now it is very noteworthy that sexual instincts and self-preservative
instincts do not behave alike when confronted with the necessity of real life.
The self-preservative instincts and all that hangs together with them are
more easily moulded; they learn early to conform to necessity and to adapt
their development according to the mandates of reality. This is
comprehensible, for they cannot obtain the objects they require by any other
means, and without these objects the individual must perish. The sexual
instincts are less easily moulded; for in the beginning they do not know any
lack of objects. Since they are connected parasitically, as it were, with the
other physical functions and at the same time can be auto-erotically
gratified on their own body, they are at first isolated from the educative
influence of real necessity; and in most people they retain throughout life,
in some respect or other, this character of obstinacy and inaccessibility to
influence which we call “unreasonableness.” Moreover, the educability of a
young person as a rule comes to an end when sexual desire breaks out in its
final strength. Educators know this and act accordingly; but perhaps they
will yet allow themselves to be influenced by the results of psycho-analysis

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so that they will transfer the main emphasis in education to the earliest
years of childhood, from the suckling period onward. The little human
being is frequently a finished product in his fourth or fifth year, and only
gradually reveals in later years what lies buried in him.
To appreciate the full significance of this difference between the two
groups of instincts we must digress some distance, and include one of those
aspects which deserve to be called economic; we enter here upon one of the
most important, but unfortunately one of the most obscure, territories of
psycho-analysis. We may put the question whether a main purpose is
discernible in the operation of the mental apparatus; and our first approach
to an answer is that this purpose is directed to the attainment of pleasure. It
seems that our entire psychical activity is bent upon procuring pleasure and
avoiding pain, that it is automatically regulated by the Pleasure-principle.
Now of all things in the world we should like to know what are the
conditions giving rise to pleasure and pain, but that is just where we fall
short. We may only venture to say that pleasure is in some way connected
with lessening, lowering, or extinguishing the amount of stimulation present
in the mental apparatus; and that pain involves a heightening of the latter.
Consideration of the most intense pleasure of which man is capable, the
pleasure in the performance of the sexual act, leaves little doubt upon this
point. Since pleasurable processes of this kind are bound up with the
distribution of quantities of mental excitation and energy, we term
considerations of this kind economic ones. It appears that we can describe
the tasks and performances of the mental apparatus in another way and
more generally than by emphasizing the attainment of pleasure. We can say
that the mental apparatus serves the purpose of mastering and discharging
the masses of supervening stimuli, the quantities of energy. It is quite plain
that the sexual instincts pursue the aim of gratification from the beginning
to the end of their development; throughout they keep up this primary
function without alteration. At first the other group, the Ego-instincts, do
the same; but under the influence of necessity, their mistress, they soon
learn to replace the pleasure-principle by a modification of it. The task of
avoiding pain becomes for them almost equal in importance to that of
gaining pleasure; the Ego learns that it must inevitably go without
immediate satisfaction, postpone gratification, learn to endure a degree of
pain, and altogether renounce certain sources of pleasure. Thus trained, the
Ego becomes “reasonable,” is no longer controlled by the pleasure-

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principle, but follows the Reality-principle, which at bottom also seeks
pleasure—although a delayed and diminished pleasure, one which is
assured by its realization of fact, its relation to reality.
The transition from the pleasure-principle to the reality-principle is one
of the most important advances in the development of the Ego. We already
know that the sexual instincts follow late and unwillingly through this
stage; presently we shall learn what the consequences are to man that his
sexuality is satisfied with such a slight hold upon external reality. And now
in conclusion one more observation relevant in this connection. If the Ego
in mankind has its evolution like the Libido, you will not be surprised to
hear that there exist ‘Ego-regressions’ too, and will wish to know the part
this reversion of the Ego to earlier stages in development can play in
neurotic disease.

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TWENTY-THIRD LECTURE
THE PATHS OF SYMPTOM-FORMATION

In the eyes of the general public the symptoms are the essence of a
disease, and to them a cure means the removal of the symptoms. In
medicine, however, we find it important to differentiate between symptoms
and disease, and state that the disappearance of the symptoms is by no
means the same as the cure of the disease. The only tangible element of the
disease that remains after the removal of the symptoms, however, is the
capacity to form new symptoms. Therefore for the moment let us adopt the
lay point of view and regard a knowledge of the foundation of the
symptoms as equivalent to understanding the disease.
The symptoms—of course we are here dealing with mental (or
psychogenic) symptoms, and mental disease—are activities which are
detrimental, or at least useless, to life as a whole; the person concerned
frequently complains of them as obnoxious to him or they involve distress
and suffering for him. The principal injury they inflict lies in the expense of
mental energy they entail and, besides this, in the energy needed to combat
them. Where the symptoms are extensively developed, these two kinds of
effort may exact such a price that the person suffers a very serious
impoverishment in available mental energy, which consequently disables
him for all the important tasks of life. This result depends principally upon
the amount of energy taken up in this way, therefore you will see that
“illness” is essentially a practical conception. But if you look at the matter
from a theoretical point of view and ignore this question of degree you can
very well say that we are all ill, i.e. neurotic; for the conditions required for
symptom-formation are demonstrable also in normal persons.
Of neurotic symptoms we already know that they are the result of a
conflict arising when a new form of satisfaction of Libido is sought. The
two powers which have entered into opposition meet together again in the
symptom and become reconciled by means of the compromise contained in
symptom-formation. That is why the symptom is capable of such resistance;

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it is sustained from both sides. We also know that one of the two partners to
the conflict is the unsatisfied Libido, frustrated by reality and now forced to
seek other paths to satisfaction. If reality remains inexorable, even when the
Libido is prepared to take another object in place of that denied, the Libido
will then finally be compelled to resort to regression, and to seek
satisfaction in one of the organizations it had already surmounted or in one
of the objects it had relinquished earlier. The Libido is drawn into the path
of regression by the fixations it has left behind it at these places in its
development.
Now the path of perversion branches off sharply from that of neurosis.
If these regressions do not call forth a prohibition on the part of the Ego, no
neurosis results; the Libido succeeds in obtaining a real, although not a
normal, satisfaction. But if the Ego, which controls not merely
consciousness but also the approaches to motor innervation and hence the
realization in actuality of mental impulses, is not in agreement with these
regressions, conflict ensues. The Libido is turned off, blocked, as it were,
and must seek an escape by which it can find an outlet for its ‘charge of
energy’ in conformity with the demands of the pleasure-principle: it must
elude, eschew the Ego. The fixations upon the path of development now
regressively traversed—fixations against which the Ego had previously
guarded itself by repressions—offer just such an escape. In streaming
backward and re-‘investing’ these repressed ‘positions,’ the Libido
withdraws itself from the Ego and its laws; but it also abandons all the
training acquired under the influence of the Ego. It was docile as long as
satisfaction was in sight; under the double pressure of external and internal
privation it becomes intractable and harks back to former happier days. That
is its essential unchangeable character. The ideas to which the Libido now
transfers its ‘charge of energy’ belong to the unconscious system and are
subject to the special processes characteristic of that system—namely,
condensation and displacement. Conditions are thus set up which
correspond exactly with those of dream-formation. Just as the latent dream,
first formed in the Unconscious out of the thoughts proper, and constituting
the fulfilment of an unconscious wish-phantasy, meets with some
(pre)conscious activity which exerts a censorship upon it and permits,
according to its verdict, the formation of a compromise in the manifest
dream, so the ideas to which the Libido is attached (‘libido-representatives’)
in the Unconscious have still to contend with the power of the preconscious

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Ego. The opposition that has arisen against it in the Ego follows it as a
‘countercharge’ and forces it to adopt a form of expression by which the
opposing forces also can at the same time express themselves. In this way
the symptom then comes into being, as a derivative, distorted in manifold
ways, of the unconscious libidinal wish-fulfilment, as a cleverly chosen
ambiguity with two completely contradictory significations. In this last
point alone is there a difference between dream-formation and symptom-
formation; for the preconscious purpose in dream-formation is merely to
preserve sleep and to allow nothing that would disturb it to penetrate
consciousness; it does not insist upon confronting the unconscious wish-
impulse with a sharp prohibiting “No, on the contrary.” It can be more
tolerant because a sleeping person is in a less dangerous position; the
condition of sleep is enough in itself to prevent the wish from being realized
in actuality.
You see that this escape of the Libido under the conditions of conflict
is rendered possible by the existence of fixations. The regressive investment
(with Libido) of these fixations leads to a circumventing of the repressions
and to a discharge—or a satisfaction—of the Libido, in which the
conditions of a compromise have nevertheless to be maintained. By this
détour through the Unconscious and the old fixations the Libido finally
succeeds in attaining to a real satisfaction, though the satisfaction is
certainly of an exceedingly restricted kind and hardly recognizable as such.
Let me add two remarks on this outcome. First, will you notice how closely
connected the Libido and the Unconscious, on the one hand, and the Ego,
consciousness, and reality, on the other, show themselves to be, although
there were no such connections between them originally; and secondly, let
me tell you that all I have said and have still to say on this point concerns
the neurosis of hysteria only.
Where does the Libido find the fixations it needs in order to break
through the repressions? In the activities and experiences of infantile
sexuality, in the component-tendencies and the objects of childhood which
have been relinquished and abandoned. It is to them, therefore, that the
Libido turns back. The significance of childhood is a double one; on the one
hand the congenitally-determined instinct-dispositions are first shown at
that time, and secondly, other instincts are then first awakened and activated
by external influences and accidental events experienced. In my opinion we
are quite justified in laying down this dichotomy. That the innate

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predisposition comes to expression will certainly not be disputed; but
analytic observation even requires us to assume that purely accidental
experiences in childhood are capable of inducing fixations of Libido. Nor
do I see any theoretical difficulty in this. Constitutional predispositions are
undoubtedly the after-effects of the experiences of an earlier ancestry; they
also have been at one time acquired; without such acquired characters there
would be no heredity. And is it conceivable that the acquisition of
characters which will be transmitted further should suddenly cease in the
generation which is being observed to-day? The importance of the infantile
experiences should not, however, be entirely overlooked, as so often
happens, in favour of ancestral experiences or of experiences in adult life;
but on the contrary they should be particularly appreciated. They are all the
more pregnant with consequences because they occur at a time of
uncompleted development, and for this very reason are likely to have a
traumatic effect. The work done by Roux and others on the mechanism of
development has shown that a needle pricked into an embryonic cell-mass
undergoing division results in serious disturbances of the development; the
same injury to a larva or a full-grown animal would be innocuous.
The Libido-fixation of an adult, which we have referred to as
representing the constitutional factor in the ætiology of the neuroses, may
therefore now be divided into two further elements: the inherited
predisposition and the predisposition acquired in early childhood. Since a
schematic mode of presentation is always acceptable to a student, let us
formulate these relations as follows:

Causation of Predisposition + Accidental
Neurosis = resulting from (traumatic)
Libido-fixation Experiences

↙ ↘
↓ ↓
Sexual Infantile
Constitution Experiences
(Ancestral
experiences)

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The hereditary sexual constitution provides a great variety of
predispositions, according as this or that component-impulse, alone or in
combination with others, is specially strongly accentuated. Together with
the infantile experiences the sexual constitution forms another
‘complemental series,’ quite similar to that already described as being
formed out of the predisposition and accidental experiences of an adult. In
each series similar extreme cases are met with, and also similar degrees and
relationships between the factors concerned. It would be appropriate at this
point to consider whether the most striking of the two kinds of Libido-
regression (that which reverts to earlier stages of sexual organization) is not
predominantly conditioned by the hereditary constitutional factor; but the
answer to this question is best postponed until a wider range of forms of
neurotic disease can be considered.
Now let us devote attention to the fact that analytic investigation
shows the Libido of neurotics to be attached to their infantile sexual
experiences. In this light these experiences seem to be of enormous
importance in the lives and illnesses of mankind. This importance remains
undiminished in so far as the therapeutic work of analysis is concerned; but
regarded from another point of view it is easy to see that there is a danger of
a misunderstanding here, one which might delude us into regarding life too
exclusively from the angle of the situation in neurotics. The importance of
the infantile experiences is after all diminished by the reflection that the
Libido reverts regressively to them after it has been driven from its later
positions. This would lead us towards the opposite conclusion, that the
Libido-experiences had no importance at the time of their occurrence, but
only acquired it later by regression. You will remember that we discussed a
similar alternative before, in dealing with the Oedipus complex.
To decide this point is again not difficult. The statement is undoubtedly
correct that regression greatly augments the investment of the infantile
experiences with Libido—and with that their pathogenic significance; but it
would be misleading to allow this alone to become decisive. Other
considerations must be taken into account as well. To begin with,
observation shows in a manner excluding all doubt that infantile
experiences have their own importance which is demonstrated already
during childhood. There are, indeed, neuroses in children too; in their
neuroses the factor of displacement backwards in time is necessarily much
diminished, or quite absent, the outbreak of illness following immediately

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upon a traumatic experience. The study of infantile neuroses guards us from
many risks of misunderstanding the neuroses of adults, just as children’s
dreams gave us the key to comprehension of the dreams of adults. Neurosis
in children is very common, far more common than is usually supposed. It
is often overlooked, regarded as a manifestation of bad behaviour or
naughtiness, and often subdued by the authorities in the nursery; but in
retrospect it is always easily recognizable. It appears most often in the form
of anxiety-hysteria; we shall learn what that means on another occasion.
When a neurosis breaks out in later life analysis invariably reveals it to be a
direct continuation of that infantile neurosis, which had perhaps been
expressed in a veiled and incipient form only; as has been said, however,
there are cases in which the childish nervousness is carried on into lifelong
illness without a break. In a few instances we have been able to analyse a
child actually in a condition of neurosis; far more often we have had to be
satisfied with the retrospective insight into a childhood-neurosis that can be
gained through someone who has fallen ill in mature years, a situation in
which due corrections and precautions must not be neglected.
In the second place, it would certainly be inexplicable that the Libido
should regress so regularly to the time of childhood if there had been
nothing there which could exert an attraction upon it. The fixation upon
certain stages of development, which we assume, only has meaning if we
regard it as attaching to itself a definite amount of libidinal energy. Finally,
I may point out that a complemental relationship exists here between the
intensity and pathogenic importance of the infantile and of the later
experiences, again a similar relationship to that found in the other two series
we have already studied. There are cases in which the whole accent of
causation falls on the sexual experiences in childhood; cases in which these
impressions undoubtedly had a traumatic effect, nothing more than the
average sexual constitution and its immaturity being required to supplement
them. Then there are others in which all the accent lies on the later conflicts,
and the analytic emphasis upon the childhood-impressions seems to be the
effect of regression alone. There exist, therefore, the two extremes
—‘inhibited development’ and ‘regression’—and between them every
degree of combination of the two factors.
This state of things has a certain interest for those looking to pedagogy
for the prevention of neuroses by early intervention in the matter of the
child’s sexual development. As long as attention is directed mainly to the

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infantile sexual experiences one would think everything in the way of
prophylaxis of later neurosis could be done by ensuring that this
development should be retarded and the child secured against this kind of
experience. But we know that the conditions causing neurosis are more
complicated than this and that they cannot be influenced in a general way
by attending to one factor only. Strict supervision in childhood loses value
because it is helpless against the constitutional factor; more than this, it is
less easy to carry out than specialists in education imagine; and it entails
two new risks, which are not to be lightly disregarded. It may accomplish
too much; in that it favours an exaggerated degree of sexual repression
which is harmful in its effects, and it sends the child into life without power
to resist the urgent demands of his sexuality that must be expected at
puberty. It therefore remains most doubtful how far prophylaxis in
childhood can go with advantage, and whether a changed attitude to
actuality would not constitute a better point of departure for attempts to
forestall the neuroses.
Let us return to consideration of the symptoms. They yield a
satisfaction in place of one lacking in reality; they achieve this by means of
a regression of the Libido to a previous time of life, with which regression
is indissolubly connected, a reversion to earlier phases in the object-choice
or in the organization. We learned some time ago that the neurotic is in
some way tied to a period in his past life; we know now that this period in
the past is one in which his Libido could attain satisfaction, one in which he
was happy. He looks back on his life-story, seeking some such period, and
goes on seeking it, even if he must go back to the time when he was a
suckling infant to find it according to his recollection or his imagination of
it under later influences. In some way the symptom reproduces that early
infantile way of satisfaction, disguised though it is by the censorship
implicit in the conflict, converted as it usually is into a sensation of
suffering, and mingled with elements drawn from the experiences leading
up to the outbreak of the illness. The kind of satisfaction which the
symptom brings has much about it which estranges us, quite apart from the
fact that the person concerned is unaware of the satisfaction and perceives
this that we call satisfaction much more as suffering, and complains of it.
This transformation belongs to the mental conflict, by the pressure of which
the symptom had to be formed; what was at one time a satisfaction must to-
day arouse resistance or horror in him. We are familiar with a simple but

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instructive instance of such a change of feeling: the same child that sucked
milk with voracity from its mother’s breast often shows, some years later, a
strong dislike of milk which can with difficulty be overcome by training;
this dislike is intensified to the point of horror if the milk or any other kind
of liquid containing it has a skin formed upon it. It is possible that this skin
calls up reverberations of a memory of the mother’s breast, once so ardently
desired; it is true that the traumatic experience of weaning has intervened
meanwhile.
There is still something else which makes the symptoms seem
remarkable and inexplicable as a means of libidinal satisfaction. They so
entirely fail to remind us of all that we are accustomed normally to connect
with satisfaction. They are mostly quite independent of an object and thus
have given up a relation to external reality. We understand this as a
consequence of the rejection of the reality-principle and the return to the
pleasure-principle; it is also, however, a return to a kind of amplified auto-
erotism, the kind which offered the sexual instinct its first gratifications. In
the place of effecting a change in the outer world they set up a change in the
body itself; that is, an internal action instead of an external one, an
adaptation instead of an activity—from a phylogenetic point of view again a
very significant regression. We shall understand this better when we
consider it in connection with a new factor yet to be learnt from among
those which analytic research has yielded in regard to symptom-formation.
Further, we remember that in symptom-formation the same unconscious
processes are at work as in dream-formation, namely, condensation and
displacement. Like the dream, the symptom represents something as
fulfilled, a satisfaction infantile in character; but by the utmost condensation
this satisfaction can be compressed into a single sensation or innervation, or
by farthest displacement can be whittled away to a tiny detail out of the
entire libidinal complex. It is no wonder that we often find it difficult to
recognize in the symptom the libidinal satisfaction which we suspect and
can always verify in it.
I have indicated that we have still to learn of a new element; it is really
something most surprising and bewildering. You know that from analysis of
symptoms we arrive at a knowledge of the infantile experiences to which
the Libido is fixated and out of which the symptoms are made up. Now the
astonishing thing is that these scenes of infancy are not always true. Indeed,
in the majority of cases they are untrue, and in some cases they are in direct

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opposition to historical truth. You will see that this discovery is more likely
than any other to discredit either the analysis which leads to such results, or
the patient, upon whose testimony the analysis and comprehension of the
neuroses as a whole is built up. There is besides this still something utterly
bewildering about it. If the infantile experiences brought to light by the
analysis were in every case real we should have the feeling that we were on
firm ground; if they were invariably falsified and found to be inventions
and phantasies of the patient’s we should have to forsake this insecure
foothold and save ourselves some other way. But it is neither one thing nor
the other; for what we find is that the childhood-experiences reconstructed
or recollected in analysis are on some occasions undeniably false, while
others are just as certainly quite true, and that in most cases truth and
falsehood are mixed up. So the symptoms are thus at one minute
reproductions of experiences which actually took place and which one can
credit with an influence on the fixation of the Libido; and at the next a
reproduction of phantasies of the patient’s to which, of course, it is difficult
to ascribe any ætiological significance. It is hard to find one’s way here. We
may perhaps find our first clue in a discovery of a similar kind, namely, that
the meagre childish recollections which people have always, long before
analysis, consciously preserved can be falsified in the same way, or at least
can contain a generous admixture of truth and falsehood; evidence of error
in them is nearly always plainly visible, and so we have at least the
reassurance that not the analysis, but the patient in some way, must bear the
responsibility for this unexpected disappointment.
After a little reflection we can easily understand what it is that is so
bewildering in this matter. It is the depreciation of reality, the neglect of the
difference between reality and phantasy; we are tempted to be offended
with the patient for taking up our time with invented stories. According to
our way of thinking heaven and earth are not farther apart than fiction from
reality, and we value the two quite differently. The patient himself,
incidentally, takes the same attitude when he is thinking normally. When he
brings forward the material that leads us to the wished-for situations (which
underlie the symptoms and are formed upon the childhood-experiences), we
are certainly in doubt at first whether we have to deal with reality or with
phantasies. Decision on this point becomes possible later by means of
certain indications, and we are then confronted with the task of making this
result known to the patient. This is never accomplished without difficulty. If

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we tell him at the outset that he is now about to bring to light the phantasies
in which he has shrouded the history of his childhood, just as every race
weaves myths about its forgotten early history, we observe to our
dissatisfaction that his interest in pursuing the subject further suddenly
declines—he also wishes to find out facts and despises what is called
“imagination.” But if we leave him to believe until this part of the work has
been carried through that we are investigating the real events of his early
years, we run the risk of being charged with the mistake later and of being
laughed at for our apparent gullibility. It takes him a long time to
understand the proposal that phantasy and reality are to be treated alike and
that it is to begin with of no account whether the childhood-experiences
under consideration belong to the one class or to the other. And yet this is
obviously the only correct attitude towards these products of his mind. They
have indeed also a kind of reality; it is a fact that the patient has created
these phantasies, and for the neurosis this fact is hardly less important than
the other—if he had really experienced what they contain. In contrast to
material reality these phantasies possess psychical reality, and we gradually
come to understand that in the world of neurosis PSYCHICAL REALITY is the
determining factor.
Among the occurrences which continually recur in the story of a
neurotic’s childhood, and seem hardly ever absent, are some of particular
significance which I therefore consider worthy of special attention. As
models of this type I will enumerate: observation of parental intercourse,
seduction by an adult, and the threat of castration. It would be a great
mistake to suppose that they never occur in reality; on the contrary, they are
often confirmed beyond doubt by the testimony of older relatives. Thus, for
example, it is not at all uncommon for a little boy, who is beginning to play
with his penis and has not yet learnt that he must conceal such activities, to
be threatened by parents or nurses that his member or his offending hand
will be cut off. Parents will often admit the fact on being questioned, since
they imagine that such intimidation was the right course to take; many
people have a clear conscious recollection of this threat, especially if it took
place in later childhood. If the mother or some other woman makes the
threat she usually shifts the execution of it to someone else, indicating that
the father or the doctor will perform the deed. In the famous Struwelpeter
by the Frankfort physician for children, Hoffmann, which owes its
popularity precisely to his understanding of the sexual and other complexes

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of children, you will find the castration idea modified and replaced by
cutting off the thumbs as a punishment for stubborn sucking of them. It is,
however, highly improbable that the threat of castration has been delivered
as often as would appear from the analysis of a neurotic. We are content to
understand that the child concocts a threat of this kind out of its knowledge
that auto-erotic satisfactions are forbidden, on the basis of hints and
allusions, and influenced by the impression received on discovering the
female genital organ. Similarly, it is not at all impossible that a small child,
credited as he is with no understanding and no memory, may be witness of
the sexual act on the part of his parents or other adults in other families
besides those of the proletariat; and there is reason to think that the child
can subsequently understand the impression received and react to it. But
when this act of intercourse is described with minute details which can
hardly have been observed, or when it appears, as it most frequently does,
to have been performed from behind, more ferarum, there can be little
doubt that this phantasy has grown out of the observation of copulating
animals (dogs) and that its motive force lies in the unsatisfied skoptophilia
(gazing-impulse) of the child during puberty. The greatest feat achieved by
this kind of phantasy is that of observing parental intercourse while still
unborn in the mother’s womb.
The phantasy of seduction has special interest, because only too often
it is no phantasy but a real remembrance; fortunately, however, it is still not
as often real as it seemed at first from the results of analysis. Seduction by
children of the same age or older is more frequent than by adults; and when
girls who bring forward this event in the story of their childhood fairly
regularly introduce the father as the seducer, neither the phantastic character
of this accusation nor the motive actuating it can be doubted. When no
seduction has occurred, the phantasy is usually employed to cover the
childhood period of auto-erotic sexual activity; the child evades feelings of
shame about onanism by retrospectively attributing in phantasy a desired
object to the earliest period. Do not suppose, however, that sexual misuse of
children by the nearest male relatives is entirely derived from the world of
phantasy; most analysts will have treated cases in which such occurrences
actually took place and could be established beyond doubt; only even then
they belonged to later years of childhood and had been transposed to an
earlier time.

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All this seems to lead to but one impression, that childhood
experiences of this kind are in some way necessarily required by the
neurosis, that they belong to its unvarying inventory. If they can be found in
real events, well and good; but if reality has not supplied them they will be
evolved out of hints and elaborated by phantasy. The effect is the same, and
even to-day we have not succeeded in tracing any variation in the results
according as phantasy or reality plays the greater part in these experiences.
Here again is one of those complemental series so often referred to already;
it is certainly the strangest of all those we have encountered. Whence comes
the necessity for these phantasies, and the material for them? There can be
no doubt about the instinctive sources; but how is it to be explained that the
same phantasies are always formed with the same content? I have an
answer to this which I know will seem to you very daring. I believe that
these primal phantasies (as I should like to name these, and certainly some
others also) are a phylogenetic possession. In them the individual, wherever
his own experience has become insufficient, stretches out beyond it to the
experience of past ages. It seems to me quite possible that all that to-day is
narrated in analysis in the form of phantasy, seduction in childhood,
stimulation of sexual excitement upon observation of parental coitus, the
threat of castration—or rather, castration itself—was in prehistoric periods
of the human family a reality; and that the child in its phantasy simply fills
out the gaps in its true individual experiences with true prehistoric
experiences. We have again and again been led to suspect that more
knowledge of the primordial forms of human development is stored up for
us in the psychology of the neuroses than in any other field we may explore.
Now these things that we have been discussing require us to consider
more closely the origin and meaning of that mental activity called
“phantasy-making.” In general, as you know, it enjoys high esteem,
although its place in mental life has not been clearly understood. I can tell
you as much as this about it. You know that the Ego in man is gradually
trained by the influence of external necessity to appreciate reality and to
pursue the reality-principle, and that in so doing it must renounce
temporarily or permanently various of the objects and aims—not only
sexual—of its desire for pleasure. But renunciation of pleasure has always
been very hard to man; he cannot accomplish it without some kind of
compensation. Accordingly he has evolved for himself a mental activity in
which all these relinquished sources of pleasure and abandoned paths of

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gratification are permitted to continue their existence, a form of existence in
which they are free from the demands of reality and from what we call the
exercise of ‘testing reality.’ Every longing is soon transformed into the idea
of its fulfilment; there is no doubt that dwelling upon a wish-fulfilment in
phantasy brings satisfaction, although the knowledge that it is not reality
remains thereby unobscured. In phantasy, therefore, man can continue to
enjoy a freedom from the grip of the external world, one which he has long
relinquished in actuality. He has contrived to be alternately a pleasure-
seeking animal and a reasonable being; for the meagre satisfaction that he
can extract from reality leaves him starving. “There is no doing without
accessory constructions,” said Fontane. The creation of the mental domain
of phantasy has a complete counterpart in the establishment of
“reservations” and “nature-parks” in places where the inroads of
agriculture, traffic, or industry threaten to change the original face of the
earth rapidly into something unrecognizable. The “reservation” is to
maintain the old condition of things which has been regretfully sacrificed to
necessity everywhere else; there everything may grow and spread as it
pleases, including what is useless and even what is harmful. The mental
realm of phantasy is also such a reservation reclaimed from the encroaches
of the reality-principle.
The best-known productions of phantasy have already been met by us;
they are called day-dreams, and are imaginary gratifications of ambitious,
grandiose, erotic wishes, dilating the more extravagantly the more reality
admonishes humility and patience. In them is shown unmistakably the
essence of imaginary happiness, the return of gratification to a condition in
which it is independent of reality’s sanction. We know that these day-
dreams are the kernels and models of night-dreams; fundamentally the
night-dream is nothing but a day-dream distorted by the nocturnal form of
mental activity and made possible by the nocturnal freedom of instinctive
excitations. We are already familiar with the idea that a day-dream is not
necessarily conscious, that unconscious day-dreams also exist; such
unconscious day-dreams are therefore just as much the source of night-
dreams as of neurotic symptoms.
The significance of phantasy for symptom-formation will become
clear to you in what follows. We said that under privation the Libido
regressively invests the positions it had left, but to which nevertheless some
portions of its energy had remained attached. We shall not retract or correct

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this statement, but we shall have to interpolate a connecting-link in it. How
does the Libido find its way back to these fixation-points? Now the objects
and channels which have been forsaken by the Libido have not been
forsaken in every sense; they, or their derivatives, are still retained to some
degree of intensity in the conceptions of phantasy. The Libido has only to
withdraw on to the phantasies in order to find the way open to it back to all
the repressed fixations. These phantasies had enjoyed a certain sort of
toleration; no conflict between them and the Ego had developed, however
sharp an opposition there was between them, as long as a certain condition
was preserved—a condition of a quantitative nature, now disturbed by the
return of the Libido-stream on to the phantasies. By this accession, the
investment of the phantasies with energy becomes so much augmented that
they become assertive and begin to press towards realization; then,
however, conflict between them and the Ego becomes unavoidable.
Although previously they were preconscious or conscious, now they are
subject to repression from the side of the Ego and are exposed to the
attraction exerted from the side of the Unconscious. The Libido travels from
the phantasies, now unconscious, to their sources in the Unconscious—back
to its own fixation-points again.
The return of the Libido on to phantasy is an intermediate step on the
way to symptom-formation which well deserves a special designation. C. G.
Jung has coined for it the very appropriate name of INTROVERSION, but
inappropriately he uses it also to describe other things. We will adhere to
the position that introversion describes the deflection of the Libido away
from the possibilities of real satisfaction and its excessive accumulation
upon phantasies previously tolerated as harmless. An introverted person is
not yet neurotic, but he is in an unstable condition; the next disturbance of
the shifting forces will cause symptoms to develop, unless he can yet find
other outlets for his pent-up Libido. The unreal character of neurotic
satisfaction and the disregard of the difference between phantasy and reality
are already determined by the delay at this stage of introversion.
You will doubtless have noticed that in these last remarks I have
introduced a new factor into the concatenation of the ætiological chain—
namely, the quantity, the magnitude of the energies concerned; we must
always take this factor into account as well. A purely qualitative analysis of
the ætiological conditions does not suffice; or, to put it in another way, a
purely dynamic conception of these processes is insufficient, the economic

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aspect is also required. We have to realize that the conflict between the two
forces in opposition does not break out until a certain intensity in the degree
of investment is reached, even though the substantive conditions have long
been in existence. In the same way, the pathogenic significance of the
constitutional factor is determined by the preponderance of one of the
component-instincts in excess over another in the disposition; it is even
possible to conceive disposition as qualitatively the same in all men and
only differentiated by this quantitative factor. No less important is this
quantitative factor for the capacity to withstand neurotic illness; it depends
upon the amount of undischarged Libido that a person can hold freely
suspended, and upon how large a portion of it he can deflect from the
sexual to a non-sexual goal in sublimation. The final aim of mental activity,
which can be qualitatively described as a striving towards pleasure and
avoidance of pain, is represented economically in the task of mastering the
distribution of the quantities of excitation (stimulus-masses) present in the
mental apparatus, and in preventing the accumulation of them which gives
rise to pain.
I set out to tell you as much as this about symptom-formation in the
neuroses. Yes, but I must not neglect to mention once more that everything
said to-day relates only to symptom-formation in hysteria. Even the
obsessional neurosis shows great differences, although the essentials are the
same. The ‘counter-charges’ from the Ego against the demands made by
instincts for satisfaction, mentioned already in connection with hysteria, are
more strongly marked in the obsessional neurosis and govern the clinical
picture in the form of what we call ‘reaction-formations.’ Similar and more
extensive deviations still are found in the other neuroses, in which field
researches into the mechanisms of symptom-formation are not yet complete
in any direction.
Before you leave to-day I should like to direct your attention for a
moment to a side of phantasy-life of very general interest. There is, in fact,
a path from phantasy back again to reality, and that is—art. The artist has
also an introverted disposition and has not far to go to become neurotic. He
is one who is urged on by instinctive needs which are too clamorous; he
longs to attain to honour, power, riches, fame, and the love of women; but
he lacks the means of achieving these gratifications. So, like any other with
an unsatisfied longing, he turns away from reality and transfers all his
interest, and all his Libido too, on to the creation of his wishes in the life of

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phantasy, from which the way might readily lead to neurosis. There must be
many factors in combination to prevent this becoming the whole outcome
of his development; it is well known how often artists in particular suffer
from partial inhibition of their capacities through neurosis. Probably their
constitution is endowed with a powerful capacity for sublimation and with a
certain flexibility in the repressions determining the conflict. But the way
back to reality is found by the artist thus: He is not the only one who has a
life of phantasy; the intermediate world of phantasy is sanctioned by
general human consent, and every hungry soul looks to it for comfort and
consolation. But to those who are not artists the gratification that can be
drawn from the springs of phantasy is very limited; their inexorable
repressions prevent the enjoyment of all but the meagre day-dreams which
can become conscious. A true artist has more at his disposal. First of all he
understands how to elaborate his day-dreams, so that they lose that personal
note which grates upon strange ears and become enjoyable to others; he
knows too how to modify them sufficiently so that their origin in prohibited
sources is not easily detected. Further, he possesses the mysterious ability to
mould his particular material until it expresses the ideas of his phantasy
faithfully; and then he knows how to attach to this reflection of his
phantasy-life so strong a stream of pleasure that, for a time at least, the
repressions are out-balanced and dispelled by it. When he can do all this, he
opens out to others the way back to the comfort and consolation of their
own unconscious sources of pleasure, and so reaps their gratitude and
admiration; then he has won—through his phantasy—what before he could
only win in phantasy: honour, power, and the love of women.

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TWENTY-FOURTH LECTURE
ORDINARY NERVOUSNESS

After such a difficult piece of work as we got through in our last
lecture I shall leave the subject for a time and turn to my audience.
For I know that you are dissatisfied. You imagined that Introductory
Lectures on Psycho-Analysis would be something quite different. You
expected illustrations from life instead of theories; you will tell me that the
story of the two children, on the ground-floor and in the mansion, revealed
something of the causation of neurosis to you, except that it ought to have
been an actual fact instead of an invention of my own. Or you will say that,
when at the beginning I described two symptoms to you (not also
imaginary, let us hope), and unfolded the solution of them and their
connection with the lives of the patients, it threw some light on the meaning
of symptoms, and you had hoped I would continue in the same way. Instead
of doing so I gave you long-drawn-out and very obscure theories which
were never complete, and to which I was constantly adding something; I
dealt with conceptions which I had not yet introduced to you; I let go of
descriptive explanation and took up the dynamic aspect and dropped this
again for a so-called economic one; made it difficult for you to understand
how many of these technical terms mean the same thing and are only
exchanged for one another on account of euphony; I let vast conceptions,
such as those of the pleasure and reality principles, and the inherited residue
of phylogenetic development, appear, and then instead of explaining
anything to you I let them drift away before your eyes out of sight.
Why did I not begin the introduction to the study of the neuroses with
what you all know of nervousness, a thing that has long roused your
interest, or with the peculiar nature of nervous persons, their
incomprehensible reactions to human intercourse and external influences,
their excitability, their unreliability, and their inability to do well in
anything? Why not lead you step by step from an explanation of the simple

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everyday forms of nervousness to the problems of the enigmatic extreme
manifestations?
Indeed, I cannot deny any of this or say that you are wrong. I am not
so much in love with my powers of presentation as to imagine that every
blemish in it is a peculiar charm. I think myself that I might with advantage
to you have proceeded differently, and, indeed, such was my intention. But
one cannot always carry through a reasoned scheme; something in the
material itself often intervenes and takes possession of one and turns one
from one’s first intentions. Even such an ordinary task as the arrangement
of familiar material is not entirely subject to the author’s will; it comes out
in its own way and one can but wonder afterwards why it happened so and
not otherwise.
One of the reasons probably is that my theme, an introduction to
psycho-analysis, no longer covers this section dealing with the subject of
the neuroses. The introduction to psycho-analysis lies in the study of errors
and of dreams; the theory of neurosis is psycho-analysis itself. I do not
think that in such a short time I could have given you any knowledge of the
material contained in the theory of the neuroses except in this very
concentrated form. It was a matter of presenting to you in their proper
context the sense and meaning of symptoms, together with the external and
internal conditions and mechanisms of symptom-formation. This I
attempted to do; it is more or less the core of what psycho-analysis is able
to offer to-day. In conjunction with it there was much to be said about the
Libido and its development, and something about that of the Ego. You were
already prepared by the preliminary lectures for the main principles of our
method and for the broad aspects involved in the conceptions of the
Unconscious and of repression (resistance). In one of the following lectures
you will learn at what point the work of psycho-analysis finds its organic
continuation. So far I have not concealed from you that all our results
proceed from the study of one single group only of nervous disorders—
namely, the transference neuroses; and even so I have traced out the
mechanism of symptom-formation only in the hysterical neurosis. Though
you will probably have gained no very thorough knowledge and have not
retained every detail, yet I hope that you have acquired a general idea of the
means with which psycho-analysis works, the problems it has to deal with,
and the results it has to offer.

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I have ascribed to you a wish that I had begun the subject of the
neuroses with a description of the neurotic’s behaviour, and of the ways in
which he suffers from his disorder, protects himself against it, and adapts
himself to it. This is certainly a very interesting subject, well worth
studying, and not difficult to treat; nevertheless there are reasons against
beginning with this aspect. The danger is that the Unconscious will be
overlooked, the great importance of the Libido ignored, and that everything
will be judged as it appears to the patient’s own Ego. Now it is obvious that
his Ego is not a reliable and impartial authority. The Ego is after all the
force which denies the existence of the Unconscious and has subjected it to
repressions; how then can we trust its good faith where the Unconscious is
concerned? That which has been repressed consists first and foremost of the
repudiated claims of the sexuality; it is perfectly self-evident that we shall
never learn their extent and their significance from the Ego’s view of the
matter. As soon as the nature of repression begins to dawn upon us we are
advised not to allow one of the two contending parties, and certainly not the
victorious one, to be judge in the dispute. We are forewarned against being
misled by what the Ego tells us. According to its evidence it would appear
to have been the active force throughout, so that the symptoms arise by its
will and agency; we know that to a large extent it has played a passive part,
a fact which it then endeavours to conceal and to gloss over. It is true that it
cannot always keep up this pretence—in the symptoms of the obsessional
neurosis it has to confess to being confronted by something alien which it
must strenuously resist.
It is certainly plain sailing enough for anyone who does not heed these
warnings against taking the falsifications of the Ego at their face-value; he
will escape all the opposition which psycho-analysis has to encounter in
accentuating the Unconscious, sexuality, and the passivity of the Ego. He
can agree with Alfred Adler that the “nervous character” is the cause of the
neurosis, instead of the result; but he will not be in a position to account for
a single detail of symptom-formation or a single dream.
You will ask: May it not be possible to do justice to the part played by
the Ego in nervousness and in symptom-formation without absolutely
glaring neglect of the other factors discovered by psycho-analysis? I reply:
Certainly it must be possible, and some time or other it will be done; but the
work which lies at hand for psycho-analysis is not suited for a beginning at
this end. One can, no doubt, predict the point at which this task also will be

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included. There are neuroses, called by us the narcissistic neuroses, in
which the Ego is far more deeply involved than in those we have studied;
analytic investigation of these disorders will enable us to estimate
impartially and reliably the share taken by the Ego in neurotic disease.
One of the relations the Ego bears to its neurosis is, however, so
conspicuous that it was quite appreciable from the beginning. It never
seems to be absent; but it is most clearly discernible in a form of disorder
which we are far from understanding, the traumatic neurosis. You must
know that in the causation and mechanism of all the various different forms
of neurosis the same factors are found at work over and over again, only
that in one type this factor and in another type that factor is of greatest
significance in symptom-formation. It is just the same as with the personnel
of a theatrical company, where every member plays a special type of part—
hero, confidant, villain, etc; each of them will choose a different piece for
his own benefit-performance. Hence, the phantasies which are transformed
into the symptoms are nowhere so manifest as in hysteria; the ‘counter-
charges’ or reaction-formations of the Ego dominate the picture in the
obsessional neurosis; the mechanism which in dreams we called ‘secondary
elaboration’ is the prominent feature in the delusions of paranoia, and so on.
In the traumatic neuroses, especially in those arising from the terrors
of war, we are particularly impressed by a self-seeking, egoistic motive, a
straining towards protection and self-interest; this alone perhaps could not
produce the disease, but it gives its support to the latter and maintains it
once it has been formed. This tendency aims at protecting the Ego from the
dangers which led by their imminence to the outbreak of illness; nor does it
permit of recovery until a repetition of the dangers appear to be no longer
possible, or until some gain in compensation for the danger undergone has
been received.
The Ego takes a similar interest in the origin and maintenance of all
the other forms of neurosis; we have said already that the symptom is
supported by the Ego because one side of it offers a satisfaction to the
repressing Ego-tendency. More than this, a solution of the conflict by a
symptom-formation is the most convenient one, most in accordance with
the pleasure-principle; for it undoubtedly spares the Ego a severe and
painful piece of internal labour. There are indeed cases in which the
physician himself must admit that the solution of a conflict by a neurosis is

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the one most harmless and most tolerable socially. Do not be astonished to
hear then that the physician himself occasionally takes sides with the illness
which he is attacking. It is not for him to confine himself in all situations in
life to the part of fanatic about health; he knows that there is other misery in
the world besides neurotic misery—real unavoidable suffering—that
necessity may even demand of a man that he sacrifice his health to it, and
he learns that such suffering in one individual may often avert incalculable
hardship for many others. Therefore, although it may be said of every
neurotic that he has taken ‘flight into illness,’ it must be admitted that in
many cases this flight is fully justified, and the physician who has perceived
this state of things will silently and considerately retire.
But let us continue our discussion without regard to these exceptional
cases. In the ordinary way it is apparent that by flight into neurosis the Ego
gains a certain internal ‘advantage through illness,’ as we call it; under
certain conditions a tangible external advantage, more or less valuable in
reality, may be combined with this. To take the commonest case of this
kind: a woman who is brutally treated and mercilessly exploited by her
husband fairly regularly takes refuge in a neurosis, if her disposition admits
of it. This will happen if she is too cowardly or too conventional to console
herself secretly with another man, if she is not strong enough to defy all
external reasons against it and separate from her husband, if she has no
prospect of being able to maintain herself or of finding a better husband,
and last of all, if she is still strongly attached sexually to this brutal man.
Her illness becomes her weapon in the struggle against him, one that she
can use for her protection, or misuse for purposes of revenge. She can
complain of her illness, though she probably dare not complain of her
marriage; her doctor is her ally; the husband who is otherwise so ruthless is
required to spare her, to spend money on her, to grant her absence from
home and thus some freedom from marital oppression. Whenever this
external or ‘accidental’ advantage through illness is at all pronounced, and
no substitute for it can be found in reality, you need not look forward very
hopefully to influencing the neurosis by your therapy.
You will now say that what I have just told you about the ‘advantage
through illness’ is all in favour of the view I have rejected, namely, that the
Ego itself desires the neurosis and creates it. But just a moment! Perhaps it
means merely this: that the Ego is pleased to accept the neurosis which it is
in any case unable to prevent, and that if there is anything at all to be made

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out of it it makes the best of it. This is only one side of the matter. In so far
as there is advantage in it the Ego is quite happy to be on good terms with a
neurosis, but there are also disadvantages to be considered. As a rule it is
soon apparent that by accepting a neurosis the Ego has made a bad bargain.
It has paid too heavily for the solution of the conflict; the sufferings entailed
by the symptoms are perhaps as bad as those of the conflict they replace,
and they may quite probably be very much worse. The Ego wishes to be rid
of the pain of the symptoms, but not to give up its advantage through
illness; and that is just what it cannot succeed in doing. It appears therefore
that the Ego was not quite so actively concerned in the matter throughout as
it had thought, and we will keep this well in mind.
If, as physicians, you have much to do with neurotics, you will soon
cease to expect that those who complain most bitterly of their illness will be
most ready to accept your help and make least difficulty—quite the
contrary. You will at all events easily understand that everything which
contributes to the advantage through illness reinforces the resistance arising
from the repressions, and increases the therapeutic difficulties. And there is
yet another kind of advantage through illness, one which supervenes later
than that born with the symptom, so to speak. When such a mental
organization as the disease has persisted for a considerable time it seems
finally to acquire the character of an independent entity; it displays
something like a self-preservative instinct; it forms a kind of pact, a modus
vivendi, with the other forces in mental life, even with those fundamentally
hostile to it, and opportunities can hardly fail to arise in which it once more
manifests itself as useful and expedient, thus acquiring a secondary function
which again strengthens its position. Instead of taking an example from
pathology let us consider a striking illustration in everyday life. A capable
working-man earning his living is crippled by an accident in the course of
his employment; he can work no more, but he gets a small periodical dole
in compensation and learns how to exploit his mutilation as a beggar. His
new life, although so inferior, nevertheless is supported by the very thing
which destroyed his old life; if you were to remove his disability you would
deprive him for a time of his means of subsistence, for the question would
arise whether he would still be capable of resuming his former work. When
a secondary exploitation of the illness such as this is formed in a neurosis
we can range it alongside the first and call it a ‘secondary advantage
through illness.’

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I should like to advise you in a general way not to underestimate the
practical importance of the advantage through illness, and yet not to be too
much impressed by its theoretical significance. Apart from the exceptions
previously recognized, this factor always reminds one of the illustrations of
“Intelligence in Animals” by Oberländer in Fliegende Blätter. An Arab is
riding a camel along a narrow path cut in the side of a steep mountain. At a
turn in the path he suddenly finds himself confronted by a lion ready to
spring at him. There is no escape; on one side the abyss, on the other the
precipice; retreat and flight are impossible; he gives himself up for lost. Not
so the camel. He takes one leap with his rider into the abyss—and the lion
is left a spectator. The remedies provided by neurosis avail the patient no
better as a rule; perhaps because the solution of the conflict by a symptom-
formation is after all an automatic process which may show itself
inadequate to meet the demands of life, and involves man in a renunciation
of his best and highest powers. The more honourable choice, if there be a
choice, is to go down in fair fight with destiny.
I still owe you a further explanation of my motive in not taking
ordinary nervousness as my starting-point. Perhaps you think I avoided
doing so because it would have been more difficult to bring in evidence of
the sexual origin of the neuroses in that way; but in this you would be
mistaken. In the transference neuroses the symptoms have to be submitted
to interpretation before we arrive at this; but in the ordinary forms of what
are called the ACTUAL NEUROSES the ætiological significance of the sexual
life is a crudely obvious fact which courts notice. I became aware of it more
than twenty years ago, as one day I began to wonder why, when we
examine nervous patients, we so invariably exclude from consideration all
matters concerning their sexual life. Investigations on this point led to the
sacrifice of my popularity with my patients, but in a very short time my
efforts had brought me to this conclusion: that no neurosis—actual neurosis,
I meant—is present where sexual life is normal. It is true that this statement
ignores the individual differences in people rather too much, and it also
suffers from the indefinite connotation inseparable from the word “normal”;
but as a broad outline it has retained its value to this day. At that time I got
so far as to be able to establish particular connections between certain forms
of nervousness and certain injurious sexual conditions; I do not doubt that I
could repeat these observations to-day if I still had similar material for
investigation. I noticed often enough that a man who contented himself with

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some kind of incomplete sexual satisfaction, e.g. with manual masturbation,
would suffer from a definite type of actual neurosis, and that this neurosis
would promptly give way to another form if he adopted some other equally
unsatisfactory form of sexual life. I was then in a position to infer the
change in his mode of sexual life from the alteration in the patient’s
condition; and I learnt to abide stubbornly by my conclusions until I had
overcome the prevarications of my patients and had compelled them to give
me confirmation. It is true that they then thought it advisable to seek other
physicians who would not take so much interest in their sexual life.
It did not escape me at that time either that sexuality was not always
indicated as the cause of a neurosis; one person certainly would fall ill
because of some injurious sexual condition, but another because he had lost
his fortune or recently sustained a severe organic illness. The explanation of
these variations was revealed later, when insight was obtained into the
interrelationships suspected between the Ego and the Libido; and the further
this subject was explored the more satisfactory became our insight into it. A
person only falls ill of a neurosis when the Ego loses its capacity to deal in
some way or other with the Libido. The stronger the Ego the more easily
can it accomplish this task; every weakening of the Ego, from whatever
cause, must have the same effect as an increase in the demands of the
Libido; that is, make a neurosis possible. There are yet other and more
intimate relations between the Ego and the Libido, which I shall not go into
now as we have not yet come to them in the course of our discussions. The
most essential and most instructive point for us is that the fund of energy
supporting the symptoms of a neurosis, in every case and regardless of the
circumstances inducing their outbreak, is provided by the Libido, which is
thus put to an abnormal use.
Now I must point out to you the decisive difference between the
symptoms of the actual neuroses and those of the psychoneuroses, with the
first group of which (the transference neuroses) we have hitherto been so
much occupied. In both the actual neuroses and the psychoneuroses the
symptoms proceed from the Libido; that is, they are abnormal ways of
using it, substitutes for satisfaction of it. But the symptoms of an actual
neurosis—headache, sensation of pain, an irritable condition of some organ,
the weakening or inhibition of some function—have no ‘meaning,’ no
signification in the mind. Not merely are they manifested principally in the
body, as also happens, for instance with hysterical symptoms, but they are

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in themselves purely and simply physical processes; they arise without any
of the complicated mental mechanisms we have been learning about. They
really are, therefore, what psychoneurotic symptoms were for so long held
to be. But then, how can they be expressions of the Libido which we have
come to know as a force at work in the mind? Now, really, the answer to
that is very simple. Let me resurrect one of the very first objections ever
made against psycho-analysis. It was said that the theories were an attempt
to account for neurotic symptoms by psychology alone and that the outlook
was consequently hopeless, since no illness could ever be accounted for by
psychological theories. These critics were pleased to forget that the sexual
function is not a purely mental thing, any more than it is merely a physical
thing. It affects bodily life as well as mental life. Having learnt that the
symptoms of the psychoneuroses express the mental consequences of some
disturbance in this function, we shall not be surprised to find that the actual
neuroses represent the direct somatic consequences of sexual disturbances.
Clinical medicine gives us a useful hint (recognized by many different
investigators) towards comprehension of the actual neuroses. In the details
of their symptomatology, and also in the peculiarity by which all the bodily
systems and functions are affected together, they exhibit an unmistakable
similarity with pathological conditions resulting from the chronic effect or
the sudden removal of foreign toxins—i.e. with states of intoxication or of
abstinence. The two groups of affections are brought still closer together by
comparison with conditions like Basedow’s disease[49] that have also been
found to result from poisoning, not, however, from poisons derived
externally, but from such as arise in the internal metabolism. In my opinion
these analogies necessitate our regarding the neuroses as the effects of
disturbances in the sexual metabolism, due either to more of these sexual
toxins being produced than the person can dispose of, or else to internal and
even mental conditions which interfere with the proper disposal of these
substances. Assumptions of this kind about the nature of sexual desire have
found acceptance in the mind of the people since the beginning of time;
love is called an “intoxication,” it can be induced by “potions”—in these
ideas the agency at work is to some extent projected on to the outer world.
We find occasion at this point to remember the erotogenic zones, and to
reflect upon the proposition that sexual excitation may arise in the most
various organs. Beyond this the subject of ‘sexual metabolism’ or the
‘chemistry of sexuality’ is an empty chapter: we know nothing about it, and

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cannot even determine whether to assume two kinds of sexual substances,
to be called ‘male’ and ‘female,’ or to content ourselves with one sexual
toxin as the agent of all the stimuli effected by the Libido. The edifice of
psycho-analytic doctrine which we have erected is in reality but a
superstructure, which will have to be set on its organic foundation at some
time or other; but this foundation is still unknown to us.
As a science psycho-analysis is characterized by the methods with
which it works, not by the subject-matter with which it deals. These
methods can be applied without violating their essential nature to the
history of civilization, to the science of religion, and to mythology as well
as to the study of the neuroses. Psycho-Analysis aims at and achieves
nothing more than the discovery of the unconscious in mental life. The
problems of the actual neuroses, in which the symptoms probably arise
through direct toxic injury, offer no point of attack for psycho-analysis; it
can supply little towards elucidation of them and must leave this task to
biological and medical research. Now perhaps you understand better why I
chose this arrangement of my material. If I had intended an Introduction to
the Study of the Neuroses it would undoubtedly have been correct to begin
with the simple forms of (actual) neuroses and proceed from them to the
more complicated psychical disorders resulting from disturbances of the
Libido. I should have had to collect from various quarters what we know or
think we know about the former, and about the latter psycho-analysis would
have been introduced as the most important technical means of obtaining
insight into these conditions. An Introduction to Psycho-Analysis was what
I had undertaken and announced, however; I thought it more important to
give you an idea of psycho-analysis than to teach you something about the
neuroses; and therefore the actual neuroses which yield nothing towards the
study of psycho-analysis could not suitably be put in the foreground. I think
too that my choice was the wiser for you, since the radical axioms and far-
reaching connections of psycho-analysis make it worthy of every educated
person’s interest; the theory of the neuroses, however, is a chapter of
medicine like any other.
However, you are justified in expecting that we should take some
interest in the actual neuroses; their close clinical connection with the
psychoneuroses even necessitates this. I will tell you then that we
distinguish three pure forms of actual neurosis: neurasthenia, anxiety-
neurosis and hypochondria. Even this classification has been disputed; the

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terms are certainly all in use, but their connotation is vague and unsettled.
There are some medical men who are opposed to all discrimination in the
confusing world of neurotic manifestations, who object to any
distinguishing of clinical entities or types of disease, and do not even
recognize the difference between actual neuroses and psychoneuroses; in
my opinion they go too far, and the direction they have chosen does not lead
to progress. The three kinds of neurosis named above are occasionally
found in a pure form; more frequently, it is true, they are combined with
one another and with a psychoneurotic affection. This fact need not make us
abandon the distinctions between them. Think of the difference between the
science of minerals and that of ores in mineralogy: the minerals are
classified individually, in part no doubt because they are frequently found
as crystals, sharply differentiated from their surroundings; the ores consist
of mixtures of minerals which have indeed coalesced, not accidentally, but
according to the conditions at their formation. In the theory of the neuroses
we still understand too little of the process of their development to
formulate anything similar to our knowledge of ores; but we are certainly
working in the right direction in first isolating from the mass the
recognizable clinical elements, which are comparable to the individual
minerals.
A noteworthy connection between the symptoms of the actual neuroses
and the psychoneuroses adds a valuable contribution to our knowledge of
symptom-formation in the latter; the symptom of the actual neurosis is
frequently the nucleus and incipient stage of the psychoneurotic symptom.
A connection of this kind is most clearly observable between neurasthenia
and the transference neurosis known as conversion-hysteria, between the
anxiety-neurosis and anxiety-hysteria, but also between hypochondria and
forms of a neurosis which we shall deal with later on, namely, paraphrenia
(dementia præcox and paranoia). As an example, let us take an hysterical
headache or backache. Analysis shows that by means of condensation and
displacement it has become a substitutive satisfaction for a whole series of
libidinal phantasies or memories; at one time, however, this pain was real, a
direct symptom of a sexual toxin, the bodily expression of a sexual
excitation. We do not by any means maintain that all hysterical symptoms
have a nucleus of this kind, but it remains true that this very often is so, and
that all effects (whether normal or pathological) of the libidinal excitation
upon the body are specially adapted to serve the purposes of hysterical

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symptom-formation. They play the part of the grain of sand which the
oyster envelopes in mother-of-pearl. The temporary signs of sexual
excitation accompanying the sexual act serve the psychoneurosis in the
same way, as the most suitable and convenient material for symptom-
formation.
There is a similar process of special diagnostic and therapeutic interest.
In persons who are disposed to be neurotic without having yet developed a
neurosis on a grand scale, some morbid organic condition—perhaps an
inflammation, or an injury—very commonly sets the work of symptom-
formation in motion; so that the latter process swiftly seizes upon the
symptom supplied by reality, and uses it to represent those unconscious
phantasies that have only been lying in wait for some means of expression.
In such a case the physician will try first one therapy and then the other;
will either endeavour to abolish the organic foundation on which the
symptom rests, without troubling about the clamorous neurotic elaboration
of it; or will attack the neurosis which this opportunity has brought to birth,
while leaving on one side the organic stimulus which incited it. Sometimes
one and sometimes the other procedure will be found justified by success;
no general rules can be prescribed for mixed cases of this kind.

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Page 340

TWENTY-FIFTH LECTURE
ANXIETY

You will certainly have judged the information that I gave you in the
last lecture about ordinary nervousness as the most fragmentary and most
inadequate of all my accounts. I know that it was; and I expect that nothing
surprised you more than that I made no mention of the ‘anxiety’ which most
nervous people complain of and themselves describe as their most terrible
burden. Anxiety or dread can really develop tremendous intensity and in
consequence be the cause of the maddest precautions. But in this matter at
least I wished not to cut you short; on the contrary, I had determined to put
the problem of nervous anxiety to you as clearly as possible and to discuss
it at some length.
Anxiety (or dread)[50] itself needs no description; everyone has
personally experienced this sensation, or to speak more correctly this
affective condition, at some time or other. But in my opinion not enough
serious consideration has been given to the question why nervous persons in
particular suffer from anxiety so much more intensely, and so much more
altogether, than others. Perhaps it has been taken for granted that they
should; indeed, the words “nervous” and “anxious” are used
interchangeably, as if they meant the same thing. This is not justifiable,
however; there are anxious people who are otherwise not in any way
nervous and there are, besides, neurotics with numerous symptoms who
exhibit no tendency to dread.
However this may be, one thing is certain, that the problem of anxiety
is a nodal point, linking up all kinds of most important questions; a riddle,
of which the solution must cast a flood of light upon our whole mental life.
I do not claim that I can give you a complete solution; but you will certainly
expect psycho-analysis to have attacked this problem too in a different
manner from that adopted by academic medicine. Interest there centres
upon the anatomical processes by which the anxiety condition comes about.
We learn that the medulla oblongata is stimulated, and the patient is told

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that he is suffering from a neurosis in the vagal nerve. The medulla
oblongata is a wondrous and beauteous object; I well remember how much
time and labour I devoted to the study of it years ago. But to-day I must say
I know of nothing less important for the psychological comprehension of
anxiety than a knowledge of the nerve-paths by which the excitations travel.
One may consider anxiety for a long time without giving a thought to
nervousness. You will understand me at once when I describe this form of
anxiety as Real Anxiety, in contrast to neurotic anxiety. Now real anxiety
or dread appears to us a very natural and rational thing; we should call it a
reaction to the perception of an external danger, of an injury which is
expected and foreseen; it is bound up with the reflex of flight, and may be
regarded as an expression of the instinct of self-preservation. The occasions
of it, i.e. the objects and situations about which anxiety is felt, will
obviously depend to a great extent upon the state of the person’s knowledge
and feeling of power regarding the outer world. It seems to us quite natural
that a savage should be afraid of a cannon or of an eclipse of the sun, while
a white man who can handle the weapon and foretell the phenomenon
remains unafraid in the same situation. At other times it is knowledge itself
which inspires fear, because it reveals the danger sooner; thus a savage will
recoil with terror at the sight of a track in the jungle which conveys nothing
to an ignorant white man, but means that some wild beast is near at hand;
and an experienced sailor will perceive with dread a little cloud on the
horizon because it means an approaching hurricane, while to a passenger it
looks quite insignificant.
The view that real anxiety is rational and expedient, however, will on
deeper consideration be admitted to need thorough revision. In face of
imminent danger the only expedient behaviour, actually, would be first a
cool appraisement of the forces at disposal as compared with the magnitude
of the danger at hand, and then a decision whether flight or defence, or
possibly attack, offered the best prospect of a successful outcome. Dread,
however, has no place in this scheme; everything to be done will be
accomplished as well and probably better if dread does not develop. You
will see too that when dread is excessive it becomes in the highest degree
inexpedient; it paralyses every action, even that of flight. The reaction to
danger usually consists in a combination of the two things, the fear-affect
and the defensive action; the frightened animal is afraid and flees, but the
expedient element in this is the ‘flight,’ not the ‘being afraid.’

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One is tempted therefore to assert that the development of anxiety is
never expedient; perhaps a closer dissection of the situation in dread will
give us a better insight into it. The first thing about it is the ‘readiness’ for
danger, which expresses itself in heightened sensorial perception and in
motor tension. This expectant readiness is obviously advantageous; indeed,
absence of it may be responsible for grave results. It is then followed on the
one hand by a motor action, taking the form primarily of flight and, on a
higher level, of defensive action; and on the other hand by the condition we
call a sensation of ‘anxiety’ or dread. The more the development of dread is
limited to a flash, to a mere signal, the less does it hinder the transition from
the state of anxious readiness to that of action, and the more expediently
does the whole course of events proceed. The anxious readiness therefore
seems to me the expedient element, and the development of anxiety the
inexpedient element, in what we call anxiety or dread.
I shall not enter upon a discussion whether the words anxiety, fear,
fright, mean the same or different things in common usage. In my opinion,
anxiety relates to the condition and ignores the object, whereas in the word
fear attention is directed to the object; fright does actually seem to possess a
special meaning—namely, it relates specifically to the condition induced
when danger is unexpectedly encountered without previous anxious
readiness. It might be said then that anxiety is a protection against fright.
It will not have escaped you that a certain ambiguity and indefiniteness
exists in the use of the word ‘anxiety.’ It is generally understood to mean
the subjective condition arising upon the perception of what we have called
‘developed’ anxiety; such a condition is called an affect. Now what is an
affect, in a dynamic sense? It is certainly something very complex. An
affect comprises first of all certain motor innervations or discharges; and,
secondly, certain sensations, which moreover are of two kinds—namely, the
perceptions of the motor actions which have been performed, and the
directly pleasurable or painful sensations which give the affect what we call
its dominant note. But I do not think that this description penetrates to the
essence of an affect. With certain affects one seems to be able to see deeper,
and to recognize that the core of it, binding the whole complex structure
together, is of the nature of a repetition of some particular very significant
previous experience. This experience could only have been an exceedingly
early impression of a universal type, to be found in the previous history of
the species rather than of the individual. In order to be better understood I

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might say that an affective state is constructed like an hysterical attack, i.e.
is the precipitate of a reminiscence. An hysterical attack is therefore
comparable to a newly-formed individual affect, and the normal affect to a
universal hysteria which has become a heritage.
Do not imagine that what I am telling you now about affects is the
common property of normal psychology. On the contrary, these conceptions
have grown on the soil of psycho-analysis and are only indigenous there.
What psychology has to say about affects—the James-Lange theory, for
instance—is utterly incomprehensible to us psycho-analysts and impossible
for us to discuss. We do not however regard what we know of affects as at
all final; it is a first attempt to take our bearings in this obscure region. To
continue, then: we believe we know what this early impression is which is
reproduced as a repetition in the anxiety-affect. We think it is the experience
of birth—an experience which involves just such a concatenation of painful
feelings, of discharges of excitation, and of bodily sensations, as to have
become a prototype for all occasions on which life is endangered, ever after
to be reproduced again in us as the dread or ‘anxiety’ condition. The
enormous increase in stimulation effected by the interruption of the renewal
of blood (the internal respiration) was the cause of the anxiety experience at
birth—the first anxiety was therefore toxically induced. The name Angst
(anxiety)—angustiæ, Enge, a narrow place, a strait—accentuates the
characteristic tightening in the breathing which was then the consequence
of a real situation and is subsequently repeated almost invariably with an
affect. It is very suggestive too that the first anxiety state arose on the
occasion of the separation from the mother. We naturally believe that the
disposition to reproduce this first anxiety condition has become so deeply
ingrained in the organism, through countless generations, that no single
individual can escape the anxiety affect; even though, like the legendary
Macduff, he ‘was from his mother’s womb untimely ripped’ and so did not
himself experience the act of birth. What the prototype of the anxiety
condition may be for other animals than mammals we cannot say; neither
do we know what the complex of sensations in them is which is equivalent
to fear in us.
It may perhaps interest you to know how it was possible to arrive at
such an idea as this—that birth is the source and prototype of the anxiety
affect. Speculation had least of all to do with it; on the contrary, I borrowed
a thought from the naïve intuitive mind of the people. Many years ago a

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number of young house-physicians, including myself, were sitting round a
dinner-table, and one of the assistants at the obstetrical clinic was telling us
all the funny stories of the last midwives’ examination. One of the
candidates was asked what it meant when the meconium (child’s excreta)
was present in the waters at birth, and promptly replied: “That the child is
frightened.” She was ridiculed and failed. But I silently took her part and
began to suspect that the poor unsophisticated woman’s unerring perception
had revealed a very important connection.
Now let us turn to neurotic anxiety; what are the special manifestations
and conditions found in the anxiety of nervous persons? There is a great
deal to be described here. First of all, we find a general apprehensiveness in
them, a ‘free-floating’ anxiety, as we call it, ready to attach itself to any
thought which is at all appropriate, affecting judgements, inducing
expectations, lying in wait for any opportunity to find a justification for
itself. We call this condition ‘expectant dread’ or ‘anxious expectation.’
People who are tormented with this kind of anxiety always anticipate the
worst of all possible outcomes, interpret every chance happening as an evil
omen, and exploit every uncertainty to mean the worst. The tendency to this
kind of expectation of evil is found as a character-trait in many people who
cannot be described as ill in any other way, and we call them ‘overanxious’
or pessimistic; but a marked degree of expectant dread is an invariable
accompaniment of the nervous disorder which I have called anxiety-
neurosis and include among the actual neuroses.
In contrast to this type of anxiety, a second form of it is found to be
much more circumscribed in the mind, and attached to definite objects and
situations. This is the anxiety of the extraordinarily various and often very
peculiar phobias. Stanley Hall, the distinguished American psychologist,
has recently taken the trouble to designate a whole series of these phobias
by gorgeous Greek titles; they sound like the ten plagues of Egypt, except
that there are far more than ten of them. Just listen to the things that can
become the object or content of a phobia: darkness, open air, open spaces,
cats, spiders, caterpillars, snakes, mice, thunder, sharp points, blood,
enclosed places, crowds, loneliness, crossing bridges, travelling by land or
sea, and so on. As a first attempt to take one’s bearings in this chaos we
may divide them into three groups. Many of the objects and situations
feared are rather sinister, even to us normal people, they have some
connection with danger; and these phobias are not entirely

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incomprehensible to us, although their intensity seems very much
exaggerated. Most of us, for instance, have a feeling of repulsion upon
encountering a snake. It may be said that the snake-phobia is universal in
mankind. Charles Darwin has described most vividly how he could not
control his dread of a snake that darted at him, although he knew that he
was protected from it by a thick plate of glass. The second group consists of
situations that still have some relation to danger, but to one that is usually
belittled or not emphasized by us; most situation-phobias belong to this
group. We know that there is more chance of meeting with a disaster in a
railway train than at home—namely, a collision; we also know that a ship
may sink, whereupon it is usual to be drowned; but we do not brood upon
these dangers and we travel without anxiety by train and boat. Nor can it be
denied that if a bridge were to break at the moment we were crossing it we
should be hurled into the torrent, but that only happens so very occasionally
that it is not a danger worth considering. Solitude too has its dangers, which
in certain circumstances we avoid, but there is no question of never being
able to endure it for a moment under any conditions. The same thing applies
to crowds, enclosed spaces, thunderstorms, and so on. What is foreign to us
in these phobias is not so much their content as their intensity. The anxiety
accompanying a phobia is positively indescribable! And we sometimes get
the impression that neurotics are not really at all fearful of those things
which can, under certain conditions, arouse anxiety in us and which they
call by the same names.
There remains a third group which is entirely unintelligible to us.
When a strong full-grown man is afraid to cross a street or square in his
own so familiar town, or when a healthy well-developed woman becomes
almost senseless with fear because a cat has brushed against her dress or a
mouse has scurried through the room, how can we see the connection with
danger which is obviously present to these people? With this kind of
animal-phobia it is no question of an increased intensity of common human
antipathies; to prove the contrary, there are numbers of people who, for
instance, cannot pass a cat without attracting and petting it. A mouse is a
thing that so many women are afraid of, and yet it is at the same time a very
favourite pet name;[51] many a girl who is delighted to be called so by her
lover will scream with terror at the sight of the dainty little creature itself.
The behaviour of the man who is afraid to cross streets and squares only
suggests one thing to us—that he behaves like a little child. A child is

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directly taught that such situations are dangerous, and the man’s anxiety too
is allayed when he is led by someone across the open space.
The two forms of anxiety described, the ‘free-floating’ expectant dread
and that attached to phobias, are independent of each other. The one is not
the other at a further stage; they are only rarely combined, and then as if
fortuitously. The most intense general apprehensiveness does not
necessarily lead to a phobia; people who have been hampered all their lives
by agoraphobia may be quite free from pessimistic expectant dread. Many
phobias, e.g. fear of open spaces, of railway travelling, are demonstrably
acquired first in later life; others, such as fear of darkness, thunder, animals,
seem to have existed from the beginning. The former signify serious illness,
the latter are more of the nature of idiosyncrasies, peculiarities; anyone
exhibiting one of these latter may be suspected of harbouring others similar
to it. I must add that we group all these phobias under anxiety-hysteria, that
is, we regard them as closely allied to the well-known disorder called
conversion-hysteria.
The third form taken by neurotic anxiety brings us to an enigma; there
is no visible connection at all between the anxiety and the danger dreaded.
This anxiety occurs in hysteria, for instance, accompanying the hysterical
symptoms; or under various conditions of excitement in which, it is true, we
should expect some affect to be displayed, but least of all an anxiety-affect;
or without reference to any conditions, incomprehensible both to us and to
the patient, an unrelated anxiety-attack. We may look far and wide without
discovering a danger or an occasion which could even be exaggerated to
account for it. These spontaneous attacks show therefore that the complex
condition which we describe as anxiety can be split up into components.
The whole attack can be represented (as a substitute) by a single intensively
developed symptom—shuddering, faintness, palpitation of the heart,
inability to breathe—and the general feeling which we recognize as anxiety
may be absent or may have become unnoticeable. And yet these states
which are termed ‘anxiety-equivalents’ have the same clinical and
ætiological validity as anxiety itself.
Two questions arise now: Is it possible to bring neurotic anxiety, in
which such a small part or none at all is played by danger, into relation with
‘real anxiety,’ which is essentially a reaction to danger? And, how is
neurotic anxiety to be understood? We will at present hold fast to the

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expectation that where there is anxiety there must be something of which
one is afraid.
Clinical observation yields various clues to the comprehension of
neurotic anxiety, and I will now discuss their significance with you.
(a) It is not difficult to see that expectant dread or general
apprehensiveness stands in intimate relation to certain processes in the
sexual life—let us say, to certain modes of Libido-utilization. The simplest
and most instructive case of this kind arises in people who expose
themselves to what is called frustrated excitation, i.e. when a powerful
sexual excitation experiences insufficient discharge and is not carried on to
a satisfying termination. This occurs, for instance, in men during the time of
an engagement to marry, and in women whose husbands are not sufficiently
potent, or who perform the sexual act too rapidly or incompletely with a
view to preventing conception. Under these conditions the libidinal
excitation disappears and anxiety appears in place of it, both in the form of
expectant dread and in that of attacks and anxiety-equivalents. The
precautionary measure of coitus interruptus, when practised as a customary
sexual régime, is so regularly the cause of anxiety-neurosis in men, and
even more so in women, that medical practitioners would be wise to enquire
first of all into the possibility of such an ætiology in all such cases.
Innumerable examples show that the anxiety-neurosis vanishes when the
sexual malpractice is given up.
So far as I know, the fact that a connection exists between sexual
restraint and anxiety conditions is no longer disputed, even by physicians
who hold aloof from psycho-analysis. Nevertheless I can well imagine that
they do not neglect to invert the connection, and to put forward the view
that such persons are predisposed to apprehensiveness and consequently
practise caution in sexual matters. Against this, however, decisive evidence
is found in the reactions in women, in whom the sexual function is
essentially passive, so that its course is determined by the treatment
accorded by the man. The more ‘temperament,’ i.e. the more inclination for
sexual intercourse and capacity for satisfaction, a woman has, the more
certainly will she react with anxiety manifestations to the man’s impotence
or to coitus interruptus; whereas such abuse entails far less serious results
with anæsthetic women or those in whom the sexual hunger is less strong.

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Sexual abstinence, which is nowadays so warmly recommended by
physicians, of course only has the same significance for anxiety conditions
when the Libido which is denied a satisfactory outlet is correspondingly
insistent, and is not being utilized to a large extent in sublimation. Whether
or not illness will ensue is indeed always a matter of the quantitative factor.
Even apart from illness, it is easy to see in the sphere of character-formation
that sexual restraint goes hand in hand with a certain anxiousness and
cautiousness, whereas fearlessness and a boldly adventurous spirit bring
with them a free tolerance of sexual needs. However these relations may be
altered and complicated by the manifold influences of civilization, it
remains incontestible that for the average human being anxiety is closely
connected with sexual limitation.
I have by no means told you all the observations which point to this
genetic connection between Libido and anxiety. There is, for instance, the
effect upon anxiety states of certain periods of life, such as puberty and the
menopause, in which the production of Libido is considerably augmented.
In many states of excitement too, the mingling of sexual excitation with
anxiety may be directly observed, as well as the final replacement of the
libidinal excitation by anxiety. The impression received from all this is a
double one; first, that it is a matter of an accumulation of Libido, debarred
from its normal utilization; and secondly, that the question is one of somatic
processes only. How anxiety develops out of sexual desire is at present
obscure; we can only ascertain that desire is lacking and anxiety is found in
its place.
(b) A second clue is obtained from analysis of the psychoneuroses, in
particular, of hysteria. We have heard that anxiety frequently accompanies
the symptoms in this disease, and that unattached anxiety may also be
chronically present or come to expression in attacks. The patients cannot
say what it is they fear; they link it up by unmistakable secondary
elaboration to the most convenient phobias: of dying, of going mad, of
having a stroke, etc. When we subject to analysis the situation in which the
anxiety, or the symptom accompanied by anxiety, arose, we can as a rule
discover what normal mental process has been checked in its course and
replaced by a manifestation of anxiety. To express it differently: we
construe the unconscious process as though it had not undergone repression
and had gone through unhindered into consciousness. This process would
have been accompanied by a particular affect and now we discover, to our

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astonishment, that this affect, which would normally accompany the mental
process through into consciousness, is in every case replaced by anxiety, no
matter what particular type it had previously been. So that when we have a
hysterical anxiety condition before us, its unconscious correlative may be
an excitation of a similar character, such as apprehension, shame,
embarrassment; or quite as possibly a ‘positive’ libidinal excitation; or an
antagonistic, aggressive one, such as rage or anger. Anxiety is thus general
current coin for which all the affects are exchanged, or can be exchanged,
when the corresponding ideational content is under repression.
(c) A third observation is provided by patients whose symptoms take
the form of obsessive acts, and who seem to be remarkably immune from
anxiety. When we restrain them from carrying out their obsessive
performances, their washing, their ceremonies, etc., or when they
themselves venture an attempt to abandon one of their compulsions, they
are forced by an appalling dread to yield to the compulsion and to carry out
the act. We perceive that the anxiety was concealed under the obsessive act
and that this is only performed to escape the feeling of dread. In the
obsessional neurosis, therefore, the anxiety which would otherwise ensue is
replaced by the symptom-formation; and when we turn to hysteria we find a
similar relation existing—as a consequence of the process of repression
either a pure developed anxiety, or anxiety with symptom-formation, or,
symptom-formation without anxiety. In an abstract sense, therefore, it
seems correct to say that symptoms altogether are formed purely for the
purpose of escaping the otherwise inevitable development of anxiety. Thus
anxiety comes to the forefront of our interest in the problems of the
neuroses.
We concluded from our observations on the anxiety-neurosis that the
diversion of the Libido away from its normal form of utilization, a diversion
which releases anxiety, took place on the basis of somatic processes. The
analyses of hysterical and obsessional neuroses furnish the additional
conclusion that a similar diversion with a similar result can follow from
opposition on the part of psychical agents (Instanzen). We know as much as
this, therefore, about the origin of neurotic anxiety; it still sounds rather
indefinite. But for the moment I know of no path which will take us further.
The second task we undertook, that of establishing a connection between
neurotic anxiety (abnormally utilized Libido) and ‘real anxiety’ (which
corresponds with the reaction to danger), seems even more difficult to

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accomplish. One would think there could be no comparison between the
two things, and yet there are no means by which the sensations of neurotic
anxiety can be distinguished from those of real anxiety.
The desired connection may be found with the help of the antithesis, so
often put forward, between the Ego and the Libido. As we know, the
development of anxiety is the reaction of the Ego to danger and the signal
preparatory to flight; it is then not a great step to imagine that in neurotic
anxiety also the Ego is attempting a flight, from the demands of its Libido,
and is treating this internal danger as if it were an external one. Then our
expectation, that where anxiety is present there must be something of which
one is afraid, would be fulfilled. The analogy goes further than this,
however. Just as the tension prompting the attempt to flee from external
danger is resolved into holding one’s ground and taking appropriate
defensive measures, so the development of neurotic anxiety yields to a
symptom-formation, which enables the anxiety to be ‘bound.’
Our difficulty in comprehension now lies elsewhere. The anxiety
which signifies the flight of the Ego from its Libido is nevertheless
supposed to have had its source in that Libido. This is obscure, and we are
warned not to forget that the Libido of a given person is fundamentally part
of that person and cannot be contrasted with him as if it were something
external. It is the question of the topographical dynamics of anxiety-
development that is still obscure to us—what kind of mental energies are
being expended and to what systems do they belong? I cannot promise you
to answer this question also; but we will not neglect to follow up two other
clues, and in so doing will again summon direct observation and analytic
investigation to aid our speculation. We will turn to the sources of anxiety
in children, and to the origin of the neurotic anxiety which is attached to
phobias.
Apprehensiveness is very common among children, and it is difficult
enough to decide whether it is real or neurotic anxiety. Indeed the very
value of this distinction is called in question by the attitude of children
themselves. For on the one hand we are not surprised that children are
afraid of strangers, of strange objects and situations, and we account for this
reaction to ourselves very easily by reflecting on their weakness and
ignorance. Thus we ascribe to the child a strong tendency to real anxiety
and should regard it as only practical if this apprehensiveness had been

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transmitted by inheritance. The child would only be repeating the behaviour
of prehistoric man and of primitive man to-day who, in consequence of his
ignorance and helplessness, experiences a dread of anything new and
strange, and of much that is familiar to him, none of which any longer
inspires fear in us. It would also correspond to our expectations if the
phobias of children were at least in part such as might be attributed to those
primeval periods of human development.
On the other hand, it cannot be overlooked that children are not all
equally apprehensive, and that the very children who are more than usually
timid in the face of all kinds of objects and situations are just those who
later on become neurotic. The neurotic disposition is therefore betrayed,
amongst other signs, by a marked tendency to real anxiety;
apprehensiveness rather than nervousness appears to be primary; and we
arrive at the conclusion that the child, and later the adult, experiences a
dread of the strength of his Libido, simply because he is afraid of
everything. The derivation of anxiety from the Libido itself would then be
discarded; and investigation of the conditions of real anxiety would
logically lead to the view that the consciousness of personal weakness and
helplessness—inferiority, as A. Adler calls it—when it is able to maintain
itself into later life is the final cause of neurosis.
This sounds so simple and plausible that it has a claim on our
attention. It is true that it would involve shifting the point of view from
which we regard the problem of nervousness. That such feelings of
inferiority do persist into later life—together with a disposition to anxiety
and symptom-formation—seems so well established that much more
explanation is required when, in an exceptional case, what we call ‘health’
is the outcome. But what can be learnt from the close observation of
apprehensiveness in children? The small child is first of all afraid of strange
people; situations become important only on account of the people
concerned in them, and objects always much later. But the child is not
afraid of these strange people because he attributes evil intentions to them,
comparing their strength with his weakness, and thus recognizing in them a
danger to his existence, his safety, and his freedom from pain. Such a
conception of a child, so suspicious and terrified of an overpowering
aggressivity in the world, is a very poor sort of theoretical construction. On
the contrary, the child starts back in fright from a strange figure because he
is used to—and therefore expects—a beloved and familiar figure, primarily

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his mother. It is his disappointment and longing which are transformed into
dread—his Libido, unable to be expended, and at that time not to be held
suspended, is discharged through being converted into dread. It can hardly
be a coincidence too that in this situation, which is the prototype of childish
anxiety, the condition of the primary anxiety state during birth, a separation
from the mother, is again reproduced.
The first phobias of situations in children concern darkness and
loneliness; the former is often retained throughout life; common to both is
the desire for the absent attendant, for the mother, therefore. I once heard a
child who was afraid of the darkness call out: “Auntie, talk to me, I’m
frightened.” “But what good will that do? You can’t see me;” to which the
child replied: “If someone talks, it gets lighter.” The longing felt in the
darkness is thus transformed into fear of the darkness. Far from finding that
neurotic anxiety is only secondary and a special case of real anxiety, we see
on the contrary that there is something in the small child which behaves like
real anxiety and has an essential feature in common with neurotic anxiety—
namely, origin in undischarged Libido. Of genuine ‘real anxiety’ the child
seems to bring very little into the world. In all those situations which can
become the conditions of phobias later, on heights, on narrow bridges over
water, in trains and boats, the small child shows no fear—the less it knows
the less it fears. It is much to be wished that it had inherited more of these
life-preserving instincts; the task of looking after it and preventing it from
exposing itself to one danger after another would have been very much
lightened. Actually, you see, a child overestimates his powers, to begin
with, and behaves without fear because he does not recognize dangers. He
will run along the edge of the water, climb upon the window-sill, play with
sharp things and with fire, in short, do anything that injures him and alarms
his attendants. Since he cannot be allowed to learn it himself through bitter
experience, it is entirely due to training that real anxiety does eventually
awake in him.
Now if some children embrace this training in apprehensiveness very
readily, and then find for themselves dangers which they have not been
warned against, it is explicable on the ground that these children have
inherently a greater amount of libidinal need in their constitution than
others, or else that they have been spoiled early with libidinal gratifications.
It is no wonder if those who later become nervous also belong to this type
as children; we know that the most favourable circumstance for the

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development of a neurosis lies in the inability to tolerate a considerable
degree of pent-up Libido for any length of time. You will observe now that
here the constitutional factor, which we have never denied, comes into its
own. We protest only when others emphasize it to the exclusion of all other
claims, and when they introduce the constitutional factor even where
according to the unanimous findings both of observation and of analysis, it
does not belong, or only plays a minor part.
Let us sum up the conclusions drawn from the observation of
apprehensiveness in children: Infantile dread has very little to do with real
anxiety (dread of real danger), but is, on the other hand, closely allied to the
neurotic anxiety of adults. It is derived like the latter from undischarged
Libido, and it substitutes some other external object or some situation for
the love-object which it misses.
Now you will be glad to hear that the analysis of phobias has little
more to teach us than we have learnt already. The same thing happens in
them as in the anxiety of children; Libido that cannot be discharged is
continuously being converted into an apparently ‘real’ anxiety, and so an
insignificant external danger is taken as a representative of what the Libido
desires. The agreement between the two forms of anxiety is not surprising;
for infantile phobias are not merely prototypes of those which appear later
in anxiety-hysteria, but they are a direct preliminary condition and prelude
of them. Every hysterical phobia can be traced back to a childish dread, of
which it is a continuation, even if it has a different content and must be
called by a different name. The difference between the two conditions lies
in their mechanism. In order that the Libido should be converted into
anxiety in the adult it is no longer sufficient that the Libido should be
momentarily unable to be utilized. The adult has long since learned to
maintain such Libido suspended, or to apply it in different ways. But, when
the Libido is attached to a mental excitation which has undergone
repression, conditions similar to those in the child, in whom there is not yet
any distinction between conscious and unconscious, are re-established; and
by a regression to the infantile phobia a bridge, so to speak, is provided by
which the conversion of Libido into anxiety can be conveniently effected.
As you will remember, we have treated repression at some length, but in so
doing we have been concerned exclusively with the fate of the idea to be
repressed; naturally, because this was easier to recognize and to present. But
we have so far ignored the question of what happened to the affect attached

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to this idea, and now we learn for the first time that it is the immediate fate
of the affect to be converted into anxiety, no matter what quality of affect it
would otherwise have been had it run a normal course. This transformation
of affect is, moreover, by far the more important effect of the process of
repression. It is not so easy to present to you; for we cannot maintain the
existence of unconscious affects in the same sense as that of unconscious
ideas. An idea remains up to a point the same, whether it is conscious or
unconscious; we can indicate something that corresponds to an unconscious
idea. But an affect is a process involving a discharge of energy, and it is to
be regarded quite differently from an idea; without searching examination
and clarification of our hypotheses concerning mental processes, we cannot
tell what corresponds with it in the Unconscious—and that cannot be
undertaken here. However, we will preserve the impression we have gained,
that the development of anxiety is closely connected with the unconscious
system.
I said that conversion into anxiety, or better, discharge in the form of
anxiety, was the immediate fate of Libido which encounters repression; I
must add that it is not the only or the final fate of it. In the neuroses,
processes take place which are intended to prevent the development of
anxiety, and which succeed in so doing by various means. In the phobias,
for instance, two stages in the neurotic process are clearly discernible. The
first effects the repressions and conversion of the Libido into anxiety, which
is then attached to some external danger. The second consists in building up
all those precautions and safeguards by which all contact with this
externalized danger shall be avoided. Repression is an attempt at flight on
the part of the Ego from the Libido which it feels to be dangerous; the
phobia may be compared to a fortification against the outer danger which
now stands for the dreaded Libido. The weakness of this defensive system
in the phobias is of course that the fortress which is so well guarded from
without remains exposed to danger from within; projection externally of
danger from Libido can never be a very successful measure. In the other
neuroses, therefore, other defensive systems are employed against the
possibility of the development of anxiety; this is a very interesting part of
the psychology of the neuroses. Unfortunately it would take us too far afield
and also it would require a thorough grounding in special knowledge of the
subject. I will merely add this. I have already spoken of the ‘counter-
charges’ that are instituted by the Ego upon repression, which must be

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maintained so that the repression can persist. It is the task of this counter-
charge to carry out the various forms of defence against the development of
anxiety after repression.
To return to the phobias: I may now hope that you realize how
inadequate it is to attempt merely to explain their content, and to take no
interest in them apart from their derivation—this or that object or situation
which has been made into a phobia. The content of the phobia has an
importance comparable to that of the manifest dream—it is a façade. With
all due modifications, it is to be admitted that among the contents of the
various phobias many are found which, as Stanley Hall points out, are
specially suited by phylogenetic inheritance to become objects of dread. It
is even in agreement with this that many of these dreaded things have no
connection with danger, except through a symbolic relation to it.
Thus we are convinced of the quite central position which the problem
of anxiety fills in the psychology of the neuroses. We have received a strong
impression of how the development of anxiety is bound up with the fate of
the Libido and with the unconscious system. There is only one unconnected
thread, only one gap in our structure, the fact, which after all can hardly be
disputed, that ‘real anxiety’ must be regarded as an expression of the Ego’s
instinct for self-preservation.

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TWENTY-SIXTH LECTURE
THE THEORY OF THE LIBIDO: NARCISSISM

We have repeatedly, and again quite recently, referred to the distinction
between the sexual and the Ego-instincts. First of all, repression showed
how they can oppose each other, how the sexual instincts are then
apparently brought to submission, and required to procure their satisfaction
by circuitous regressive paths, where in their impregnability they obtain
compensation for their defeat. Then it appeared that from the outset they
each have a different relation to the task-mistress Necessity, so that their
developments are different and they acquire different attitudes to the reality-
principle. Finally we believe we can observe that the sexual instincts are
connected by much closer ties with the affective state of anxiety than are
the Ego-instincts—a conclusion which in one important point only still
seems incomplete. In support of it we may bring forward the further
remarkable fact that want of satisfaction of hunger or thirst, the two most
elemental of the self-preservative instincts, never results in conversion of
them into anxiety, whereas the conversion of unsatisfied Libido into anxiety
is, as we have heard, a very well-known and frequently-observed
phenomenon.
Our justification for distinguishing between sexual and Ego-instincts
can surely not be contested; it is indeed assumed by the existence of the
sexual instinct as a special activity in the individual. The only question is
what significance is to be attached to this distinction, how radical and
decisive we intend to consider it. The answer to this depends upon what we
can ascertain about the extent to which the sexual instincts, both in their
bodily and their mental manifestations, conduct themselves differently from
the other instincts which we set against them; and how important the results
arising from these differences are found to be. We have of course no motive
for maintaining any difference in the fundamental nature of the two groups
of instincts, and, by the way, it would be difficult to apprehend any. They
both present themselves to us merely as descriptions of the sources of

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energy in the individual, and the discussion whether fundamentally they are
one, or essentially different, and if one, when they became separated from
each other, cannot be carried through on the basis of these concepts alone,
but must be grounded on the biological facts underlying them. At present
we know too little about this, and even if we knew more it would not be
relevant to the task of psycho-analysis.
We should clearly also profit very little by emphasizing the primordial
unity of all the instincts, as Jung has done, and describing all the energies
which flow from them as ‘Libido.’ We should then be compelled to speak of
sexual and asexual Libido, since the sexual function is not to be eliminated
from the field of mental life by any such device. The name Libido,
however, remains properly reserved for the instinctive forces of the sexual
life, as we have hitherto employed it.
In my opinion, therefore, the question how far the quite justifiable
distinction between sexual and self-preservative instincts is to be carried
has not much importance for psycho-analysis, nor is psycho-analysis
competent to deal with it. From the biological point of view there are
certainly various indications that the distinction is important. For the sexual
function is the only function of a living organism which extends beyond the
individual and secures its connection with its species. It is undeniable that
the exercise of this function does not always bring advantage to the
individual, as do his other activities, but that for the sake of an
exceptionally high degree of pleasure he is involved by this function in
dangers which jeopardize his life and often enough exact it. Quite peculiar
metabolic processes, different from all others, are probably required in
order to preserve a portion of the individual’s life as a disposition for
posterity. And finally, the individual organism that regards itself as first in
importance and its sexuality as a means like any other to its own
satisfaction is from a biological point of view only an episode in a series of
generations, a short-lived appendage to a germplasm which is endowed
with virtual immortality, comparable to the temporary holder of an entail
that will survive his death.
We are not concerned with such far-reaching considerations, however,
in the psycho-analytic elucidation of the neuroses. By means of following
up the distinction between the sexual and the Ego-instincts we have gained
the key to comprehension of the group of transference neuroses. We were

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able to trace back their origin to a fundamental situation in which the sexual
instincts had come into conflict with the self-preservative instincts, or—to
express it biologically, though at the same time less exactly—in which the
Ego in its capacity of independent individual organism had entered into
opposition with itself in its other capacity as a member of a series of
generations. Such a dissociation perhaps only exists in man, so that, taken
all in all, his superiority over the other animals may come down to his
capacity for neurosis. The excessive development of his Libido and the rich
elaboration of his mental life (perhaps directly made possible by it) seem to
constitute the conditions which give rise to a conflict of this kind. It is at
any rate clear that these are the conditions under which man has progressed
so greatly beyond what he has in common with the animals, so that his
capacity for neurosis would merely be the obverse of his capacity for
cultural development. However, these again are but speculations which
distract us from the task in hand.
Our work so far has been conducted on the assumption that the
manifestations of the sexual and the Ego-instincts can be distinguished from
one another. In the transference neuroses this is possible without any
difficulty. We called the investments of energy directed by the Ego towards
the object of its sexual desires ‘Libido,’ and all the other investments
proceeding from the self-preservative instincts its ‘interest’; and by
following up the investments with Libido, their transformations, and their
final fates, we were able to acquire our first insight into the workings of the
forces in mental life. The transference neuroses offered the best material for
this exploration. The Ego, however,—its composition out of various
organizations with their structure and mode of functioning—remained
undiscovered; we were led to believe that analysis of other neurotic
disturbances would be required before light could be gained on these
matters.
The extension of psycho-analytic conceptions on to these other
affections was begun in early days. Already in 1908 K. Abraham expressed
the view after a discussion with me that the main characteristic of dementia
præcox (reckoned as one of the psychoses) is that in this disease the
investment of objects with Libido is lacking. (The Psycho-Sexual
Differences between Hysteria and Dementia Præcox). But then the question
arose: what happens to the Libido of dementia patients when it is diverted
from its objects? Abraham did not hesitate to answer that it is turned back

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upon the Ego, and that this reflex reversion of it is the origin of the
delusions of grandeur in dementia præcox. The delusion of grandeur is in
every way comparable to the well-known overestimation of the object in a
love-relationship. Thus we came for the first time to understand a feature of
a psychotic affection by bringing it into relation to the normal mode of
loving in life.
I will tell you at once that these early views of Abraham’s have been
retained in psycho-analysis and have become the basis of our position
regarding the psychoses. We became slowly accustomed to the conception
that the Libido, which we find attached to certain objects and which is the
expression of a desire to gain some satisfaction in these objects, can also
abandon these objects and set the Ego itself in their place; and gradually
this view developed itself more and more consistently. The name for this
utilization of the Libido—Narcissism—we borrowed from a perversion
described by P. Näcke, in which an adult individual lavishes upon his own
body all the caresses usually expended only upon a sexual object other than
himself.
Reflection then at once disclosed that if a fixation of this kind to the
subject’s own body and his own person can occur it cannot be an entirely
exceptional or meaningless phenomenon. On the contrary, it is probable that
this narcissism is the universal original condition, out of which object-love
develops later without thereby necessarily effecting a disappearance of the
narcissism. One also had to remember the evolution of object-Libido, in
which to begin with many of the sexual impulses are gratified on the child’s
own body—as we say, auto-erotically—and that this capacity for auto-
erotism accounts for the backwardness of sexuality in learning to conform
to the reality-principle. Thus it appeared that auto-erotism was the sexual
activity of the narcissistic phase of direction of the Libido.
To put it briefly, we formed an idea of the relation between the Ego-
Libido and the object-Libido which I can illustrate to you by a comparison
taken from zoology. Think of the simplest forms of life consisting of a little
mass of only slightly differentiated protoplasmic substances. They extend
protrusions which are called pseudopodia into which the protoplasm
overflows. They can, however, again withdraw these extensions of
themselves and reform themselves into a mass. We compare this extending
of protrusions to the radiation of Libido on to the objects, while the greatest

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volume of Libido may yet remain within the Ego; we infer that under
normal conditions Ego-Libido can transform itself into object-Libido
without difficulty and that this can again subsequently be absorbed into the
Ego.
With the help of these conceptions it is now possible to explain a
whole series of mental states, or, to express it more modestly, to describe in
terms of the Libido-theory conditions that belong to normal life; for
instance, the mental attitude pertaining to the conditions of “being in love,”
of organic illness, and of sleep. Of the condition of sleep we assumed that it
is founded upon a withdrawal from the outer world and a concentration
upon the wish to sleep. We found that the nocturnal mental activity which is
expressed in dreams served the purpose of the wish to sleep, and, moreover,
that it was governed exclusively by egoistic motives. In the light of the
Libido-theory we may carry this further and say that sleep is a condition in
which all investments of objects, the libidinal as well as the egoistic, are
abandoned and withdrawn again into the Ego. Does not this shed a new
light upon the recuperation afforded by sleep and upon the nature of fatigue
in general? The likeness we see in the condition which the sleeper conjures
up again every night to the blissful isolation of the intra-uterine existence is
thus confirmed and amplified in its mental aspects. In the sleeper the primal
state of the Libido-distribution is again reproduced, that of absolute
narcissism, in which Libido and Ego-interests dwell together still, united
and indistinguishable in the self-sufficient Self.
Two observations are in place here. First, how is the concept
‘narcissism’ distinguished from ‘egoism’? In my opinion, narcissism is the
libidinal complement of egoism. When one speaks of egoism one is
thinking only of the interests of the person concerned, narcissism relates
also to the satisfaction of his libidinal needs. It is possible to follow up the
two separately for a considerable distance as practical motives in life. A
man may be absolutely egoistic and yet have strong libidinal attachments to
objects, in so far as libidinal satisfaction in an object is a need of his Ego:
his egoism will then see to it that his desires towards the object involve no
injury to his Ego. A man may be egoistic and at the same time strongly
narcissistic (i.e. feel very little need for objects), and this again either in the
form taken by the need for direct sexual satisfaction, or in those higher
forms of feeling derived from the sexual needs which are commonly called
“love,” and as such are contrasted with “sensuality.” In all these situations

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egoism is the self-evident, the constant element, and narcissism the variable
one. The antithesis of egoism, “altruism,” is not an alternative term for the
investment of an object with Libido; it is distinct from the latter in its lack
of the desire for sexual satisfaction in the object. But when the condition of
love is developed to its fullest intensity altruism coincides with the
investment of an object with Libido. As a rule the sexual object draws to
itself a portion of the Ego’s narcissism, which becomes apparent in what is
called the ‘sexual overestimation’ of the object. If to this is added an
altruism directed towards the object and derived from the egoism of the
lover, the sexual object becomes supreme; it has entirely swallowed up the
Ego.
I think you will find it a relief if, after these scientific phantasies,
which are after all very dry, I submit to you a poetic description of the
‘economic’ contrast between the condition of narcissism and that of love in
full intensity. I take it from a dialogue between Zuleika and her lover in
Goethe’s Westöstliche Divan:—
Zuleika:

The slave, the lord of victories,
The crowd, with single voice, confess
In sense of personal being lies
A child of earth’s true happiness.
There’s not a life he need refuse
If his true self he does not miss:
There’s not a thing he cannot lose
If he remains the man he is.

Hâtem:

So it is held! so well may be!
But down a different track I come
Of all the bliss earth holds for me
I in Zuleika find the sum.
Does she expend her being on me,
Myself grows to myself of cost;
Turns she away, then instantly
I to my very self am lost.
And then with Hâtem all were over;
Though yet I should but change my state;
Swift, should she grace some happy lover,
In him I were incorporate.[52]

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The second observation is an amplification of the theory of dreams.
The way in which a dream originates is not explicable unless we assume
that what is repressed in the Unconscious has acquired a certain
independence of the Ego, so that it does not subordinate itself to the wish
for sleep and maintains its investments, although all the object-investments
proceeding from the Ego have been withdrawn for the purpose of sleep.
Only this makes it possible to understand how it is that this unconscious
material can make use of the abrogation or diminution in the activities of
the censorship which takes place at night, and that it knows how to mould
the day’s residue so as to form a forbidden dream-wish from the material to
hand in that residue. On the other hand, some of the resistance against the
wish to sleep and the withdrawal of Libido thereby induced may have its
origin in an association already in existence between this residue and the
repressed unconscious material. This important dynamic factor must
therefore now be incorporated into the conception of dream-formation
which we formed in our earlier discussions.
Certain conditions—organic illness, painful accesses of stimulation, an
inflammatory condition of an organ—have clearly the effect of loosening
the Libido from its attachment to its objects. The Libido which has thus
been withdrawn attaches itself again to the Ego in the form of a stronger
investment of the diseased region of the body. Indeed, one may venture the
assertion that in such conditions the withdrawal of the Libido from its
objects is more striking than the withdrawal of egoistic interests from their
concerns in the outer world. This seems to lead to a possibility of
understanding hypochondria, in which some organ, without being
perceptibly diseased, becomes in a very similar way the subject of a
solicitude on the part of the Ego. I shall, however, resist the temptation to
follow this up, or to discuss other situations which become explicable or
capable of exposition on this assumption of a return of the object-Libido
into the Ego; for I feel bound to meet two objections which I know have all
your attention at the moment. First of all, you want to know why when I
discuss sleep, illness, and similar conditions, I insist upon distinguishing
between Libido and ‘interests,’ sexual instincts and Ego-instincts, while the
observations are satisfactorily explained by assuming a single uniform
energy which is freely mobile, can invest either object or Ego, and can
serve the purposes of the one as well as of the other. Secondly, you will
want to know how I can be so bold as to treat the detachment of the Libido

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from its objects as the origin of a pathological condition, if such a
transformation of object-Libido into Ego-Libido—or into Ego-energy in
general—is a normal mental process repeated every day and every night.
The answer is: Your first objection sounds a good one. Examination of
the conditions of sleep, illness, and falling in love would probably never
have led to a distinction between Ego-Libido and object-Libido, or between
Libido and ‘interests.’ But in this you omit to take into account the
investigations with which we started, in the light of which we now regard
the mental situations under discussion. The necessity of distinguishing
between Libido and ‘interests,’ between sexual and self-preservative
instincts, has been forced upon us by our insight into the conflict from
which the transference neuroses arise. We have to reckon with this
distinction henceforward. The assumption that object-Libido can transform
itself into Ego-Libido, in other words, that we shall also have to reckon with
an Ego-Libido, appears to be the only one capable of solving the riddle of
what are called the narcissistic neuroses, e.g. dementia præcox, or of giving
any satisfactory explanation of their likeness to hysteria and obsessions and
differences from them. We then apply what we have found undeniably
proved in these cases to illness, sleep, and the condition of intense love. We
are at liberty to apply them in any direction and see where they will take us.
The single conclusion which is not directly based on analytical experience
is that Libido is Libido and remains so, whether it is attached to objects or
to the Ego itself, and is never transformed into egoistic ‘interests’ and vice
versa. This statement, however, is another way of expressing the distinction
between sexual instincts and Ego-instincts which we have already critically
examined, and which we shall hold to from heuristic motives until such
time as it may prove valueless.
Your second objection too raises a justifiable question, but it is
directed to a false issue. The withdrawal of object-Libido into the Ego is
certainly not pathogenic; it is true that it occurs every night before sleep can
ensue, and that the process is reversed upon awakening. The protoplasmic
animalcule draws in its protrusions and sends them out again at the next
opportunity. But it is quite a different matter when a definite, very forcible
process compels the withdrawal of the Libido from its objects. The Libido
that has then become narcissistic can no longer find its way back to its
objects, and this obstruction in the way of the free movement of the Libido
certainly does prove pathogenic. It seems that an accumulation of

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narcissistic Libido over and above a certain level becomes intolerable. We
might well imagine that it was this that first led to the investment of objects,
that the Ego was obliged to send forth its Libido in order not to fall ill of an
excessive accumulation of it. If it were part of our scheme to go more
particularly into the disorder of dementia præcox I would show you that the
process which detaches the Libido from its objects and blocks the way back
to them again is closely allied to the process of repression, and is to be
regarded as a counterpart of it. In any case you would recognize familiar
ground under your feet when you found that the preliminary conditions
giving rise to these processes are almost identical, so far as we know at
present, with those of repression. The conflict seems to be the same and to
be conducted between the same forces. Since the outcome is so different
from that of hysteria, for instance, the reason can only lie in some
difference in the disposition. The weak point in the Libido-development in
these patients is found at a different phase of the development; the decisive
fixation which, as you will remember, enables the process of symptom-
formation to break out is at another point, probably at the stage of primary
narcissism, to which dementia præcox finally returns. It is most remarkable
that for all the narcissistic neuroses we have to assume fixation-points of
the Libido at very much earlier phases of development than those found in
hysteria or the obsessional neurosis. You have heard, however, that the
concepts we have elicited from the study of the transference neuroses also
suffice to show us our bearings in the narcissistic neuroses, which are in
practice so much more severe. There is a very wide community between
them; fundamentally they are phenomena of a single class. You may
imagine how hopeless a task it is for anyone to attempt to explain these
disorders (which properly belong to psychiatry) without being first
equipped with the analytic knowledge of the transference neuroses.
The picture formed by the symptoms of dementia præcox, incidentally
a very variable one, is not determined exclusively by the symptoms arising
from the forcing of the Libido back from the objects and the accumulation
of it as narcissism in the Ego. Other phenomena occupy a large part of the
field, and may be traced to the efforts made by the Libido to reach its
objects again, which correspond therefore to attempts at restitution and
recovery. These are in fact the conspicuous, clamorous symptoms; they
exhibit a marked similarity to those of hysteria, or more rarely of the
obsessional neurosis; they are nevertheless different in every respect. It

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seems that in dementia præcox the efforts of the Libido to get back to its
objects, that is, to the mental idea of its objects, do really succeed in
conjuring up something of them, something that at the same time is only the
shadow of them—namely, the verbal images, the words, attached to them.
This is not the place to discuss this matter further, but in my opinion this
reversed procedure on the part of the Libido gives us an insight into what
constitutes the real difference between a conscious and an unconscious idea.
This has now brought us into the field where the next advances in
analytic work are to be expected. Since the time when we resolved upon our
formulation of the conception of Ego-Libido, the narcissistic neuroses have
become accessible to us; the task before us was to find the dynamic factors
in these disorders, and at the same time to amplify our knowledge of mental
life by a comprehension of the Ego. The psychology of the Ego, at which
we are aiming, cannot be founded upon data provided by our own self-
perceptions; it must be based, as is that of the Libido, upon analysis of the
disturbances and disintegrations of the Ego. We shall probably think very
little of our present knowledge of the fate of the Libido, gained from the
study of the transference neuroses, when that further, greater work has been
achieved. But as yet we have not got very far towards it. The narcissistic
neuroses can hardly be approached at all by the method which has availed
for the transference neuroses; you shall soon hear why this is. With these
patients it always happens that after one has penetrated a little way one
comes up against a stone wall which cannot be surmounted. You know that
in the transference neuroses, too, barriers of resistance of this kind are met
with, but that it is possible bit by bit to pull them down. In the narcissistic
neuroses the resistance is insuperable; at the most we can satisfy our
curiosity by craning our necks for a glimpse or two at what is going on over
the wall. Our technique will therefore have to be replaced by other methods;
at present we do not know whether we shall succeed in finding a substitute.
There is no lack of material with these patients; they bring forward a great
deal, although not in answer to our questions; at present all we can do is to
interpret what they say in the light of the understanding gained from the
study of the transference neuroses. The agreement between the two forms of
disease goes far enough to ensure us a satisfactory start with them. How
much we shall be able to achieve by this method remains to be seen.
There are other difficulties, besides this, in the way of our progress.
The narcissistic disorders and the psychoses related to them can only be

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unriddled by observers trained in the analytic study of the transference
neuroses. But our psychiatrists do not study psycho-analysis and we
psycho-analysts see too little of psychiatric cases. We shall have to develop
a breed of psychiatrists who have gone through the training of psycho-
analysis as a preparatory science. A beginning in this direction is being
made in America, where several of the leading psychiatrists lecture on
psycho-analytic doctrines to their students, and where medical
superintendents of institutions and asylums endeavour to observe their
patients in the light of this theory. But all the same it has sometimes been
possible for us here to take a peep over the wall of narcissism, so I will now
proceed to tell you what we think we have discovered in this way.
The disease of paranoia, a chronic form of systematic insanity, has a
very uncertain position in the attempts at classification made by present-day
psychiatry. There is no doubt, however, that it is closely related to dementia
præcox; I have in fact proposed that they should both be included under the
common designation of paraphrenia. The forms taken by paranoia are
described according to the content of the delusion, e.g. delusions of
grandeur, of persecution, of jealousy, of being loved (erotomania), etc. We
do not expect attempts at explanation from psychiatry; as an example, an
antiquated and not very fair example, I grant, I will tell you the attempt
which was made to derive one of these symptoms from another, by means
of a piece of intellectual rationalization: The patient who has a primary
tendency to believe himself persecuted draws from this the conclusion that
he must necessarily be a very important person and therefore develops a
delusion of grandeur. According to our analytic conception, the delusion of
grandeur is the direct consequence of the inflation of the Ego by the Libido
withdrawn from the investment of objects, a secondary narcissism ensuing
as a return of the original early infantile form. In the case of delusions of
persecution, however, we observed things which led us to follow up a
certain clue. In the first place we noticed that in the great majority of cases
the persecuting person was of the same sex as the persecuted one; this was
capable of a harmless explanation, it is true, but in certain cases which were
closely studied it appeared that the person of the same sex who had been
most beloved while the patient was normal became the persecutor after the
disease broke out. A further development of this becomes possible through
the well-known paths of association by which a loved person may be
replaced by someone else, e.g. the father by masters or persons in authority.

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From these observations, which were continually corroborated, we drew the
conclusion that persecutory paranoia is the means by which a person
defends himself against a homosexual impulse which has become too
powerful. The conversion of the affectionate feeling into the hate which, as
is well-known, can seriously endanger the life of the loved and hated object
then corresponds to the conversion of libidinal impulses into anxiety, which
is a regular result of the process of repression. As an illustration I will quote
the last case I had of this type. A young doctor had to be sent away from the
place where he lived because he had threatened the life of the son of a
university professor there who had previously been his greatest friend. He
imputed superhuman power and the most devilish intentions to this friend;
he was to blame for all the misfortunes which had occurred in recent years
to the family of the patient and for all his ill-luck in public and in private.
This was not enough, however; the wicked friend and his father, the
professor, had caused the war and brought the Russians over the border; he
had ruined his life in a thousand ways; our patient was convinced that the
death of this criminal would be the end of all evil in the world. And yet his
old love for him was still so strong that it had paralysed his hand when he
had an opportunity of shooting his enemy at sight. In the short conversation
which I had with the patient it came to light that this intimate friendship
between the two men went right back to their school-days; on at least one
occasion it had passed beyond the boundaries of friendship, a night spent
together had been the occasion of complete sexual intercourse. The patient
had never developed any of the feeling towards women that would have
been natural at his age with his attractive personality. He had been engaged
to a handsome, well-connected girl, but she had broken off the engagement
because her lover was so cold. Years after, his disease broke out at the very
moment when he had for the first time succeeded in giving full sexual
gratification to a woman; as she encircled him in her arms in gratitude and
devotion he suddenly felt a mysterious stab of pain running like a sharp
knife round the crown of his head. Afterwards he described the sensation as
being like that of the incision made at a post-mortem to bare the brain; and
as his friend was a pathological anatomist he slowly came to the conclusion
that he alone could have sent him this woman as a temptation. Then his
eyes began to be opened about the other persecutions of which he had been
the victim by the machinations of his former friend.

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But how about those cases in which the persecutor is of a different sex
from that of the persecuted one, and which appear therefore to contradict
our explanation of this disease as a defence against homosexual Libido?
Some time ago I had an opportunity of examining a case of the kind, and
behind the apparent contradiction I was able to elicit a confirmation. A
young girl imagined herself persecuted by a man with whom she had twice
had intimate relations; actually she had first of all cherished the delusion
against a woman who could be recognized to be a mother-substitute. Not
until after the second meeting with him did she make the advance of
transferring the delusional idea from the woman to the man; so that in this
case also the condition that the sex of the persecutor is the same as that of
the victim originally held good also. In her complaint to the lawyer and the
doctor the patient had not mentioned the previous phase of her delusion and
this gave rise to an apparent contradiction of our theory of paranoia.
The homosexual choice of object is originally more closely related to
narcissism than the heterosexual; hence, when a strong unwelcome
homosexual excitation suffers repudiation, the way back to narcissism is
especially easy to find. I have so far had very little opportunity in these
lectures of speaking about the fundamental plan on which the course of the
love-impulse during life is based, so far as we know it; nor can I
supplement it now. I will only select this to tell you: that the choice of
object, the step forward in the development of the Libido which comes after
the narcissistic stage, can proceed according to two types. These are: either
the narcissistic type, according to which, in place of the Ego itself, someone
as nearly as possible resembling it is adopted as an object; or the anaclitic
type (Anlehnungstypus)[53] in which those persons who became prized on
account of the satisfactions they rendered to the primal needs in life are
chosen as objects by the Libido also. A strong Libido-fixation on the
narcissistic type of object-choice is also found as a trait in the disposition of
manifest homosexuals.
You will remember that in the first lecture given this session I
described to you a case of delusional jealousy in a woman. Now that we
have so nearly reached the end you will certainly want to know how we
account for a delusion psycho-analytically. I have less to say about it than
you would expect, however. The inaccessibility of delusions to logical
arguments and to actual experience is to be explained, as it is with
obsessions, by the connection they bear to the unconscious material which

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is both expressed by, and held in check by, the delusion or the obsession.
The differences between the two are based on the topographical and
dynamic differences in the two affections.
As with paranoia, so also with melancholia (under which, by the way,
very different clinical types are classified), it has been possible to obtain a
glimpse into the inner structure of the disorder. We have perceived that the
self-reproaches with which these sufferers torment themselves so
mercilessly actually relate to another person, to the sexual object they have
lost or whom they have ceased to value on account of some fault. From this
we concluded that the melancholic has indeed withdrawn his Libido from
the object, but that by a process which we must call ‘narcissistic
identification’ he has set up the object within the Ego itself, projected it on
to the Ego. I can only give you a descriptive representation of this process,
and not one expressed in terms of topography and dynamics. The Ego itself
is then treated as though it were the abandoned object; it suffers all the
revengeful and aggressive treatment which is designed for the object. The
suicidal impulses of melancholics also become more intelligible on the
supposition that the bitterness felt by the diseased mind concerns the Ego
itself at the same time as, and equally with, the loved and hated object. In
melancholia, as in the other narcissistic disorders, a feature of the emotional
life which, after Bleuler, we are accustomed to call ambivalence comes
markedly to the fore; by this we mean a directing of antithetical feelings
(affectionate and hostile) towards the same person. It is unfortunate that I
have not been able to say more about ambivalence in these lectures.
There is also, besides the narcissistic, an hysterical form of
identification which has long been known to us. I wish it were possible to
make the differences between them clear to you in a few definite
statements. I can tell you something of the periodic and cyclic forms of
melancholia which will interest you. It is possible in favourable
circumstances—I have twice achieved it—to prevent the recurrence of the
condition, or of its antithesis, by analytic treatment during the lucid
intervals between the attacks. One learns from this that in melancholia and
mania as well as other conditions a special kind of solution of a conflict is
going on, which in all its pre-requisites agrees with those of the other
neuroses. You may imagine how much there remains for psycho-analysis to
do in this field.

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I also told you that by analysis of the narcissistic disorders we hoped to
gain some knowledge of the composition of the Ego and of its structure out
of various faculties and elements. We have made a beginning towards this at
one point. From analysis of the delusion of observation we have come to
the conclusion that in the Ego there exists a faculty that incessantly
watches, criticizes, and compares, and in this way is set against the other
part of the Ego. In our opinion, therefore, the patient reveals a truth which
has not been appreciated as such when he complains that at every step he is
spied upon and observed, that his every thought is known and examined. He
has erred only in attributing this disagreeable power to something outside
himself and foreign to him; he perceives within his Ego the rule of a faculty
which measures his actual Ego and all his activities by an Ego-ideal, which
he has created for himself in the course of his development. We also infer
that he created this ideal for the purpose of recovering thereby the self-
satisfaction bound up with the primary infantile narcissism, which since
those days has suffered so many shocks and mortifications. We recognize in
this self-criticizing faculty the Ego-censorship, the ‘conscience’; it is the
same censorship as that exercised at night upon dreams, from which the
repressions against inadmissible wish-excitations proceed. When this
faculty disintegrates in the delusion of being observed, we are able to detect
its origin and that it arose out of the influence of parents and those who
trained the child, together with his social surroundings, by a process of
identification with certain of these persons who were taken as a model.
These are some of the results yielded by the application of psycho-
analysis to the narcissistic disorders. They are still not very numerous, and
many of them still lack that sharpness of outline which cannot be achieved
in a new field until some degree of familiarity has been attained. All of
them have been made possible by employing the conception of Ego-Libido,
or narcissistic Libido, by means of which we can extend the conclusions
established for the transference neuroses on to the narcissistic neuroses. But
now you will put the question whether it is possible for us to bring all the
disorders of the narcissistic neuroses and of the psychoses into the range of
the Libido-theory, for us to find the libidinal factor in mental life always
and everywhere responsible for the development of disease, and for us
never to have to attribute any part in the causation to the same alteration in
the functions of the self-preservative instincts. Well now, it seems to me that
decision on this point is not very urgent, and above all that the time is not

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yet ripe for us to make it; we may leave it calmly to be decided by advance
in the work of science. I should not be astonished if it should prove that the
capacity to induce a pathogenic effect were actually a prerogative of the
libidinal impulses, so that the theory of the Libido would triumph all along
the line from the actual neuroses to the severest psychotic form of
individual derangement. For we know it to be characteristic of the Libido
that it refuses to subordinate itself to reality in life, to Necessity. But I
consider it extremely probable that the Ego-instincts are involved
secondarily and that disturbances in their functions may be necessitated by
the pathogenic affections of the Libido. Nor can I see that the direction
taken by our investigations will be invalidated if we should have to
recognize that in severe psychosis the Ego-instincts themselves are
primarily deranged; the future will decide—for you, at least.
Let me return for a moment to anxiety, in order to throw light upon the
one obscure point we left there. We said that the relation between anxiety
and Libido, otherwise so well defined, is with difficulty harmonized with
the almost indisputable assumption that real anxiety in the face of danger is
the expression of the self-preservative instincts. But how if the anxiety-
affect is provided, not by self-interest on the part of the Ego-instincts, but
by the Ego-Libido? The condition of anxiety is after all invariably
detrimental; its disadvantage becomes conspicuous when it reaches an
intense degree. It then interferes with the action that alone would be
expedient and would serve the purposes of self-preservation, whether it be
flight or self-defence. Therefore if we ascribe the affective component of
real anxiety to the Ego-Libido, and the action undertaken to the Ego-
preservative instincts, every theoretical difficulty will be overcome. You
will hardly maintain seriously that we run away because we perceive fear?
No, we perceive fear and we take to flight, out of the common impulse that
is roused by the perception of danger. Men who have survived experiences
of imminent danger to life tell us that they did not perceive any fear, that
they simply acted—for instance, pointed their gun at the oncoming beast—
which was undoubtedly the best thing they could do.

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TWENTY-SEVENTH LECTURE
TRANSFERENCE

Now that we are coming to the end of our discussions you will feel a
certain expectation which must not be allowed to mislead you. You are
probably thinking that I surely have not led you through all these
complicated mazes of psycho-analysis only to dismiss you at the end
without a word about the therapy, upon which after all the possibility of
undertaking psycho-analytic work depends. As a matter of fact I could not
possibly leave out this aspect of it; for some of the phenomena belonging to
it will teach you a new fact, without knowledge of which you would be
quite unable to assimilate properly your understanding of the diseases we
have been studying.
I know you do not expect directions in the technique of practising
analysis for therapeutic purposes; you only want to know in a general way
by what means the psycho-analytic therapy works and to gain a general idea
of what it accomplishes. And you have an undeniable right to learn this;
nevertheless I am not going to tell you—I am going to insist upon your
finding it out for yourselves.
Think for a moment! You have already learnt everything essential,
from the conditions by which illness is provoked to all the factors which
take effect within the diseased mind. Where is the opening in all this for
therapeutic influence? First of all there is the hereditary disposition,—we do
not often mention it because it is so strongly emphasized in other quarters
and we have nothing new to say about it. But do not suppose that we
underestimate it; as practitioners we are well aware of its power. In any
event we can do nothing to change it; for us also it is a fixed datum in the
problem, which sets a limit to our efforts. Next, there is the influence of the
experiences of early childhood, which we are accustomed in analysis to
rank as very important; they belong to the past, we cannot undo them. Then
there is all that unhappiness in life which we have included under ‘privation
in reality,’ from which all the absence of love in life proceeds—namely,

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poverty, family strife, mistaken choice in marriage, unfavourable social
conditions, and the severity of the demands by which moral convention
oppresses the individual. There is indeed a wide opening for a very
effective treatment in all this; but it would have to follow the course of the
dispensations of Kaiser Joseph in the Viennese legend—the benevolent
despotism of a potentate before whose will men bow and difficulties
disappear! But who are we that we can exert such beneficence as a
therapeutic measure? Poor as we are and without influence socially, with
our living to earn by our medical practice, we are not even in a position to
extend our efforts to penniless folk, as other physicians with other methods
can do; our treatment takes too much time and labour for that. But perhaps
you are still clinging on to one of the factors put forward, and believe you
see an opening for our influence there. If the conventional restrictions
imposed by society have had a part in the privations forced upon the
patient, the treatment could give him the courage and even directly advise
him to defy these obstacles, and to seize satisfactions and health for himself
at the cost of failing to achieve an ideal which, though highly esteemed, is
after all often set at naught by the world. Health is to be won by “free
living,” then. There would be this blot upon analysis, to be sure, that it
would not be serving general morality; what it gave to the individual it
would take from the rest of the world.
But now, who has given you such a false impression of analysis? It is
out of the question that part of the analytic treatment should consist of
advice to “live freely”—if for no other reason because we ourselves tell you
that a stubborn conflict is going on in the patient between libidinal desires
and sexual repression, between sensual and ascetic tendencies. This conflict
is not resolved by helping one side to win a victory over the other. It is true
we see that in neurotics asceticism has gained the day; the result of which is
that the suppressed sexual impulses have found a vent for themselves in the
symptoms. If we were to make victory possible to the sensual side instead,
the disregarded forces repressing sexuality would have to indemnify
themselves by symptoms. Neither of these measures will succeed in ending
the inner conflict; one side in either event will remain unsatisfied. There are
but few cases in which the conflict is so unstable that a factor like medical
advice can have any effect upon it, and these cases do not really require
analytic treatment. People who can be so easily influenced by physicians
would have found their own way to that solution without this influence.

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After all, you know that a young man living in abstinence who makes up his
mind to illicit sexual intercourse, or an unsatisfied wife who seeks
compensation with a lover, does not as a rule wait for the permission of a
physician, still less of an analyst, to do so.
In considering this question people usually overlook the essential point
of the whole difficulty—namely, that the pathogenic conflict in a neurotic
must not be confounded with a normal struggle between conflicting
impulses all of which are in the same mental field. It is a battle between two
forces of which one has succeeded in coming to the level of the
preconscious and conscious part of the mind, while the other has been
confined on the unconscious level. That is why the conflict can never have a
final outcome one way or the other; the antagonists meet each other as little
as the whale and the polar bear in the well-known story. An effective
decision can be reached only when they confront each other on the same
ground. And, in my opinion, to accomplish this is the sole task of the
treatment.
Besides this, I can assure you that you are quite misinformed if you
imagine that advice and guidance concerning conduct in life forms an
integral part of the analytic method. On the contrary, so far as possible we
refrain from playing the part of mentor; we want nothing better than that the
patient should find his own solutions for himself. To this end we expect him
to postpone all vital decisions affecting his life, such as choice of career,
business enterprises, marriage or divorce, during treatment and to execute
them only after it has been completed. Now confess that you had imagined
something very different. Only with certain very young or quite helpless
and defenceless persons is it impossible to keep within such strict
limitations as we should wish. With them we have to combine the positions
of physician and educator; we are then well aware of our responsibility and
act with the necessary caution.
You must not be led away by my eagerness to defend myself against
the accusation that in analytic treatment neurotics are encouraged to “live a
free life” and conclude from it that we influence them in favour of
conventional morality. That is at least as far removed from our purpose as
the other. We are not reformers, it is true; we are merely observers; but we
cannot avoid observing with critical eyes, and we have found it impossible
to give our support to conventional sexual morality or to approve highly of

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the means by which society attempts to arrange the practical problems of
sexuality in life. We can demonstrate with ease that what the world calls its
code of morals demands more sacrifices than it is worth, and that its
behaviour is neither dictated by honesty nor instituted with wisdom. We do
not absolve our patients from listening to these criticisms; we accustom
them to an unprejudiced consideration of sexual matters like all other
matters; and if after they have become independent by the effect of the
treatment they choose some intermediate course between unrestrained
sexual licence and unconditional asceticism, our conscience is not burdened
whatever the outcome. We say to ourselves that anyone who has
successfully undergone the training of learning and recognizing the truth
about himself is henceforth strengthened against the dangers of immorality,
even if his standard of morality should in some respect deviate from the
common one. Incidentally, we must beware of overestimating the
importance of abstinence in affecting neurosis; only a minority of
pathogenic situations due to privation and the subsequent accumulation of
Libido thereby induced can be relieved by the kind of sexual intercourse
that is procurable without any difficulty.
So you cannot explain the therapeutic effect of psycho-analysis by
supposing that it permits patients free sexual indulgence; you must look
round for something else. I think that one of the remarks I made while I was
disposing of this conjecture on your part will have put you on the right
track. Probably it is the substitution of something conscious for something
unconscious, the transformation of the unconscious thoughts into conscious
thoughts, that makes our work effective. You are right; that is exactly what
it is. By extending the unconscious into consciousness the repressions are
raised, the conditions of symptom-formation are abolished, and the
pathogenic conflict exchanged for a normal one which must be decided one
way or the other. We do nothing for our patients but enable this one mental
change to take place in them; the extent to which it is achieved is the extent
of the benefit we do them. Where there is no repression or mental process
analogous to it to be undone there is nothing for our therapy to do.
The aim of our efforts may be expressed in various formulas—making
conscious the unconscious, removing the repressions, filling in the gaps in
memory; they all amount to the same thing. But perhaps you are dissatisfied
with this declaration; you imagined the recovery of a nervous person rather
differently, that after he had been subjected to the laborious process of

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psycho-analysis he would emerge a different person altogether, and then
you hear that the whole thing only amounts to his having a little less that is
unconscious and a little more that is conscious in him than before. Well, you
probably do not appreciate the importance of an inner change of this kind.
A neurotic who has been cured has really become a different person,
although at bottom of course he remains the same—that is, he has become
his best self, what he would have been under the most favourable
conditions. That, however, is a great deal. Then when you hear of all that
has to be done, of the tremendous exertion required to carry out this
apparently trifling change in his mental life, the significance attached to
these differences between the various mental levels will appear more
comprehensible to you.
I will digress a moment to enquire whether you know what ‘a causal
therapy’ means? This name is given to a procedure which puts aside the
manifestations of a disease and looks for a point of attack in order to
eradicate the cause of the illness. Now is psycho-analysis a causal therapy
or not? The answer is not a simple one, but it may give us an opportunity to
convince ourselves of the futility of such questions. In so far as psycho-
analytic therapy does not aim immediately at removing the symptoms it is
conducted like a causal therapy. In other respects you may say it is not, for
we have followed the causal chain back far beyond the repressions to the
instinctive predispositions, their relative intensity in the constitution, and
the aberrations in the course of their development. Now suppose that it were
possible by some chemical means to affect this mental machinery, to
increase or decrease the amount of Libido available at any given moment,
or to reinforce the strength of one impulse at the expense of another—that
would be a causal therapy in the literal sense, and our analysis would be the
indispensable preliminary work of reconnoitring the ground. As you know,
there is at present no question of any such influence upon the processes of
the Libido; our mental therapy makes its attack at another point in the
concatenation, not quite at the place where we perceive the manifestations
to be rooted, but yet comparatively far behind the symptoms themselves, at
a place which becomes accessible to us in very remarkable circumstances.
What then have we to do in order to bring what is unconscious in the
patient into consciousness? At one time we thought that would be very
simple; all we need do would be to identify this unconscious matter and
then tell the patient what it was. However, we know already that that was a

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short-sighted mistake. Our knowledge of what is unconscious in him is not
equivalent to his knowledge of it; when we tell him what we know he does
not assimilate it in place of his own unconscious thoughts, but alongside of
them, and very little has been changed. We have rather to regard this
unconscious material topographically; we have to look for it in his memory
at the actual spot where the repression of it originally ensued. This
repression must be removed, and then the substitution of conscious thought
for unconscious thought can be effected straightaway. How is a repression
such as this to be removed? Our work enters upon a second phase here;
first, the discovery of the repression, and then the removal of the resistance
which maintains this repression.
How can this resistance be got rid of? In the same way: by finding it
out and telling the patient about it. The resistance too arises in a repression,
either from the very one which we are endeavouring to dispel, or in one that
occurred earlier. It is set up by the counter-charge which rose up to repress
the repellent impulse. So that we now do just the same as we were trying to
do before; we interpret, identify, and inform the patient; but this time we are
doing it at the right spot. The counter-charge or the resistance is not part of
the Unconscious, but of the Ego which co-operates with us, and this is so,
even if it is not actually conscious. We know that a difficulty arises here in
the ambiguity of the word ‘unconscious,’ on the one hand, as a
phenomenon, on the other hand, as a system. That sounds very obscure and
difficult; but after all it is only a repetition of what we have said before, is it
not? We have come to this point already long ago.—Well then, we expect
that this resistance will be abandoned, and the counter-charge withdrawn,
when we have made the recognition of them possible by our work of
interpretation. What are the instinctive propelling forces at our disposal to
make this possible? First, the patient’s desire for recovery, which impelled
him to submit himself to the work in co-operation with us, and secondly, the
aid of his intelligence which we reinforce by our interpretation. There is no
doubt that it is easier for the patient to recognize the resistance with his
intelligence, and to identify the idea in his Unconscious which corresponds
to it, if we have first given him an idea which rouses his expectations in
regard to it. If I say to you: “Look up at the sky and you will see a balloon,”
you will find it much more quickly than if I merely tell you to look up and
see whether you can see anything; a student who looks through a

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microscope for the first time is told by the instructor what he is to see;
otherwise he sees nothing, although it is there and quite visible.
And now for the fact! In quite a number of the various forms of
nervous illness, in the hysterias, anxiety conditions, obsessional neuroses,
our hypothesis proves sound. By seeking out the repression in this way,
discovering the resistances, indicating the repressed, it is actually possible
to accomplish the task, to overcome the resistances, to break down the
repression, and to change something unconscious into something conscious.
As we do this we get a vivid impression of how, as each individual
resistance is being mastered, a violent battle goes on in the soul of the
patient—a normal mental struggle between two tendencies on the same
ground, between the motives striving to maintain the counter-charge and
those which are ready to abolish it. The first of these are the old motives
which originally erected the repression; among the second are found new
ones more recently acquired, which it is hoped will decide the conflict in
our favour. We have succeeded in revivifying the old battle of the repression
again, in bringing the issue, so long ago decided, up for revision again. The
new contribution we make to it lies, first of all, in demonstrating that the
original solution led to illness and in promising that a different one would
pave the way to health, and secondly, in pointing out that the circumstances
have all changed immensely since the time of that original repudiation of
these impulses. Then, the Ego was weak, infantile, and perhaps had reason
to shrink with horror from the claims of the Libido as being dangerous to it.
To-day it is strong and experienced and moreover has a helper at hand in the
physician. So we may expect to lead the revived conflict through to a better
outcome than repression; and, as has been said, in hysteria, anxiety-
neurosis, and the obsessional neurosis success in the main justifies our
claims.
There are other forms of illness, however, with which our therapeutic
treatment never is successful, in spite of the similarity of the conditions. In
them also there was originally a conflict between Ego and Libido, leading
to repression—although this conflict may be characterized by topographical
differences from the conflict of the transference neuroses; in them too it is
possible to trace out the point in the patient’s life at which the repressions
occurred; we apply the same method, are ready to make the same
assurances, offer the same assistance by telling the patient what to look out
for; and here also the interval in time between the present and the point at

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which the repressions were established is all in favour of a better outcome
of the conflict. And yet we cannot succeed in overcoming one resistance or
in removing one of the repressions. These patients, paranoiacs,
melancholics, and those suffering from dementia præcox, remain on the
whole unaffected, proof against psycho-analytic treatment. What can be the
cause of this? It is not due to lack of intelligence; a certain degree of
intellectual capacity must naturally be stipulated for analysis, but there is no
deficiency in this respect in, for instance, the very quick-witted deductive
paranoiac. Nor are any of the other propelling forces regularly absent:
melancholics, for instance, in contrast to paranoiacs, experience a very high
degree of realization that they are ill and that their sufferings are due to this;
but they are not on that account any more accessible to influence. In this we
are confronted with a fact that we do not understand, and are therefore
called upon to doubt whether we have really understood all the conditions
of the success possible with the other neuroses.
When we keep to consideration of hysterical and obsessional neurotics
we are very soon confronted with a second fact, for which we were quite
unprepared. After the treatment has proceeded for a while we notice that
these patients behave in a quite peculiar manner towards ourselves. We
thought indeed that we had taken into account all the motive forces
affecting the treatment and had reasoned out the situation between ourselves
and the patient fully, so that it balanced like a sum in arithmetic; and then
after all something seems to slip in which was quite left out of our
calculation. This new and unexpected feature is in itself many-sided and
complex; I will first of all describe some of its more frequent and simpler
forms to you.
We observe then that the patient, who ought to be thinking of nothing
but the solution of his own distressing conflicts, begins to develop a
particular interest in the person of the physician. Everything connected with
this person seems to him more important than his own affairs and to distract
him from his illness. Relations with the patient then become for a time very
agreeable; he is particularly docile, endeavours to show his gratitude
wherever he can, exhibits a fineness of character and other good qualities
which we had perhaps not anticipated in him. The analyst thus forms a very
good opinion of the patient and values his luck in being able to render
assistance to such an admirable personality. If the physician has occasion to
see the patient’s relatives he hears with satisfaction that this esteem is

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mutual. The patient at home is never tired of praising the analyst and
attributing new virtues to him. “He has quite lost his head over you; he puts
implicit trust in you; everything you say is like a revelation to him,” say the
relatives. Here and there one among this chorus having sharper eyes will
say: “It is positively boring the way he never speaks of anything but you: he
quotes you all the time.”
We will hope that the physician is modest enough to ascribe the
patient’s estimate of his value to the hopes of recovery which he has been
able to offer to him, and to the widening in the patient’s intellectual horizon
consequent upon the surprising revelations entailed by the treatment and
their liberating influence. The analysis too makes splendid progress under
these conditions, the patient understands the suggestions offered to him,
concentrates upon the tasks appointed by the treatment, the material needed
—his recollections and associations—is abundantly available; he astonishes
the analyst by the sureness and accuracy of his interpretations, and the latter
has only to observe with satisfaction how readily and willingly a sick man
will accept all the new psychological ideas that are so hotly contested by the
healthy in the world outside. A general improvement in the patient’s
condition, objectively confirmed on all sides, also accompanies this
harmonious relationship in the analysis.
But such fair weather cannot last for ever. There comes a day when it
clouds over. There begin to be difficulties in the analysis; the patient says he
cannot think of anything more to say. One has an unmistakable impression
that he is no longer interested in the work, and that he is casually ignoring
the injunction given him to say everything that comes into his mind and to
yield to none of the critical objections that occur to him. His behaviour is
not dictated by the situation of the treatment; it is as if he had not made an
agreement to that effect with the physician; he is obviously preoccupied
with something which at the same time he wishes to reserve to himself. This
is a situation in which the treatment is in danger. Plainly a very powerful
resistance has risen up. What can have happened?
If it is possible to clear up this state of things, the cause of the
disturbance is found to consist in certain intense feelings of affection which
the patient has transferred on to the physician, not accounted for by the
latter’s behaviour nor by the relationship involved by the treatment. The
form in which this affectionate feeling is expressed and the goal it seeks

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naturally depend upon the circumstances of the situation between the two
persons. If one of them is a young girl and the other still a fairly young
man, the impression received is that of normal love; it seems natural that a
girl should fall in love with a man with whom she is much alone and can
speak of very intimate things, and who is in the position of an adviser with
authority—we shall probably overlook the fact that in a neurotic girl some
disturbance of the capacity for love is rather to be expected. The farther
removed the situation between the two persons is from this supposed
example, the more unaccountable it is to find that nevertheless the same
kind of feeling comes to light in other cases. It may be still comprehensible
when a young woman who is unhappily married seems to be overwhelmed
by a serious passion for her physician, if he is still unattached, and that she
should be ready to seek a divorce and give herself to him, or, where
circumstances would prevent this, to enter into a secret love-affair with him.
That sort of thing, indeed, is known to occur outside psycho-analysis. But in
this situation girls and women make the most astonishing confessions
which reveal a quite peculiar attitude on their part to the therapeutic
problem: they had always known that nothing but love would cure them,
and from the beginning of the treatment they had expected that this
relationship would at last yield them what life had so far denied them. It
was only with this hope that they had taken such pains over the analysis and
had conquered all their difficulties in disclosing their thoughts. We
ourselves can add: ‘and had understood so easily all that is usually so hard
to accept.’ But a confession of this kind astounds us; all our calculations are
blown to the winds. Could it be that we have omitted the most important
element in the whole problem?
And actually it is so; the more experience we gain the less possible
does it become for us to contest this new factor, which alters the whole
problem and puts our scientific calculations to shame. The first few times
one might perhaps think that the analytic treatment had stumbled upon an
obstruction in the shape of an accidental occurrence, extraneous to its
purpose and unconnected with it in origin. But when it happens that this
kind of attachment to the physician regularly evinces itself in every fresh
case, under the most unfavourable conditions, and always appears in
circumstances of a positively grotesque incongruity—in elderly women, in
relation to grey-bearded men, even on occasions when our judgement
assures us that no temptations exist—then we are compelled to give up the

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idea of a disturbing accident and to admit that we have to deal with a
phenomenon in itself essentially bound up with the nature of the disease.
The new fact which we are thus unwillingly compelled to recognize
we call Transference. By this we mean a transference of feelings on to the
person of the physician, because we do not believe that the situation in the
treatment can account for the origin of such feelings. We are much more
disposed to suspect that the whole of this readiness to develop feeling
originates in another source; that it was previously formed in the patient,
and has seized the opportunity provided by the treatment to transfer itself
on to the person of the physician. The transference can express itself as a
passionate petitioning for love, or it can take less extreme forms; where a
young girl and an elderly man are concerned, instead of the wish to be wife
or mistress, a wish to be adopted as a favourite daughter may come to light,
the libidinous desire can modify itself and propose itself as a wish for an
everlasting, but ideally platonic friendship. Many women understand how
to sublimate the transference and to mould it until it acquires a sort of
justification for its existence; others have to express it in its crude, original,
almost impossible form. But at bottom it is always the same, and its origin
in the same source can never be mistaken.
Before we enquire where we are to range this new fact, we will
amplify the description of it a little. How is it with our male patients? There
at least we might hope to be spared the troublesome element of sex
difference and sex attraction. Well, the answer is very much the same as
with women. The same attachment to the physician, the same
overestimation of his qualities, the same adoption of his interests, the same
jealousy against all those connected with him. The sublimated kinds of
transference are the forms more frequently met with between man and man,
and the directly sexual declaration more rarely, in the same degree to which
the manifest homosexuality of the patient is subordinated to the other ways
by which this component-instinct can express itself. Also, it is in male
patients that the analyst more frequently observes a manifestation of the
transference which at the first glance seems to controvert the description of
it just given—that is, the hostile or negative transference.
First of all, let us realize at once that the transference exists in the
patient from the beginning of the treatment, and is for a time the strongest
impetus in the work. Nothing is seen of it and one does not need to trouble

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about it as long as its effect is favourable to the work in which the two
persons are co-operating. When it becomes transformed into a resistance,
attention must be paid to it; and then it appears that two different and
contrasting states of mind have supervened in it and have altered its attitude
to the treatment: first, when the affectionate attraction has become so strong
and betrays signs of its origin in sexual desire so clearly that it was bound to
arouse an inner opposition against itself; and secondly, when it consists in
antagonistic instead of affectionate feeling. The hostile feelings as a rule
appear later than the affectionate and under cover of them; when both occur
simultaneously they provide a very good exemplification of that
ambivalence in feeling which governs most of our intimate relationships
with other human beings. The hostile feelings therefore indicate an
attachment of feeling quite similar to the affectionate, just as defiance
indicates a similar dependence upon the other person to that belonging to
obedience, though with a reversed prefix. There can be no doubt that the
hostile feelings against the analyst deserve the name of ‘transference,’ for
the situation in the treatment certainly gives no adequate occasion for them;
the necessity for regarding the negative transference in this light is a
confirmation of our previous similar view of the positive or affectionate
variety.
Where the transference springs from, what difficulties it provides for
us, how we can overcome them, and what advantage we can finally derive
from it, are questions which can only be adequately dealt with in a technical
exposition of the analytic method; I can merely touch upon them here. It is
out of the question that we should yield to the demands made by the patient
under the influence of his transference; it would be nonsensical to reject
them unkindly, and still more so, indignantly. The transference is overcome
by showing the patient that his feelings do not originate in the current
situation, and do not really concern the person of the physician, but that he
is reproducing something that had happened to him long ago. In this way
we require him to transform his repetition into recollection. Then the
transference which, whether affectionate or hostile, every time seemed the
greatest menace to the cure becomes its best instrument, so that with its
help we can unlock the closed doors in the soul. I should like, however, to
say a few words to dispel the unpleasant effects of the shock that this
unexpected phenomenon must have been to you. After all, we must not
forget that this illness of the patient’s which we undertake to analyse is not a

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finally accomplished, and as it were consolidated thing; but that it is
growing and continuing its development all the time like a living thing. The
beginning of the treatment puts no stop to this development; but, as soon as
the treatment has taken a hold upon the patient, it appears that the entire
productivity of the illness henceforward becomes concentrated in one
direction—namely, upon the relationship to the physician. The transference
then becomes comparable to the cambium layer between the wood and the
bark of a tree, from which proceeds the formation of new tissue and the
growth of the trunk in diameter. As soon as the transference has taken on
this significance the work upon the patient’s recollections recedes far into
the background. It is then not incorrect to say that we no longer have to do
with the previous illness, but with a newly-created and transformed neurosis
which has replaced the earlier one. This new edition of the old disease has
been followed from its inception, one sees it come to light and grow, and is
particularly familiar with it since one is oneself its central object. All the
patient’s symptoms have abandoned their original significance and have
adapted themselves to a new meaning, which is contained in their
relationship to the transference; or else only those symptoms remain which
were capable of being adapted in this way. The conquest of this new
artificially-acquired neurosis coincides with the removal of the illness
which existed prior to the treatment, that is, with accomplishing the
therapeutic task. The person who has become normal and free from the
influence of repressed instinctive tendencies in his relationship to the
physician remains so in his own life when the physician has again been
removed from it.
The transference has this all-important, absolutely central significance
for the cure in hysteria, anxiety-hysteria, and the obsessional neurosis,
which are in consequence rightly grouped together as the ‘transference
neuroses.’ Anyone who has grasped from analytic experience a true
impression of the fact of transference can never again doubt the nature of
the suppressed impulses which have manufactured an outlet for themselves
in the symptoms; and he will require no stronger proof of their libidinal
character. We may say that our conviction of the significance of the
symptoms as a substitutive gratification of the Libido was only finally and
definitely established by evaluating the phenomenon of transference.
Now, however, we are called upon to correct our former dynamic
conception of the process of cure and to bring it into agreement with the

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new discovery. When the patient has to fight out the normal conflict with
the resistances which we have discovered in him by analysis, he requires a
powerful propelling force to influence him towards the decision we aim at,
leading to recovery. Otherwise it might happen that he would decide for a
repetition of the previous outcome, and allow that which had been raised
into consciousness to slip back again under repression. The outcome in this
struggle is not decided by his intellectual insight—it is neither strong
enough nor free enough to accomplish such a thing—but solely by his
relationship to the physician. In so far as his transference bears the positive
sign, it clothes the physician with authority, transforms itself into faith in
his findings and in his views. Without this kind of transference or with a
negative one, the physician and his arguments would never even be listened
to. Faith repeats the history of its own origin; it is a derivative of love and at
first it needed no arguments. Not until later does it admit them so far as to
take them into critical consideration if they have been offered by someone
who is loved. Without this support arguments have no weight with the
patient, never do have any with most people in life. A human being is
therefore on the whole only accessible to influence, even on the intellectual
side, in so far as he is capable of investing objects with Libido; and we have
good cause to recognize, and to fear, in the measure of his narcissism a
barrier to his susceptibility to influence, even by the best analytic technique.
The capacity for the radiation of Libido towards other persons in
object investment must, of course, be ascribed to all normal people; the
tendency to transference in neurotics, so-called, is only an exceptional
intensification of a universal characteristic. Now it would be very
remarkable if a human character-trait of this importance and universality
had never been observed and made use of. And this has really been done.
Bernheim, with unerring perspicacity, based the theory of hypnotic
manifestations upon the proposition that all human beings are more or less
open to suggestion, are ‘suggestible.’ What he called suggestibility is
nothing else but the tendency to transference, rather too narrowly
circumscribed so that the negative transference did not come within its
scope. But Bernheim could never say what suggestion actually was nor how
it arises; it was an axiomatic fact to him and he could give no explanation of
its origin. He did not recognize the dependence of ‘suggestibility’ on
sexuality, on the functioning of the Libido. And we have to admit that we

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have only abandoned hypnosis in our methods in order to discover
suggestion again in the shape of transference.
But now I will pause and let you take up the thread. I observe that an
objection is invading your thoughts with such violence that it would deprive
you of all power of attention if it were not given expression. “So now at last
you have confessed that you too work with the aid of suggestion like the
hypnotists. We have been thinking so all along. But then, what is the use of
all these roundabout routes by way of past experiences, discovering the
unconscious material, interpreting and retranslating the distortions, and the
enormous expenditure of time, trouble, and money, when after all the only
effective agent is suggestion? Why do you not suggest directly against the
symptoms, as others do who are honest hypnotists? And besides, if you are
going to make out that by these roundabout routes you have made
numerous important psychological discoveries, which are concealed in
direct suggestion, who is to vouch for their validity? Are not they too the
result of suggestion, of unintentional suggestion, that is? Cannot you
impress upon the patient what you please and whatever seems good to you
in this direction also?”
What you charge me with in this way is exceedingly interesting and
must be answered. But I cannot do that to-day; our time is up. Till next
time, then. You will see that I shall be answerable to you. To-day I must
finish what I began. I promised to explain to you through the factor of the
transference why it is that our therapeutic efforts have no success in the
narcissistic neuroses.
I can do it in a few words, and you will see how simply the riddle is
solved, and how well everything fits together. Experience shows that
persons suffering from the narcissistic neuroses have no capacity for
transference, or only insufficient remnants of it. They turn from the
physician, not in hostility, but in indifference. Therefore they are not to be
influenced by him; what he says leaves them cold, makes no impression on
them, and therefore the process of cure which can be carried through with
others, the revivification of the pathogenic conflict and the overcoming of
the resistance due to the repressions, cannot be effected with them. They
remain as they are. They have often enough undertaken attempts at recovery
on their own account which have led to pathological results; we can do
nothing to alter this.

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On the basis of our clinical observations of these patients we stated
that they must have abandoned the investment of objects with Libido and
transformed object-Libido into Ego-Libido. By this we differentiated them
from the first group of neurotics (hysteria, anxiety, and obsessional
neurosis). Their behaviour during the attempt to cure them confirms this
suspicion. They produce no transference, and are, therefore, inaccessible to
our efforts, not to be cured by us.

Page 388

TWENTY-EIGHTH LECTURE
THE ANALYTIC THERAPY

You know what we are going to discuss to-day. When I admitted that
the influence of the psycho-analytic therapy is essentially founded upon
transference, i.e. upon suggestion, you asked me why we do not make use
of direct suggestion, and you linked this up with a doubt whether, in view of
the fact that suggestion plays such a large part, we can still vouch for the
objectivity of our psychological discoveries. I promised to give you a
comprehensive answer.
Direct suggestion is suggestion delivered directly against the forms
taken by the symptoms, a struggle between your authority and the motives
underlying the disease. In this struggle you do not trouble yourself about
these motives, you only require the patient to suppress the manifestation of
them in the form of symptoms. In the main it makes no difference whether
you place the patient under hypnosis or not. Bernheim, with his
characteristic acuteness, repeatedly stated that suggestion was the essence
of the manifestations of hypnotism, and that hypnosis itself was already a
result of suggestion, a suggested condition; he preferred to use suggestion
in the waking state, which can achieve the same results as suggestion in
hypnosis.
Now which shall I take first, the results of experience or theoretical
considerations?
Let us begin with experience. I sought out Bernheim in Nancy in 1889
and became a pupil of his; I translated his book on suggestion into German.
For years I made use of hypnotic treatment, first with prohibitory
suggestions and later combined with Breuer’s system of the fullest enquiry
into the patient’s life; I can therefore speak from wide experience about the
results of the hypnotic or suggestive therapy. According to an old medical
saying an ideal therapy should be rapid, reliable and not disagreeable to the
patient; Bernheim’s method certainly fulfilled two of these requirements. It

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was much more rapid, that is, incomparably more rapid in its course than
the analytic, and it involved the patient in no trouble or discomfort. For the
physician it eventually became monotonous; it meant treating every case in
the same way, always employing the same ritual to prohibit the existence of
the most diverse symptoms, without being able to grasp anything of their
meaning or significance. It was a sort of mechanical drudgery—hodman’s
work—not scientific work; it was reminiscent of magic, conjuring, and
hocus-pocus, yet in the patient’s interests one had to ignore that. In the third
desideratum, however, it failed; it was not reliable in any respect. It could
be employed in certain cases only and not in others; with some much could
be achieved by it, and with others very little, one never knew why. But
worse than its capricious nature was the lack of permanence in the results;
after a time, if one heard from the patient again, the old malady had
reappeared or had been replaced by another. Then one could begin to
hypnotize again. In the background there was the warning of experienced
men against robbing the patient of his independence by frequent repetitions
of hypnosis, and against accustoming him to this treatment as though it
were a narcotic. It is true, on the other hand, that at times everything fell out
just as one could wish; one obtained complete and lasting success with little
difficulty; but the conditions of this satisfactory outcome remained hidden.
In one case, when I had completely removed a severe condition by a short
hypnotic treatment, it recurred unchanged after the patient (a woman) had
developed ill feeling against me without just cause; then after a
reconciliation I was able to effect its disappearance again and this time far
more thoroughly; but it reappeared again when she had a second time
become hostile to me. Another time I had the following experience; during
the treatment of an especially obstinate attack in a patient whom I had
several times relieved of nervous symptoms, she suddenly threw her arms
round my neck. Whether one wished to do so or not, this kind of thing
finally made it imperative to enquire into the problem of the nature and
source of one’s suggestive authority.
So much for experience; it shows that in abandoning direct suggestion
we have given up nothing irreplaceable. Now let us link on to the facts a
few comments. The exercise of the hypnotic method makes as little demand
for effort on the part of the patient as it does on the physician. The method
is in complete harmony with the view of the neuroses generally accepted by
the majority of medical men. The practitioner says to the nervous person:

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“There is nothing the matter with you; it is merely nervousness, therefore a
few words from me will scatter all your troubles to the winds in five
minutes.” But it is contrary to all our beliefs about energy in general that a
minimal exertion should be able to remove a heavy load by approaching it
directly without the assistance of any suitably-devised appliance. In so far
as the circumstances are at all comparable, experience shows that this trick
cannot be performed successfully with the neuroses. I know, however, that
this argument is not unassailable; there are such things as explosions.
In the light of the knowledge we have obtained through psycho-
analysis, the difference between hypnotic and psycho-analytic suggestion
may be described as follows: The hypnotic therapy endeavours to cover up
and as it were to whitewash something going on in the mind, the analytic to
lay bare and to remove something. The first works cosmetically, the second
surgically. The first employs suggestion to interdict the symptoms; it
reinforces the repressions, but otherwise it leaves unchanged all the
processes that have led to symptom-formation. Analytic therapy takes hold
deeper down nearer the roots of the disease, among the conflicts from
which the symptoms proceed; it employs suggestion to change the outcome
of these conflicts. Hypnotic therapy allows the patient to remain inactive
and unchanged, consequently also helpless in the face of every new
incitement to illness. Analytic treatment makes as great demands for efforts
on the part of the patient as on the physician, efforts to abolish the inner
resistances. The patient’s mental life is permanently changed by
overcoming these resistances, is lifted to a higher level of development, and
remains proof against fresh possibilities of illness. The labour of
overcoming the resistances is the essential achievement of the analytic
treatment; the patient has to accomplish it and the physician makes it
possible for him to do this by suggestions which are in the nature of an
education. It has been truly said therefore, that psycho-analytic treatment is
a kind of re-education.
I hope I have now made clear to you the difference between our
method of employing suggestion therapeutically and the method which is
the only possible one in hypnotic therapy. Since we have traced the
influence of suggestion back to the transference, you also understand the
striking capriciousness of the effect in hypnotic therapy, and why analytic
therapy is within its limits dependable. In employing hypnosis we are
entirely dependent upon the condition of the patient’s transference and yet

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we are unable to exercise any influence upon this condition itself. The
transference of a patient being hypnotized may be negative, or, as most
commonly, ambivalent, or he may have guarded himself against his
transference by adopting special attitudes; we gather nothing about all this.
In psycho-analysis we work upon the transference itself, dissipate whatever
stands in the way of it, and manipulate the instrument which is to do the
work. Thus it becomes possible for us to derive entirely new benefits from
the power of suggestion; we are able to control it; the patient alone no
longer manages his suggestibility according to his own liking, but in so far
as he is amenable to its influence at all, we guide his suggestibility.
Now you will say that, regardless of whether the driving force behind
the analysis is called transference or suggestion, the danger still remains
that our influence upon the patient may bring the objective certainty of our
discoveries into doubt; and that what is an advantage in therapy is harmful
in research. This is the objection that has most frequently been raised
against psycho-analysis; and it must be admitted that, even though it is
unjustified, it cannot be ignored as unreasonable. If it were justified,
psycho-analysis after all would be nothing else but a specially well-
disguised and particularly effective kind of suggestive treatment; and all its
conclusions about the experiences of the patient’s past life, mental
dynamics, the Unconscious, and so on, could be taken very lightly. So our
opponents think; the significance of sexual experiences in particular, if not
the experiences themselves, we are supposed to have “put into the patient’s
mind,” after having first concocted these conglomerations in our own
corrupt minds. These accusations are more satisfactorily refuted by the
evidence of experience than by the aid of theory. Anyone who has himself
conducted psycho-analyses has been able to convince himself numberless
times that it is impossible to suggest things to a patient in this way. There is
no difficulty, of course, in making him a disciple of a particular theory, and
thus making it possible for him to share some mistaken belief possibly
harboured by the physician. He behaves like anyone else in this, like a
pupil; but by this one has only influenced his intellect, not his illness. The
solving of his conflicts and the overcoming of his resistances succeeds only
when what he is told to look for in himself corresponds with what actually
does exist in him. Anything that has been inferred wrongly by the physician
will disappear in the course of the analysis; it must be withdrawn and
replaced by something more correct. One’s aim is, by a very careful

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technique, to prevent temporary successes arising through suggestion; but if
they do arise no great harm is done, for we are not content with the first
result. We do not consider the analysis completed unless all obscurities in
the case are explained, the gaps in memory filled out, and the original
occasions of the repressions discovered. When results appear prematurely,
one regards them as obstacles rather than as furtherances of the analytic
work, and one destroys them again by continually exposing the transference
on which they are founded. Fundamentally it is this last feature which
distinguishes analytic treatment from that of pure suggestion, and which
clears the results of analysis from the suspicion of being the results of
suggestion. In every other suggestive treatment the transference is carefully
preserved and left intact; in analysis it is itself the object of the treatment
and is continually being dissected in all its various forms. At the conclusion
of the analysis the transference itself must be dissolved; if success then
supervenes and is maintained it is not founded on suggestion, but on the
overcoming of the inner resistances effected by the help of suggestion, on
the inner change achieved within the patient.
That which probably prevents single effects of suggestion from arising
during the treatment is the struggle that is incessantly being waged against
the resistances, which know how to transform themselves into a negative
(hostile) transference. Nor will we neglect to point to the evidence that a
great many of the detailed findings of analysis, which would otherwise be
suspected of being produced by suggestion, are confirmed from other,
irreproachable sources. We have unimpeachable witnesses on these points,
namely, dements and paranoiacs, who are of course quite above any
suspicion of being influenced by suggestion. All that these patients relate in
the way of phantasies and translations of symbols, which have penetrated
through into their consciousness, corresponds faithfully with the results of
our investigations into the Unconscious of transference neurotics, thus
confirming the objective truth of the interpretations made by us which are
so often doubted. I do not think you will find yourselves mistaken if you
choose to trust analysis in these respects.
We now need to complete our description of the process of recovery by
expressing it in terms of the Libido-theory. The neurotic is incapable of
enjoyment or of achievement—the first because his Libido is attached to no
real object, the last because so much of the energy which would otherwise
be at his disposal is expended in maintaining the Libido under repression,

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and in warding off its attempts to assert itself. He would be well if the
conflict between his Ego and his Libido came to an end, and if his Ego
again had the Libido at its disposal. The task of the treatment, therefore,
consists in the task of loosening the Libido from its previous attachments,
which are beyond the reach of the Ego, and in making it again serviceable
to the Ego. Now where is the Libido of a neurotic? Easily found: it is
attached to the symptoms, which offer it the substitutive satisfaction that is
all it can obtain as things are. We must master the symptoms then, dissolve
them—just what the patient asks of us. In order to dissolve the symptoms it
is necessary to go back to the point at which they originated, to review the
conflict from which they proceeded, and with the help of propelling forces
which at that time were not available to guide it towards a new solution.
This revision of the process of repression can only partially be effected by
means of the memory-traces of the processes which led up to repression.
The decisive part of the work is carried through by creating—in the
relationship to the physician, in “the transference”—new editions of those
early conflicts, in which the patient strives to behave as he originally
behaved, while one calls upon all the available forces in his soul to bring
him to another decision. The transference is thus the battlefield where all
the contending forces must meet.
All the Libido and the full strength of the opposition against it are
concentrated upon the one thing, upon the relationship to the physician;
thus it becomes inevitable that the symptoms should be deprived of their
Libido; in place of the patient’s original illness appears the artificially-
acquired transference, the transference-disorder; in place of a variety of
unreal objects of his Libido appears the one object, also ‘phantastic,’ of the
person of the physician. This new struggle which arises concerning this
object is by means of the analyst’s suggestions lifted to the surface, to the
higher mental levels, and is there worked out as a normal mental conflict.
Since a new repression is thus avoided, the opposition between the Ego and
the Libido comes to an end; unity is restored within the patient’s mind.
When the Libido has been detached from its temporary object in the person
of the physician it cannot return to its earlier objects, but is now at the
disposal of the Ego. The forces opposing us in this struggle during the
therapeutic treatment are on the one hand the Ego’s aversion against certain
tendencies on the part of the Libido, which had expressed itself in
repressing tendencies; and on the other hand the tenacity or ‘adhesiveness’

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of the Libido, which does not readily detach itself from objects it has once
invested.
The therapeutic work thus falls into two phases; in the first all the
Libido is forced away from the symptoms into the transference and there
concentrated, in the second the battle rages round this new object and the
Libido is made free from it. The change that is decisive for a successful
outcome of this renewed conflict lies in the preclusion of repression, so that
the Libido cannot again withdraw itself from the Ego by a flight into the
Unconscious. It is made possible by changes in the Ego ensuing as a
consequence of the analyst’s suggestions. At the expense of the
Unconscious the Ego becomes wider by the work of interpretation which
brings the unconscious material into consciousness; through education it
becomes reconciled to the Libido and is made willing to grant it a certain
degree of satisfaction; and its horror of the claims of its Libido is lessened
by the new capacity it acquires to expend a certain amount of the Libido in
sublimation. The more nearly the course of the treatment corresponds with
this ideal description the greater will be the success of the psycho-analytic
therapy. Its barriers are found in the lack of mobility in the Libido, which
resists being released from its objects, and in the rigidity of the patient’s
narcissism, which will not allow more than a certain degree of object-
transference to develop. Perhaps the dynamics of the process of recovery
will become still clearer if we describe it by saying that, in attracting a part
of it to ourselves through transference, we gather in the whole amount of
the Libido which has been withdrawn from the Ego’s control.
It is as well here to make clear that the distributions of the Libido
which ensue during and by means of the analysis afford no direct inference
of the nature of its disposition during the previous illness. Given that a case
can be successfully cured by establishing and then resolving a powerful
father-transference to the person of the physician, it would not follow that
the patient had previously suffered in this way from an unconscious
attachment of the Libido to his father. The father-transference is only the
battlefield on which we conquer and take the Libido prisoner; the patient’s
Libido has been drawn hither away from other ‘positions.’ The battlefield
does not necessarily constitute one of the enemy’s most important
strongholds; the defence of the enemy’s capital city need not be conducted
immediately before its gates. Not until after the transference has been again

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resolved can one begin to reconstruct in imagination the dispositions of the
Libido that were represented by the illness.
In the light of the Libido-theory there is a final word to be said about
dreams. The dreams of a neurotic, like his “errors” and his free associations,
enable us to find the meaning of the symptoms and to discover the
dispositions of the Libido. The forms taken by the wish-fulfilment in them
show us what are the wish-impulses that have undergone repression, and
what are the objects to which the Libido has attached itself after withdrawal
from the Ego. The interpretation of dreams therefore plays a great part in
psycho-analytic treatment, and in many cases it is for lengthy periods the
most important instrument at work. We already know that the condition of
sleep in itself produces a certain relaxation of the repressions. By this
diminution in the heavy pressure upon it the repressed desire is able to
create for itself a far clearer expression in a dream than can be permitted to
it by day in the symptoms. Hence the study of dreams becomes the easiest
approach to a knowledge of the repressed Unconscious, which is where the
Libido which has withdrawn from the Ego belongs.
The dreams of neurotics, however, differ in no essential from those of
normal people; they are indeed perhaps not in any way distinguishable from
them. It would be illogical to account for the dreams of neurotics in a way
that would not also hold good of the dreams of normal people. We have to
conclude therefore that the difference between neurosis and health prevails
only by day; it is not sustained in dream-life. It thus becomes necessary to
transfer to healthy persons a number of conclusions arrived at as a result of
the connections between the dreams and the symptoms of neurotics. We
have to recognize that the healthy man as well possesses those factors in
mental life which alone can bring about the formation of a dream or of a
symptom, and we must conclude further that the healthy also have instituted
repressions and have to expend a certain amount of energy to maintain
them; that their unconscious minds too harbour repressed impulses which
are still suffused with energy, and that a part of the Libido is in them also
withdrawn from the disposal of the Ego. The healthy man too is therefore
virtually a neurotic, but the only symptom that he seems capable of
developing is a dream. To be sure when you subject his waking life also to a
critical investigation you discover something that contradicts this specious
conclusion; for this apparently healthy life is pervaded by innumerable
trivial and practically unimportant symptom-formations.

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The difference between nervous health and nervous illness (neurosis)
is narrowed down therefore to a practical distinction, and is determined by
the practical result—how far the person concerned remains capable of a
sufficient degree of capacity for enjoyment and active achievement in life.
The difference can probably be traced back to the proportion of the energy
which has remained free relative to that of the energy which has been bound
by repression, i.e. it is a quantitative and not a qualitative difference. I do
not need to remind you that this view provides a theoretical basis for our
conviction that the neuroses are essentially amenable to cure, in spite of
their being based on a constitutional disposition.
So much, therefore, in the way of knowledge of the characteristics of
health may be inferred from the identity of the dreams dreamt by neurotic
and by healthy persons. Of dreams themselves, however, a further inference
must be drawn—namely, that it is not possible to detach them from their
connection with neurotic symptoms; that we are not at liberty to believe that
their essential nature is exhausted by compressing them into the formula of
‘a translation of thoughts into archaic forms of expression’; and that we are
bound to conclude that they disclose dispositions of the Libido and objects
of desire which are actually in operation and valid at the moment.

We have now come very nearly to the end. Perhaps you are
disappointed that under the heading of psycho-analytic therapy I have
limited myself to theory, and have told you nothing of the conditions under
which the cure is undertaken, or of the results it achieves. I omit both,
however: the first, because in fact I never intended to give you a practical
training in the exercise of the analytic method; and the last, because I have
several motives against it. At the beginning of these discussions I said
emphatically that under favourable conditions we achieve cures that are in
no way inferior to the most brilliant in other fields of medical therapy; I
may perhaps add that these results could be achieved by no other method. If
I said more I should be suspected of wishing to drown the depreciatory
voices of our opponents by self-advertisement. Medical “colleagues” have,
even at public congresses, repeatedly held out a threat to psycho-analysts
that by publishing a collection of the failures and harmful effects of analysis
they will open the eyes of the injured public to the worthlessness of this
method of treatment. Apart from the malicious, denunciatory character of

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such a measure, however, a collection of that kind would not even be valid
evidence upon which a correct estimate of the therapeutic results of analysis
might be formed. Analytic therapy, as you know, is still young; it needed
many years to elaborate the technique, which could only be done in the
course of the work under the influence of increasing experience. On
account of the difficulties of imparting instruction in the methods the
beginner is thrown much more upon his own resources for development of
his capacity than any other kind of specialist, and the results of his early
years can never be taken as indicating the full possible achievements of
analytic therapy.
Many attempts at treatment made in the beginning of psycho-analysis
were failures because they were undertaken with cases altogether unsuited
to the procedure, which nowadays we should exclude by following certain
indications. These indications, however, could only be discovered by trying.
In the beginning we did not know that paranoia and dementia præcox, when
fully developed, are not amenable to analysis; we were still justified in
trying the method on all kinds of disorders. Most of the failures of those
early years, however, were not due to the fault of the physician, or to the
unsuitability in the choice of subject, but to unpropitious external
conditions. I have spoken only of the inner resistances, those on the part of
the patient, which are inevitable and can be overcome. The external
resistances which the patient’s circumstances and surroundings set up
against analysis have little theoretic interest but the greatest practical
importance. Psycho-Analytic treatment is comparable to a surgical
operation and, like that, for its success it has the right to expect to be carried
out under the most favourable conditions. You know the preliminary
arrangements a surgeon is accustomed to make—a suitable room, a good
light, expert assistance, exclusion of the relatives, and so on. Now ask
yourselves how many surgical operations would be successful if they had to
be conducted in the presence of the patient’s entire family poking their
noses into the scene of the operation and shrieking aloud at every cut. In
psycho-analytic treatment the intervention of the relatives is a positive
danger and, moreover, one which we do not know how to deal with. We are
armed against the inner resistances of the patient, which we recognize as
necessary, but how can we protect ourselves against these outer resistances?
It is impossible to get round the relatives by any sort of explanation, nor can
one induce them to hold aloof from the whole affair; one can never take

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them into one’s confidence because then we run the danger of losing the
patient’s trust in us, for he—quite rightly, of course—demands that the man
he confides in should take his part. Anyone who knows anything of the
dissensions commonly splitting up family life will not be astonished in his
capacity of analyst to find that those nearest to the patient frequently show
less interest in his recovery than in keeping him as he is. When as so often
occurs the neurosis is connected with conflicts between different members
of a family, the healthy person does not make much of putting his own
interest before the patient’s recovery. After all, it is not surprising that the
husband does not favour a treatment in which, as he correctly supposes, his
sins will all come to light; nor do we wonder at this, but then we cannot
blame ourselves when our efforts remain fruitless and are prematurely
broken off because the husband’s resistance is added to that of the sick wife.
We had simply undertaken something which, under the existing conditions,
it was impossible to carry out.
Instead of describing many cases to you I will tell you of one only, in
which I had to suffer for the sake of professional conscientiousness. I took a
young girl—many years ago—for analytic treatment; for a considerable
time previously she had been unable to go out of doors on account of a
dread, nor could she stay at home alone. After much hesitation the patient
confessed that her thoughts had been a good deal occupied by some signs of
affection that she had noticed by chance between her mother and a well-to-
do friend of the family. Very tactlessly—or else very cleverly—she then
gave the mother a hint of what had been discussed during the analysis; she
did this by altering her behaviour to her mother, by insisting that no one but
her mother could protect her against the dread of being alone, and by
holding the door against her when she attempted to leave the house. The
mother herself had formerly been very nervous, but had been cured years
before by a visit to a hydropathic establishment—or, putting it otherwise,
we may say she had there made the acquaintance of the man with whom she
had established a relationship that had proved satisfying in more than one
respect. Made suspicious by her daughter’s passionate demands the mother
suddenly understood what the girl’s dread signified. She had become ill in
order to make her mother a prisoner and rob her of the freedom necessary
for her to maintain her relations with her lover. The mother’s decision was
instantly taken; she put an end to the harmful treatment. The girl was sent to
a home for nervous patients, and for many years was there pointed out as an

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“unhappy victim of psycho-analysis”; for just as long I was pursued by
damaging rumours about the unfortunate results of the treatment. I
maintained silence because I supposed myself bound by the rules of
professional secrecy. Years later I learned from a colleague who had visited
the home and there seen the girl with agoraphobia that the intimacy
between the mother and the wealthy man was common knowledge, and that
in all probability it was connived at by the husband and father. To this
“secret” the girl’s cure had been sacrificed.
In the years before the war, when the influx of patients from many
countries made me independent of the goodwill or disfavour of my native
city, I made it a rule never to take for treatment anyone who was not sui
juris, independent of others in all the essential relations of life. Every
psycho-analyst cannot make these stipulations. Perhaps you will conclude
from my warnings about relatives that one should take the patient out of his
family circle in the interests of analysis, and restrict this therapy to those
living in private institutions. I could not support this suggestion, however; it
is far more advantageous for the patients—those who are not in a condition
of severe prostration, at least—to remain during the treatment in those
circumstances in which they have to struggle with the demands that their
ordinary life makes on them. But the relatives ought not to counteract this
advantage by their behaviour, and above all should not oppose their
hostility to one’s professional efforts. But how are you going to induce
people who are inaccessible to you to take up this attitude? You will
naturally also conclude that the social atmosphere and degree of cultivation
of the patient’s immediate surroundings have considerable influence upon
the prospects of the treatment.
This is a gloomy outlook for the efficacy of psycho-analysis as a
therapy, even if we may explain the overwhelming majority of our failures
by taking into account these disturbing external factors! Friends of analysis
have advised us to counterbalance a collection of failures by drawing up a
statistical enumeration of our successes. I have not taken up this suggestion
either. I brought forward the argument that statistics would be valueless if
the units collated were not alike, and the cases which had been treated were
in fact not equivalent in many respects. Further, the period of time that
could be reviewed was too short for one to be able to judge of the
permanence of the cures; and of many cases it would be impossible to give
any account. They were persons who had kept both their illness and their

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treatment secret, and whose recovery in consequence had similarly to be
kept secret. The strongest reason against it, however, lay in the recognition
of the fact that in matters of therapy humanity is in the highest degree
irrational, so that there is no prospect of influencing it by reasonable
arguments. A novelty in therapeutics is either taken up with frenzied
enthusiasm, as for instance when Koch first published his results with
tuberculin; or else it is regarded with abysmal distrust, as happened for
instance with Jenner’s vaccination, actually a heaven-sent blessing, but one
which still has its implacable opponents. A very evident prejudice against
psycho-analysis made itself apparent. When one had cured a very difficult
case one would hear: “That is no proof of anything; he would have got well
of himself after all this time.” And when a patient who had already gone
through four cycles of depression and mania came to me in an interval after
the melancholia and three weeks later again began to develop an attack of
mania, all the members of the family, and also all the high medical
authorities who were called in, were convinced that the fresh attack could
be nothing but a consequence of the attempted analysis. Against prejudice
one can do nothing, as you can now see once more in the prejudices that
each group of the nations at war has developed against the other. The most
sensible thing to do is to wait and allow them to wear off with the passage
of time. A day comes when the same people regard the same things in quite
a different light from what they did before; why they thought differently
before remains a dark secret.
It is possible that the prejudice against the analytic therapy has already
begun to relax. The continual spread of analytic doctrine and the numbers
of medical men taking up analytic treatment in many countries seem to
point in that direction. As a young man I was caught in just such a storm of
indignation roused in the medical profession by the hypnotic suggestion-
treatment, which nowadays is held up in opposition to psycho-analysis by
the “sober-minded.” As a therapeutic instrument, however, hypnotism did
not bear out the hopes placed in it; we psycho-analysts may claim to be its
rightful heirs and should not forget how much encouragement and theoretic
enlightenment we owe to it. The harmful effects reported of psycho-
analysis are essentially confined to transitory manifestations of an
exacerbation of the conflict, which may occur when the analysis is clumsily
handled, or when it is broken off suddenly. You have heard an account of
what we do with our patients, and you can form your own judgement

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whether our efforts are likely to lead to lasting injury. Misuse of analysis is
possible in various ways: the transference especially, in the hands of an
unscrupulous physician, is a dangerous instrument. But no medical remedy
is proof against misuse; if a knife will not cut, neither will it serve a
surgeon.
I have now reached the end. It is more than a conventional formality
when I say that I myself am heavily oppressed by the many defects of the
lectures I have delivered before you. I regret most of all that I have so often
promised to return again in another place to a subject that I had just touched
upon shortly, and that then the context in which I could keep my word did
not offer itself. I undertook to give you an account of a thing that is still
unfinished, still developing, and now my short summary itself has become
an incomplete one. In many places I laid everything ready for drawing a
conclusion, and then I did not draw it. But I could not aim at making you
experts in psycho-analysis; I only wished to put you in the way of some
understanding of it, and to arouse your interest in it.

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INDEX

Abel, C., 150, 194
Abraham, K., 275, 346
Act:
accidental, 48
sexual, 271, 297, 326
introductory, 257, 260, 271
symptomatic, 48, 209, 215
Actions, erroneous performance of, 62
Actual neuroses, 322–7
Adler, A., 201, 318, 339
‘Advantage through illness,’ 320
Ætiology of neuroses, 216, 287–93, 295, 303–5, 308, 313, 322
Affects:
anxiety and, 330, 337
in dreams, 181–2
James-Lange theory of, 331
repression and, 336, 341–2
Agoraphobia, 224, 229, 334, 386
Alexander, the Great, 14
dream of, 69, 200
Altruism, 348
Ambivalence, 279, 357, 370, 377

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Amnesia:
of childhood, 168, 239, 263, 274
of neuroses, 239, 240
Anal-erotism, 265, 268
Anal-sadistic stage of libido-development, 275–6, 289
Andreas, Lou, 265
Anthropophyteia, 137–8
Antithetical sense of primal words, 150, 194
Anus, 257, 265
Anxiety, 225, 328–44, 359
development of, 330, 338, 342
‘free-floating,’ 332, 334
in children, 338
in dreams, 181–3, 230
Anxiety-equivalents, 334
Anxiety-hysteria, 229, 244, 252, 304, 334, 372
Anxiety-neurosis, 325, 332, 335, 337, 365–6, 374
Anxious readiness, 330
Apotropaea, 138
Apprehensiveness, 338–40
Aristotle, 71
Art, and phantasy, 314
Association-experiment, 90
Associations:
resistance against, 96, 243
to dreams, 87, 90, 94–102, 126, 198
to names, 88
to numbers, 88
Attention theory, 22

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Auto-erotism, 199, 265, 276, 298, 307–10

Bernheim, 84, 234, 373, 375
Binet, 292
Binz, 70
Birth:
experience of, 331
infantile theories of, 135, 268
symbolism of, 128, 135
Bleuler, 90, 357
Bloch, I., 258
Boecklin, 145
Bölsche, W., 297
Breasts, 131, 165
Breuer, J., 218, 228, 232, 247
Freud and, 233, 236, 246, 375
Breughel, P., 256
Brothers and sisters, 172, 280
symbols of, 128, 134
Brücke, von, 286

Castration, 175, 267, 309–11
circumcision and, 139
symbolism of, 131, 139, 161, 227
Charcot, 122
‘Charge of energy,’ 301
Childhood-experiences, 169, 302–11, 360, 378
Childhood-memories, 169, 281, 308

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Children:
anxiety in, 338
birth-phantasies of, 135, 268
dreams of, 105–13, 180
egoism in, 172, 279
intimidation of, 266, 309
neurosis in, 304
phobias in, 340
purity of, 177, 263, 273
sexual curiosity of, 176, 186, 190, 267, 274, 280
sexual life of, 176, 261–84, 296, 302–11
Clitoris, 130, 226, 267
Coitus interruptus, 335
Complex, 90
the castration, 175, 267
the Oedipus, 175, 277–84
Component-instincts (component-impulses), 266, 271–2, 275–6, 288–90,
302–3, 313
Compromise-formations, 52, 108, 253, 300
Compulsions, 220, 337
Condensation, 301, 307
in dreams, 144, 160, 199, 250, 307
Conflict, mental, 260, 293–5, 300–2, 306, 312–13, 319, 345, 351, 361–3,
366, 372, 379
Conscience, 358
Conscious, see Mental Processes
Consciousness, 16, 211, 239, 248–50, 301–2, 336, 363
psychology of, 16, 235
Conversion-hysteria, 252, 326, 334
Convictions, 207
Copernicus, 241

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‘Countercharge,’ 301, 314, 342, 365

Darwin, C., 61, 241
Day-dreams, 80, 109, 312, 314
Death, symbols of, 129, 136
Death-wishes, 282
in dreams, 119, 159, 166, 170–4
‘Degeneration,’ 221, 235, 258, 269
Delusions, 69, 211–17, 346, 354–7
Dementia præcox, 228, 326, 346, 351–2, 366, 384
Determinism, 21, 87
Diderot, 283
Displacement, 220, 290, 301, 307
in dreams, 117, 146, 198, 250, 307
Disposition, hereditary, 213, 297, 302–4, 313, 352, 360
Dream:
of Alexander the Great, 69, 200
of an obsessional neurotic, 166
of “love service,” 115, 119, 178
of “three bad theatre tickets,” 102, 117, 149, 186, 190
Dream, The Prisoner’s, 113
Dreams:
affects in, 181–2
anxiety in, 181–3, 230
archaic features in, 152, 168–79
compared with hieroglyphics, 147, 168, 194
condensation in, 144, 160, 199, 250, 307
confounded with latent thoughts, 153, 188, 200–2
death-wishes in, 119, 159, 166, 170–4
displacement in, 117, 146, 198, 250, 307
distortion in, 95, 97, 101–8, 113–20, 125, 142–4, 152, 178, 180–4

Page 407

examples of, 98–102, 106, 111, 115, 155–67, 199
experimentally produced, 74, 202
form of, 149, 179
hallucinatory experience in, 80, 108, 180
indefiniteness of, 68, 149, 194, 195
incestuous desires in, 119, 177, 278, 284
infantile features in, 168–80
inversion in, 164, 193
manifest and latent content of, 94–104, 107, 118, 143, 146, 152
mathematical calculations in, 153
medical view of, 70, 106, 149
neurotic symptoms and, 190, 202, 250, 383
no associations to, 87, 125
objectionable tendencies in, 119, 170, 178, 284
occasioned by physical needs, 77, 110, 182
of animals, 109
of children, 105–13, 180
opposites in, 150, 164, 182
preserving sleep, 107, 112, 184
problems, resolves, etc., in, 187
reactions to stimuli, 72–9, 107, 180, 201, 250
regression in, 152, 177–9, 189
residue from previous day, 179, 191, 201, 250, 349
secondary elaboration in, 153
sexual need and, 77, 129
symbolism in, 125–42, 151, 161–6
theory of, 181, 349, 381–3
thought-relations in, 148
two possible interpretations of, 145, 193, 201
typical, 230, 278
undistorted, 105, 107, 110
visual images in, 73, 78, 101, 143, 147, 152
wish-fulfilment in, 107–13, 121, 130, 143, 171, 180–92, 301, 382
wit in, 99, 199, 200
word-representation in, 101, 147
Dream-censorship, 114–24, 142, 175, 178–9, 181–4, 250, 349, 358

Page 408

Dream-interpretation:
ancient and popular, 69, 126
doubts and criticisms of, 181, 187, 193–203
resistance against, 96, 118, 121, 181, 197, 200
in analytic treatment, 125, 155, 382
results of, 120–3, 193, 197
technique of, 86, 95, 193, 242
Dream-work, 114, 118, 143–54, 168, 179, 180–1, 189
Dropping and breaking objects, 42, 61
Du Prel, 111
Dynamic conception of mental life, 53, 238, 246, 288, 313, 338
Dynamics of cure, 365, 372

‘Economic’ aspect of mental processes, 232, 298, 313
Education, 262, 298, 305, 377
Ego:
character-traits of the, 245, 251
counter-charges from the, 301, 314, 342
development of the, 295–9
disintegrations of the, 353, 358
Libido and, 312, 318, 323, 338, 345–7, 366, 380
neurosis and the, 319–21
psychology of, 352, 357
repression and, 248
sexuality and, 294, 318, 346
Ego-ideal, 357
Ego-instincts, 291, 294–5, 297–9, 344–6, 350, 358
Ego-Libido, 347, 350, 358, 374
Egoism:
in children, 172, 279
in dreams, 119, 172, 191
in neurosis, 319

Page 409

narcissism and, 348
Erotogenic zones, 259, 264–5, 270, 275–6, 324
Errors:
accumulated and combined, 43
attention theory of, 22
counter-will in, 58, 59
fatigue, excitement, etc., as a cause of, 21, 35–6
interference of two tendencies in, 33, 36, 48–54
subsequent confirmation of meaning in, 45
Excretory functions, 257, 265, 268
Excretory organs, 260
Expectant dread, 332, 334–5

Fact, a mental, 37
Fairy tales, 133, 134, 140, 158, 182, 268
Faith, 372
Faith-healers, 15
Family relationships, 172–5
Father:
erotic attachment to, 228, 231, 233
hostility towards, 173, 245, 282–3
Fechner, G. T., 73
Federn, P., 130
Ferenczi, 295
Fetichism, 257, 292
Fixation:
neurosis and, 233
of Libido, 286–97, 301–3, 305, 308, 312, 347, 352
upon traumata, 231–3

Page 410

Flaubert, G., 256
Fliegende Blätter, 22, 322
Fliess, W., 269
‘Flight into illness,’ 320
Folk-lore, 133, 139, 141
Forgetting, 19, 22, 44
as an excuse, 41
names, 21, 40, 59–61, 91
resolutions, 41, 57
to avoid pain, 60
Free association, 88, 95, 128, 157, 242, 381
“Free living,” 361

Gazing-impulse, see Skoptophilia
Genital organs:
replaced by other organs, 176, 257, 259–60, 265, 271–2
symbols of, 129–33, 136–8, 161–4, 226, 227
Genital zone, primacy of, 275–6, 288, 290
Goethe, 30, 283, 349
Grief, 233

Hate-impulses, 119, 171–4, 280, 282
Homosexuality, 176, 256, 259, 370
and paranoia, 354
Hug-Hellmuth, Frau Dr. v., 114
Human nature:
good and evil in, 12, 122–3
self-love in, 240
sense of guilt in, 279

Page 411

Hypnosis:
experiments under, 85, 234
treatment by, 246, 373–9
Hypochondria, 325–6
Hysteria, 219, 244, 252, 288, 351–2, 365–7, 372, 374
agoraphobia and, 229
amnesia in, 239, 240
attacks, 240, 331
Breuer’s case of, 218, 228, 232, 246
symptoms of, 229, 239, 253, 259, 273, 302, 314, 326, 334

Identification, 222, 357
Imago, 141
Incest, horror of, 177, 281
Inferiority, feeling of, 339
Inhibition, 285, 305, 314, 323
Insomnia, 184
Interference of two tendencies, 33, 36, 48–54
Interpretation of Dreams, 143
Intra-uterine existence, 71, 348
Introversion, 313

Janet, P., 218
Jenner, 387
Jodl, 70
Jokes, 34, 133, 145, 146
in dreams, 99, 199, 200
Jones, Ernest, 44
Jung, C. G., 90, 228, 313, 345

Page 412

Kiss, the, 270, 273
Knowing, various kinds of, 237
Knowledge, unconscious possession of, 51, 84, 124, 139, 234
Koch, 387
Kraus, F. S., 137.

Language:
development of, 140, 150, 154
implications in, 80, 109, 133, 140
of sexual origin, 141
the Chinese, 195
Latency period, 274, 277
Leuret, 218
Levy, L., 136
Libido, 119, 263
‘adhesiveness’ of, 292, 380
anxiety and, 335–43, 359
attachment to objects, 284, 350–6, 373, 374, 379–81
regression of, 285–9, 301–6, 312
symptom-formation and, 300–15, 323
theory of the, 344–59, 379–81
Libido-development, 274–7, 285–99, 352–3
genital stage of, 275–6, 290
inhibition of, 285, 305
pre-genital stage of, 275–6
Lichtenberg, 30, 56
Liébault, 84
Lindner, Dr., 264
Looking-impulse, see Skoptophilia
Losing and mislaying objects, 42, 44, 61

Page 413

Love-impulse, 172, 277, 289
Löwenfeld, 208
Lutschen, 263–4

Maeder, A., 45, 200
Magic:
ceremonies, 227
precautions, 231
words and, 13
Masochism, 257
Masturbation, 254, 260, 274, 296, 322
Maury, 70
experiments by, 74–6
Meaning:
in dreams, 67, 70, 72, 74, 82, 86
in errors, 27–63
in symptoms, 67, 218–30, 235, 237, 323, 372
Melancholia, 356, 366, 387
Memory, see Amnesia
Mental activities, systems of, 248–50, 287–8, 301
Mental life, conceptions of:
dynamic, 53, 238, 246, 288, 313, 338
economic, 232, 298, 313
topographic, 249, 287–8, 338, 364, 366
Mental processes:
conscious, 16, 94, 121, 249–50, 287–8, 301, 312, 362
preconscious, 199, 249–50, 287–8, 301, 312, 362
unconscious, 16, 94, 121, 124, 202, 301
in symptom-formation, 234–8, 307
made conscious, 237, 239, 363, 372
symbolism and, 127, 139

Page 414

under repression, 248–50, 287, 336
wishes as, 123, 125, 171, 189, 278–9
Meringer and Mayer, 25
Milk, dislike of, 306
Mind:
a psychological attitude of, 15
distribution of forces in, 203
play of forces in, 53
psycho-analytical definition of, 16
the scientific habit of, 40
Misprints, 23
Misreading, 56
Mistaking of objects, 62
Mother:
daughter and, 173–4
love-object, 156, 174–7, 277–82, 339
Mourly Vold, J., 70, 74, 130, 202
Mouth, 257, 270, 275
Myths, mythology, 133, 135, 139, 141, 145, 281, 308

Näcke, P., 347
Names:
forgetting of, 21, 40, 59–61, 91
wrong pronunciation of, 33
Narcissism, 347–59, 381
object-love and, 347–9
Narcissistic neuroses, 287–8, 318, 351–3, 358, 374
Necessity, 298, 344, 358
Nervousness, 316–27

Page 415

Neurasthenia, 325–6
Neuroses:
actual, 322–7
ætiology (or causation) of, 216, 287–93, 295, 303–5, 308, 313, 322
amnesia of, 239–40
characteristics of, 231, 235, 239, 289, 339
dynamic conception of, 246
grief and, 233
in children, 304
narcissistic, 287–8, 318, 351–3, 358, 374
prevention of, 305
transference, 252, 287–8, 294, 323, 346, 350, 352, 366, 372
traumatic, 232, 319
with organic disease, 327
Nordenskjöld, 111
Nutrition:
function of, 263, 265
organs of, 260

Object-choice:
incestuous, 119, 177, 274–88
types of, 356
Object-Libido, 347, 350, 374
Object-love, 347
Obsessional neurosis, 252, 337, 365–7, 372–4
a case of, 221, 224, 239, 251, 259
doubt in, 220, 225, 230, 244
masturbation and, 260
rituals of, 224, 229, 239, 253
sadism and, 260, 289
symptoms of, 219–21, 229, 231, 235, 239–40, 314, 318, 337, 352
Obsessions, 219, 257, 289, 351, 356
Obsessive acts, 219, 221, 234, 239, 259, 260, 337

Page 416

Obsessive ideas, 68, 235, 289
Oedipus complex, 175, 277–84
Omens, 46
Onanism, 160, 264, 266, 310
castration and, 131, 139
Opposites (polarity):
in dreams, 150, 164, 182
in the mind, 61, 121, 185, 220, 253, 275
Oral phase of Libido-development, 275–6
‘Organ-pleasure,’ 272, 273

Pain, avoidance of, 60, 298, 313
Paranoia, 53, 259, 319, 326, 366, 384
and homosexuality, 354
Paraphrenia, 326, 354
Parents:
coitus of, 186, 227, 252, 268, 309
detachment from, 283
relationship to, 172–5, 277–83
symbols of, 128, 134
Patient, relatives of, 13, 237, 367, 384–6
Penis, 129, 267, 309
Perversions, 176, 256–62, 266, 269–72, 289, 292, 297, 301
Pfister, Dr., 197
Phantasies, 80, 116, 227, 254, 258, 260, 307–15
artists and, 314
symptom-formation and, 312
typical, 309
‘Phantasy-making, retrogressive,’ 282

Page 417

Philosophy, 15, 70, 79
Phobias, 332–4, 341–3
in children, 340
symbolism in, 343
Phylogenetic development, 168, 307
Phylogenetic inheritance, 297, 311
Physician, 319, 321
transference to, 245, 367–81
Plato, 122
Pleasure, 265
Pleasure-principle, 299, 307, 319
Polarity, see Opposites
Preconscious, see under Mental Processes
Primacy of genital zone, 275–6, 288, 290
Privation, 252, 260, 289–91, 293–5, 301, 312, 360
Psychiatry, 16, 207–17, 218, 221, 235, 353
Psychical systems, 248–50, 287–8, 301
Psycho-Analysis:
as a science, 325
attitude to sexual matters, 129
based on observations, 208
compared with mineralogy, 326
conventional morality and, 362
criticisms of, 247, 294, 378
difficulties of, 11–18
implicit in literature, 28, 29, 133, 175, 278, 283
infancy of, 84, 252, 383
opposition against, 12, 17, 37, 63, 175, 208, 240, 244, 318, 383
prejudices against, 16, 18, 387
study of, 12, 14

Page 418

treatment (or therapy), 11–13, 155, 169, 217, 219, 226, 237, 239, 242,
252, 360–88
advice and guidance during, 362
education by, 377, 381
fundamental rule of technique in, 243
misuse of, 387
repetition and recollection during, 371
resistances during, 242–47, 267, 353, 369, 379, 384
suggestion in, 373–9
technique of, 242, 353, 378
warnings against, 11, 12
Psychology, experimental, 15, 79, 88, 90
Psycho-neuroses, 323, 336
Psycho-pathology of Everyday Life, 43
Puberty, 262, 282
Puberty-rites, 139, 281

Rank, O., 29, 112, 135, 141, 156, 175, 283
Rationalization, 354
Reaction-formations, 314, 319
Real anxiety, 329, 335, 337–41, 343, 359
Reality:
depreciation of, 308
material and psychical, 56, 309
the ‘testing’ of, 311
Reality-principle, 299, 307, 344, 347
Reason under affective influence, 208, 247
Regression:
in dreams, 152, 177–9, 189
of Ego, 299
of Libido, 285–9, 301–6, 312

Page 419

to phantasies, 312
Reik, Th., 281
Repetition of previous experience, 331
Repression, 248–51, 295, 297, 306, 342, 351, 354, 361, 363–7, 380, 382
regression and, 287, 289
transformation of affect and, 337, 341
Reproduction, function of, 255, 262, 266, 268, 269, 271
Resistance:
against associations, 96, 243
during treatment, 242–47, 267, 353, 369, 379, 384
overcoming of, 246, 365, 374, 378–81
to dream-interpretation, 96, 118, 121, 181, 197, 200
Roux, 303

Sachs, H., 141, 174
Sadism, 257, 260, 268, 275–6, 289
Scherner, K. A., 77, 127, 133
Schiller, 28
Schubert, 137
Screen-memories, 169
Secondary elaboration:
in dreams, 153
in paranoia, 319
Seduction, 309–10
Self-analysis, 15
Self-preservation, 295, 298, 329, 343–6, 350, 358
Self-punishment, 62, 185, 278
Series, complemental, 292, 303, 305, 310
Sexual:

Page 420

abstinence, 290, 336, 361, 363
act, 255, 271, 297, 326
introductory, 257, 260, 271
aim, 257–8, 277, 311
anæsthesia, 267
curiosity, 186, 275
in children, 176, 186, 190, 267, 274, 280
experiences, in childhood, 302–11
instinct and civilization, 17, 262, 290
instincts and Ego-instincts, 291, 294–5, 297–9, 344–6, 350
intercourse, 226, 265, 296, 355, 363
parental, 186, 227, 252, 268, 309
sadistic conception of, 268
symbols of, 132, 138, 164
object, 256–8, 264, 277, 311
of component-impulses, 276
organizations, see Libido-development
the term, 255, 264, 268–70, 273
toxins, 324, 326
Sexuality:
infantile, 176, 261–84, 296, 302–11
perverted, 176, 256–62, 266, 269–72, 289, 292, 297, 301
Shakespeare, 29, 78
Shaw, G. B., 42, 173
Silberer, H., 201, 255
Skoptophilia (gazing-impulse), 186, 190, 257, 260, 271, 275–6, 310
Sleep, the condition of, 71, 86, 184, 348, 350, 382
Slips of the pen, 55
Slips of the tongue, 24–40, 49–54, 82, 145, 199
Slips of the tongue in literature, 28, 29
Spatial, see Topographical
Sperber, H., 140

Page 421

Stekel, W., 201
Struggle for existence, 262, 298
Struwelpeter, 309
Sublimation, 17, 290, 314, 381
Sucking:
for nourishment, 263–4, 306
for pleasure, 263–4, 275
Suggestion, treatment by, 373–9
Symbolism:
a mode of expression, 139, 168
in dreams, 125–42, 151, 161–6
in phobias, 343
in symptom-formation, 222, 226–7
Symptomatic acts, 48, 209, 215
Symptom-formation, 293, 300–15, 318–19, 326, 352
phantasy and, 312
repression and, 251
Symptoms, Neurotic:
analysis of, and past life, 232, 237, 261
ascetic character of, 253, 361
conflict expressed in, 260, 300, 306, 319
dreams and, 190, 202, 250, 383
meaning of, 67, 218–30, 235, 237, 323, 372
purpose of, 223, 251, 253
substitutes, 236, 248, 251, 253, 259, 293, 306, 323, 326, 372, 380
typical, 229
‘whence,’ and ‘whither’ or ‘why’ of, 234, 240
Systems of mental activities, 248–50, 287–8, 301

Taboos, 216
Topographical (spatial) conception of mental life, 249, 287–8, 338, 364,
366

Page 422

Totem und Tabu, 216, 279
Toxins, 324, 326
Transference, 245, 367–81
Transference neuroses, 252, 287–8, 294, 323, 346, 350, 352, 366, 372
Traumatic neuroses, 232, 319
Treatment, see under Psycho-Analysis

Unconscious, see under Mental Processes
Unconscious, the:
affects and, 342
dreams and, 127, 312
Ego and, 318, 349
Janet’s view of, 218
meaning of term, 248
mechanisms of, 179, 199, 202, 307
memories in, 169
opposites in, 185
psycho-analysis and, 235, 325
symbolism and, 127, 139
symptoms and, 238–40
system, 178–9, 248–50, 287–8, 301–2, 365
wishes in, 278–9
Urination, 265, 268

Vagina, 257, 265, 267
Virginity, 226, 253

War, the, 12, 122, 387
Wish-fulfilment:
in dreams, 107–13, 121, 130, 143, 171, 180–92, 301, 382
in phantasy, 311

Page 423

in symptoms, 223, 252, 260, 302
Wit, 98
Word-association, 90
Words:
an exchange of, 13
magic and, 13
sound-values of, 36
verbal images, 352
Wundt, 36, 70, 90

Zola, Émile, 221

Page 424

Printed in Great Britain by
UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, LONDON AND WOKING

1. [Literally: “that wishes to build in the dark and fish in murky waters.”—Tr.]

2. In German—Versprechen.

3. Verschreiben.

4. Verlesen.

5. Verhören.

6. Vergessen.

7. Verlegen.

8. [The equivalent English prefix is “mis-,” but is not so widely employed.—Tr.]

9. In German—Vergreifen.

10. [English example.—Tr.]

11. [Komfortabel is a slang Viennese expression for a one-horse cab. An English example of this
is as follows: In a play during a scene of a funeral procession the actor was made to say, “Stand back,
my Lord, and let the parson cough!” instead of “the coffin pass.”—Tr.]

12. [English examples.—Tr.]

13. [English examples.—Tr.]

14. “Ja, das draut” = das dauert ... eine traurige Geschichte.

15. “Dann aber sind Tatsachen zum Vorschwein gekommen” = Vorschein ... Schweinerei.

16. [The two words “begleiten” and “beleidigen” are a good deal more obvious in the German
“begleidigen” than in the translation.—Tr.]

17. [Two untranslatable examples are given in the text, apopos for apropos and
Eischeissweibchen for Eiweisscheibchen. (Meringer and Mayer.)—Tr.]

18. Vorschussmitglieder instead of Ausschussmitglieder.

19. From C. G. Jung.

20. From A. A. Brill.

Page 425

21. From B. Dattner.

22. Also in the writings of A. Maeder (French), A. A. Brill and Ernest Jones (English), and J.
Stärcke (Dutch) and others.

23. From R. Reitler.

24. [German: Zurückdrängen = to force back. This word is stronger than unterdrücken = to press
under, which we translate by suppress (not a technical term); zurückdrängen contains already the
drängen of verdrängen, the technical word used by Freud to denote the strongest pressure of all,
repression. In the examples discussed here, the agency withholding the intention from expression
may be either conscious or unconscious (groups one, two, and three, according to the degree of
unconsciousness); Freud does not use verdrängen = “repression,” the technical word for unconscious
agency only, here, but one very near to it in sense.—Tr.]

25. Joseph Breuer, in the years 1880–1882. Cf. my Lectures on Psycho-Analysis, delivered in
the United States in 1909.

26. [It should be noted that in using the word “unconscious” to translate the German
“unbewusst” we are deflecting it from its customary English sense, which is “absence of
unawareness,” such as in the phrases “he lay unconscious,” “a stone is unconscious,” etc. Unbewusst
is rather “unconscious’d,” i.e. something of which the subject is not aware. Of it two statements may
therefore be predicated, not only that it is not conscious in itself or of itself, but also that the subject
is not conscious of its existence.—Tr.]

27. [Lit.: “Tablers”—Tr.]

28. [This example has been altered in translation to bring in the play upon words in English.—
Tr.]

29. [See note on preceding example.—Tr.]

30. See Frontispiece.

31. Frau Dr. von Hug-Hellmuth.

32. [Liebesdienst = “love service,” a popular expression adapted from “military service.”—Tr.]

33. [Cf. sweetheart, sweetest.—Tr.]

34. [In German, an old acquaintance is often addressed as “old house” (altes Haus); the
expression “giving him one on the roof” (einem eins aufs Dachl geben) corresponds to “hitting him
over the head.”]

35. [The portal vein carries nourishment from the bowels to the body via the liver. The pylorus
(from πύλη = gate) is the entrance to the small intestine. In German, the apertures of the body are
called Leibespforten (gates of the body).—Tr.]

36. [Cf. the Russian expression, “Little father.”—Tr.]

37. [Cf. “I am a wall and my breasts like towers: then was I in his eyes as one that found
favour.” Cant. viii. 10.—Tr.]

Page 426

38. [This is certainly so with English patients.—Tr.]

39. Whilst correcting these pages, my eye happened to fall upon a newspaper paragraph which I
reproduce here as affording unexpected confirmation of the above words.

DIVINE RETRIBUTION

A Broken Arm for a Broken Marriage-Vow.
Frau Anna M., the wife of a soldier in the reserve, accused Frau Clementine K. of unfaithfulness
to her husband. In her accusation she stated that Frau K. had had an illicit relationship with Karl M.
during her husband’s absence at the front, and while he was sending her as much as 70 crowns a
month. Besides this, she had already received a large sum of money from her (Frau M.’s) husband,
while his wife and children had to live in hunger and misery. Some of her husband’s comrades had
informed her that he and Frau K. had visited public-houses together and remained there drinking late
into the night. The accused woman had once actually asked the husband of the accuser, in the
presence of several soldiers, whether he would not soon leave his “old woman” and come to her, and
the caretaker of the house where Frau K. lived had repeatedly seen the plaintiff’s husband in Frau
K.’s room, in a state of complete undress.
Yesterday, before a magistrate in the Leopoldstadt, Frau K. denied knowing M. at all: any
intimate relations between them were out of the question, she said.
Albertine M., a witness, however, gave evidence of having surprised Frau K. in the act of
kissing the accuser’s husband.
M., who had been called as a witness in some earlier proceedings, had then denied any intimate
relations with the accused. Yesterday, a letter was handed to the magistrate, in which the witness
retracted his former denial and confessed that up to the previous June he had carried on illicit
relations with Frau K. In the earlier proceedings he had denied his relations with the accused only
because she had come to him before the action came into court and begged him on her knees to save
her and say nothing. “To-day,” wrote the witness, “I feel compelled to lay a full confession before the
court, for I have broken my left arm and regard this as God’s punishment for my offence.”
The judge decided that the penal offence had been committed too long ago for the action to
stand, whereupon the accuser withdrew her accusation and the accused was discharged.

40. [Both senses of cleave are still alive in English: to cleave (= separate) and to cleave to (=
adhere).—Tr.]

41. [The principal park of Vienna.—Tr.]

42. Another interpretation of the number three, occurring in the dream of this childless woman,
lies very close; but I will not mention it here, because this analysis did not furnish any material
illustrating it.

43. Verranntheit.

44. Cf. Totem und Tabu, 1913.

45. [Zwangsneurose, sometimes called in English compulsion-neurosis.—Tr.]

46. E. Toulouse, Émile Zola. Enquête medico-psychologique. Paris, 1896.

Page 427

47. See p. 222.

48. Ferenczi, Contributions to Psycho-Analysis. English translation by Ernest Jones, 1916.
Chap. viii, p. 181.

49. [I.e. Grave’s disease, exophthalmic goitre.—Tr.]

50. [Angst. The German word denotes a more intense feeling than the English ‘anxiety’; the
latter however, derived from the same root, has become established as the technical English term.—
Tr.]

51. [In Germany it replaces the use of “duck” for this purpose in English.—Tr.]

52. [Taken, with very slight modifications, from Ernest Dowden’s translation.—Tr.]

53. [This name is based on a reference to a relationship with an older person in early life.—Tr.]

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

The Interpretation of Dreams

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Page 428

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