Page 1
Page 2
Page 3
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Reports of Trials
for Murder by Poisoning;
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it
away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg
License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United
States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Title: Reports of Trials for Murder by Poisoning;
Author: G. Lathom Browne
active 19th century C. G. Stewart
Release date: December 7, 2015 [eBook #50636]
Most recently updated: October 22, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats:
www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/50636
Credits: Produced by Giovanni Fini, Chris Curnow and the
Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made
for Murder by Poisoning;
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it
away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg
License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United
States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Title: Reports of Trials for Murder by Poisoning;
Author: G. Lathom Browne
active 19th century C. G. Stewart
Release date: December 7, 2015 [eBook #50636]
Most recently updated: October 22, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats:
www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/50636
Credits: Produced by Giovanni Fini, Chris Curnow and the
Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made
Page 4
available
by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK
REPORTS OF TRIALS FOR MURDER BY POISONING; ***
by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK
REPORTS OF TRIALS FOR MURDER BY POISONING; ***
Page 5
Page 6
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected.
—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the
original book. The image is placed in the public domain.
—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected.
—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the
original book. The image is placed in the public domain.
Page 7
REPORTS OF TRIALS
FOR
MURDER BY POISONING.
REPORTS OF TRIALS
FOR
MURDER BY POISONING;
BY
PRUSSIC ACID, STRYCHNIA, ANTIMONY,
ARSENIC, AND ACONITIA.
FOR
MURDER BY POISONING.
REPORTS OF TRIALS
FOR
MURDER BY POISONING;
BY
PRUSSIC ACID, STRYCHNIA, ANTIMONY,
ARSENIC, AND ACONITIA.
Page 8
INCLUDING THE
TRIALS OF TAWELL, W. PALMER, DOVE,
MADELINE SMITH,
Dr. PRITCHARD, SMETHURST, AND Dr.
LAMSON,
WITH
CHEMICAL INTRODUCTION AND NOTES ON
THE POISONS USED.
BY
G. LATHOM BROWNE,
OF THE MIDLAND CIRCUIT, BARRISTER-AT-LAW, AUTHOR OF
“NARRATIVES OF
STATE TRIALS IN THE 19TH CENTURY,”
AND
C. G. STEWART,
SENIOR ASSISTANT IN THE LABORATORY OF ST. THOMAS’S
HOSPITAL;
ASSOCIATE OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF SCIENCE, DUBLIN;
AND OF THE SOCIETY OF PUBLIC ANALYSTS.
TRIALS OF TAWELL, W. PALMER, DOVE,
MADELINE SMITH,
Dr. PRITCHARD, SMETHURST, AND Dr.
LAMSON,
WITH
CHEMICAL INTRODUCTION AND NOTES ON
THE POISONS USED.
BY
G. LATHOM BROWNE,
OF THE MIDLAND CIRCUIT, BARRISTER-AT-LAW, AUTHOR OF
“NARRATIVES OF
STATE TRIALS IN THE 19TH CENTURY,”
AND
C. G. STEWART,
SENIOR ASSISTANT IN THE LABORATORY OF ST. THOMAS’S
HOSPITAL;
ASSOCIATE OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF SCIENCE, DUBLIN;
AND OF THE SOCIETY OF PUBLIC ANALYSTS.
Page 9
LONDON:
STEVENS AND SONS, 119, CHANCERY LANE,
Law Publishers and Booksellers.
1883.
LONDON:
BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
STEVENS AND SONS, 119, CHANCERY LANE,
Law Publishers and Booksellers.
1883.
LONDON:
BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
Page 10
PREFACES.
This volume of selected reports of the most remarkable trials
for murder by poisoning, which have been held during the past half
century, with essays and notes explanatory of the nature, and
operation, and methods of detecting the various poisons supposed
to have been employed, will it is hoped prove useful to the medical,
as well as the legal profession. With this object the evidence of the
medical and chemical witnesses has been given in detail, especially
in those cases in which a conflict of scientific testimony arose,
between experts of the highest professional character and
reputation. Care has also been taken to state the scientific
nomenclature of this class of witness correctly, a point on which
the shorthand writers, otherwise so reliable, are naturally liable to
fail, catching as they do only the sounds of a language unknown to
them, in reporting which the error even in a single letter is often
most important. My colleague, besides furnishing the latest
information obtainable with reference to the various poisons, has
offered from recent experiments, made specially for this purpose,
explanations of those points in the several trials about which the
rival experts disputed, bringing to bear on them the latest
discoveries in chemical science.
This volume of selected reports of the most remarkable trials
for murder by poisoning, which have been held during the past half
century, with essays and notes explanatory of the nature, and
operation, and methods of detecting the various poisons supposed
to have been employed, will it is hoped prove useful to the medical,
as well as the legal profession. With this object the evidence of the
medical and chemical witnesses has been given in detail, especially
in those cases in which a conflict of scientific testimony arose,
between experts of the highest professional character and
reputation. Care has also been taken to state the scientific
nomenclature of this class of witness correctly, a point on which
the shorthand writers, otherwise so reliable, are naturally liable to
fail, catching as they do only the sounds of a language unknown to
them, in reporting which the error even in a single letter is often
most important. My colleague, besides furnishing the latest
information obtainable with reference to the various poisons, has
offered from recent experiments, made specially for this purpose,
explanations of those points in the several trials about which the
rival experts disputed, bringing to bear on them the latest
discoveries in chemical science.
Page 11
In preparing these reports, I have followed the form adopted by
the late Mr. Townsend, the Recorder of Macclesfield, in his
valuable volumes of trials—now I believe quite out of print—
grouping the witnesses under the heads of the case to which their
evidence specially applied, dividing the scientific from the moral
testimony, and wherever a conflict arose between the experts called
for the prosecution and those for the defence, giving the evidence
of the latter immediately after that of the former, so as to place the
points at issue more clearly before the reader.
It would have been impossible, within reasonable limits, to
have reported in detail the elaborate speeches of counsel (most of
them models of argument, criticism, and eloquence), or the minute
and exhaustive charges of many of the presiding judges. The
abstracts which have been given will, however, serve to perpetuate
the most important and notable parts of both. In some of the cases
the immediate application of these either to certain points in the
evidence, or to the arguments adduced on either side, has been
shown by quotations in the notes. With these exceptions, and a few
notes pointing out errors or discrepancies in the evidence, I have
generally forborne to express an opinion on the verdict, preferring
to present such reports of the evidence as may enable the student to
form his own conclusions.
With the progress of chemical science the field of the poisoner
is constantly extending. New poisons are yearly discovered, each
succeeding one apparently more difficult of detection than the
former. Death lurks in many unsuspected forms, and but for the
parallel march of the science of detection, the poisoner would more
often escape. A grave danger to society, too, lies in the patent
medicines, so popular and so perilous; in the vermin killers, loaded
with deadly poison, which can be bought without let or hindrance
by any one; and the use of preparations for animals—not so
the late Mr. Townsend, the Recorder of Macclesfield, in his
valuable volumes of trials—now I believe quite out of print—
grouping the witnesses under the heads of the case to which their
evidence specially applied, dividing the scientific from the moral
testimony, and wherever a conflict arose between the experts called
for the prosecution and those for the defence, giving the evidence
of the latter immediately after that of the former, so as to place the
points at issue more clearly before the reader.
It would have been impossible, within reasonable limits, to
have reported in detail the elaborate speeches of counsel (most of
them models of argument, criticism, and eloquence), or the minute
and exhaustive charges of many of the presiding judges. The
abstracts which have been given will, however, serve to perpetuate
the most important and notable parts of both. In some of the cases
the immediate application of these either to certain points in the
evidence, or to the arguments adduced on either side, has been
shown by quotations in the notes. With these exceptions, and a few
notes pointing out errors or discrepancies in the evidence, I have
generally forborne to express an opinion on the verdict, preferring
to present such reports of the evidence as may enable the student to
form his own conclusions.
With the progress of chemical science the field of the poisoner
is constantly extending. New poisons are yearly discovered, each
succeeding one apparently more difficult of detection than the
former. Death lurks in many unsuspected forms, and but for the
parallel march of the science of detection, the poisoner would more
often escape. A grave danger to society, too, lies in the patent
medicines, so popular and so perilous; in the vermin killers, loaded
with deadly poison, which can be bought without let or hindrance
by any one; and the use of preparations for animals—not so
Page 12
deleterious to the latter, as they are death-dealing—if either
intentionally or by accident given to a human being. Stringent as
the regulations of the Poisons Act appear on paper, the facility with
which Lamson purchased aconitia, merely on the credit of his name
appearing in the Medical Directory, and the really unrestricted sale
of patent medicines and vermin-killers, mark the practical inutility
of the Act. A new Act, dealing with these points, has been promised
by the Government, but there seems little probability of its passing
this session.
G. L. B.
In the compilation of these chemical notes it has been found
very difficult to be sufficiently simple and complete in explanation
for non-scientific readers, without either sacrificing many
important details, or exceeding the limited space available. I have
attempted as far as possible not only to solve the questions that
arose in the trials, but to look forward to many that might occur in
future cases. No claim is laid to originality except in a few
experiments; but the search through existing authorities has
involved so much labour, that I must plead a very limited leisure as
an excuse for any incompleteness. In such portions as touched on
medicine I have been guided by the later text-books, and by living
advice. It has been thought preferable to give references in the text,
at the very passage quoted, instead of in foot-notes.
intentionally or by accident given to a human being. Stringent as
the regulations of the Poisons Act appear on paper, the facility with
which Lamson purchased aconitia, merely on the credit of his name
appearing in the Medical Directory, and the really unrestricted sale
of patent medicines and vermin-killers, mark the practical inutility
of the Act. A new Act, dealing with these points, has been promised
by the Government, but there seems little probability of its passing
this session.
G. L. B.
In the compilation of these chemical notes it has been found
very difficult to be sufficiently simple and complete in explanation
for non-scientific readers, without either sacrificing many
important details, or exceeding the limited space available. I have
attempted as far as possible not only to solve the questions that
arose in the trials, but to look forward to many that might occur in
future cases. No claim is laid to originality except in a few
experiments; but the search through existing authorities has
involved so much labour, that I must plead a very limited leisure as
an excuse for any incompleteness. In such portions as touched on
medicine I have been guided by the later text-books, and by living
advice. It has been thought preferable to give references in the text,
at the very passage quoted, instead of in foot-notes.
Page 13
With regard to the proposed new Poisons Act one or two
considerations should not be forgotten. There are hundreds of ways
of taking life: the poisoner’s is only one. Even in his method the
number of fatal agents he may use is almost unlimited. To make a
schedule of certain poisons that are not to be sold without
restriction, seems like prohibiting knives, while allowing stilettos—
the latter are certainly less usual, but quite as fatal. Moreover, the
Act of 1868 only affects one channel by which poisons may reach
the public—viz., through the retail chemists. It secures a record of
ordinary shop purchases, and thus facilitates the tracing of crime.
But the channels of trade are still open: hundred-weights of arsenic
are obtained, where ounces could not be purchased; and these large
stocks are often carelessly kept, and left open to servants,
workmen, or even children. The result is that the supposed
restrictions on obtaining poisons are almost illusory: these
substances are sown broadcast among ignorant people, and are
placed in cupboards unlabelled among articles of food. The
following are recent illustrations:—
“At Corkley, Wilts, the wife of a labourer used, instead of
baking-powder, a packet of arsenic, intended by her husband as
medicine for his horses. The husband and wife died.”—Weekly
Dispatch, May 6, 1883.
“At Whitchurch, a farmer was accused of poisoning a large
number of cattle and other animals with arsenic. In 1881 he had
obtained several pounds of it from Liverpool, stating that he wanted
it to destroy vermin.”—Evening Standard, June 2, 1883.
In the schedule of the 1868 Act, among the less dangerous
poisons, to be obtained without restriction beyond proper labelling,
appears, “Almonds, Essential Oil of (unless deprived of prussic
acid).” Yet this preparation is one of the most perilous, as has been
shown by numbers of deaths, and lately by the West Malling case
considerations should not be forgotten. There are hundreds of ways
of taking life: the poisoner’s is only one. Even in his method the
number of fatal agents he may use is almost unlimited. To make a
schedule of certain poisons that are not to be sold without
restriction, seems like prohibiting knives, while allowing stilettos—
the latter are certainly less usual, but quite as fatal. Moreover, the
Act of 1868 only affects one channel by which poisons may reach
the public—viz., through the retail chemists. It secures a record of
ordinary shop purchases, and thus facilitates the tracing of crime.
But the channels of trade are still open: hundred-weights of arsenic
are obtained, where ounces could not be purchased; and these large
stocks are often carelessly kept, and left open to servants,
workmen, or even children. The result is that the supposed
restrictions on obtaining poisons are almost illusory: these
substances are sown broadcast among ignorant people, and are
placed in cupboards unlabelled among articles of food. The
following are recent illustrations:—
“At Corkley, Wilts, the wife of a labourer used, instead of
baking-powder, a packet of arsenic, intended by her husband as
medicine for his horses. The husband and wife died.”—Weekly
Dispatch, May 6, 1883.
“At Whitchurch, a farmer was accused of poisoning a large
number of cattle and other animals with arsenic. In 1881 he had
obtained several pounds of it from Liverpool, stating that he wanted
it to destroy vermin.”—Evening Standard, June 2, 1883.
In the schedule of the 1868 Act, among the less dangerous
poisons, to be obtained without restriction beyond proper labelling,
appears, “Almonds, Essential Oil of (unless deprived of prussic
acid).” Yet this preparation is one of the most perilous, as has been
shown by numbers of deaths, and lately by the West Malling case
Page 14
(not yet ripe enough for reporting). There are also other faults in
the schedule.
Remembering, then, that legislation on the sale of poisons is
utterly unable to prevent poisoning, that all it can do is to make the
means a little difficult, and the detection more easy, how can we
approve the proposal at this moment made, to tack on a few, very
tentative clauses to an unsuccessful Act, and four more names to a
very defective schedule? Why insert chloride of antimony, and omit
nitrate of silver, sulphate of copper, and chloride of tin? The
essence of a “poison” is quantity; and no Act which does not
specify the maximum quantity that may be sold, can be effective.
Beyond this, why should it be more criminal to sell a dangerous
substance to a poisoner than to give it to him, or by culpable
negligence to allow him to take possession of it? If such neglect
were made punishable, if people who left arsenic, &c., about in
cupboards without precaution, had to suffer for the consequences,
we should hear less of such “accidents.”
I am deeply indebted to Dr. Bernays, Professor of Chemistry at
St. Thomas’s Hospital, for kind advice and facilities of consultation
and experiment; to Doctors Harley, Ord, Acland, and to my
namesake, Mr. Charles Stewart, F.L.S., for many valuable
suggestions; and especially to Mr. E. G. Clayton, F.C.S., who
contributed the main part of the chapter on Aconitia, and helped me
materially in other portions of the chemical notes.
The main authorities drawn upon have been:—
Taylor’s Medical Jurisprudence, 1873.
Taylor on Poisons.
Woodman and Tidy’s Handy-Book of Forensic Medicine and
Toxicology, 1877.
Blyth’s Manual of Practical Chemistry, 1879.
Guy and Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, 1881.
the schedule.
Remembering, then, that legislation on the sale of poisons is
utterly unable to prevent poisoning, that all it can do is to make the
means a little difficult, and the detection more easy, how can we
approve the proposal at this moment made, to tack on a few, very
tentative clauses to an unsuccessful Act, and four more names to a
very defective schedule? Why insert chloride of antimony, and omit
nitrate of silver, sulphate of copper, and chloride of tin? The
essence of a “poison” is quantity; and no Act which does not
specify the maximum quantity that may be sold, can be effective.
Beyond this, why should it be more criminal to sell a dangerous
substance to a poisoner than to give it to him, or by culpable
negligence to allow him to take possession of it? If such neglect
were made punishable, if people who left arsenic, &c., about in
cupboards without precaution, had to suffer for the consequences,
we should hear less of such “accidents.”
I am deeply indebted to Dr. Bernays, Professor of Chemistry at
St. Thomas’s Hospital, for kind advice and facilities of consultation
and experiment; to Doctors Harley, Ord, Acland, and to my
namesake, Mr. Charles Stewart, F.L.S., for many valuable
suggestions; and especially to Mr. E. G. Clayton, F.C.S., who
contributed the main part of the chapter on Aconitia, and helped me
materially in other portions of the chemical notes.
The main authorities drawn upon have been:—
Taylor’s Medical Jurisprudence, 1873.
Taylor on Poisons.
Woodman and Tidy’s Handy-Book of Forensic Medicine and
Toxicology, 1877.
Blyth’s Manual of Practical Chemistry, 1879.
Guy and Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, 1881.
Page 15
Allen’s Commercial Organic Analysis, 1879.
Royle’s Materia Medica, edited by Dr. J. Harley, 1876.
Christison on Poisons, 1829.
Fresenius’ Qual. and Quant. Analysis.
Watt’s Dictionary of Chemistry.
Chemical Society’s Journal.
Chemical News, Lancet, &c.
Farquharson’s Therapeutics.
Mohr’s Toxicologie, trans. by Gautier, 1876.
Casper’s Handbook of Forensic Medicine, trans. by Balfour,
1861-5.
Beilstein’s Organische Chemie, 1882.
Year Book of Pharmacy.
British and other Pharmacopœias.
Squire’s Companion.
In conclusion, it has been obviously impossible in the limited
space to explain elementary facts or principles. These may be
ascertained from any of the standard textbooks.
C. G. S.
Royle’s Materia Medica, edited by Dr. J. Harley, 1876.
Christison on Poisons, 1829.
Fresenius’ Qual. and Quant. Analysis.
Watt’s Dictionary of Chemistry.
Chemical Society’s Journal.
Chemical News, Lancet, &c.
Farquharson’s Therapeutics.
Mohr’s Toxicologie, trans. by Gautier, 1876.
Casper’s Handbook of Forensic Medicine, trans. by Balfour,
1861-5.
Beilstein’s Organische Chemie, 1882.
Year Book of Pharmacy.
British and other Pharmacopœias.
Squire’s Companion.
In conclusion, it has been obviously impossible in the limited
space to explain elementary facts or principles. These may be
ascertained from any of the standard textbooks.
C. G. S.
Page 16
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Prefaces v
Addenda: Differences between Strychnia and
Morphia xv
” Process for obtaining Pure Chlorine xvi
CHAPTER I.
Chemical Introduction.
Summary of symptoms exhibited by various poisons: 1
(1) Sudden death—(2) Insensibility—(3)
Vomiting—(4) Action on the eye—(5)
Convulsions—(6) Chronic poisoning. Alkaloids,
chemically and physiologically—Processes for
their detection—Necessity for keeping the
extracts separate—Dragendorff’s process—Dr.
PAGE
Prefaces v
Addenda: Differences between Strychnia and
Morphia xv
” Process for obtaining Pure Chlorine xvi
CHAPTER I.
Chemical Introduction.
Summary of symptoms exhibited by various poisons: 1
(1) Sudden death—(2) Insensibility—(3)
Vomiting—(4) Action on the eye—(5)
Convulsions—(6) Chronic poisoning. Alkaloids,
chemically and physiologically—Processes for
their detection—Necessity for keeping the
extracts separate—Dragendorff’s process—Dr.
Page 17
Guy’s sublimation process—Effects on animals
—Doubtful value of this test—Preparation and
effects of reagents: (1) Mayer’s—(2) Potassium
tri-iodide—(3) Sonnenschein’s test—(4) Bismuth
—(5) Phosphotungstic acid—(6) Picric acid—(7)
Animal charcoal—(8) Platinic chloride—(9)
Tannin or Tannic acid—(10) Phospho-antimonic
acid—(11) Silico-tungstic acid—(12) Auric,
palladium and mercuric chlorides—Ptomaines or
cadaveric alkaloids; difficulties raised by their
discovery—Principles to be observed in
analysing
CHAPTER II.
Trials for Poisoning by Prussic Acid 16
(1) John Tawell (Slough Case), March, 1850.
(2) George Ball (Lewes Case), July, 1860.
(3) Peter Walker (Egglesham Case), Dec., 1857.
CHAPTER III.
Hydrocyanic or Prussic Acid.
Nature of—Strength of different preparations of, 55
English and foreign—Where found—Tests,
preliminary: (1) Odour—(2) Silver—(3) Prussian
blue—(4) Sulphur—(5) Guaiacum—(6) Uranium
—(7) Picric acid—(8) Cupric sulphate—(9)
Cobalt chloride—(10) Mercuric oxide—(11)
Peroxide of hydrogen—(12) Mercurous nitrate.
Test apparatus—Salts of hydrocyanic acid: (1)
Potassium cyanide—(2) Mercuric cyanide—(3)
Cyanides of the heavy metals—(4) Double
cyanides—(5) Sulphocyanides—Oil of bitter
almonds—Antidotes—Fatal dose—Symptoms—
—Doubtful value of this test—Preparation and
effects of reagents: (1) Mayer’s—(2) Potassium
tri-iodide—(3) Sonnenschein’s test—(4) Bismuth
—(5) Phosphotungstic acid—(6) Picric acid—(7)
Animal charcoal—(8) Platinic chloride—(9)
Tannin or Tannic acid—(10) Phospho-antimonic
acid—(11) Silico-tungstic acid—(12) Auric,
palladium and mercuric chlorides—Ptomaines or
cadaveric alkaloids; difficulties raised by their
discovery—Principles to be observed in
analysing
CHAPTER II.
Trials for Poisoning by Prussic Acid 16
(1) John Tawell (Slough Case), March, 1850.
(2) George Ball (Lewes Case), July, 1860.
(3) Peter Walker (Egglesham Case), Dec., 1857.
CHAPTER III.
Hydrocyanic or Prussic Acid.
Nature of—Strength of different preparations of, 55
English and foreign—Where found—Tests,
preliminary: (1) Odour—(2) Silver—(3) Prussian
blue—(4) Sulphur—(5) Guaiacum—(6) Uranium
—(7) Picric acid—(8) Cupric sulphate—(9)
Cobalt chloride—(10) Mercuric oxide—(11)
Peroxide of hydrogen—(12) Mercurous nitrate.
Test apparatus—Salts of hydrocyanic acid: (1)
Potassium cyanide—(2) Mercuric cyanide—(3)
Cyanides of the heavy metals—(4) Double
cyanides—(5) Sulphocyanides—Oil of bitter
almonds—Antidotes—Fatal dose—Symptoms—
Page 18
Post-mortem appearances—Drops and minims—
Period after death at which hydrocyanic acid can
be discovered—Formic acid to be tested for—
Processes
CHAPTER IV.
Trials for Poisoning by Strychnia 84
(1) William Palmer (Rugeley Case), May, 1856.
(2) William Dove (Leeds Case), July, 1856.
(3) Silas Barlow (Vauxhall Case), November,
1876.
CHAPTER V.
Strychnia and Brucia.
Contained in St. Ignatius’s bean—False Angostura 276
bark—Nux Vomica, &c.—Properties of strychnia
—Facility of detection. Tests: (1) Microscope—
(2) Taste—(3) Color test; ditto in other alkaloids,
in bile, and in resinous and saccharine matters—
(4) Physiological test (Marshall Hall)—(5)
Bichromate of potash—(6) Picric acid—(7)
Sulphuric acid and sodium nitrite—(8) Mercuric
chloride. Preparations of strychnia: Vermin killers
—Battle’s, Gibson’s, Miller’s, Marsden’s,
Barber’s, Hunter’s, Keating’s—Brucia—Igasuria
—Igasuric acid. Doses of strychnia: medicinal,
fatal, recovery—Nux vomica. Fatal period for
strychnia—Symptoms in man, commencement of
symptoms, if given in powder, in solution, in
pills. Explanation of symptoms: by hysteria,
tetanus, epilepsy, gritty granules on spinal cord—
Angina pectoris. Post-mortem appearances—
Treatment—Antidotes—Dr. Taylor’s evidence—
Period after death at which hydrocyanic acid can
be discovered—Formic acid to be tested for—
Processes
CHAPTER IV.
Trials for Poisoning by Strychnia 84
(1) William Palmer (Rugeley Case), May, 1856.
(2) William Dove (Leeds Case), July, 1856.
(3) Silas Barlow (Vauxhall Case), November,
1876.
CHAPTER V.
Strychnia and Brucia.
Contained in St. Ignatius’s bean—False Angostura 276
bark—Nux Vomica, &c.—Properties of strychnia
—Facility of detection. Tests: (1) Microscope—
(2) Taste—(3) Color test; ditto in other alkaloids,
in bile, and in resinous and saccharine matters—
(4) Physiological test (Marshall Hall)—(5)
Bichromate of potash—(6) Picric acid—(7)
Sulphuric acid and sodium nitrite—(8) Mercuric
chloride. Preparations of strychnia: Vermin killers
—Battle’s, Gibson’s, Miller’s, Marsden’s,
Barber’s, Hunter’s, Keating’s—Brucia—Igasuria
—Igasuric acid. Doses of strychnia: medicinal,
fatal, recovery—Nux vomica. Fatal period for
strychnia—Symptoms in man, commencement of
symptoms, if given in powder, in solution, in
pills. Explanation of symptoms: by hysteria,
tetanus, epilepsy, gritty granules on spinal cord—
Angina pectoris. Post-mortem appearances—
Treatment—Antidotes—Dr. Taylor’s evidence—
Page 19
Ptomaine—Did Cook die from morphia?—
Granular preparations at St. Thomas’s Hospital
CHAPTER VI.
Trials for Poisoning by Arsenic 294
(1) Madeline Smith (_Glasgow Case_), June,
1857.
(2) Ann Merritt (Clapton Case), March, 1850.
CHAPTER VII.
Arsenic.
The element (arsenicum)—The oxide (white arsenic) 373
—Arsenicum—Arsenicum trioxide. Forms of: (1)
Crystalline—(2) Amorphous—Solubility. Uses
and occurrences: (1) Steeping, wheat—(2)
Preservation of skins—(3) Antiseptics—(4) Glass
making—(5) Fur in boilers—(6) Candles—(7)
Preservation of wood—(8) Sheep washes—(9)
Scheele’s green and emerald green as pigments in
sweets (case of Franklin and Randall), wall
papers, toys, &c.—(10) Medicinal—(11) For
horses—(12) Tooth-stopping—(13) Aniline dyes
—(14) Fireworks—(15) Rat and fly poisons (case
of Maria Gage)—(16) For cleansing metals—
(17) Arsenic eaters—(18) Cosmetics—(19) For
bronzing metals—(20) Beer brewed from glucose
—(21) American paper collars—(22) Speculum
metal—(23) Inhalation for asthma and bronchitis
—(24) Mineral waters. Sulphides of Arsenic: (1)
Orpiment (case of M. A. Burdock)—(2) Realgar.
Arsenic acid—The arsenates—Arsenic
trichloride—Arseniuretted hydrogen—Methods
of extraction—Tests—Modifications of old
Granular preparations at St. Thomas’s Hospital
CHAPTER VI.
Trials for Poisoning by Arsenic 294
(1) Madeline Smith (_Glasgow Case_), June,
1857.
(2) Ann Merritt (Clapton Case), March, 1850.
CHAPTER VII.
Arsenic.
The element (arsenicum)—The oxide (white arsenic) 373
—Arsenicum—Arsenicum trioxide. Forms of: (1)
Crystalline—(2) Amorphous—Solubility. Uses
and occurrences: (1) Steeping, wheat—(2)
Preservation of skins—(3) Antiseptics—(4) Glass
making—(5) Fur in boilers—(6) Candles—(7)
Preservation of wood—(8) Sheep washes—(9)
Scheele’s green and emerald green as pigments in
sweets (case of Franklin and Randall), wall
papers, toys, &c.—(10) Medicinal—(11) For
horses—(12) Tooth-stopping—(13) Aniline dyes
—(14) Fireworks—(15) Rat and fly poisons (case
of Maria Gage)—(16) For cleansing metals—
(17) Arsenic eaters—(18) Cosmetics—(19) For
bronzing metals—(20) Beer brewed from glucose
—(21) American paper collars—(22) Speculum
metal—(23) Inhalation for asthma and bronchitis
—(24) Mineral waters. Sulphides of Arsenic: (1)
Orpiment (case of M. A. Burdock)—(2) Realgar.
Arsenic acid—The arsenates—Arsenic
trichloride—Arseniuretted hydrogen—Methods
of extraction—Tests—Modifications of old
Page 20
processes suggested—Marsh’s test, distinction of
results in arsenic and antimony—Reinsch’s test—
Doses—Antidotes—Physiological effects—
Remarks—Did L’Angelier commit suicide?
CHAPTER VIII.
Trials for Poisoning by Antimony 397
(1) Dr. Pritchard (Glasgow Case), July, 1865.
(2) Dr. Smethurst (Richmond Case), August,
1859.
(3) Thos. Winslow (Liverpool Case), August,
1860.
CHAPTER IX.
Antimony.
Properties of the metal—Alloys—Compounds—
Chlorides, sulphides, oxides, hydride. Tartar
emetic—solubility, composition, uses and
occurrence—commercial, veterinary, medicinal.
Doses and preparations—fatal dose, fatal period.
Physiological effects—Antidotes—Separations
and tests—(1) Reinsch’s—Presence of antimony;
purity of the copper employed, how to be
secured; different stains resulting from presence
of arsenic, antimony, mercury, bismuth, tin,
silver, gold, platinum, palladium, sulphur
compounds—(2) Dr. Maclagan’s test in
Pritchard’s trial—(3) Marsh’s test—Remarks on
Pritchard’s trial—On Smethurst’s trial—Dr.
Taylor and Mr. Herapath—Arsenic in bismuth—
Antimony in grey powder 490
CHAPTER X.
results in arsenic and antimony—Reinsch’s test—
Doses—Antidotes—Physiological effects—
Remarks—Did L’Angelier commit suicide?
CHAPTER VIII.
Trials for Poisoning by Antimony 397
(1) Dr. Pritchard (Glasgow Case), July, 1865.
(2) Dr. Smethurst (Richmond Case), August,
1859.
(3) Thos. Winslow (Liverpool Case), August,
1860.
CHAPTER IX.
Antimony.
Properties of the metal—Alloys—Compounds—
Chlorides, sulphides, oxides, hydride. Tartar
emetic—solubility, composition, uses and
occurrence—commercial, veterinary, medicinal.
Doses and preparations—fatal dose, fatal period.
Physiological effects—Antidotes—Separations
and tests—(1) Reinsch’s—Presence of antimony;
purity of the copper employed, how to be
secured; different stains resulting from presence
of arsenic, antimony, mercury, bismuth, tin,
silver, gold, platinum, palladium, sulphur
compounds—(2) Dr. Maclagan’s test in
Pritchard’s trial—(3) Marsh’s test—Remarks on
Pritchard’s trial—On Smethurst’s trial—Dr.
Taylor and Mr. Herapath—Arsenic in bismuth—
Antimony in grey powder 490
CHAPTER X.
Page 21
Trials for Poisoning by Aconitia or Aconitine 514
(1) McConkey—Dublin.
(2) G. H. Lamson (Wimbledon Case), December,
1881.
CHAPTER XI.
Aconite, and Aconitia, or Aconitine.
Plants: Aconitum napellus—A. ferox. Alkaloids:
aconitia—Pseudaconitia—other bases—
Decompositions—Proportions in the plants.
Commercial aconitia—German aconitia—
English aconitia. Separation—Tests, chemical
and physiological. History—Preparations, official
and non-official. Physiological effects—Causes
of death—Post-mortem appearances—Treatment
and antidotes—Remarks 568
INDEX 583
(1) McConkey—Dublin.
(2) G. H. Lamson (Wimbledon Case), December,
1881.
CHAPTER XI.
Aconite, and Aconitia, or Aconitine.
Plants: Aconitum napellus—A. ferox. Alkaloids:
aconitia—Pseudaconitia—other bases—
Decompositions—Proportions in the plants.
Commercial aconitia—German aconitia—
English aconitia. Separation—Tests, chemical
and physiological. History—Preparations, official
and non-official. Physiological effects—Causes
of death—Post-mortem appearances—Treatment
and antidotes—Remarks 568
INDEX 583
Page 22
ADDENDA.
A.
The following is my own experience of the differences between
strychnia and morphia.—C. G. S.
MORPHIA. STRYCHNIA.
Concent. H2SO4—cold. If pure, nothing at If pure, nothing.
” ” warmed. first. Some yellow-
To this warmed solution Violet, not strong. brown.
add:— Do.
MnO2. Red, changing Deep blue purple —
slowly to brown, tored purple—
then orange. On cherryred—finally
dilution, (changes slow). On
yellow-brown. dilution, rich orange
red.
K6Cfy2. Violet, changing to Same changes, but
orange; not more rapid and less
strong. On distinct. On dilution,
dilution, at once at once destroyed to
A.
The following is my own experience of the differences between
strychnia and morphia.—C. G. S.
MORPHIA. STRYCHNIA.
Concent. H2SO4—cold. If pure, nothing at If pure, nothing.
” ” warmed. first. Some yellow-
To this warmed solution Violet, not strong. brown.
add:— Do.
MnO2. Red, changing Deep blue purple —
slowly to brown, tored purple—
then orange. On cherryred—finally
dilution, (changes slow). On
yellow-brown. dilution, rich orange
red.
K6Cfy2. Violet, changing to Same changes, but
orange; not more rapid and less
strong. On distinct. On dilution,
dilution, at once at once destroyed to
Page 23
destroyed to greenish-yellow
greenish-yellow solution.
solution, turning
blue.
K2Cr2O7. Red-brown, Same as with MnO2,
orange-brown, but more evanescent
green. On and rapid in change.
dilution, green. On dilution, at once
removed to
yellowish-brown.
HNO3 concent. Intense brownish- In the cold, nothing if
red, changing to pure. On warming,
brown— bleached orange-yellow —
by SnCl2. then SnCl2 brown
with excess to
yellow.
B.
The chlorine used in the separation of arsenic (p. 385) must be
pure. The best process for making it is to heat pure potass.
dichromate with pure hydrochloric acid. The latter may be obtained
by heating the “pure” acid of commerce in a retort until a portion of
the distillate gives no indication of arsenic by the tests. The
remainder in the retort is then arsenic-free.
greenish-yellow solution.
solution, turning
blue.
K2Cr2O7. Red-brown, Same as with MnO2,
orange-brown, but more evanescent
green. On and rapid in change.
dilution, green. On dilution, at once
removed to
yellowish-brown.
HNO3 concent. Intense brownish- In the cold, nothing if
red, changing to pure. On warming,
brown— bleached orange-yellow —
by SnCl2. then SnCl2 brown
with excess to
yellow.
B.
The chlorine used in the separation of arsenic (p. 385) must be
pure. The best process for making it is to heat pure potass.
dichromate with pure hydrochloric acid. The latter may be obtained
by heating the “pure” acid of commerce in a retort until a portion of
the distillate gives no indication of arsenic by the tests. The
remainder in the retort is then arsenic-free.
Page 24
ERRATUM.
Page 397, line 11, for “Waislow,” read, “Winslow.”
Page 397, line 11, for “Waislow,” read, “Winslow.”
Page 25
TRIALS FOR POISONING.
Page 26
CHAPTER I.
CHEMICAL INTRODUCTION.
Summary of symptoms exhibited by various poisons: (1) Sudden death—
(2) Insensibility—(3) Vomiting—(4) Action on the eye—(5) Convulsions
—(6) Chronic poisoning. Alkaloids, chemically and physiologically—
Processes for their detection—Necessity for keeping the extracts separate
—Dragendorff’s process—Dr. Guy’s sublimation process—Effects on
animals—Doubtful value of this test—Preparation and effects of
reagents: (1) Mayer’s—(2) Potassium tri-iodide—(3) Sonnenschein’s test
—(4) Bismuth—(5) Phosphotungstic acid—(6) Picric acid—(7) Animal
charcoal—(8) Platinic chloride—(9) Tannin or tannic acid—(10)
Phospho-antimonic acid—(11) Silico-tungstic acid—(11) Auric,
palladium and mercuric chlorides—Ptomaines or cadaveric alkaloids;
difficulties raised by their discovery—Principles to be observed in
analysing.
Before proceeding to a separate examination of the poisons
used in the following trials, it will be advisable to take a general
view of poisons, specially noticing those that we have selected as
the most important legally. They do not admit, perhaps, of accurate
classification, but inasmuch as the manner of death and symptoms
are usually the most available indication as to the nature of the
CHEMICAL INTRODUCTION.
Summary of symptoms exhibited by various poisons: (1) Sudden death—
(2) Insensibility—(3) Vomiting—(4) Action on the eye—(5) Convulsions
—(6) Chronic poisoning. Alkaloids, chemically and physiologically—
Processes for their detection—Necessity for keeping the extracts separate
—Dragendorff’s process—Dr. Guy’s sublimation process—Effects on
animals—Doubtful value of this test—Preparation and effects of
reagents: (1) Mayer’s—(2) Potassium tri-iodide—(3) Sonnenschein’s test
—(4) Bismuth—(5) Phosphotungstic acid—(6) Picric acid—(7) Animal
charcoal—(8) Platinic chloride—(9) Tannin or tannic acid—(10)
Phospho-antimonic acid—(11) Silico-tungstic acid—(11) Auric,
palladium and mercuric chlorides—Ptomaines or cadaveric alkaloids;
difficulties raised by their discovery—Principles to be observed in
analysing.
Before proceeding to a separate examination of the poisons
used in the following trials, it will be advisable to take a general
view of poisons, specially noticing those that we have selected as
the most important legally. They do not admit, perhaps, of accurate
classification, but inasmuch as the manner of death and symptoms
are usually the most available indication as to the nature of the
Page 27
poison that has acted, the following arrangement will be
serviceable. The heads indicate the most prominent symptom:
I. Sudden Death.—Large quantities of any poison might be
rapid in fatal result, but the sudden poisons proper are:—
concentrated sulphuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acids; poisonous
gases and vapours, such as carbonic acid and sulphuretted
hydrogen (see Casper’s Forensic Medicine, Case CCXLI.),
carbonic oxide, arseniuretted and antimoniuretted hydrogen, and
certain rare organic compounds, as kakodyl, &c.; strychnia
sometimes, oxalic acid in large doses, chloroform under certain
circumstances. But beyond all others, the quickest of poisons is
hydrocyanic or prussic acid.
II. Insensibility, generally following nervous excitement.
Morphia and opium; henbane (Hyoscyamus); stramonium;
belladonna; nicotine (tobacco); darnel (lolium temulentum);
hemlock (Conium maculatum); water hemlock (Œnanthe crocata);
fool’s parsley (Æthusa cynapium), [Dr. J. Harley shows that this is
not so poisonous as believed: see St. Thomas’s Hospital Reports, x.
25]; Indian hemp (Cannabis indica); Woody Nightshade (Solanum
dulcamara); Solanum nigrum; the berries of Potato (Solanum
tuberosum); Lobelia inflata: Foxglove (Digitalis); cocculus indicus;
certain fungi (notably Amanita muscaria); chloroform; chloral;
butylchloral —“croton chloral”): amylene; methylene dichloride;
sulphuretted hydrogen; carbonic oxide; and many other substances
usually classed as narcotics.
III. Vomiting.—Irritant poisons, such as acids, alkalies, alkaline
salts in considerable doses (even common salt has proved fatal: see
Christison[1]); most soluble compounds of the heavy metals
(especially antimony, arsenic, zinc, and copper); certain vegetal
alkaloids (from colchicum, laburnum, yew, savin, ipecacuanha,
capsicum, pepper, ergot, many species of Ranunculaceæ, the
serviceable. The heads indicate the most prominent symptom:
I. Sudden Death.—Large quantities of any poison might be
rapid in fatal result, but the sudden poisons proper are:—
concentrated sulphuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acids; poisonous
gases and vapours, such as carbonic acid and sulphuretted
hydrogen (see Casper’s Forensic Medicine, Case CCXLI.),
carbonic oxide, arseniuretted and antimoniuretted hydrogen, and
certain rare organic compounds, as kakodyl, &c.; strychnia
sometimes, oxalic acid in large doses, chloroform under certain
circumstances. But beyond all others, the quickest of poisons is
hydrocyanic or prussic acid.
II. Insensibility, generally following nervous excitement.
Morphia and opium; henbane (Hyoscyamus); stramonium;
belladonna; nicotine (tobacco); darnel (lolium temulentum);
hemlock (Conium maculatum); water hemlock (Œnanthe crocata);
fool’s parsley (Æthusa cynapium), [Dr. J. Harley shows that this is
not so poisonous as believed: see St. Thomas’s Hospital Reports, x.
25]; Indian hemp (Cannabis indica); Woody Nightshade (Solanum
dulcamara); Solanum nigrum; the berries of Potato (Solanum
tuberosum); Lobelia inflata: Foxglove (Digitalis); cocculus indicus;
certain fungi (notably Amanita muscaria); chloroform; chloral;
butylchloral —“croton chloral”): amylene; methylene dichloride;
sulphuretted hydrogen; carbonic oxide; and many other substances
usually classed as narcotics.
III. Vomiting.—Irritant poisons, such as acids, alkalies, alkaline
salts in considerable doses (even common salt has proved fatal: see
Christison[1]); most soluble compounds of the heavy metals
(especially antimony, arsenic, zinc, and copper); certain vegetal
alkaloids (from colchicum, laburnum, yew, savin, ipecacuanha,
capsicum, pepper, ergot, many species of Ranunculaceæ, the
Page 28
Hellebores, and some fungi); cantharides, turpentine, and essential
oils, &c. Pain in the digestive organs, purging, and general
inflammation are commonly present. Most of the medicinal
purgatives will produce sickness and vomiting if given in
overdoses; of course unwholesome food or disease may frequently
be the cause.
IV. Action on the Eye.—Opium and morphia, calabar bean,
aconite (?), and strychnia, contract the pupil: belladonna, henbane,
tobacco, stramonium, digitalis and hemlock, dilate the pupil. The
effect is often temporary, and sometimes is reversed after a time. It
is a valuable indication in after-experiments on animals.
V. Convulsions.—Strychnia, brucia, and some fungi: but this
symptom is by no means confined to these, and may even result as
tetanus, from disease or irritants (see Trial of Palmer). Morphia, in
rare cases, has also caused it.
VI. Chronic Poisoning, prostration and wasting. Antimony,
mercury, and lead in small repeated doses. With the two latter, but
more especially with lead, there is a blue line at the edge of the
gums; constipation and colic, paralysis and trembling of the limbs.
As lead frequently occurs as an impurity in food, and also may be
absorbed by those working with it, these symptoms may be often
accidental. Mercury also is given, less than of old, it is true, but still
systematically by some, as a regular course in syphilis, &c.: also to
children in teething powders. Antimony has been almost abandoned
in medicine, from its depressant effect. In these cases, motive,
amount, and necessity of dose, and right to administer, must be
considered before wilful poisoning can be proved. The analysis,
therefore, must be strictly quantitative, which is fortunately
tolerably easy.
The above summary is by no means perfect, since there are
minor differences in each class, which may sometimes rise into
oils, &c. Pain in the digestive organs, purging, and general
inflammation are commonly present. Most of the medicinal
purgatives will produce sickness and vomiting if given in
overdoses; of course unwholesome food or disease may frequently
be the cause.
IV. Action on the Eye.—Opium and morphia, calabar bean,
aconite (?), and strychnia, contract the pupil: belladonna, henbane,
tobacco, stramonium, digitalis and hemlock, dilate the pupil. The
effect is often temporary, and sometimes is reversed after a time. It
is a valuable indication in after-experiments on animals.
V. Convulsions.—Strychnia, brucia, and some fungi: but this
symptom is by no means confined to these, and may even result as
tetanus, from disease or irritants (see Trial of Palmer). Morphia, in
rare cases, has also caused it.
VI. Chronic Poisoning, prostration and wasting. Antimony,
mercury, and lead in small repeated doses. With the two latter, but
more especially with lead, there is a blue line at the edge of the
gums; constipation and colic, paralysis and trembling of the limbs.
As lead frequently occurs as an impurity in food, and also may be
absorbed by those working with it, these symptoms may be often
accidental. Mercury also is given, less than of old, it is true, but still
systematically by some, as a regular course in syphilis, &c.: also to
children in teething powders. Antimony has been almost abandoned
in medicine, from its depressant effect. In these cases, motive,
amount, and necessity of dose, and right to administer, must be
considered before wilful poisoning can be proved. The analysis,
therefore, must be strictly quantitative, which is fortunately
tolerably easy.
The above summary is by no means perfect, since there are
minor differences in each class, which may sometimes rise into
Page 29
such prominence as to confuse the classification. But in medical
evidence on the individual poisons of which we treat, those
physiologically resembling them in action are always most heard of
at the trial, and questions are asked whether this or that may not
produce the same symptoms; and hence it is well to direct attention
to the analogues of our types.
The primary idea of an alkaloid is derived from its resemblance
to an alkali. Alkaloids are often called also “Organic Bases.” Their
names terminate in—ia or ine.[2] They are more or less alkaline to
test paper, and combine with acids to form salts which are neutral
in reaction and often crystallizable. Only a few of the alkaloids are
liquid and easily volatile, but almost all can be volatilized by
careful heating at definite temperatures, giving in many cases a
sublimate of characteristic appearance under the microscope, either
of crystals, globules, or a mere film. In a free state, the alkaloids
are very slightly soluble in water, but soluble in alcohol, and
generally in ether and chloroform. Some are soluble in benzine,
others in amylic alcohol, petroleum spirit, acetic ether, &c. On a
judicious use of these various solvents depend the different
processes of isolation, among which Dragendorff’s is the most
complete, but so complicated that it is rarely used in its entirety.
Fortunately there is generally a clue more or less definite to the
probable poison administered, enabling a shorter and quicker
method to be adopted. For further details as to these processes see
Blyth’s Manual of Practical Chemistry. The sulphates, chlorides,
and acetates of the alkaloids are generally soluble in water; if
ammonia or potash be added to the solution, a precipitate (usually
crystalline) of the free alkaloid occurs if the solution be of
moderate strength.
Chemically, the alkaloids are derived from ammonia (NH3) by
substituting various organic groups or “compound radicles”
evidence on the individual poisons of which we treat, those
physiologically resembling them in action are always most heard of
at the trial, and questions are asked whether this or that may not
produce the same symptoms; and hence it is well to direct attention
to the analogues of our types.
The primary idea of an alkaloid is derived from its resemblance
to an alkali. Alkaloids are often called also “Organic Bases.” Their
names terminate in—ia or ine.[2] They are more or less alkaline to
test paper, and combine with acids to form salts which are neutral
in reaction and often crystallizable. Only a few of the alkaloids are
liquid and easily volatile, but almost all can be volatilized by
careful heating at definite temperatures, giving in many cases a
sublimate of characteristic appearance under the microscope, either
of crystals, globules, or a mere film. In a free state, the alkaloids
are very slightly soluble in water, but soluble in alcohol, and
generally in ether and chloroform. Some are soluble in benzine,
others in amylic alcohol, petroleum spirit, acetic ether, &c. On a
judicious use of these various solvents depend the different
processes of isolation, among which Dragendorff’s is the most
complete, but so complicated that it is rarely used in its entirety.
Fortunately there is generally a clue more or less definite to the
probable poison administered, enabling a shorter and quicker
method to be adopted. For further details as to these processes see
Blyth’s Manual of Practical Chemistry. The sulphates, chlorides,
and acetates of the alkaloids are generally soluble in water; if
ammonia or potash be added to the solution, a precipitate (usually
crystalline) of the free alkaloid occurs if the solution be of
moderate strength.
Chemically, the alkaloids are derived from ammonia (NH3) by
substituting various organic groups or “compound radicles”
Page 30
(compounds of carbon and hydrogen), for the hydrogen of the
ammonia. They are therefore “compound ammonias,” or “amines.”
Nitrogen, carbon, and hydrogen, are always present in natural
alkaloids, the non-volatile ones, including the greater number, also
contain oxygen.
Physiologically, alkaloids as a class have a powerful action on
the human and animal frame. The medicinal properties of plants are
generally due to these substances, though many are still
undiscovered or imperfectly known. They exist in the plant
combined with vegetal acids, some of which are characteristic, as
aconitic acid in aconite, meconic in opium, igasuric (?) in nux
vomica, &c. The very small quantity which may sometimes be fatal
(a fraction of a grain of the pure alkaloid), the indefiniteness of
many of their chemical reactions, and the facility with which they
decompose if too high a heat, or too strong reagents, be employed
in their extraction, render the detection often a difficult, and
sometimes an impossible matter. Fortunately, however, fresh tests
and better processes develop from every case, and other
indications, from symptoms and collateral circumstances, rarely
fail to bring home the guilt even to the most ingenious and
scientific of poisoners.
For extracting the alkaloids from animal matters the following
process has been used by the author. Mince finely, digest with
rectified spirit and enough acetic acid to just acidify, warm to
blood-heat for 15 minutes, filter: this is the first extract. Warm the
insoluble matters with more alcohol and filter again: this is the
second extract. Repeat the extraction a third time. Keep the three
extracts separate. Each should be evaporated at as low a
temperature as possible, not exceeding 50° C., and preferably in a
vacuum at the ordinary temperature, if this can be done fairly
quickly. The syrupy residues must be treated with water and a drop
ammonia. They are therefore “compound ammonias,” or “amines.”
Nitrogen, carbon, and hydrogen, are always present in natural
alkaloids, the non-volatile ones, including the greater number, also
contain oxygen.
Physiologically, alkaloids as a class have a powerful action on
the human and animal frame. The medicinal properties of plants are
generally due to these substances, though many are still
undiscovered or imperfectly known. They exist in the plant
combined with vegetal acids, some of which are characteristic, as
aconitic acid in aconite, meconic in opium, igasuric (?) in nux
vomica, &c. The very small quantity which may sometimes be fatal
(a fraction of a grain of the pure alkaloid), the indefiniteness of
many of their chemical reactions, and the facility with which they
decompose if too high a heat, or too strong reagents, be employed
in their extraction, render the detection often a difficult, and
sometimes an impossible matter. Fortunately, however, fresh tests
and better processes develop from every case, and other
indications, from symptoms and collateral circumstances, rarely
fail to bring home the guilt even to the most ingenious and
scientific of poisoners.
For extracting the alkaloids from animal matters the following
process has been used by the author. Mince finely, digest with
rectified spirit and enough acetic acid to just acidify, warm to
blood-heat for 15 minutes, filter: this is the first extract. Warm the
insoluble matters with more alcohol and filter again: this is the
second extract. Repeat the extraction a third time. Keep the three
extracts separate. Each should be evaporated at as low a
temperature as possible, not exceeding 50° C., and preferably in a
vacuum at the ordinary temperature, if this can be done fairly
quickly. The syrupy residues must be treated with water and a drop
Page 31
of acetic acid, passed through wet filters to separate fat, rendered
just alkaline with ammonia, and shaken with a moderate quantity of
a mixture of equal volumes of ether and chloroform (Allen). By a
stoppered funnel or burette the ethereal layer is separated, the
shaking with ether and chloroform and the separation repeated a
second and a third time, the ethereal extracts mixed, transferred to a
large porcelain dish, and evaporated, first in a current of air, then in
a vacuum or spontaneously. As the solvents evaporate, water
generally appears: this hinders any crystallization. Therefore the
residue must be rendered dry, then dissolved in a little anhydrous
chloroform (dried by standing over fused calcium chloride), and
again evaporated in air in a large watch glass. The residue will
generally be crystalline under the microscope if any alkaloid be
present. Dissolve again in chloroform, transfer to a graduated
burette, make up to a convenient volume (say 10 cubic
centimetres), and transfer a measured fraction to a number of watch
glasses, reserving about one-fourth for any subsequent quantitative
test that may be necessary. Allow the liquid in the watch glasses to
spontaneously evaporate. To the first add a little water and a very
minute quantity of dilute hydrochloric acid, and cautiously taste a
portion. A tingling of the lips and subsequent numbness indicate
aconite; intense bitterness points to strychnia; if there be no taste at
all it is unlikely that any alkaloid is present. There are some
alkaloids of a peppery taste; these are irritants, and are not common
as poisons. Bitterness is the most frequent characteristic.
2. Moisten the contents of the second watch glass with a little
water and a trace of acetic acid, and apply through an incision in
the skin of the back of a young frog. He should be kept as
comfortable as possible and the symptoms observed. Strychnia
readily produces tetanus in this animal; other poisons also have
peculiar effects. Some observers have used mice, rabbits, or cats; in
just alkaline with ammonia, and shaken with a moderate quantity of
a mixture of equal volumes of ether and chloroform (Allen). By a
stoppered funnel or burette the ethereal layer is separated, the
shaking with ether and chloroform and the separation repeated a
second and a third time, the ethereal extracts mixed, transferred to a
large porcelain dish, and evaporated, first in a current of air, then in
a vacuum or spontaneously. As the solvents evaporate, water
generally appears: this hinders any crystallization. Therefore the
residue must be rendered dry, then dissolved in a little anhydrous
chloroform (dried by standing over fused calcium chloride), and
again evaporated in air in a large watch glass. The residue will
generally be crystalline under the microscope if any alkaloid be
present. Dissolve again in chloroform, transfer to a graduated
burette, make up to a convenient volume (say 10 cubic
centimetres), and transfer a measured fraction to a number of watch
glasses, reserving about one-fourth for any subsequent quantitative
test that may be necessary. Allow the liquid in the watch glasses to
spontaneously evaporate. To the first add a little water and a very
minute quantity of dilute hydrochloric acid, and cautiously taste a
portion. A tingling of the lips and subsequent numbness indicate
aconite; intense bitterness points to strychnia; if there be no taste at
all it is unlikely that any alkaloid is present. There are some
alkaloids of a peppery taste; these are irritants, and are not common
as poisons. Bitterness is the most frequent characteristic.
2. Moisten the contents of the second watch glass with a little
water and a trace of acetic acid, and apply through an incision in
the skin of the back of a young frog. He should be kept as
comfortable as possible and the symptoms observed. Strychnia
readily produces tetanus in this animal; other poisons also have
peculiar effects. Some observers have used mice, rabbits, or cats; in
Page 32
the Palmer trial it was observed that dogs were not employed
because they were inconvenient and might bite! On the whole this
so-called physiological test has been overrated, as it is hardly to be
expected that an animal with its back cut and otherwise injured will
not exhibit some symptoms; and all who have kept wild animals in
confinement will know how soon they become, first almost
convulsive from excitement, then finally sink into stupor and die. If
necessary, any judge may grant a special licence to the experts in a
trial to make experiments on animals, otherwise such cruelty is
rendered penal by the Vivisection Act.[3]
3. To the third watch glass, after the contents have been
dissolved as before, a drop of a solution of iodine in potassium
iodide is added. Nearly all alkaloids give a brown precipitate. If
none occur, a negative conclusion may be expected.
4. Test the fourth watch glass in one corner for strychnia by
concentrated sulphuric acid and peroxide of manganese; in another
corner for morphia by iodic acid and starch; in a third corner for
brucia (and morphia) by strong nitric acid. (See the special
paragraphs on these reactions, pp. 280, 285.)
5. If there is still no indication, and no information has been
obtained from other sources, it may be necessary to employ
Dragendorff’s process on the remainder. But if the poison has been
discovered, the solution reserved in the burette should be
evaporated, dissolved in water and a little dilute acid, avoiding
heat, and titrated by Mayer’s reagent to ascertain the quantity.[4]
The second and third extractions of the organs must now be
considered. Most of the text-books recommend that all the extracts
should be mixed. The objection to this is, that since the alkaloid is
usually present in very small amount, the first extraction will
remove nearly all of it, while the second and third will mainly
contain other matters, and therefore will be only adding to the
because they were inconvenient and might bite! On the whole this
so-called physiological test has been overrated, as it is hardly to be
expected that an animal with its back cut and otherwise injured will
not exhibit some symptoms; and all who have kept wild animals in
confinement will know how soon they become, first almost
convulsive from excitement, then finally sink into stupor and die. If
necessary, any judge may grant a special licence to the experts in a
trial to make experiments on animals, otherwise such cruelty is
rendered penal by the Vivisection Act.[3]
3. To the third watch glass, after the contents have been
dissolved as before, a drop of a solution of iodine in potassium
iodide is added. Nearly all alkaloids give a brown precipitate. If
none occur, a negative conclusion may be expected.
4. Test the fourth watch glass in one corner for strychnia by
concentrated sulphuric acid and peroxide of manganese; in another
corner for morphia by iodic acid and starch; in a third corner for
brucia (and morphia) by strong nitric acid. (See the special
paragraphs on these reactions, pp. 280, 285.)
5. If there is still no indication, and no information has been
obtained from other sources, it may be necessary to employ
Dragendorff’s process on the remainder. But if the poison has been
discovered, the solution reserved in the burette should be
evaporated, dissolved in water and a little dilute acid, avoiding
heat, and titrated by Mayer’s reagent to ascertain the quantity.[4]
The second and third extractions of the organs must now be
considered. Most of the text-books recommend that all the extracts
should be mixed. The objection to this is, that since the alkaloid is
usually present in very small amount, the first extraction will
remove nearly all of it, while the second and third will mainly
contain other matters, and therefore will be only adding to the
Page 33
impurities, and consequently to the difficulty of isolation. If it be
worth while, the second and third extracts may be treated
separately as above, and should any further quantity of alkaloid be
found, it may be determined quantitatively, and the amount added
to that already obtained.
It has been proposed to precipitate the original spirituous
extract by neutral or basic acetate of lead, which throws down
many impurities, but leaves the alkaloids in solution. After
filtration, the liquid is treated with a current of sulphuretted
hydrogen to remove lead; again filtered, evaporated (as speedily as
can be done without overheating) to a moderate bulk, and treated
with a little ammonia and with ether-chloroform as before. If the
sulphuretted hydrogen be left exposed to the air for some time, it
oxidizes to sulphuric acid, which, during and after evaporation,
tends to destroy the alkaloid. Hence I have found it advisable to
remove the H2S quickly by a current of carbonic acid and warming
—previous to evaporation. But this process is not good for
alkaloids, as sulphur compounds are often formed, which interfere
with subsequent operations.
The foregoing process may fail to extract morphia, curarine,
and solanine, as these, being very little soluble in ether-chloroform,
may remain behind in the aqueous liquid. This, therefore, should be
afterwards treated in one of the following ways:—
1. Heat some redistilled amylic alcohol nearly to boiling (it
boils at 120° C.), add an equal volume to the aqueous (alkaline)
solution; shake vigorously, separate while still hot, and shake again
with a fresh, but rather smaller, quantity of the hot solvent. The
united amylic alcohol solutions will contain all the morphia, but
can only be distilled in vacuo, since at 120° C. the stability of the
morphia would be endangered. It is better to extract the morphia
from the amylic solution by shaking with successive small portions
worth while, the second and third extracts may be treated
separately as above, and should any further quantity of alkaloid be
found, it may be determined quantitatively, and the amount added
to that already obtained.
It has been proposed to precipitate the original spirituous
extract by neutral or basic acetate of lead, which throws down
many impurities, but leaves the alkaloids in solution. After
filtration, the liquid is treated with a current of sulphuretted
hydrogen to remove lead; again filtered, evaporated (as speedily as
can be done without overheating) to a moderate bulk, and treated
with a little ammonia and with ether-chloroform as before. If the
sulphuretted hydrogen be left exposed to the air for some time, it
oxidizes to sulphuric acid, which, during and after evaporation,
tends to destroy the alkaloid. Hence I have found it advisable to
remove the H2S quickly by a current of carbonic acid and warming
—previous to evaporation. But this process is not good for
alkaloids, as sulphur compounds are often formed, which interfere
with subsequent operations.
The foregoing process may fail to extract morphia, curarine,
and solanine, as these, being very little soluble in ether-chloroform,
may remain behind in the aqueous liquid. This, therefore, should be
afterwards treated in one of the following ways:—
1. Heat some redistilled amylic alcohol nearly to boiling (it
boils at 120° C.), add an equal volume to the aqueous (alkaline)
solution; shake vigorously, separate while still hot, and shake again
with a fresh, but rather smaller, quantity of the hot solvent. The
united amylic alcohol solutions will contain all the morphia, but
can only be distilled in vacuo, since at 120° C. the stability of the
morphia would be endangered. It is better to extract the morphia
from the amylic solution by shaking with successive small portions
Page 34
of weak acetic acid, separating each time, till the acidity remains
unneutralized. The alkaloid will now be in the acid solution. Nearly
neutralize this with ammonia, evaporate at a gentle heat, and apply
the special tests.
2. Instead of the above, the aqueous alkaline solution may be
agitated with a mixture of equal volumes of ether and pure acetic
ether (the latter having been previously purified from free acid by
standing over powdered carbonate of lime). Although this mixture
does not extract the morphia so readily as amylic alcohol, it has this
advantage that, after separation from the aqueous layer, it can be
evaporated at a moderate temperature, when the morphia, if in
sufficient quantity, will be left in the crystalline state, and can be
tested as usual.
If sufficient material be at hand, of course both processes may
be used.[5]
Selmi (Gazz. Chim. Ital. vi., 32) has given a process for
alkaloidal extraction of which I have no experience.
When the alkaloid is obtained in a sufficiently pure form and in
sufficient quantity, the sublimation process of Dr. Guy, as improved
by Blyth, may be used. For the entire original method, see Blyth’s
Practical Chemistry, page 285.
Dr. Guy’s “subliming cell” is a ring of glass tubing about ⅛-
inch long and ⅓ to ½-inch diameter, ground true and smooth at top
and bottom, resting on a circle of thin microscope glass, and
covered with another similar circle. The alkaloid, thoroughly dry, is
placed on the lower disc (a drop of the solution may be evaporated
on it), the whole fitted together, and floated on mercury, or better,
fusible metal, contained in a small glass beaker nearly full,
supported on wire gauze over a small flame. A thermometer held
by a clamp dips in the liquid metal. With a hand lens of as high
power as possible, the melting point, and also the point when the
unneutralized. The alkaloid will now be in the acid solution. Nearly
neutralize this with ammonia, evaporate at a gentle heat, and apply
the special tests.
2. Instead of the above, the aqueous alkaline solution may be
agitated with a mixture of equal volumes of ether and pure acetic
ether (the latter having been previously purified from free acid by
standing over powdered carbonate of lime). Although this mixture
does not extract the morphia so readily as amylic alcohol, it has this
advantage that, after separation from the aqueous layer, it can be
evaporated at a moderate temperature, when the morphia, if in
sufficient quantity, will be left in the crystalline state, and can be
tested as usual.
If sufficient material be at hand, of course both processes may
be used.[5]
Selmi (Gazz. Chim. Ital. vi., 32) has given a process for
alkaloidal extraction of which I have no experience.
When the alkaloid is obtained in a sufficiently pure form and in
sufficient quantity, the sublimation process of Dr. Guy, as improved
by Blyth, may be used. For the entire original method, see Blyth’s
Practical Chemistry, page 285.
Dr. Guy’s “subliming cell” is a ring of glass tubing about ⅛-
inch long and ⅓ to ½-inch diameter, ground true and smooth at top
and bottom, resting on a circle of thin microscope glass, and
covered with another similar circle. The alkaloid, thoroughly dry, is
placed on the lower disc (a drop of the solution may be evaporated
on it), the whole fitted together, and floated on mercury, or better,
fusible metal, contained in a small glass beaker nearly full,
supported on wire gauze over a small flame. A thermometer held
by a clamp dips in the liquid metal. With a hand lens of as high
power as possible, the melting point, and also the point when the
Page 35
first sublimate occurs on the upper glass, may be observed. As soon
as the sublimate has become sufficiently distinct, the upper disc is
removed, replaced by another, and examined under ¼-inch power
of the microscope. The heat is slowly raised till charring occurs,
and anything characteristic noted.
Morphia gives a clouding, consisting of minute dots, at 150°
C.; from 188° to 200° C., distinct crystals are obtained; then it
commences to brown, melt, and carbonize.
Strychnia gives a minute sublimate of fine needles at 169° C.,
and melts at about 221° C.
Brucia melts at 151° C., browns easily, but gives no true
sublimate.
Aconitine or aconitia melts at 183° to 184° C.
Pseudaconitine melts at 104° to 105° C., and easily
decomposes, giving off water.
Commercial aconitine usually melts below 100° C., and gives
an amorphous sublimate above 150° C.
The reactions of the other alkaloids will be found in Blyth’s
Practical Chemistry.
In order to avoid repetition, the mode of preparing the general
reagents for alkaloids will be given here.
1. Mayers Reagent, potassio-iodide of mercury, already
described (p. 7; Liebig’s Annalen, 133, 286), gives white
precipitates with almost all alkaloids. The latter can be recovered
from the precipitate by treating it with a solution of zinc chloride
mixed with caustic soda. (Mayer.)
2. Potassium tri-iodide, a solution of iodine in potassium
iodide, gives a brown or reddish precipitate.[6]
3. Sonnenschein’s test, Phosphomolybdic acid, is prepared as
follows. To a warm solution of molybdate of ammonia acidified
as the sublimate has become sufficiently distinct, the upper disc is
removed, replaced by another, and examined under ¼-inch power
of the microscope. The heat is slowly raised till charring occurs,
and anything characteristic noted.
Morphia gives a clouding, consisting of minute dots, at 150°
C.; from 188° to 200° C., distinct crystals are obtained; then it
commences to brown, melt, and carbonize.
Strychnia gives a minute sublimate of fine needles at 169° C.,
and melts at about 221° C.
Brucia melts at 151° C., browns easily, but gives no true
sublimate.
Aconitine or aconitia melts at 183° to 184° C.
Pseudaconitine melts at 104° to 105° C., and easily
decomposes, giving off water.
Commercial aconitine usually melts below 100° C., and gives
an amorphous sublimate above 150° C.
The reactions of the other alkaloids will be found in Blyth’s
Practical Chemistry.
In order to avoid repetition, the mode of preparing the general
reagents for alkaloids will be given here.
1. Mayers Reagent, potassio-iodide of mercury, already
described (p. 7; Liebig’s Annalen, 133, 286), gives white
precipitates with almost all alkaloids. The latter can be recovered
from the precipitate by treating it with a solution of zinc chloride
mixed with caustic soda. (Mayer.)
2. Potassium tri-iodide, a solution of iodine in potassium
iodide, gives a brown or reddish precipitate.[6]
3. Sonnenschein’s test, Phosphomolybdic acid, is prepared as
follows. To a warm solution of molybdate of ammonia acidified
Page 36
with nitric acid, phosphate of soda is added as long as any yellow
precipitate is obtained. The precipitate is washed with water
containing a little nitric acid, and heated with sodium carbonate
solution till dissolved. Evaporate to dryness, heat to expel
ammonia, add a little nitric acid and heat again. One part of the
residue is then dissolved in a mixture of one part of nitric acid of
1·4 sp. gr., and nine parts of water. With this reagent strychnia
gives a pale, other alkaloids a bright yellow flocculent precipitate,
in very dilute solutions. The precipitates are soluble in ammonia,
with the production of a greenish blue colour in the cases of
aconitia and morphia. From the alkaline liquid the alkaloid can be
dissolved out by at once shaking with ether-chloroform or hot
amylic alcohol as already described. Instead of using ammonia, the
precipitate may be agitated with barium carbonate, which has less
tendency to decompose the base on its liberation.
4. A solution of bismuth iodide in iodide of potassium is
recommended by Dragendorff (Zeitschr. f. Chimie, 1866, 478). 80
grammes of commercial bismuth subnitrate are dissolved in 200
cubic centimetres of nitric acid of sp. gr. 1·18: 272 grammes of
potassium iodide dissolved in a little water are added, the
potassium nitrate allowed to crystallize out, and the whole diluted
to one litre. This solution precipitates most alkaloids. The
precipitate can be treated with sodium carbonate and the liberated
alkaloid extracted by ether-chloroform, &c. For the equivalents, see
Maugini, Gazz. Chim. Ital. 12, 155.
5. Scheibler has proposed Phosphotungstic acid as a
precipitant. Sodium tungstate is digested with half its weight of
phosphoric acid, sp. gr. 1·13: on standing, phosphotungstic acid
crystallizes. Its solution is said to give a distinct precipitate with
1
/200000 of a grain of strychnia and 1/100000 of quina, and with similar
amounts of other alkaloids. From this precipitate the alkaloid is
precipitate is obtained. The precipitate is washed with water
containing a little nitric acid, and heated with sodium carbonate
solution till dissolved. Evaporate to dryness, heat to expel
ammonia, add a little nitric acid and heat again. One part of the
residue is then dissolved in a mixture of one part of nitric acid of
1·4 sp. gr., and nine parts of water. With this reagent strychnia
gives a pale, other alkaloids a bright yellow flocculent precipitate,
in very dilute solutions. The precipitates are soluble in ammonia,
with the production of a greenish blue colour in the cases of
aconitia and morphia. From the alkaline liquid the alkaloid can be
dissolved out by at once shaking with ether-chloroform or hot
amylic alcohol as already described. Instead of using ammonia, the
precipitate may be agitated with barium carbonate, which has less
tendency to decompose the base on its liberation.
4. A solution of bismuth iodide in iodide of potassium is
recommended by Dragendorff (Zeitschr. f. Chimie, 1866, 478). 80
grammes of commercial bismuth subnitrate are dissolved in 200
cubic centimetres of nitric acid of sp. gr. 1·18: 272 grammes of
potassium iodide dissolved in a little water are added, the
potassium nitrate allowed to crystallize out, and the whole diluted
to one litre. This solution precipitates most alkaloids. The
precipitate can be treated with sodium carbonate and the liberated
alkaloid extracted by ether-chloroform, &c. For the equivalents, see
Maugini, Gazz. Chim. Ital. 12, 155.
5. Scheibler has proposed Phosphotungstic acid as a
precipitant. Sodium tungstate is digested with half its weight of
phosphoric acid, sp. gr. 1·13: on standing, phosphotungstic acid
crystallizes. Its solution is said to give a distinct precipitate with
1
/200000 of a grain of strychnia and 1/100000 of quina, and with similar
amounts of other alkaloids. From this precipitate the alkaloid is
Page 37
obtained by treating with sufficient milk of lime and shaking with
ether-chloroform, &c., as before. He recommends the previous
removal of impurities by lead acetate and sulphuretted hydrogen as
already described (p. 7) (Fresenius, Zeitschr. f. anal. Chemie, 12,
315).
6. Picric acid, a saturated aqueous solution, gives precipitates
in neutral solutions of morphia and atropia. In solutions acidified
with sulphuric acid it gives the following:—morphia, and
pseudomorphia, no precipitate; aconitia, a precipitate only in
concentrated solutions; other alkaloids of opium, a thick
precipitate.[7]
7. Animal charcoal, previously purified by hydrochloric acid
and thorough washing with water, when digested with neutral or
alkaline solutions of alkaloids, not too dilute, absorbs them from
the liquid. The charcoal, washed twice or thrice with small
quantities of water, is dried at a moderate temperature, and boiled
with strong alcohol, which extracts the alkaloid. This process has
been used for separating picrotoxin from beer, but has the
inconvenience that the alkaloid is liable to gradual oxidation within
the pores of the charcoal, and that the separation is never complete.
It is this property that has caused charcoal to be recommended as
an antidote in poisoning.
8. All alkaloids form with platinic chloride double salts of more
or less sparing solubility. These precipitates, washed, dried and
weighed, and then burnt, leave metallic platinum, the amount of
which yields a clue to the composition of the base. But aconitine
and narcotine are only thrown down from concentrated solutions,
and a few are not precipitated at all. Hence this test is of only
occasional value in toxicological work. The same may be said of
auric chloride.
ether-chloroform, &c., as before. He recommends the previous
removal of impurities by lead acetate and sulphuretted hydrogen as
already described (p. 7) (Fresenius, Zeitschr. f. anal. Chemie, 12,
315).
6. Picric acid, a saturated aqueous solution, gives precipitates
in neutral solutions of morphia and atropia. In solutions acidified
with sulphuric acid it gives the following:—morphia, and
pseudomorphia, no precipitate; aconitia, a precipitate only in
concentrated solutions; other alkaloids of opium, a thick
precipitate.[7]
7. Animal charcoal, previously purified by hydrochloric acid
and thorough washing with water, when digested with neutral or
alkaline solutions of alkaloids, not too dilute, absorbs them from
the liquid. The charcoal, washed twice or thrice with small
quantities of water, is dried at a moderate temperature, and boiled
with strong alcohol, which extracts the alkaloid. This process has
been used for separating picrotoxin from beer, but has the
inconvenience that the alkaloid is liable to gradual oxidation within
the pores of the charcoal, and that the separation is never complete.
It is this property that has caused charcoal to be recommended as
an antidote in poisoning.
8. All alkaloids form with platinic chloride double salts of more
or less sparing solubility. These precipitates, washed, dried and
weighed, and then burnt, leave metallic platinum, the amount of
which yields a clue to the composition of the base. But aconitine
and narcotine are only thrown down from concentrated solutions,
and a few are not precipitated at all. Hence this test is of only
occasional value in toxicological work. The same may be said of
auric chloride.
Page 38
9. Tannin or tannic acid, a moderately strong solution in water,
throws down most alkaloids. Coffee and tea, and other tannin-
containing infusions, have, therefore, been used as antidotes with
dubious success. As a test it is not distinctive.
10. Phospho-antimonic acid (Schultze), prepared by mixing
antimony pentachloride with ordinary sodium phosphate and
decanting the clear liquid, gives whitish amorphous precipitates
with alkaloids.
11. Silico-tungstic acid is prepared by boiling commercial
tungstate of soda with fresh gelatinous silica. Filter and allow to
crystallize. This gives precipitates with very dilute solutions of
alkaloids, but it is also precipitated by ammonium chloride
(Godefroy, Arch. d. Pharm., Nov. 1879). Zaubenheimer
recommends it as a most delicate test: the precipitate may be
decomposed by soda or potash, and the base extracted by ether-
chloroform.
12. Auric chloride, palladious chloride, and mercuric chloride
have been proposed, but are not of much use. Potassium chromate
and sulphocyanide, and sodium nitroprusside give somewhat
insoluble precipitates, generally crystalline and of characteristic
appearance under the microscope. These tests should be strong, and
must be used in small quantity.
Ptomaines or Cadaveric Alkaloids.—Much attention has been
attracted lately by the possible interference to toxicological
detections owing to the undoubted existence of natural alkaloids in
the dead body unpoisoned. Some of these, called by Selmi
“Ptomaines” ([Greek: ptôma], a corpse), somewhat simulate
strychnia, &c., in their chemical and physiological characters. The
observation is not new, as years ago, in the Privy Council’s reports,
Thudichum called attention to alkaloids separated by
Sonnenschein’s process (phosphomolybdic acid) from the brain,
throws down most alkaloids. Coffee and tea, and other tannin-
containing infusions, have, therefore, been used as antidotes with
dubious success. As a test it is not distinctive.
10. Phospho-antimonic acid (Schultze), prepared by mixing
antimony pentachloride with ordinary sodium phosphate and
decanting the clear liquid, gives whitish amorphous precipitates
with alkaloids.
11. Silico-tungstic acid is prepared by boiling commercial
tungstate of soda with fresh gelatinous silica. Filter and allow to
crystallize. This gives precipitates with very dilute solutions of
alkaloids, but it is also precipitated by ammonium chloride
(Godefroy, Arch. d. Pharm., Nov. 1879). Zaubenheimer
recommends it as a most delicate test: the precipitate may be
decomposed by soda or potash, and the base extracted by ether-
chloroform.
12. Auric chloride, palladious chloride, and mercuric chloride
have been proposed, but are not of much use. Potassium chromate
and sulphocyanide, and sodium nitroprusside give somewhat
insoluble precipitates, generally crystalline and of characteristic
appearance under the microscope. These tests should be strong, and
must be used in small quantity.
Ptomaines or Cadaveric Alkaloids.—Much attention has been
attracted lately by the possible interference to toxicological
detections owing to the undoubted existence of natural alkaloids in
the dead body unpoisoned. Some of these, called by Selmi
“Ptomaines” ([Greek: ptôma], a corpse), somewhat simulate
strychnia, &c., in their chemical and physiological characters. The
observation is not new, as years ago, in the Privy Council’s reports,
Thudichum called attention to alkaloids separated by
Sonnenschein’s process (phosphomolybdic acid) from the brain,
Page 39
urine, and from decomposed bodies. Various substances of the kind
have also been found by other investigators. To these “cadaveric
alkaloids” have been attributed the “sausage poisoning,” so
frequent in Germany (for cases, see Casper’s Handbook, vol. 3),
poisoning by various foods, such as tinned meats, cheese, &c.
Some are irritants, others narcotics: different periods and
circumstances of putrefaction producing different compounds.
In an Italian criminal prosecution, F. Ciotto, who made the
investigation of the corpse, gave it as his opinion that strychnia was
probably present. Selmi, for the defence, pointed out differences
from strychnia, and considered the compound to be a ptomaine.
[Arch. Pharm. (3), 19, 187.] This will show the importance of the
subject.
Casali (Gazetta, 1881, 312) regards ptomaines as not true
alkaloids, but as “acid or basic amidated compounds.” It is only the
basic ones that will interfere with testing. Panum and Bergmann
have isolated a substance called “sepsin,” generated by
putrefaction, poisonous, acting like a ferment but not destroyed by
boiling, soluble in water, but insoluble in alcohol, and thereby
distinguished from alkaloids. Sonnenschein and Zuelzer found a
product of putrefaction which produced tetanic symptoms, besides
one resembling atropine. But these substances, or similar ones, can
be produced without putrefaction, as Paterno and Spica have shown
that fresh blood and fresh albumen (white of egg) yielded, with
phosphomolybdic acid, potassio-mercuric iodide, and other
alkaloidal reagents, precipitates like those of the vegetal alkaloids.
Selmi has even supposed that death from various diseases may be
due to the formation of these compounds. The same author
obtained from a dead body one month after death a considerable
amount of a crystallizable ptomaine, giving reactions like those of
alkaloidal poisons, and having poisonous effects on frogs.
have also been found by other investigators. To these “cadaveric
alkaloids” have been attributed the “sausage poisoning,” so
frequent in Germany (for cases, see Casper’s Handbook, vol. 3),
poisoning by various foods, such as tinned meats, cheese, &c.
Some are irritants, others narcotics: different periods and
circumstances of putrefaction producing different compounds.
In an Italian criminal prosecution, F. Ciotto, who made the
investigation of the corpse, gave it as his opinion that strychnia was
probably present. Selmi, for the defence, pointed out differences
from strychnia, and considered the compound to be a ptomaine.
[Arch. Pharm. (3), 19, 187.] This will show the importance of the
subject.
Casali (Gazetta, 1881, 312) regards ptomaines as not true
alkaloids, but as “acid or basic amidated compounds.” It is only the
basic ones that will interfere with testing. Panum and Bergmann
have isolated a substance called “sepsin,” generated by
putrefaction, poisonous, acting like a ferment but not destroyed by
boiling, soluble in water, but insoluble in alcohol, and thereby
distinguished from alkaloids. Sonnenschein and Zuelzer found a
product of putrefaction which produced tetanic symptoms, besides
one resembling atropine. But these substances, or similar ones, can
be produced without putrefaction, as Paterno and Spica have shown
that fresh blood and fresh albumen (white of egg) yielded, with
phosphomolybdic acid, potassio-mercuric iodide, and other
alkaloidal reagents, precipitates like those of the vegetal alkaloids.
Selmi has even supposed that death from various diseases may be
due to the formation of these compounds. The same author
obtained from a dead body one month after death a considerable
amount of a crystallizable ptomaine, giving reactions like those of
alkaloidal poisons, and having poisonous effects on frogs.
Page 40
Brouardel and Bouting (Compt. Rend. 92, 1056) propose the
reducing action of ptomaines as a distinction between them and
vegetal alkaloids. The solution in weak acid is added to a dilute
mixture of ferric chloride and potassium ferricyanide: the latter, if a
ptomaine be present, is reduced to ferrocyanide, and Prussian blue
is thereby precipitated. But Spica (Gazetta, 11, 486) has shown that
strychnia, brucia, morphia, and some others produce this reaction
readily, and Beckurts (Arch. Pharm. 3, 20, 104) adds aconitine and
others as producing it slowly. Hence the distinction is delusive. See
also Husemann (Arch. Pharm. 3, 16, 169; also 3, 20, 270), Tauret
(Compt. Rend. 92, 1163).
The discovery of these bodies has certainly raised a new
difficulty for toxicologists, and suggested a new and plausible
defence, as it must be confessed that at present there is no general
method of distinguishing between “cadaveric” and vegetal
alkaloids. Yet this mainly affects the “physiological” tests—on
frogs and other small animals—for there is no ptomaine yet
discovered which gives all the reactions of strychnia, morphia, &c.
If a chemist be asked, “Could any other substance produce these
reactions?” he can only answer, “I do not know of any”; he cannot
aver the impossibility. Then the circumstantial evidence must
decide.
In conclusion, the following principles should be noted:—
1. The quantity of poison found is generally only a small
fraction of the quantity taken. The vomit and evacuations are
frequently lost, and much may be decomposed by vital actions in
the body, or by putrefaction. That which has caused death is
probably thereby either decomposed or so combined as to be
rendered undetectible: that which is found is merely the surplus
beyond the fatal dose. This would account for the frequent non-
discovery in the tissues when a small amount has been given, or
reducing action of ptomaines as a distinction between them and
vegetal alkaloids. The solution in weak acid is added to a dilute
mixture of ferric chloride and potassium ferricyanide: the latter, if a
ptomaine be present, is reduced to ferrocyanide, and Prussian blue
is thereby precipitated. But Spica (Gazetta, 11, 486) has shown that
strychnia, brucia, morphia, and some others produce this reaction
readily, and Beckurts (Arch. Pharm. 3, 20, 104) adds aconitine and
others as producing it slowly. Hence the distinction is delusive. See
also Husemann (Arch. Pharm. 3, 16, 169; also 3, 20, 270), Tauret
(Compt. Rend. 92, 1163).
The discovery of these bodies has certainly raised a new
difficulty for toxicologists, and suggested a new and plausible
defence, as it must be confessed that at present there is no general
method of distinguishing between “cadaveric” and vegetal
alkaloids. Yet this mainly affects the “physiological” tests—on
frogs and other small animals—for there is no ptomaine yet
discovered which gives all the reactions of strychnia, morphia, &c.
If a chemist be asked, “Could any other substance produce these
reactions?” he can only answer, “I do not know of any”; he cannot
aver the impossibility. Then the circumstantial evidence must
decide.
In conclusion, the following principles should be noted:—
1. The quantity of poison found is generally only a small
fraction of the quantity taken. The vomit and evacuations are
frequently lost, and much may be decomposed by vital actions in
the body, or by putrefaction. That which has caused death is
probably thereby either decomposed or so combined as to be
rendered undetectible: that which is found is merely the surplus
beyond the fatal dose. This would account for the frequent non-
discovery in the tissues when a small amount has been given, or
Page 41
much time has elapsed. To metallic poisons this does not apply, as,
unless eliminated, they can always be found. See further under
Strychnia.
2. The symptoms will differ according to the dose, the form
(solid or solution, pure or admixed), habit, or idiosyncrasy, the state
of health, &c.
3. In the post-mortem examination, appearances common to
dead bodies generally are often mistaken for the effects of poison.
See Casper’s Handbook, vol. I., et passim.
4. Unhealthy or improper food or acute disease may cause
suspicious symptoms. This is the commonest solution of suspected
poisoning.
5. In experiments on animals, it may be objected that they are
inconclusive as to man. This is not strictly true. But if a recent
vomit proves poisonous to an animal, with the same symptoms as in
the man, that is almost conclusive evidence.
6. When a poison is not found by analysis, it does not follow
that it has not caused death. Unequal distribution, uncertainty of
tests, improper securing of the samples (Palmer case),
decomposition or elimination of the poison, may hinder discovery.
7. In every case, if possible, the approximate quantity of the
poison should be ascertained and stated. This specially applies to
substances that may have been administered medicinally.
“If poison be administered with intent to murder, it is not
necessary that there should be enough in the article administered to
cause death, or that it should be given in such a way as to act
fatally. If any poison be there, and the intent be proved, the crime
of attempting to administer poison is complete.” [Judge’s ruling in
Hartley, Cent. Crim. Court, May 12th, 1850; Reg. v. Bacon,
unless eliminated, they can always be found. See further under
Strychnia.
2. The symptoms will differ according to the dose, the form
(solid or solution, pure or admixed), habit, or idiosyncrasy, the state
of health, &c.
3. In the post-mortem examination, appearances common to
dead bodies generally are often mistaken for the effects of poison.
See Casper’s Handbook, vol. I., et passim.
4. Unhealthy or improper food or acute disease may cause
suspicious symptoms. This is the commonest solution of suspected
poisoning.
5. In experiments on animals, it may be objected that they are
inconclusive as to man. This is not strictly true. But if a recent
vomit proves poisonous to an animal, with the same symptoms as in
the man, that is almost conclusive evidence.
6. When a poison is not found by analysis, it does not follow
that it has not caused death. Unequal distribution, uncertainty of
tests, improper securing of the samples (Palmer case),
decomposition or elimination of the poison, may hinder discovery.
7. In every case, if possible, the approximate quantity of the
poison should be ascertained and stated. This specially applies to
substances that may have been administered medicinally.
“If poison be administered with intent to murder, it is not
necessary that there should be enough in the article administered to
cause death, or that it should be given in such a way as to act
fatally. If any poison be there, and the intent be proved, the crime
of attempting to administer poison is complete.” [Judge’s ruling in
Hartley, Cent. Crim. Court, May 12th, 1850; Reg. v. Bacon,
Page 42
Lincoln Summer Assizes, 1857; Reg. v. Southgate, Chelmsford
Lent Assizes; Reg. v. Cluderay, York, 1849].
For minute directions as to the conduct of toxicological
investigations, see Taylor’s Medical Jurisprudence, 1873, I., 202-
209; also Guy and Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, 1881, p. 359, et
seq.
Lent Assizes; Reg. v. Cluderay, York, 1849].
For minute directions as to the conduct of toxicological
investigations, see Taylor’s Medical Jurisprudence, 1873, I., 202-
209; also Guy and Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, 1881, p. 359, et
seq.
Page 43
CHAPTER II.
TRIALS FOR POISONING BY HYDROCYANIC
OR PRUSSIC ACID.
Two cases are reported under this head. The first that of John Tawell, for the
murder of his mistress, Sarah Hart, at Salthill, near Windsor, tried at the
Spring Assizes at Aylesbury, 1845, before the late Baron Parke (Lord
Wensleydale). The second—a case of misadventure—the trial of George
Ball, a surgeon, at Lewes, for the murder of his mother by the negligent
administration of an overdose of this poison, medicinally, before the Lord
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas (Coleridge) Summer Assizes, Lewes,
1860.
TRIAL OF JOHN TAWELL FOR
POISONING SARAH HART AT SALTHILL
BY PRUSSIC ACID.
March 12, 13, and 14, 1845, Spring Assizes, Aylesbury, before Baron
Parke.
TRIALS FOR POISONING BY HYDROCYANIC
OR PRUSSIC ACID.
Two cases are reported under this head. The first that of John Tawell, for the
murder of his mistress, Sarah Hart, at Salthill, near Windsor, tried at the
Spring Assizes at Aylesbury, 1845, before the late Baron Parke (Lord
Wensleydale). The second—a case of misadventure—the trial of George
Ball, a surgeon, at Lewes, for the murder of his mother by the negligent
administration of an overdose of this poison, medicinally, before the Lord
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas (Coleridge) Summer Assizes, Lewes,
1860.
TRIAL OF JOHN TAWELL FOR
POISONING SARAH HART AT SALTHILL
BY PRUSSIC ACID.
March 12, 13, and 14, 1845, Spring Assizes, Aylesbury, before Baron
Parke.
Page 44
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
The trial of John Tawell, of Berkhampstead, Berks, for the
murder of Sarah Hart, at Hall Place, Slough, attracted more than
usual attention, from the cruelty of the act in poisoning the woman
whom he had seduced, the position and popular character of the
murderer as a benevolent and hospitable Quaker, noted for his
charities, and the novelty of the mode by which his detection was
mainly insured. The electric telegraph had only very lately been
established on the line of the Great Western Railway, and though
Tawell lost no time after committing the act, in getting into the
train for London at Slough, the telegraph outstripped him, and on
his arrival at the Paddington station he was recognised, and tracked
to his lodgings, and thus his immediate arrest secured.
Tawell’s life had been of a remarkable character. Originally a
commercial traveller, he had exhibited a strange mixture of great
shrewdness and money-making talent, combined with an outward
show of religious observance. As a young man he had been
indicted for forging a bill for £1000, and had he been tried on the
counts for forging, or uttering, he would doubtless have been
executed. By some influence, however, he was allowed to plead
guilty to the count for having the bill in his possession (a nolle
prosequi being entered on the others), and sentenced to
transportation for life. “Accordingly,” says Mr. Justice Therry, who
knew him well in Sydney, “he came out to the colony as a convict.
Besides being a commercial traveller for some time, he had been in
an apothecary’s shop in England, and on obtaining partial
exemption from convict discipline, became the principal druggist in
Sydney. After a prosperous career he sold his business for, it was
said, £14,000, and judiciously invested this sum in buildings and
other pursuits of profit. For nearly two years he occupied the house
opposite to mine in Sydney, which gave me almost daily
The trial of John Tawell, of Berkhampstead, Berks, for the
murder of Sarah Hart, at Hall Place, Slough, attracted more than
usual attention, from the cruelty of the act in poisoning the woman
whom he had seduced, the position and popular character of the
murderer as a benevolent and hospitable Quaker, noted for his
charities, and the novelty of the mode by which his detection was
mainly insured. The electric telegraph had only very lately been
established on the line of the Great Western Railway, and though
Tawell lost no time after committing the act, in getting into the
train for London at Slough, the telegraph outstripped him, and on
his arrival at the Paddington station he was recognised, and tracked
to his lodgings, and thus his immediate arrest secured.
Tawell’s life had been of a remarkable character. Originally a
commercial traveller, he had exhibited a strange mixture of great
shrewdness and money-making talent, combined with an outward
show of religious observance. As a young man he had been
indicted for forging a bill for £1000, and had he been tried on the
counts for forging, or uttering, he would doubtless have been
executed. By some influence, however, he was allowed to plead
guilty to the count for having the bill in his possession (a nolle
prosequi being entered on the others), and sentenced to
transportation for life. “Accordingly,” says Mr. Justice Therry, who
knew him well in Sydney, “he came out to the colony as a convict.
Besides being a commercial traveller for some time, he had been in
an apothecary’s shop in England, and on obtaining partial
exemption from convict discipline, became the principal druggist in
Sydney. After a prosperous career he sold his business for, it was
said, £14,000, and judiciously invested this sum in buildings and
other pursuits of profit. For nearly two years he occupied the house
opposite to mine in Sydney, which gave me almost daily
Page 45
opportunity then of seeing him. He struck me as being a
remarkably well-conducted person. He had once been a member of
the Society of Friends; he wore a broad-brimmed hat, appeared
always in a neat and carefully adjusted costume, and his whole
appearance and manner impressed one with the notion of his being
a very saintly personage. He always sought the society in public of
persons of reputed piety. I have often met him in the street
accompanied by a secretary or collector to a charitable institution,
whom he assisted in obtaining contributions for benevolent objects.
At one time he took up the cause of temperance in such an
intemperate and silly spirit, that he ordered a puncheon of rum he
had imported to be staved on the wharf at Sydney, and its contents
poured into the sea, saying that, ‘he would not be instrumental to
the guilt of disseminating such poison throughout the colony.’ At
another time his zeal took an apparently religious turn. He built, in
Macquarie Street, Sydney, a commodious meeting-house for the
Society of Friends, on the front of which was inscribed on a large
square stone inserted in the wall some such words as these—
John Tawell
to
The Society of Friends.
He conveyed no title, however, to the Society to secure them
the tenure of the property. After his execution it was sold, I
understood, with other portions of his property, for the benefit of
the party entitled to it under his will, the Crown having waived its
right to the forfeiture of the estate.
“Tawell was himself a liberal contributor to charities, and the
opinion of his character was so favourable, that the act for which he
suffered created great astonishment in Sydney. A considerable part
remarkably well-conducted person. He had once been a member of
the Society of Friends; he wore a broad-brimmed hat, appeared
always in a neat and carefully adjusted costume, and his whole
appearance and manner impressed one with the notion of his being
a very saintly personage. He always sought the society in public of
persons of reputed piety. I have often met him in the street
accompanied by a secretary or collector to a charitable institution,
whom he assisted in obtaining contributions for benevolent objects.
At one time he took up the cause of temperance in such an
intemperate and silly spirit, that he ordered a puncheon of rum he
had imported to be staved on the wharf at Sydney, and its contents
poured into the sea, saying that, ‘he would not be instrumental to
the guilt of disseminating such poison throughout the colony.’ At
another time his zeal took an apparently religious turn. He built, in
Macquarie Street, Sydney, a commodious meeting-house for the
Society of Friends, on the front of which was inscribed on a large
square stone inserted in the wall some such words as these—
John Tawell
to
The Society of Friends.
He conveyed no title, however, to the Society to secure them
the tenure of the property. After his execution it was sold, I
understood, with other portions of his property, for the benefit of
the party entitled to it under his will, the Crown having waived its
right to the forfeiture of the estate.
“Tawell was himself a liberal contributor to charities, and the
opinion of his character was so favourable, that the act for which he
suffered created great astonishment in Sydney. A considerable part
Page 46
of his money had been realised by buying up all the whalebone that
trading vessels, at an early period, imported into Sydney. This he
sent to a London house, where it was manufactured into combs,
handles for brushes, and various other articles of domestic use. He
was the first person in the colony who converted whalebone into an
article of profitable export. When he left the colony, he had a
considerable property from rents and other sources which became
much reduced by the general distress that prevailed in New South
Wales in 1843.” Hence the anxiety expressed by him for his
Sydney letters, referred to in the course of his trial. Still, however, a
man of good means, occupying a respected position in his town,
and noted, through a long and industrious life, for his benevolence
and straightforward conduct in his relations with his neighbours, he
might well say when first charged with the murder of his mistress,
“My station in society places me beyond suspicion.” Such had been
the remarkable career, and such was the ostensible character of the
man to whom the most cold-blooded of murders was clearly
brought home in the following trial.”
At the trial before Mr. Baron Parke, at Aylesbury, on the 12th,
13th, and 14th of March, 1845, Sergeant Byles and Mr. Prendergast
appeared for the prosecution, and Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, Q.C., Mr.
Gunning, and Mr. O’Malley, assisted by Messrs. Herapath, of
Bristol, Professor Graham and Dr. Letheby, of London, the eminent
chemists, for the defence.
In consequence of the excitement in the county caused by the
event, numerous objections were taken to jurymen by the prisoner’s
counsel. At length, however, a jury was formed, and after a brief
recapitulation of the leading facts of the proposed evidence by
Sergeant Byles, Mary Ashley, a next door neighbour of the
deceased, was called, who had seen Tawell go to Sarah Hart’s
between 4 and 5 in the afternoon of the 1st of January, and between
trading vessels, at an early period, imported into Sydney. This he
sent to a London house, where it was manufactured into combs,
handles for brushes, and various other articles of domestic use. He
was the first person in the colony who converted whalebone into an
article of profitable export. When he left the colony, he had a
considerable property from rents and other sources which became
much reduced by the general distress that prevailed in New South
Wales in 1843.” Hence the anxiety expressed by him for his
Sydney letters, referred to in the course of his trial. Still, however, a
man of good means, occupying a respected position in his town,
and noted, through a long and industrious life, for his benevolence
and straightforward conduct in his relations with his neighbours, he
might well say when first charged with the murder of his mistress,
“My station in society places me beyond suspicion.” Such had been
the remarkable career, and such was the ostensible character of the
man to whom the most cold-blooded of murders was clearly
brought home in the following trial.”
At the trial before Mr. Baron Parke, at Aylesbury, on the 12th,
13th, and 14th of March, 1845, Sergeant Byles and Mr. Prendergast
appeared for the prosecution, and Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, Q.C., Mr.
Gunning, and Mr. O’Malley, assisted by Messrs. Herapath, of
Bristol, Professor Graham and Dr. Letheby, of London, the eminent
chemists, for the defence.
In consequence of the excitement in the county caused by the
event, numerous objections were taken to jurymen by the prisoner’s
counsel. At length, however, a jury was formed, and after a brief
recapitulation of the leading facts of the proposed evidence by
Sergeant Byles, Mary Ashley, a next door neighbour of the
deceased, was called, who had seen Tawell go to Sarah Hart’s
between 4 and 5 in the afternoon of the 1st of January, and between
Page 47
6 and 7 the same evening, “hearing a sort of stifled scream,” had
gone to her door with a candle and seen him leaving the cottage.
The cottages stood in a row, with small gardens in front, with rails
and gates, and contained four rooms, two on the ground floor, and
the same number above.
“The prisoner,” said the witness, “appeared to be agitated, and
unable to open the gate. I opened it for him; it was fastened with a
small button. When I went out of my house, I said, ‘I am afraid my
neighbour is ill’—not speaking to any person in particular, but as
the prisoner was then coming down the garden I should think that I
spoke loud enough for him to hear me: I was about six yards from
him. No reply was made by him. When I got to the gate I could hear
Mrs. Hart still making the same description of noise: the prisoner
made me no answer when I asked him if I should open the gate; he
appeared very much agitated, and was trying in a hurried manner to
open the gate; he came out of the gate before I went in; I saw his
face; I held the candle over the gate to open it: I have no doubt that
he is the same man, though I had never seen him before that
afternoon. In the afternoon Mrs. Hart said to me, ‘I expect my old
master, but perhaps he will not come till to-morrow.’ When I got to
Mrs. Hart’s door it was shut, and upon my opening it I saw Mrs.
Hart lying on the floor with her head not a great way from the door;
her legs were towards the fire, her dress was quite in a disordered
state, her petticoats nearly up to her knees, her left stocking down to
her ankle, and torn, and her left shoe off: her cap was off, and her
hair hanging down over her head: her cap was a little distance from
her: she was still making a noise, and her eyes were fixed, but her
lips moving. I took hold of her hands and raised her head, and said,
‘Oh, Mrs. Hart, what is the matter?’ She did not make any answer,
but I thought she seemed to press my hand, but I could not
positively tell. I then raised her up, and a little froth came out of her
mouth, and I thought she was dying. I laid her down again, and took
my candle and went into Mrs. Wheeler’s house, next door but one.
When I went into Mrs. Hart’s I observed a bottle and a glass by the
gone to her door with a candle and seen him leaving the cottage.
The cottages stood in a row, with small gardens in front, with rails
and gates, and contained four rooms, two on the ground floor, and
the same number above.
“The prisoner,” said the witness, “appeared to be agitated, and
unable to open the gate. I opened it for him; it was fastened with a
small button. When I went out of my house, I said, ‘I am afraid my
neighbour is ill’—not speaking to any person in particular, but as
the prisoner was then coming down the garden I should think that I
spoke loud enough for him to hear me: I was about six yards from
him. No reply was made by him. When I got to the gate I could hear
Mrs. Hart still making the same description of noise: the prisoner
made me no answer when I asked him if I should open the gate; he
appeared very much agitated, and was trying in a hurried manner to
open the gate; he came out of the gate before I went in; I saw his
face; I held the candle over the gate to open it: I have no doubt that
he is the same man, though I had never seen him before that
afternoon. In the afternoon Mrs. Hart said to me, ‘I expect my old
master, but perhaps he will not come till to-morrow.’ When I got to
Mrs. Hart’s door it was shut, and upon my opening it I saw Mrs.
Hart lying on the floor with her head not a great way from the door;
her legs were towards the fire, her dress was quite in a disordered
state, her petticoats nearly up to her knees, her left stocking down to
her ankle, and torn, and her left shoe off: her cap was off, and her
hair hanging down over her head: her cap was a little distance from
her: she was still making a noise, and her eyes were fixed, but her
lips moving. I took hold of her hands and raised her head, and said,
‘Oh, Mrs. Hart, what is the matter?’ She did not make any answer,
but I thought she seemed to press my hand, but I could not
positively tell. I then raised her up, and a little froth came out of her
mouth, and I thought she was dying. I laid her down again, and took
my candle and went into Mrs. Wheeler’s house, next door but one.
When I went into Mrs. Hart’s I observed a bottle and a glass by the
Page 48
side of it half full, and another glass on the opposite side of the
table, near the door, empty; but there appeared to be something in
the bottom of it. A chair was beside Mrs. Hart, and another opposite
her. I returned from Mrs. Wheeler’s with Mrs. Barrett, and we
placed a pillow on the child’s chair and bathed her temples. One of
Mrs. Barrett’s apprentices went for Dr. Champneys, and he came. I
searched the place immediately, and found no small vial about the
size of a thimble. There was a middling fire in the house. Before I
got into the house I thought the prisoner was looking, and I locked
the door, because I was frightened. The deceased was breathing hard
in a short way, and making a noise like ‘oh! oh!’ and her eyes
looked very full.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Kelly, she said—
“That she heard Mrs. Hart’s voice rather loud after Mr. Tawell
went in—only a few words, but could not hear what she said. She
did not think that they were quarrelling, but that perhaps Mrs. Hart
was in hysterics, as money matters were always talked over when
Tawell came. When Mr. Champneys came in, he said he must try to
bleed her: he did so, and there was about as much blood as would
cover a plate; she died immediately afterwards; indeed, I think she
was dead when he bled her. About Christmas Mrs. Hart received a
basket of apples as a present—about a peck, some of which were
left in a box.”
On re-examination, she said—
“That it was not more than a minute after she left her own house
that she entered Mrs. Hart’s, and that she saw about ten or a dozen
apples in the box after her death.”
Mrs. Barrett confirmed Mrs. Ashley’s account of the condition
in which she found the deceased, but did not see any foam on her
lips until after she tried to pour some water down her throat.[8]
table, near the door, empty; but there appeared to be something in
the bottom of it. A chair was beside Mrs. Hart, and another opposite
her. I returned from Mrs. Wheeler’s with Mrs. Barrett, and we
placed a pillow on the child’s chair and bathed her temples. One of
Mrs. Barrett’s apprentices went for Dr. Champneys, and he came. I
searched the place immediately, and found no small vial about the
size of a thimble. There was a middling fire in the house. Before I
got into the house I thought the prisoner was looking, and I locked
the door, because I was frightened. The deceased was breathing hard
in a short way, and making a noise like ‘oh! oh!’ and her eyes
looked very full.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Kelly, she said—
“That she heard Mrs. Hart’s voice rather loud after Mr. Tawell
went in—only a few words, but could not hear what she said. She
did not think that they were quarrelling, but that perhaps Mrs. Hart
was in hysterics, as money matters were always talked over when
Tawell came. When Mr. Champneys came in, he said he must try to
bleed her: he did so, and there was about as much blood as would
cover a plate; she died immediately afterwards; indeed, I think she
was dead when he bled her. About Christmas Mrs. Hart received a
basket of apples as a present—about a peck, some of which were
left in a box.”
On re-examination, she said—
“That it was not more than a minute after she left her own house
that she entered Mrs. Hart’s, and that she saw about ten or a dozen
apples in the box after her death.”
Mrs. Barrett confirmed Mrs. Ashley’s account of the condition
in which she found the deceased, but did not see any foam on her
lips until after she tried to pour some water down her throat.[8]
Page 49
It was then proved by the barmaid at the “Windmill,” on
Salthill, and a gardener, that about half after six on that day the
deceased came there for a bottle of Guinness’s stout, and that she
was met between her house and the “Windmill” about the same
time in high spirits running towards her cottage.
The next witness spoke to the acts of the prisoner before he
arrived at the cottage. At three o’clock in the afternoon he had been
at the Jerusalem Coffee-house, inquiring at what hour they closed,
saying he was going to the West End, and should not be back until
half-past eight, and wishing to leave a greatcoat and a parcel,
which, by arrangement with the waiter, he fetched away about half-
past nine or a quarter to ten that night, leaving his umbrella there.
Other witnesses proved his being seen running from Bath Place
towards Slough, getting into the Eton omnibus and stopping
opposite Sir John Herschel’s house, then returning towards the
Slough station and leaving it for Paddington by the half-past eight
train.[9] The evidence of the next witness, who tracked him from the
moment of his arrival at Paddington, must be given in detail.
William Williams said—
“I am a sergeant of police on the Great Western Railway, at
Paddington Station. On the 1st of January, in consequence of a
telegraphic communication, I observed the prisoner get out of a
carriage and get into a New Road omnibus. I put on a private coat,
and acted as guard. He got out opposite Princes’ Street, near the
Bank, about a quarter past nine. I opened the door on purpose to
look at him; he went towards the Wellington Statue, and then
crossed over to Birch’s, the pastrycooks: he stood a moment, as if he
was considering; I watched him from behind the statue. He then
went towards the Jerusalem Coffee-house, and I followed him; he
then went down a court into Birchin Lane, and from thence to
Scott’s Yard, in the Borough, where he lodged, where I left him. On
returning there next morning he was gone, so I went to the
Salthill, and a gardener, that about half after six on that day the
deceased came there for a bottle of Guinness’s stout, and that she
was met between her house and the “Windmill” about the same
time in high spirits running towards her cottage.
The next witness spoke to the acts of the prisoner before he
arrived at the cottage. At three o’clock in the afternoon he had been
at the Jerusalem Coffee-house, inquiring at what hour they closed,
saying he was going to the West End, and should not be back until
half-past eight, and wishing to leave a greatcoat and a parcel,
which, by arrangement with the waiter, he fetched away about half-
past nine or a quarter to ten that night, leaving his umbrella there.
Other witnesses proved his being seen running from Bath Place
towards Slough, getting into the Eton omnibus and stopping
opposite Sir John Herschel’s house, then returning towards the
Slough station and leaving it for Paddington by the half-past eight
train.[9] The evidence of the next witness, who tracked him from the
moment of his arrival at Paddington, must be given in detail.
William Williams said—
“I am a sergeant of police on the Great Western Railway, at
Paddington Station. On the 1st of January, in consequence of a
telegraphic communication, I observed the prisoner get out of a
carriage and get into a New Road omnibus. I put on a private coat,
and acted as guard. He got out opposite Princes’ Street, near the
Bank, about a quarter past nine. I opened the door on purpose to
look at him; he went towards the Wellington Statue, and then
crossed over to Birch’s, the pastrycooks: he stood a moment, as if he
was considering; I watched him from behind the statue. He then
went towards the Jerusalem Coffee-house, and I followed him; he
then went down a court into Birchin Lane, and from thence to
Scott’s Yard, in the Borough, where he lodged, where I left him. On
returning there next morning he was gone, so I went to the
Page 50
Jerusalem, and an officer (Wiggins) went in and took him into
custody. Wiggins said to him that he was last seen in the house of a
woman at Slough who was found dead, when he replied that, ‘I was
not at Slough yesterday—I know no one there.’ I then remarked that
I had seen him get off the train from Slough, and that he had given
me sixpence after riding in the omnibus from the Paddington
station. ‘You must be mistaken,’ he replied; ‘my station in life must
rebut any suspicion that might be attached to me.’”
Wiggins, an inspector of the Metropolitan police, gave a graphic
account of the arrest.
“On Thursday, the 2nd of January, I went into the Jerusalem
Coffee-house with the last witness, and asked the prisoner if his
name was Tawell; he said, ‘Yes.’ I then asked him if he had been at
Slough last night, and he said, ‘No, I did not leave town all day
yesterday.’ I then opened my coat, showed my uniform, and said, ‘I
want you concerning the woman you were with last night.’ He said,
‘I don’t know anyone there.’ I said, ‘There was a woman found dead
there, and you are supposed to be the last person who was seen with
her alive.’ He said, ‘Thee must be mistaken in the identity, my
station in society places me beyond suspicion.’ I then took him
down to Salt Hill, to the ‘Three Tuns,’ where the inquest was being
held. I searched him, and found £12. 10s. in gold and £1. 1s. 6d. in
silver, a gold watch, and a letter addressed to him, which he said he
had received from his wife. On the second day of the inquest I saw
him again. After consulting with his lawyer, he said to me, ‘I took
thee for a gentleman in the railway carriage.’ I said, ‘I told you I was
an officer.’ He replied, ‘Yes, but that was afterwards.’ The first day
of the inquest he said, ‘Mind, I have disclosed nothing.’”
In cross-examination, Mr. Kelly failed to get the witness to say
that when asked about Slough the prisoner said he came from
Berkhampstead, and only led the witness to reiterate that he stated
“that he had not been at Slough that day.”
custody. Wiggins said to him that he was last seen in the house of a
woman at Slough who was found dead, when he replied that, ‘I was
not at Slough yesterday—I know no one there.’ I then remarked that
I had seen him get off the train from Slough, and that he had given
me sixpence after riding in the omnibus from the Paddington
station. ‘You must be mistaken,’ he replied; ‘my station in life must
rebut any suspicion that might be attached to me.’”
Wiggins, an inspector of the Metropolitan police, gave a graphic
account of the arrest.
“On Thursday, the 2nd of January, I went into the Jerusalem
Coffee-house with the last witness, and asked the prisoner if his
name was Tawell; he said, ‘Yes.’ I then asked him if he had been at
Slough last night, and he said, ‘No, I did not leave town all day
yesterday.’ I then opened my coat, showed my uniform, and said, ‘I
want you concerning the woman you were with last night.’ He said,
‘I don’t know anyone there.’ I said, ‘There was a woman found dead
there, and you are supposed to be the last person who was seen with
her alive.’ He said, ‘Thee must be mistaken in the identity, my
station in society places me beyond suspicion.’ I then took him
down to Salt Hill, to the ‘Three Tuns,’ where the inquest was being
held. I searched him, and found £12. 10s. in gold and £1. 1s. 6d. in
silver, a gold watch, and a letter addressed to him, which he said he
had received from his wife. On the second day of the inquest I saw
him again. After consulting with his lawyer, he said to me, ‘I took
thee for a gentleman in the railway carriage.’ I said, ‘I told you I was
an officer.’ He replied, ‘Yes, but that was afterwards.’ The first day
of the inquest he said, ‘Mind, I have disclosed nothing.’”
In cross-examination, Mr. Kelly failed to get the witness to say
that when asked about Slough the prisoner said he came from
Berkhampstead, and only led the witness to reiterate that he stated
“that he had not been at Slough that day.”
Page 51
To Perkins, the inspector of the Eton police, Tawell was
dangerously communicative.
“On the day after I had taken him into custody,” said this witness,
“and brought him to my own house, after he had seen his lawyer, he
said to me, ‘The unfortunate woman once lived in my service, about
two years and a half, or nearly so.’ He asked me if I knew this. I told
him I had heard so. Then Holmes, the other constable, came in, and
he added, ‘She left my service about five years ago.’ I told him
whatever he said I should communicate to the coroner to-morrow.
He said, ‘he would have no objection to that,’ and then continued,
‘she had been in the habit of writing letters to him for money,’ and
that he had been pestered with her; she was a very good servant
when in his service, but a bad principled woman. She wrote to him
that if he did not send her something she would make away with
herself. He came down to her house and told her that he would not
give her any more money. She then asked him if he would not give
her some porter. I then sent for a bottle of stout, and she had a glass
and I had a glass. She then took out a small phial, about the size of a
thimble, and said, “I will, I will,” and poured some into her glass
and drank a part of it—the remainder was thrown into the fire. She
then done herself about and laid down on the hearth-rug; I then went
out. I did not think she was in earnest, otherwise I would have called
somebody.’ I asked him if he had got those letters, and he said, ‘No,
I never keep such letters as those.’ I knew him by person, having
seen him at Aylesbury.”
The cross-examination was unimportant—mainly directed to
the probable inaccuracy of his recollection and to the nature of the
communication he made to the coroner. Holmes, in addition to
confirming Perkins’ report of the prisoner’s statement, was present
when Mrs. Tawell visited her husband, when, in reply to her
question, “what he had been doing,” he replied, “Nothing. I hope
you will forgive me.”
dangerously communicative.
“On the day after I had taken him into custody,” said this witness,
“and brought him to my own house, after he had seen his lawyer, he
said to me, ‘The unfortunate woman once lived in my service, about
two years and a half, or nearly so.’ He asked me if I knew this. I told
him I had heard so. Then Holmes, the other constable, came in, and
he added, ‘She left my service about five years ago.’ I told him
whatever he said I should communicate to the coroner to-morrow.
He said, ‘he would have no objection to that,’ and then continued,
‘she had been in the habit of writing letters to him for money,’ and
that he had been pestered with her; she was a very good servant
when in his service, but a bad principled woman. She wrote to him
that if he did not send her something she would make away with
herself. He came down to her house and told her that he would not
give her any more money. She then asked him if he would not give
her some porter. I then sent for a bottle of stout, and she had a glass
and I had a glass. She then took out a small phial, about the size of a
thimble, and said, “I will, I will,” and poured some into her glass
and drank a part of it—the remainder was thrown into the fire. She
then done herself about and laid down on the hearth-rug; I then went
out. I did not think she was in earnest, otherwise I would have called
somebody.’ I asked him if he had got those letters, and he said, ‘No,
I never keep such letters as those.’ I knew him by person, having
seen him at Aylesbury.”
The cross-examination was unimportant—mainly directed to
the probable inaccuracy of his recollection and to the nature of the
communication he made to the coroner. Holmes, in addition to
confirming Perkins’ report of the prisoner’s statement, was present
when Mrs. Tawell visited her husband, when, in reply to her
question, “what he had been doing,” he replied, “Nothing. I hope
you will forgive me.”
Page 52
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
H. Montague Champneys, surgeon at Salthill, sent for a few
minutes before 7 P.M. on January 1st, said—
“I ran, and when I got there saw deceased on the floor, felt her
pulse, but am not certain whether I felt any pulsation. I put my hand
under her clothes over her heart, and could not discover any
pulsation; considered her dead, but still thought it best to open a
vein in her arm, and obtained about an ounce of blood. Next day I
made a post mortem examination with Mr. Norblad and Mr.
Pickering. Having previously examined the external parts, we
opened the body, when I smelt the odour of prussic acid; the lungs
were perfectly healthy, but the coverings had the appearance of
inflammation. Examined stomach and contents. Rather more mucus
than there ought to be; the abdominal viscera perfectly healthy. Put
contents of stomach into a bottle, which I, with Messrs. Norblad and
Pickering, took to Mr. Cooper, in London. The contents were tested
for sulphuric acid, oxalic acid, and some poisonous salts, but
nothing was discovered; afterwards an experiment was tried for
prussic acid. Mr. Cooper tried protosulphate of iron, and also nitrate
of silver, but could not during the experiment discover any prussic
acid; but nevertheless, it is my opinion that she died from the effects
of that poison. On the following Sunday I took the beer and the part
of a bun found on the table to Mr. Cooper, which were tested for
prussic acid, but none discovered. When I stated that in my opinion
the deceased died from the effects of prussic acid I did not know
that the prisoner had bought any. I know Scheele’s prussic acid and
that of the London Pharmacopœia; less than a grain of pure prussic
acid would be a dose; two drams of Scheele’s would contain six
grains. There are cases on record where the smell of prussic acid
could not be discovered in the stomach of a person who had taken it.
A person in Paris died from taking seven-tenths of a grain. Prussic
acid is volatile, and may be carried off by the lungs or absorbed by
the tissues. There is a case in the Lancet of a person dying from
H. Montague Champneys, surgeon at Salthill, sent for a few
minutes before 7 P.M. on January 1st, said—
“I ran, and when I got there saw deceased on the floor, felt her
pulse, but am not certain whether I felt any pulsation. I put my hand
under her clothes over her heart, and could not discover any
pulsation; considered her dead, but still thought it best to open a
vein in her arm, and obtained about an ounce of blood. Next day I
made a post mortem examination with Mr. Norblad and Mr.
Pickering. Having previously examined the external parts, we
opened the body, when I smelt the odour of prussic acid; the lungs
were perfectly healthy, but the coverings had the appearance of
inflammation. Examined stomach and contents. Rather more mucus
than there ought to be; the abdominal viscera perfectly healthy. Put
contents of stomach into a bottle, which I, with Messrs. Norblad and
Pickering, took to Mr. Cooper, in London. The contents were tested
for sulphuric acid, oxalic acid, and some poisonous salts, but
nothing was discovered; afterwards an experiment was tried for
prussic acid. Mr. Cooper tried protosulphate of iron, and also nitrate
of silver, but could not during the experiment discover any prussic
acid; but nevertheless, it is my opinion that she died from the effects
of that poison. On the following Sunday I took the beer and the part
of a bun found on the table to Mr. Cooper, which were tested for
prussic acid, but none discovered. When I stated that in my opinion
the deceased died from the effects of prussic acid I did not know
that the prisoner had bought any. I know Scheele’s prussic acid and
that of the London Pharmacopœia; less than a grain of pure prussic
acid would be a dose; two drams of Scheele’s would contain six
grains. There are cases on record where the smell of prussic acid
could not be discovered in the stomach of a person who had taken it.
A person in Paris died from taking seven-tenths of a grain. Prussic
acid is volatile, and may be carried off by the lungs or absorbed by
the tissues. There is a case in the Lancet of a person dying from
Page 53
having less than a grain administered to her. After this occurrence I
put thirty grains of Scheele’s acid into a glass of Guinness’s stout,
and the smell was scarcely perceptible. The symptoms would come
on in less than two minutes.”
In the very minute and detailed cross-examination to which this
witness was subjected by Mr. Kelly, he made the following
statements:—
“I have no experience in detecting the odour of prussic acid in a
human subject—should think it may be taken without detection;
should expect to find the odour in the mouth and in the breath, but
there may be exceptions. Neither Mr. Pickering nor Mr. Norblad
smelt it when the body was opened. It was not a conjecture of mine;
I was positive of it. The smell is very peculiar and strong, and easy
to be detected by those acquainted with it. It is more likely to be
detected when exposed as this was to a heat of 212 degrees. At
every heat we tried to smell it, but failed. There was no such smell
in the blood which I drew shortly after death. I am not competent to
say whether epileptic patients die more quickly from prussic acid
than others. It is said to act powerfully on the nervous system. Have
read the case of the seven epileptic patients who died from a dose of
seven-tenths of a grain each in from thirty to forty-five hours. There
was a case in which the French doctors discovered poison eight days
after death.
“This acid exists in a great number of substances, in apples for
instance, and probably in many other substances in which it has
never been discovered. I agree with Dr. Christisön in his opinion (p.
756) in respect of the formation of this acid in various organic
substances and other articles. It is made from the blood, bones, and
horns of animals. It consists of 12 carbon, 14 nitrogen, and 1
hydrogen. Those are its elements. They exist and can be obtained in
great quantities from various substances—cherry-stones, and stones
of various fruits; they are found in the human saliva, but not in the
form of prussic acid. It (the salt) is called sulphocyanide, and when
put thirty grains of Scheele’s acid into a glass of Guinness’s stout,
and the smell was scarcely perceptible. The symptoms would come
on in less than two minutes.”
In the very minute and detailed cross-examination to which this
witness was subjected by Mr. Kelly, he made the following
statements:—
“I have no experience in detecting the odour of prussic acid in a
human subject—should think it may be taken without detection;
should expect to find the odour in the mouth and in the breath, but
there may be exceptions. Neither Mr. Pickering nor Mr. Norblad
smelt it when the body was opened. It was not a conjecture of mine;
I was positive of it. The smell is very peculiar and strong, and easy
to be detected by those acquainted with it. It is more likely to be
detected when exposed as this was to a heat of 212 degrees. At
every heat we tried to smell it, but failed. There was no such smell
in the blood which I drew shortly after death. I am not competent to
say whether epileptic patients die more quickly from prussic acid
than others. It is said to act powerfully on the nervous system. Have
read the case of the seven epileptic patients who died from a dose of
seven-tenths of a grain each in from thirty to forty-five hours. There
was a case in which the French doctors discovered poison eight days
after death.
“This acid exists in a great number of substances, in apples for
instance, and probably in many other substances in which it has
never been discovered. I agree with Dr. Christisön in his opinion (p.
756) in respect of the formation of this acid in various organic
substances and other articles. It is made from the blood, bones, and
horns of animals. It consists of 12 carbon, 14 nitrogen, and 1
hydrogen. Those are its elements. They exist and can be obtained in
great quantities from various substances—cherry-stones, and stones
of various fruits; they are found in the human saliva, but not in the
form of prussic acid. It (the salt) is called sulphocyanide, and when
Page 54
taken is perceptible in the blood and breath, but most in the
stomach.[10] In apple-pips or other substances the smell would not
be given off until disengaged by some process for that purpose.
“During the experiments for oxalic acid and other poisons,
Messrs. Cooper, Pickering, and Norblad failed to perceive any
smell. One of them then came to the conclusion that there must be
prussic acid.”
Question.—“Did Mr. Cooper then apply a process which would
set free prussic acid from apple-pips and other substances?”
Answer.—“I believe that is the process, but it was not carried to
the full extent. I refer to the heat. When this new process was
applied, the result was that prussic acid was found. I did not smell it,
nor anyone else. Beyond the smell in opening the body, I smelt none
at all.”
“When I first saw the deceased I thought I felt a few beats of the
pulse, but I imagine that I was mistaken. It might have been the
pulse in my own finger. The analogy between animals and human
beings dying of prussic acid is considered doubtful by the best
authorities. The heart would continue to beat for a short time after
the pulse had receded from the arms. The lungs might be considered
slightly congested.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Why then inform my learned friend that they were
sound and healthy?”
Witness.—“The lungs themselves were not diseased.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Is it natural and healthy when the lungs are
congested?”
Witness.—“They contained rather more blood than usual.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Is that a healthy state?”
Witness.—“Not perfectly so.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Is not congested lungs the cause of various modes
of sudden death?”
Witness.—“Yes.”
stomach.[10] In apple-pips or other substances the smell would not
be given off until disengaged by some process for that purpose.
“During the experiments for oxalic acid and other poisons,
Messrs. Cooper, Pickering, and Norblad failed to perceive any
smell. One of them then came to the conclusion that there must be
prussic acid.”
Question.—“Did Mr. Cooper then apply a process which would
set free prussic acid from apple-pips and other substances?”
Answer.—“I believe that is the process, but it was not carried to
the full extent. I refer to the heat. When this new process was
applied, the result was that prussic acid was found. I did not smell it,
nor anyone else. Beyond the smell in opening the body, I smelt none
at all.”
“When I first saw the deceased I thought I felt a few beats of the
pulse, but I imagine that I was mistaken. It might have been the
pulse in my own finger. The analogy between animals and human
beings dying of prussic acid is considered doubtful by the best
authorities. The heart would continue to beat for a short time after
the pulse had receded from the arms. The lungs might be considered
slightly congested.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Why then inform my learned friend that they were
sound and healthy?”
Witness.—“The lungs themselves were not diseased.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Is it natural and healthy when the lungs are
congested?”
Witness.—“They contained rather more blood than usual.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Is that a healthy state?”
Witness.—“Not perfectly so.”
Mr. Kelly.—“Is not congested lungs the cause of various modes
of sudden death?”
Witness.—“Yes.”
Page 55
“I then examined the pericardium, it was empty. The heart had a
natural appearance. I do not recollect that I examined the arteries
proceeding from the aorta. Any disease of the coronary arteries is
likely to cause sudden death. I did not examine the spinal marrow.
The valves of the heart were very clear. Death might suddenly result
from the adhesion of the spinal marrow, if it had existed some time.
A sudden termination also might take place where the disease is
latent. I looked at the gall-bladder, the colour was natural. My
experience teaches me that prussic acid would colour it blue.[11] I
examined the œsophagus to see if there was any foreign substance,
and found none. I opened the trachea, but not the bronchial tubes, so
I could not tell whether there was water in them or not. When I felt
the pulse and heart of the deceased I was satisfied that she was dead,
still I bled her, as I thought it best to try every means to restore
animation. I did not do it to ascertain the cause of death. I then got
no information as to the cause of death. I saw a slight motion of the
jaw as I felt the pulse, and apprehend she died then. I took the
stomach from the body eighteen hours after death. The contents
were turned into a jug or basin, and afterwards into a bottle. I do not
know for what purpose the bottle had been used. I did not wash it
out.” (The bottle was here produced, a large-mouthed one, like a
pickle bottle.) The witness then stated what care he took of it to
prevent its being tampered with before taking it to Mr. Cooper:
—“The exact dose to cause death is still undetermined, also whether
the effect is cumulative or not, also the effect of the same quantity
diluted more or less is unsettled. Scheele’s prussic acid varies in
strength. Prussic acid evaporates by keeping.”
Mr. Kelly, reading from Watson’s “Lectures on Physic.”—“Do
you agree to this—‘A blow, a fall, an electric shock, a teaspoonful
of prussic acid, may cause death and leave no trace on the nervous
system?’”
Witness.—“Yes.”
On his re-examination by Serjt. Byles, the witness said:—
natural appearance. I do not recollect that I examined the arteries
proceeding from the aorta. Any disease of the coronary arteries is
likely to cause sudden death. I did not examine the spinal marrow.
The valves of the heart were very clear. Death might suddenly result
from the adhesion of the spinal marrow, if it had existed some time.
A sudden termination also might take place where the disease is
latent. I looked at the gall-bladder, the colour was natural. My
experience teaches me that prussic acid would colour it blue.[11] I
examined the œsophagus to see if there was any foreign substance,
and found none. I opened the trachea, but not the bronchial tubes, so
I could not tell whether there was water in them or not. When I felt
the pulse and heart of the deceased I was satisfied that she was dead,
still I bled her, as I thought it best to try every means to restore
animation. I did not do it to ascertain the cause of death. I then got
no information as to the cause of death. I saw a slight motion of the
jaw as I felt the pulse, and apprehend she died then. I took the
stomach from the body eighteen hours after death. The contents
were turned into a jug or basin, and afterwards into a bottle. I do not
know for what purpose the bottle had been used. I did not wash it
out.” (The bottle was here produced, a large-mouthed one, like a
pickle bottle.) The witness then stated what care he took of it to
prevent its being tampered with before taking it to Mr. Cooper:
—“The exact dose to cause death is still undetermined, also whether
the effect is cumulative or not, also the effect of the same quantity
diluted more or less is unsettled. Scheele’s prussic acid varies in
strength. Prussic acid evaporates by keeping.”
Mr. Kelly, reading from Watson’s “Lectures on Physic.”—“Do
you agree to this—‘A blow, a fall, an electric shock, a teaspoonful
of prussic acid, may cause death and leave no trace on the nervous
system?’”
Witness.—“Yes.”
On his re-examination by Serjt. Byles, the witness said:—
Page 56
“In the case of the seven epileptic patients two medical men did
not smell the acid, but two chemists did some time afterwards. It
requires an extensive experience readily to detect the smell. Some
may perceive it, some not. Several persons should smell, some not
being so susceptible of the odour as others. I agree with a French
chemist that ‘under a considerable number of circumstances there
must be great practical knowledge to detect smell.’ If a person once
knows the smell, I think he will know it again.”[12]
“I should think that before prussic acid could be obtained from
horns, blood, and bones of animals, a heat of from 400 to 500
degrees would be necessary. All animals, whether human or not, die
if they take prussic acid. There is no difference in its operation upon
man and the inferior animals. There was no appearance of disease in
the heart of the deceased. Had there been any rupture of the
coronary arteries it would have been apparent. I never knew such a
disease of the spinal marrow to cause sudden death. I know only of
the two cases mentioned by Taylor of the gall bladder having a blue
tint. The absence of it is no proof that the person did not die from
prussic acid. The bottle into which I put the contents was perfectly
clean and dry. The ends of the stomach were securely tied up with
string when I moved the contents into the jug, which was also
perfectly dry and clean. I have no doubt the deceased died from
prussic acid.”
After two constables (Hill and Larkin) had proved the finding
of a phial in a cupboard and two others in a jug, one of which
contained hartshorn, the case was adjourned to the following
morning.
SECOND DAY. Thursday, March 13.
not smell the acid, but two chemists did some time afterwards. It
requires an extensive experience readily to detect the smell. Some
may perceive it, some not. Several persons should smell, some not
being so susceptible of the odour as others. I agree with a French
chemist that ‘under a considerable number of circumstances there
must be great practical knowledge to detect smell.’ If a person once
knows the smell, I think he will know it again.”[12]
“I should think that before prussic acid could be obtained from
horns, blood, and bones of animals, a heat of from 400 to 500
degrees would be necessary. All animals, whether human or not, die
if they take prussic acid. There is no difference in its operation upon
man and the inferior animals. There was no appearance of disease in
the heart of the deceased. Had there been any rupture of the
coronary arteries it would have been apparent. I never knew such a
disease of the spinal marrow to cause sudden death. I know only of
the two cases mentioned by Taylor of the gall bladder having a blue
tint. The absence of it is no proof that the person did not die from
prussic acid. The bottle into which I put the contents was perfectly
clean and dry. The ends of the stomach were securely tied up with
string when I moved the contents into the jug, which was also
perfectly dry and clean. I have no doubt the deceased died from
prussic acid.”
After two constables (Hill and Larkin) had proved the finding
of a phial in a cupboard and two others in a jug, one of which
contained hartshorn, the case was adjourned to the following
morning.
SECOND DAY. Thursday, March 13.
Page 57
SUPPOSED PREVIOUS ATTEMPT TO POISON.
Charlotte Howard, unmarried, a servant, said:—
“I knew Mrs. Hart, and went to see her at Salthill on the 26th
September, 1843. She had a child of mine in her care. I was there
from three to four months, in which time I saw Mr. Tawell there
twice. On the 30th of September he came, and in ten minutes after,
Mrs. Hart sent me out for a bottle of stout, which I got and gave to
her. She took it into the room where he was. Shortly after she came
out and sent me for a sheet of paper, leaving Mr. Tawell in the room
with the stout. When I came back she said to me ‘I am so ill, I shall
be obliged to tell my master to go; I am so sick, my head is so bad.’
She was very sick, and I helped her upstairs to bed. After she got
upstairs she was sick again. She was in very good health when
Tawell came. She said she only drank one glass of porter and felt
sick directly afterwards. I went down again and saw eighteen
sovereigns on the table, which I put into a drawer. There was some
porter in the glasses and in the bottle. That in the glasses I threw
away, and drank that in the bottle, and it did not make me ill. Mrs.
Hart complained of being very giddy, but did not say anything about
her throat.”
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Mr. Cooper, the Analytical Chemist and Lecturer on Medical
Jurisprudence, was then called and examined by Serjeant Byles.
“On the 3rd of January,” said the witness, “Messrs. Champneys,
Norblad, and Pickering called on me with a carpet bag. The bag
contained a bottle (ordinary one, such as olives are usually sold in)
full or nearly so with the contents of the stomach; a portion of porter
in an ordinary beer-bottle, on which was a paper label signifying
that it contained Guinness’s beer; a glass tumbler, about half full of
what appeared to be a mixture of beer and water; a part of a plum
Charlotte Howard, unmarried, a servant, said:—
“I knew Mrs. Hart, and went to see her at Salthill on the 26th
September, 1843. She had a child of mine in her care. I was there
from three to four months, in which time I saw Mr. Tawell there
twice. On the 30th of September he came, and in ten minutes after,
Mrs. Hart sent me out for a bottle of stout, which I got and gave to
her. She took it into the room where he was. Shortly after she came
out and sent me for a sheet of paper, leaving Mr. Tawell in the room
with the stout. When I came back she said to me ‘I am so ill, I shall
be obliged to tell my master to go; I am so sick, my head is so bad.’
She was very sick, and I helped her upstairs to bed. After she got
upstairs she was sick again. She was in very good health when
Tawell came. She said she only drank one glass of porter and felt
sick directly afterwards. I went down again and saw eighteen
sovereigns on the table, which I put into a drawer. There was some
porter in the glasses and in the bottle. That in the glasses I threw
away, and drank that in the bottle, and it did not make me ill. Mrs.
Hart complained of being very giddy, but did not say anything about
her throat.”
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Mr. Cooper, the Analytical Chemist and Lecturer on Medical
Jurisprudence, was then called and examined by Serjeant Byles.
“On the 3rd of January,” said the witness, “Messrs. Champneys,
Norblad, and Pickering called on me with a carpet bag. The bag
contained a bottle (ordinary one, such as olives are usually sold in)
full or nearly so with the contents of the stomach; a portion of porter
in an ordinary beer-bottle, on which was a paper label signifying
that it contained Guinness’s beer; a glass tumbler, about half full of
what appeared to be a mixture of beer and water; a part of a plum
Page 58
bun, and a phial containing a few drops (perhaps about half a
drachm) of a nearly colourless fluid; a small piece of pink paper,
such as is generally used by apothecaries for tying over the corks of
medicine phials, and had apparently been used for such purpose;
and the stomach and part of the intestines. The bottle which
contained the contents of the stomach was tied over with a piece of
bladder, and, I think, corked as well, but of the latter I am not
certain; it was opened and smelt strongly of food in the progress of
digestion, it had also the smell of beer. On the application of litmus
paper to the surface of the contents it became red instantly, and so
very red that I was disposed to consider that Mr. Norblad and the
other gentlemen were right in their conjecture as to its containing
oxalic acid. A portion was now taken out of this bottle and put into a
porcelain evaporating basin, to which some distilled water was
added, and stirred well together with a glass rod; the basin with its
contents was then placed on the heated sand bath and kept stirring
until it boiled, and even after it had boiled for some minutes. During
the whole of this operation I was standing over it, and the vapour
that escaped I smelt the whole time, but did not recognise the
slightest odour of prussic acid; the odour was the same as that of the
contents of the bottle, but it was more powerful. The contents of the
basin were then put into a paper filter placed in a glass funnel, and
that which passed through the filter was collected in a glass vessel
placed for its reception. While this operation was going on I directed
my attention to the contents of the beer bottle and the tumbler. I
found them both to have an acid reaction on litmus paper, the
contents of the beer bottle very decidedly so; but on the application
of the usual tests employed for the detection of oxalic acid, not a
trace of it could be found.
“By this time a small quantity of clear liquid from the contents
of the basin had passed the filter; this was removed from the glass
vessel employed to receive it into a test glass, and on the application
of the tests for the detection of oxalic acid not the smallest trace was
indicated. I then felt quite certain that oxalic acid had not been the
cause of death.
drachm) of a nearly colourless fluid; a small piece of pink paper,
such as is generally used by apothecaries for tying over the corks of
medicine phials, and had apparently been used for such purpose;
and the stomach and part of the intestines. The bottle which
contained the contents of the stomach was tied over with a piece of
bladder, and, I think, corked as well, but of the latter I am not
certain; it was opened and smelt strongly of food in the progress of
digestion, it had also the smell of beer. On the application of litmus
paper to the surface of the contents it became red instantly, and so
very red that I was disposed to consider that Mr. Norblad and the
other gentlemen were right in their conjecture as to its containing
oxalic acid. A portion was now taken out of this bottle and put into a
porcelain evaporating basin, to which some distilled water was
added, and stirred well together with a glass rod; the basin with its
contents was then placed on the heated sand bath and kept stirring
until it boiled, and even after it had boiled for some minutes. During
the whole of this operation I was standing over it, and the vapour
that escaped I smelt the whole time, but did not recognise the
slightest odour of prussic acid; the odour was the same as that of the
contents of the bottle, but it was more powerful. The contents of the
basin were then put into a paper filter placed in a glass funnel, and
that which passed through the filter was collected in a glass vessel
placed for its reception. While this operation was going on I directed
my attention to the contents of the beer bottle and the tumbler. I
found them both to have an acid reaction on litmus paper, the
contents of the beer bottle very decidedly so; but on the application
of the usual tests employed for the detection of oxalic acid, not a
trace of it could be found.
“By this time a small quantity of clear liquid from the contents
of the basin had passed the filter; this was removed from the glass
vessel employed to receive it into a test glass, and on the application
of the tests for the detection of oxalic acid not the smallest trace was
indicated. I then felt quite certain that oxalic acid had not been the
cause of death.
Page 59
“I was then shown the stomach by Messrs. Champneys and
Norblad, and on examining its interior surface it did not appear to
have been acted on by any corrosive substance: nevertheless I
thought it advisable to search for sulphuric acid, and accordingly
applied to a small portion of the liquid, filtered from that which had
been boiled, the test for that substance, but none could be detected.
In like manner I did also apply the tests for the detection of baryta,
opium, arsenic, the salts of mercury, and other metallic poisons, and
could find none of them. I then came to the conclusion that, if the
person had died from the effect of poison, it could be no other than
prussic acid.
“A portion of the contents of the stomach was then taken from
the bottle and put into a tubulated retort, to which was added a very
small quantity of dilute sulphuric acid; the retort with its contents
was placed on the sand bath, a receiver applied and a portion
distilled off. When about two drachms of clear liquid had distilled
over, it was removed from the receiver into a test glass, about a
grain of green sulphate of iron was added, and when this was
dissolved, a small quantity of solution of potassa. These were
allowed to remain a short time together and stirred with a glass rod.
Subsequently muriatic acid was added in sufficient quantity when
instantly Prussian blue appeared, which could not have resulted
unless cyanogen or hydrocyanic acid had been present. But it could
not be recognised by the smell. Although I had no doubt in my own
mind, from the gentle heat that had been employed in the above
detailed process of distillation, that the prussic acid could not have
resulted from any decomposition of the animal matters present in
the contents of the stomach, yet I thought it prudent to conduct the
process of distillation in such a manner as to preclude the possibility
of such occurrence.
“Another and much larger portion of the contents of the stomach
was put into another retort, to which a little dilute sulphuric acid
was added as before, and the retort with its contents placed in a
water bath, to which some common salt was added. The salt-water
bath was heated until it boiled; a receiver was put on to the retort, an
Norblad, and on examining its interior surface it did not appear to
have been acted on by any corrosive substance: nevertheless I
thought it advisable to search for sulphuric acid, and accordingly
applied to a small portion of the liquid, filtered from that which had
been boiled, the test for that substance, but none could be detected.
In like manner I did also apply the tests for the detection of baryta,
opium, arsenic, the salts of mercury, and other metallic poisons, and
could find none of them. I then came to the conclusion that, if the
person had died from the effect of poison, it could be no other than
prussic acid.
“A portion of the contents of the stomach was then taken from
the bottle and put into a tubulated retort, to which was added a very
small quantity of dilute sulphuric acid; the retort with its contents
was placed on the sand bath, a receiver applied and a portion
distilled off. When about two drachms of clear liquid had distilled
over, it was removed from the receiver into a test glass, about a
grain of green sulphate of iron was added, and when this was
dissolved, a small quantity of solution of potassa. These were
allowed to remain a short time together and stirred with a glass rod.
Subsequently muriatic acid was added in sufficient quantity when
instantly Prussian blue appeared, which could not have resulted
unless cyanogen or hydrocyanic acid had been present. But it could
not be recognised by the smell. Although I had no doubt in my own
mind, from the gentle heat that had been employed in the above
detailed process of distillation, that the prussic acid could not have
resulted from any decomposition of the animal matters present in
the contents of the stomach, yet I thought it prudent to conduct the
process of distillation in such a manner as to preclude the possibility
of such occurrence.
“Another and much larger portion of the contents of the stomach
was put into another retort, to which a little dilute sulphuric acid
was added as before, and the retort with its contents placed in a
water bath, to which some common salt was added. The salt-water
bath was heated until it boiled; a receiver was put on to the retort, an
Page 60
adapter intervening so as to remove the receiver to a greater distance
from the furnace, and the receiver was kept as cool as possible by
folds of blotting paper kept constantly wet applied to its external
surface. In this manner was the distillation slowly conducted, until
about an ounce of clear liquid had distilled over.”
On the removal of this liquid from the receiver it had the same
smell as that contained in the bottle had before distillation, and
neither myself, Mr. Norblad, Mr. Champneys, nor my son could
detect the smell of prussic acid in the slightest degree. In fact the
odour of beer and digesting food was so powerful as to cover or
disguise the smell of the prussic acid in this weak state, but on
applying the same tests as before Prussian blue was found in
considerable quantity.
“The few drops of liquid which were in the phial before
mentioned were now examined: they had no action on litmus paper,
they smelt of camphor and acetate of ammonia. The test for prussic
acid was applied, but it did not show the smallest quantity. The phial
was then washed out, and the distilled liquid, with the precipitated
Prussian blue obtained by the two above-detailed processes was put
into it. It was corked up and taken by Messrs. Norblad and
Champneys to keep in their possession. I also added the same test to
distilled water containing a few drops of prussic acid, for the sake of
comparison and to try the test. This was also taken by Messrs.
Norblad and Champneys, as was also some distilled water with the
same tests applied, to which no prussic acid had been added, and
which was colourless. As far as I can recollect this completed the
first day’s proceedings, it being now nearly dark.
“On the evening of the following day (Saturday) Mr. Pickering
came to me to request I would on the Monday following examine,
by the coroner’s desire, the contents of the glass tumbler, the beer
bottle, and the remainder of the beer, to determine if prussic acid
existed in any of them. On Sunday the 6th, being engaged at Derby
on the Monday, Messrs. Norblad and Champneys came, bringing
with them the whole of the things they took away with them on the
Friday. The beer, the contents of the tumbler, and the remains of the
from the furnace, and the receiver was kept as cool as possible by
folds of blotting paper kept constantly wet applied to its external
surface. In this manner was the distillation slowly conducted, until
about an ounce of clear liquid had distilled over.”
On the removal of this liquid from the receiver it had the same
smell as that contained in the bottle had before distillation, and
neither myself, Mr. Norblad, Mr. Champneys, nor my son could
detect the smell of prussic acid in the slightest degree. In fact the
odour of beer and digesting food was so powerful as to cover or
disguise the smell of the prussic acid in this weak state, but on
applying the same tests as before Prussian blue was found in
considerable quantity.
“The few drops of liquid which were in the phial before
mentioned were now examined: they had no action on litmus paper,
they smelt of camphor and acetate of ammonia. The test for prussic
acid was applied, but it did not show the smallest quantity. The phial
was then washed out, and the distilled liquid, with the precipitated
Prussian blue obtained by the two above-detailed processes was put
into it. It was corked up and taken by Messrs. Norblad and
Champneys to keep in their possession. I also added the same test to
distilled water containing a few drops of prussic acid, for the sake of
comparison and to try the test. This was also taken by Messrs.
Norblad and Champneys, as was also some distilled water with the
same tests applied, to which no prussic acid had been added, and
which was colourless. As far as I can recollect this completed the
first day’s proceedings, it being now nearly dark.
“On the evening of the following day (Saturday) Mr. Pickering
came to me to request I would on the Monday following examine,
by the coroner’s desire, the contents of the glass tumbler, the beer
bottle, and the remainder of the beer, to determine if prussic acid
existed in any of them. On Sunday the 6th, being engaged at Derby
on the Monday, Messrs. Norblad and Champneys came, bringing
with them the whole of the things they took away with them on the
Friday. The beer, the contents of the tumbler, and the remains of the
Page 61
plum bun we each subjected separately to distillation in the salt-
water bath, and to the liquor obtained by distillation the same tests
for detecting prussic acid were added, but not a trace could be
found.
“I may here observe that, on the intervening Saturday, I
continued the distillation of the larger portion before spoken of for
the purpose of obtaining more of the distilled liquid, and in fact to
continue the distillation until the whole of the prussic acid had been
separated. A part of the distilled liquor had its Prussian blue
precipitated, which was given to Messrs. Norblad and Champneys
on the Sunday, and to another part I added nitrate of silver for the
purpose of separating the hydrocyanic acid, or rather the cyanogen it
contained. I kept it safe from decomposition or change during my
absence, and for the purpose of further experiments on my return,
and at my leisure.
“Accordingly, shortly after my return, I put the cyanide of silver
obtained by the above process, together with some very dilute
muriatic acid, into a small retort, to which a receiver was attached.
The retort was placed over a lamp in order to be heated, and the
receiver was surrounded by cold water. The distillation proceeded
until about a drachm and a half had distilled over. This liquor
possessed the odour of prussic acid, distinctly recognised by myself,
and also by two of my sons.
“It occurred to me that as Messrs. Norblad, Champneys, and
myself had distinctly seen among the contents of the stomach some
undigested apples, that the seeds or pips of the apple might give rise
to the formation of prussic acid by distillation. I therefore
determined on making an experiment to see if any and what quantity
of prussic acid they were capable of producing. Accordingly the
seeds from fifteen apples were bruised and put into a retort with
some distilled water, and about an ounce of liquor was distilled off.
On the application of the tests before spoken of, Prussian blue, in
exceeding small quantity, was produced. On testing the last product
of distillation, no Prussian blue was found. I have the whole of the
Prussian blue thus produced.
water bath, and to the liquor obtained by distillation the same tests
for detecting prussic acid were added, but not a trace could be
found.
“I may here observe that, on the intervening Saturday, I
continued the distillation of the larger portion before spoken of for
the purpose of obtaining more of the distilled liquid, and in fact to
continue the distillation until the whole of the prussic acid had been
separated. A part of the distilled liquor had its Prussian blue
precipitated, which was given to Messrs. Norblad and Champneys
on the Sunday, and to another part I added nitrate of silver for the
purpose of separating the hydrocyanic acid, or rather the cyanogen it
contained. I kept it safe from decomposition or change during my
absence, and for the purpose of further experiments on my return,
and at my leisure.
“Accordingly, shortly after my return, I put the cyanide of silver
obtained by the above process, together with some very dilute
muriatic acid, into a small retort, to which a receiver was attached.
The retort was placed over a lamp in order to be heated, and the
receiver was surrounded by cold water. The distillation proceeded
until about a drachm and a half had distilled over. This liquor
possessed the odour of prussic acid, distinctly recognised by myself,
and also by two of my sons.
“It occurred to me that as Messrs. Norblad, Champneys, and
myself had distinctly seen among the contents of the stomach some
undigested apples, that the seeds or pips of the apple might give rise
to the formation of prussic acid by distillation. I therefore
determined on making an experiment to see if any and what quantity
of prussic acid they were capable of producing. Accordingly the
seeds from fifteen apples were bruised and put into a retort with
some distilled water, and about an ounce of liquor was distilled off.
On the application of the tests before spoken of, Prussian blue, in
exceeding small quantity, was produced. On testing the last product
of distillation, no Prussian blue was found. I have the whole of the
Prussian blue thus produced.
Page 62
“About ten days ago I was applied to and requested to make
more experiments for the purpose (if possible) of discovering the
whole amount of prussic acid originally contained in the contents of
the stomach, or at least of that portion brought to me. I stated that I
had not the means in my possession of doing so, and that Mr.
Norblad or Mr. Champneys possessed almost everything relating to
the matter; but I thought it possible, if I had the remainder of the
contents of the stomach, and that if it were contained in the same
bottle in which it was originally brought, I might be able to do so—
having a distinct recollection of about the height at which the matter
stood in the neck of the bottle. Mr. Champneys, on Saturday, the 8th
of February, delivered, with other matters, into my charge, the
remainder of the contents of the stomach which had not before been
subjected to any operation or experiment, and which, when I gave it
him back, after my former experiments, I requested him to keep in a
cool dark place for further investigation, should it be deemed
requisite. The bottle was tightly corked and securely tied over with a
piece of bladder. Before uncorking it, I made a mark with a file
outside the bottle coincident with the surface of the contents in the
interior. I then emptied the contents into a glass alembic, washed the
bottle out with a little distilled water, and added this to the matter in
the alembic. The head of the alembic was then put on, a condensing
apparatus attached, the alembic placed as before on a salt-water
bath, the bath brought to the boiling point, and distillation
conducted until the whole of the prussic acid was expelled. A
solution of nitrate of silver was put into the recipient for the purpose
of seizing hold of the hydrocyanic acid the moment it reached that
vessel. By this process I succeeded in obtaining 1·455 grains of dry
cyanide of silver, very slightly contaminated with chloride of silver.
The latter did not amount to a quantity which could be collected and
weighed. But if I allow 0·025 grains, and call the quantity of
cyanide of silver produced in reality 1·43 on the quantity operated
on in this instance, it must be very near the truth. But as the quantity
operated on in this instance formed only 51 parts out of the 180 of
the whole volume of the contents of the bottle as it was first brought
to me, the following proportion will show how much was contained
more experiments for the purpose (if possible) of discovering the
whole amount of prussic acid originally contained in the contents of
the stomach, or at least of that portion brought to me. I stated that I
had not the means in my possession of doing so, and that Mr.
Norblad or Mr. Champneys possessed almost everything relating to
the matter; but I thought it possible, if I had the remainder of the
contents of the stomach, and that if it were contained in the same
bottle in which it was originally brought, I might be able to do so—
having a distinct recollection of about the height at which the matter
stood in the neck of the bottle. Mr. Champneys, on Saturday, the 8th
of February, delivered, with other matters, into my charge, the
remainder of the contents of the stomach which had not before been
subjected to any operation or experiment, and which, when I gave it
him back, after my former experiments, I requested him to keep in a
cool dark place for further investigation, should it be deemed
requisite. The bottle was tightly corked and securely tied over with a
piece of bladder. Before uncorking it, I made a mark with a file
outside the bottle coincident with the surface of the contents in the
interior. I then emptied the contents into a glass alembic, washed the
bottle out with a little distilled water, and added this to the matter in
the alembic. The head of the alembic was then put on, a condensing
apparatus attached, the alembic placed as before on a salt-water
bath, the bath brought to the boiling point, and distillation
conducted until the whole of the prussic acid was expelled. A
solution of nitrate of silver was put into the recipient for the purpose
of seizing hold of the hydrocyanic acid the moment it reached that
vessel. By this process I succeeded in obtaining 1·455 grains of dry
cyanide of silver, very slightly contaminated with chloride of silver.
The latter did not amount to a quantity which could be collected and
weighed. But if I allow 0·025 grains, and call the quantity of
cyanide of silver produced in reality 1·43 on the quantity operated
on in this instance, it must be very near the truth. But as the quantity
operated on in this instance formed only 51 parts out of the 180 of
the whole volume of the contents of the bottle as it was first brought
to me, the following proportion will show how much was contained
Page 63
in the whole. For if 51 parts give 1·43 grains of cyanide of silver,
180 parts will give 5·047 grains of cyanide of silver. This quantity
of cyanide of silver is equivalent to 1·002 grains of real hydrocyanic
or prussic acid, which is equal to 50 grains of the prussic acid of the
strength of the London Pharmacopeia. The determination of the
relative quantity operated on, and the original volume of the
contents of the stomach, was ascertained by measuring, with water,
the bottle filled, as near as possible to remember, to that part in the
neck where the contents originally stood, which was 180½ drachms,
and to the mark made by the file 51½ drachms.
“I may also remark that the contents of the stomach, after
distillation, was still strongly acid, occasioned most probably by the
acid in the beer, and also by the acid which is invariably produced
during the process of digestion.”[13]
During his examination, Mr. Cooper produced the bottles
containing the Prussian blue produced from the stomach and from
the apple-pips—the former dark blue in colour, the latter hardly
more than tinged with it. When placed side by side on the front of
the witness-box the marked contrast caused much excitement in
Court.
The cross-examination of this witness by Mr. Kelly was so
important, that though very lengthy it is necessary to give it in
considerable detail.
“Until this case,” said the witness, “I had never examined the
contents of a human stomach where a person had been killed by
prussic acid, or a human stomach containing prussic acid.
Respecting the effect of prussic acid on the stomach and tissues of
the body, my knowledge is only theoretical. Prussic acid, which I
have smelt from its most concentrated to its weakest state, has a
peculiar smell; it affects different persons differently. When I smell
it, it affects spasmodically the back of the throat. But it loses its
smell in combinations. I am not aware what quantity of prussic acid
180 parts will give 5·047 grains of cyanide of silver. This quantity
of cyanide of silver is equivalent to 1·002 grains of real hydrocyanic
or prussic acid, which is equal to 50 grains of the prussic acid of the
strength of the London Pharmacopeia. The determination of the
relative quantity operated on, and the original volume of the
contents of the stomach, was ascertained by measuring, with water,
the bottle filled, as near as possible to remember, to that part in the
neck where the contents originally stood, which was 180½ drachms,
and to the mark made by the file 51½ drachms.
“I may also remark that the contents of the stomach, after
distillation, was still strongly acid, occasioned most probably by the
acid in the beer, and also by the acid which is invariably produced
during the process of digestion.”[13]
During his examination, Mr. Cooper produced the bottles
containing the Prussian blue produced from the stomach and from
the apple-pips—the former dark blue in colour, the latter hardly
more than tinged with it. When placed side by side on the front of
the witness-box the marked contrast caused much excitement in
Court.
The cross-examination of this witness by Mr. Kelly was so
important, that though very lengthy it is necessary to give it in
considerable detail.
“Until this case,” said the witness, “I had never examined the
contents of a human stomach where a person had been killed by
prussic acid, or a human stomach containing prussic acid.
Respecting the effect of prussic acid on the stomach and tissues of
the body, my knowledge is only theoretical. Prussic acid, which I
have smelt from its most concentrated to its weakest state, has a
peculiar smell; it affects different persons differently. When I smell
it, it affects spasmodically the back of the throat. But it loses its
smell in combinations. I am not aware what quantity of prussic acid
Page 64
destroys life. I have no practical knowledge on the subject. The case
I am most familiar with is that of the seven epileptics.
“I began my investigation with the view of seeing if oxalic acid
was present. I recognised the odour of beer more strongly in the
contents of the stomach than anything else. I did not trace the smell
of prussic acid in them, nor feel any spasmodic affection in the
throat in smelling them. I did not come to the conclusion, after
trying for those acids and mercurial poisons, which I did not
discover, that there was prussic acid in the stomach, but I remarked
to those present at that time, ‘Well, if this person has taken poison, it
must be prussic acid.’
“I have no idea how much Prussian blue I obtained from the first
experiment, as it was made in a hurry. (The bottle of dark blue liquid
was here shown again.) I thought the obtaining evidence of its
presence sufficient. I got more Prussian blue in the second
experiment than in the first, and more in the third experiment than
the second. I have not calculated the total amount of Prussian blue
in the bottle.”
As to the contents of the stomach: “There was undigested flesh
and a pulpy mass of which I could make nothing, and some portion
of apple, but no pips either partially digested or undigested with the
apple. I am not prepared to say that the pips of this apple contained
more prussic acid than others. There is a great difference between
bitter and sweet apples—the bitter contain a great deal of prussic
acid, the sweet, I believe, none.”[14]
As to prussic acid being in many substances: “Strictly speaking,
I don’t think it exists in any substance, not even in bitter almonds. I
mean in a free state; it is so extremely volatile that it cannot possibly
exist unless in combination with some other substance. It is my
opinion that prussic acid is a ‘product,’ and not an ‘educt’—that is
to say, in consequence of its great volatility it cannot exist unless in
combination with some other substance; you liberate it by
combination and change. The elements of it exist in a great many
substances. These elements, on taking new arrangements, may
produce prussic acid. Therefore I feel that it is always a ‘product,’
I am most familiar with is that of the seven epileptics.
“I began my investigation with the view of seeing if oxalic acid
was present. I recognised the odour of beer more strongly in the
contents of the stomach than anything else. I did not trace the smell
of prussic acid in them, nor feel any spasmodic affection in the
throat in smelling them. I did not come to the conclusion, after
trying for those acids and mercurial poisons, which I did not
discover, that there was prussic acid in the stomach, but I remarked
to those present at that time, ‘Well, if this person has taken poison, it
must be prussic acid.’
“I have no idea how much Prussian blue I obtained from the first
experiment, as it was made in a hurry. (The bottle of dark blue liquid
was here shown again.) I thought the obtaining evidence of its
presence sufficient. I got more Prussian blue in the second
experiment than in the first, and more in the third experiment than
the second. I have not calculated the total amount of Prussian blue
in the bottle.”
As to the contents of the stomach: “There was undigested flesh
and a pulpy mass of which I could make nothing, and some portion
of apple, but no pips either partially digested or undigested with the
apple. I am not prepared to say that the pips of this apple contained
more prussic acid than others. There is a great difference between
bitter and sweet apples—the bitter contain a great deal of prussic
acid, the sweet, I believe, none.”[14]
As to prussic acid being in many substances: “Strictly speaking,
I don’t think it exists in any substance, not even in bitter almonds. I
mean in a free state; it is so extremely volatile that it cannot possibly
exist unless in combination with some other substance. It is my
opinion that prussic acid is a ‘product,’ and not an ‘educt’—that is
to say, in consequence of its great volatility it cannot exist unless in
combination with some other substance; you liberate it by
combination and change. The elements of it exist in a great many
substances. These elements, on taking new arrangements, may
produce prussic acid. Therefore I feel that it is always a ‘product,’
Page 65
and that it does not exist in any substance in a free state, because if
it did it would be continually evaporating from that substance.”
Question.—“Are not the substances which are already known to
contain the elements of prussic acid, and from which it can be
obtained, very numerous?”
Answer.—“They are very numerous certainly, because all those
compounds which contain carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and hydrogen,
may, in my opinion, by new changes be made to produce prussic
acid. All animal substances of any kind contain those elements, in
which are contained the elements of prussic acid. I agree, as far as I
know, with Christison, that the distilled seeds of bitter almonds, and
pomaceous seeds, yield prussic acid by distillation.”
Question.—“Is it not found, from time to time, by accident or
experiment, to exist in organic and other matters?”
Answer.—“I believe it is. I was the first person to discover it in
fulminating silver, and perhaps also in apple-pips, from recent
experiments. I am not aware of it ever having been produced by
mere organic changes in the stomach. If the apple-pips on which I
operated had been macerated, I cannot say that I should have
obtained more Prussian blue. I know it is the habit to macerate bitter
almonds, but I also know that without maceration they have
sometimes yielded more prussic acid than with maceration.”
Question.—“I will ask you one question more, ‘Do you agree
with Dr. Taylor that the odour of prussic acid, which is said to be
peculiar, may be found when all tests fail?”
Answer.—“I do not believe it. As far as my experience goes, it
would lead me to the contrary conclusion.”
Question.—“But if I understand you rightly, you do not smell
prussic acid, but feel its effects in another way?”
Answer.—“Sometimes it has produced a spasmodic constriction
about the throat, without my smelling it. At other times I have
distinctly smelt it. It depends very much, I think, on the state of the
nasal organ at the time.”
it did it would be continually evaporating from that substance.”
Question.—“Are not the substances which are already known to
contain the elements of prussic acid, and from which it can be
obtained, very numerous?”
Answer.—“They are very numerous certainly, because all those
compounds which contain carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and hydrogen,
may, in my opinion, by new changes be made to produce prussic
acid. All animal substances of any kind contain those elements, in
which are contained the elements of prussic acid. I agree, as far as I
know, with Christison, that the distilled seeds of bitter almonds, and
pomaceous seeds, yield prussic acid by distillation.”
Question.—“Is it not found, from time to time, by accident or
experiment, to exist in organic and other matters?”
Answer.—“I believe it is. I was the first person to discover it in
fulminating silver, and perhaps also in apple-pips, from recent
experiments. I am not aware of it ever having been produced by
mere organic changes in the stomach. If the apple-pips on which I
operated had been macerated, I cannot say that I should have
obtained more Prussian blue. I know it is the habit to macerate bitter
almonds, but I also know that without maceration they have
sometimes yielded more prussic acid than with maceration.”
Question.—“I will ask you one question more, ‘Do you agree
with Dr. Taylor that the odour of prussic acid, which is said to be
peculiar, may be found when all tests fail?”
Answer.—“I do not believe it. As far as my experience goes, it
would lead me to the contrary conclusion.”
Question.—“But if I understand you rightly, you do not smell
prussic acid, but feel its effects in another way?”
Answer.—“Sometimes it has produced a spasmodic constriction
about the throat, without my smelling it. At other times I have
distinctly smelt it. It depends very much, I think, on the state of the
nasal organ at the time.”
Page 66
To Serjeant Byles.—“The same peculiar action at the back of the
throat is, I think, felt by others on putting prussic acid to the nose. I
communicated the nature of my evidence to the solicitor of the
prisoner about a month ago.”
Baron Parke.—“Have you or have you not a doubt upon your
mind from the result of your experiments as to the existence of
prussic acid in the stomach?”
Witness.—“None whatever! I have no doubt that prussic acid
may exist without being smelt.”
Baron Parke.—“If there was an absence of smell, would you
suppose that the prussic acid was present in the shape of a salt, and
that, therefore, you did not smell it?”
Witness.—“Absence of smell may arise from dilution, or from
its being covered by the smell of other substances.”
Baron Parke.—“Do you, in this particular case, ascribe the
absence of smell to the circumstance of the prussic acid being in the
form of a salt?”
Witness.—“No, because it could not exist in the stomach as a
cyanide of potassium, which is a salt, or as a cyanide of soda, when
another and more powerful acid was present; as, for instance,
muriatic acid, which in this case was found in considerable
quantity, it being an acid generated by the process of digestion.”
Baron Parke.—“Do you not believe that there was also acetic
acid present. Is not that a strong acid?”
Witness.—“I have no doubt there was also acetic acid present,
and it would have a greater affinity for soda or potash than prussic
acid. I think prussic acid cannot be formed by putrefaction in the
stomach.”
Mr. Joseph Cooper, a son of the last witness, and his assistant
for four years, deposed to having smelt the ordinary prussic acid at
the time in the process, mentioned by his father.
throat is, I think, felt by others on putting prussic acid to the nose. I
communicated the nature of my evidence to the solicitor of the
prisoner about a month ago.”
Baron Parke.—“Have you or have you not a doubt upon your
mind from the result of your experiments as to the existence of
prussic acid in the stomach?”
Witness.—“None whatever! I have no doubt that prussic acid
may exist without being smelt.”
Baron Parke.—“If there was an absence of smell, would you
suppose that the prussic acid was present in the shape of a salt, and
that, therefore, you did not smell it?”
Witness.—“Absence of smell may arise from dilution, or from
its being covered by the smell of other substances.”
Baron Parke.—“Do you, in this particular case, ascribe the
absence of smell to the circumstance of the prussic acid being in the
form of a salt?”
Witness.—“No, because it could not exist in the stomach as a
cyanide of potassium, which is a salt, or as a cyanide of soda, when
another and more powerful acid was present; as, for instance,
muriatic acid, which in this case was found in considerable
quantity, it being an acid generated by the process of digestion.”
Baron Parke.—“Do you not believe that there was also acetic
acid present. Is not that a strong acid?”
Witness.—“I have no doubt there was also acetic acid present,
and it would have a greater affinity for soda or potash than prussic
acid. I think prussic acid cannot be formed by putrefaction in the
stomach.”
Mr. Joseph Cooper, a son of the last witness, and his assistant
for four years, deposed to having smelt the ordinary prussic acid at
the time in the process, mentioned by his father.
Page 67
Mr. Norblad, surgeon and apothecary at Slough for 10 years,
said:
“On January 2 I went to Mrs. Hart’s house and saw her body;
have heard the evidence of Mr. Champneys, and should say that
death was caused by prussic or oxalic acid; do not know of any
other poisons that would produce death so rapidly; was present at
Mr. Cooper’s experiments; have heard and perfectly agree with his
evidence; oxalic acid must have been detected if present; I am quite
of opinion that prussic acid was present in the stomach, and have no
doubt about it; have heard the evidence of the witness Howard, the
symptoms she describes (of supposed former attempt) are precisely
those of prussic acid. That acid acts uniformly upon all animal
subjects, and destroys life in the same way in all cases. Have tried
experiments on dogs, and have seen cats and dogs poisoned by that
acid. On the 18th February I made an experiment on two dogs. Five
hours after feeding them I gave one of them half an ounce and the
other one drachm of Scheele’s acid, administered it at 7 p.m., and
exactly in ten seconds after receiving the smaller dose the dog fell
as if dead, and the other in half the time; I opened their bodies
eighteen hours after and could not discover any odour; I smelt the
mouth of the dog and could not detect it then, nor at any other time;
I opened the stomach of the dog, which smelt intensely of sour beer,
the acid having been administered in beer. I attributed the absence
of smell to the admixture of Guinness’s stout; I should have
expected on opening Mrs. Hart’s body to have discovered the cause
of death.”
By the Court.—“I examined the brain; it was perfectly healthy;
death did not arise from apoplexy.”
By Serjeant Byles.—“Less than a grain of pure prussic acid
would be sufficient to produce death.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Kelly:—
said:
“On January 2 I went to Mrs. Hart’s house and saw her body;
have heard the evidence of Mr. Champneys, and should say that
death was caused by prussic or oxalic acid; do not know of any
other poisons that would produce death so rapidly; was present at
Mr. Cooper’s experiments; have heard and perfectly agree with his
evidence; oxalic acid must have been detected if present; I am quite
of opinion that prussic acid was present in the stomach, and have no
doubt about it; have heard the evidence of the witness Howard, the
symptoms she describes (of supposed former attempt) are precisely
those of prussic acid. That acid acts uniformly upon all animal
subjects, and destroys life in the same way in all cases. Have tried
experiments on dogs, and have seen cats and dogs poisoned by that
acid. On the 18th February I made an experiment on two dogs. Five
hours after feeding them I gave one of them half an ounce and the
other one drachm of Scheele’s acid, administered it at 7 p.m., and
exactly in ten seconds after receiving the smaller dose the dog fell
as if dead, and the other in half the time; I opened their bodies
eighteen hours after and could not discover any odour; I smelt the
mouth of the dog and could not detect it then, nor at any other time;
I opened the stomach of the dog, which smelt intensely of sour beer,
the acid having been administered in beer. I attributed the absence
of smell to the admixture of Guinness’s stout; I should have
expected on opening Mrs. Hart’s body to have discovered the cause
of death.”
By the Court.—“I examined the brain; it was perfectly healthy;
death did not arise from apoplexy.”
By Serjeant Byles.—“Less than a grain of pure prussic acid
would be sufficient to produce death.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Kelly:—
Page 68
“I have never attended any one who had taken prussic acid
except in the form of medicine. The average dose of Scheele’s is
five minims, and a minim is about a grain. Never heard of prussic
acid being administered externally for varicose veins, and should
think it useless (prescription handed to him). That is a proper
prescription for varicose veins. I agree with Dr. Thompson, of
London, that prussic acid may be applied successfully to diseases of
the skin and cancerous affections to alleviate pain. I consider my
sense of smell very acute. I mixed twelve grains of prussic acid with
a pint of porter, but could not smell it. Some porter dropped on the
table and I did then smell it. I know that prussic acid when
combined with the blood of an animal volatilises very rapidly when
exposed to the air. There is a case in which prussic acid appears to
have allayed irritation of the stomach; it is a useful medicine
sometimes in small doses. I have seen dogs vomit after it. Disease
of the heart would produce death from mental emotion or rupture of
the coronaries of the heart. Forcing water down the throat of a
person in a syncope might cause sudden death. There was no
congestion or gorging of the lungs. I saw but did not examine
specially the coronary arteries.”
Kelly.—“If sudden death had occurred from a disease of the
coronary arteries, what would be the appearance of the lungs?”
Witness.—“The lungs have nothing to do with the coronary
arteries; ossification of them is supposed to cause sudden death. The
blood in the lungs would not be prevented from returning the heart
so as to gorge the lungs. I did not see any symptoms of the coronary
arteries being ossified.”
“I examined the lungs carefully. The lungs have been found
gorged in some persons who have died of prussic acid. I don’t think
that what has been called congestion was always clearly so. In all
cases of paralysis of the heart, the blood has not been returned to the
heart, and remaining in it gorges the lungs. Death by prussic acid
paralyses the heart. In death from prussic acid, death is often
denoted by an involuntary scream. I cannot say that I have heard of
a succession of screams in any case of the kind. When I first saw the
except in the form of medicine. The average dose of Scheele’s is
five minims, and a minim is about a grain. Never heard of prussic
acid being administered externally for varicose veins, and should
think it useless (prescription handed to him). That is a proper
prescription for varicose veins. I agree with Dr. Thompson, of
London, that prussic acid may be applied successfully to diseases of
the skin and cancerous affections to alleviate pain. I consider my
sense of smell very acute. I mixed twelve grains of prussic acid with
a pint of porter, but could not smell it. Some porter dropped on the
table and I did then smell it. I know that prussic acid when
combined with the blood of an animal volatilises very rapidly when
exposed to the air. There is a case in which prussic acid appears to
have allayed irritation of the stomach; it is a useful medicine
sometimes in small doses. I have seen dogs vomit after it. Disease
of the heart would produce death from mental emotion or rupture of
the coronaries of the heart. Forcing water down the throat of a
person in a syncope might cause sudden death. There was no
congestion or gorging of the lungs. I saw but did not examine
specially the coronary arteries.”
Kelly.—“If sudden death had occurred from a disease of the
coronary arteries, what would be the appearance of the lungs?”
Witness.—“The lungs have nothing to do with the coronary
arteries; ossification of them is supposed to cause sudden death. The
blood in the lungs would not be prevented from returning the heart
so as to gorge the lungs. I did not see any symptoms of the coronary
arteries being ossified.”
“I examined the lungs carefully. The lungs have been found
gorged in some persons who have died of prussic acid. I don’t think
that what has been called congestion was always clearly so. In all
cases of paralysis of the heart, the blood has not been returned to the
heart, and remaining in it gorges the lungs. Death by prussic acid
paralyses the heart. In death from prussic acid, death is often
denoted by an involuntary scream. I cannot say that I have heard of
a succession of screams in any case of the kind. When I first saw the
Page 69
body, my impression was that death had been caused by oxalic acid,
and that impression continued until the tests were applied.
Blackness of the stomach is a symptom. There was a dark spot on
the surface of the stomach. I have not seen a case of poisoning by
oxalic acid.”
Re-examined by Mr. Prendergast.
“There was nothing in the stifled screams described by Mrs.
Ashley yesterday at all inconsistent with poisoning by prussic acid;
on the contrary, the catching of the breath is the last symptom. Less
than one grain of prussic acid will kill a healthy person.”
By the Court.—“I saw nothing on the brain to indicate death by
apoplexy. If a sudden emotion had caused death I don’t think I could
have told that by the brain.”
Mr. Pickering, who had been in practice as a surgeon for nine
years, and was present when Mr. Champneys made the first
incision through the integuments, said he then smelt the odour of
prussic acid,[15] and confirmed the accounts of the previous
witnesses of the experiments in Mr. Cooper’s laboratory. On cross-
examination he admitted that before they examined the body they
were led to suppose that the death had been caused by poison, and
that he had never seen a case of death from poisoning either by
oxalic or prussic acid.
Previous visits of Tawell to Mrs. Hart, were proved by Kesiah
Harding, a washerwoman at Slough, in December, 1844, and
particularly on the Monday week before her death, when he told
the deceased that he wished her to be alone when he next came,
and that he would come on the Tuesday or Saturday week.
PURCHASE OF PRUSSIC ACID BY TAWELL.
and that impression continued until the tests were applied.
Blackness of the stomach is a symptom. There was a dark spot on
the surface of the stomach. I have not seen a case of poisoning by
oxalic acid.”
Re-examined by Mr. Prendergast.
“There was nothing in the stifled screams described by Mrs.
Ashley yesterday at all inconsistent with poisoning by prussic acid;
on the contrary, the catching of the breath is the last symptom. Less
than one grain of prussic acid will kill a healthy person.”
By the Court.—“I saw nothing on the brain to indicate death by
apoplexy. If a sudden emotion had caused death I don’t think I could
have told that by the brain.”
Mr. Pickering, who had been in practice as a surgeon for nine
years, and was present when Mr. Champneys made the first
incision through the integuments, said he then smelt the odour of
prussic acid,[15] and confirmed the accounts of the previous
witnesses of the experiments in Mr. Cooper’s laboratory. On cross-
examination he admitted that before they examined the body they
were led to suppose that the death had been caused by poison, and
that he had never seen a case of death from poisoning either by
oxalic or prussic acid.
Previous visits of Tawell to Mrs. Hart, were proved by Kesiah
Harding, a washerwoman at Slough, in December, 1844, and
particularly on the Monday week before her death, when he told
the deceased that he wished her to be alone when he next came,
and that he would come on the Tuesday or Saturday week.
PURCHASE OF PRUSSIC ACID BY TAWELL.
Page 70
This was proved by Henry Thomas, shopman to a Mr. Hughes,
a chemist in Bishopsgate Street, who said,
“On the 1st of January, between twelve and two the prisoner
came to the shop dressed in a great coat and usual quaker garb and
asked for two drachms of Scheele’s Prussic Acid, bringing with him
a ½oz. bottle with a regular label of Scheele’s Acid on it. As I could
not get the stopper out, I gave it him in one of our own bottles.
When about to put on a label, I believe the prisoner said “You need
not,” but I would not swear it. He said he wanted it for an external
application to varicose veins, paid 4d. for it, which was entered in
the book now produced. Next day he came again between ten and
two and asked for the same quantity, and, as he had broken our
bottle, took it in the one he had originally brought. I had seen him
frequently before and might have sold him prussic acid, but am not
certain. He told me, three months before, that he had been a chemist
and apothecary abroad. I do not remember his being in a hurry to
catch the train and my being not able to get the stopper out. It is our
practice to do it. We usually cover our bottles with leather. Attended
at Aylesbury on the 13th of January, and recognised the prisoner the
next morning in gaol.”
The cross-examination of this witness, who was evidently
favourable to the prisoner and in communication with his solicitor,
was directed to three points—the suitability of prussic acid to the
disease in the legs from which the prisoner suffered; the effect of
porter on the odour of prussic acid when mixed with it; and the
amount that can be produced from apple-pips.
“The prisoner,” said the witness, “told me he was suffering from
varicose veins. I judged that he was, from the medicine I sold him.
He rubbed his leg. The prescription now shown me would be a good
external application for the ulceration produced by varicose veins.”
Baron Parke.—“What is that?”
Kelly.—“Scheele’s Acid.”
a chemist in Bishopsgate Street, who said,
“On the 1st of January, between twelve and two the prisoner
came to the shop dressed in a great coat and usual quaker garb and
asked for two drachms of Scheele’s Prussic Acid, bringing with him
a ½oz. bottle with a regular label of Scheele’s Acid on it. As I could
not get the stopper out, I gave it him in one of our own bottles.
When about to put on a label, I believe the prisoner said “You need
not,” but I would not swear it. He said he wanted it for an external
application to varicose veins, paid 4d. for it, which was entered in
the book now produced. Next day he came again between ten and
two and asked for the same quantity, and, as he had broken our
bottle, took it in the one he had originally brought. I had seen him
frequently before and might have sold him prussic acid, but am not
certain. He told me, three months before, that he had been a chemist
and apothecary abroad. I do not remember his being in a hurry to
catch the train and my being not able to get the stopper out. It is our
practice to do it. We usually cover our bottles with leather. Attended
at Aylesbury on the 13th of January, and recognised the prisoner the
next morning in gaol.”
The cross-examination of this witness, who was evidently
favourable to the prisoner and in communication with his solicitor,
was directed to three points—the suitability of prussic acid to the
disease in the legs from which the prisoner suffered; the effect of
porter on the odour of prussic acid when mixed with it; and the
amount that can be produced from apple-pips.
“The prisoner,” said the witness, “told me he was suffering from
varicose veins. I judged that he was, from the medicine I sold him.
He rubbed his leg. The prescription now shown me would be a good
external application for the ulceration produced by varicose veins.”
Baron Parke.—“What is that?”
Kelly.—“Scheele’s Acid.”
Page 71
Witness.—“That prescription is in the handwriting of Dr.
Addison. I do not believe that Scheele’s Prussic Acid could be
mixed with a drink and taken by a person and not smelt after death.
I do not think porter would disguise it. I put about twenty drops of
Scheele’s Prussic Acid down the throat of a parrot with a glass
syringe. Three women were present, and the smell was so strong
and suffocating, that it compelled them to leave the room. The bird
was afterwards stuffed. I mixed thirty drops of this acid with eleven
ounces of porter, and found the odour slightly perceptible. I did not
perceive the difference when the froth was on and when there was
none. It is the property of prussic acid to give out a smell when
volatilising. Apple-pips contain prussic acid. I have assisted at the
extracting it from fifteen small apples. The process was a soft-water
bath, diluted sulphuric acid, and sulphate of iron. Two Grains And
a Quarter of Cyanide of Silver Were Produced. I did this under
the direction of Dr. Lievesley, a lecturer at the London Hospital. In
this process two sweet almonds were used.”[16]
On cross-examination by Serjeant Byles the witness admitted
that he made this experiment on the 9th of March at the request of
the Prisoner’s solicitor, and that he had never made this experiment
before; that he had been with Mr. Hughes only about a year and
half, and was paid £80 a year, and that Dr. Lievesley provided the
London Pharmacopœia acid, and the porter. On being shown a
leather or paper covering of a small bottle that had been found in
the ashes of the grate in Mrs. Hart’s house, the witness declared
that it could not be the covering of the bottle that he had put on, as
it was too small for leather.
HISTORY OF MRS. HART.
Sarah Bateman said that she knew Mrs. Hart six years ago,
when employed to nurse the Prisoner’s first wife, who soon after
Addison. I do not believe that Scheele’s Prussic Acid could be
mixed with a drink and taken by a person and not smelt after death.
I do not think porter would disguise it. I put about twenty drops of
Scheele’s Prussic Acid down the throat of a parrot with a glass
syringe. Three women were present, and the smell was so strong
and suffocating, that it compelled them to leave the room. The bird
was afterwards stuffed. I mixed thirty drops of this acid with eleven
ounces of porter, and found the odour slightly perceptible. I did not
perceive the difference when the froth was on and when there was
none. It is the property of prussic acid to give out a smell when
volatilising. Apple-pips contain prussic acid. I have assisted at the
extracting it from fifteen small apples. The process was a soft-water
bath, diluted sulphuric acid, and sulphate of iron. Two Grains And
a Quarter of Cyanide of Silver Were Produced. I did this under
the direction of Dr. Lievesley, a lecturer at the London Hospital. In
this process two sweet almonds were used.”[16]
On cross-examination by Serjeant Byles the witness admitted
that he made this experiment on the 9th of March at the request of
the Prisoner’s solicitor, and that he had never made this experiment
before; that he had been with Mr. Hughes only about a year and
half, and was paid £80 a year, and that Dr. Lievesley provided the
London Pharmacopœia acid, and the porter. On being shown a
leather or paper covering of a small bottle that had been found in
the ashes of the grate in Mrs. Hart’s house, the witness declared
that it could not be the covering of the bottle that he had put on, as
it was too small for leather.
HISTORY OF MRS. HART.
Sarah Bateman said that she knew Mrs. Hart six years ago,
when employed to nurse the Prisoner’s first wife, who soon after
Page 72
died. The witness at that time observed that Mrs. Hart—then
known as Hadler—was with child, and the following statement was
subsequently made by her when at tea with Tawell and the witness.
“I am in the family way, and will vindicate my master in it. He is
going to be married to Sarah Catforth (the present wife), ‘and if it
was to get abroad it would make a great difference to him.’ She
seemed much excited, and Tawell begged her not to excite herself.
‘He was about to be admitted into the Society of Friends,’ he said,
‘and should not like these things to get abroad.’ She said, ‘He could
marry Miss Catforth, and no one, not even her mother, should know
what had become of her.’”
Mary Ann Moss, of Crawford Street, Bryanston Square, with
whom Mrs. Hart came to lodge in 1841, when she was confined of
a girl, remembered Tawell frequently visiting her, as Mrs. Hart
said, “to bring her money from her husband.” From there she
removed to a small house on Paddington Green for the sake of
privacy, where Tawell paid regular visits, and eventually to Salt
Hill, at Tawell’s desire. She represented to this witness that her
husband was Tawell’s son, that Tawell disapproved of the marriage,
and that the girl and a boy of whom she had been subsequently
delivered were his. Mrs. Hart’s mother, Mrs. Hadler, also spoke to
her having not heard of her for several years.
With the proof by a clerk of Barnet’s Bank that Tawell had
drawn a cheque for £14 on the 1st of January, and the identification
of certain letters being in his handwriting, the case for the
prosecution was closed.
THE DEFENCE.
The nature of the defence opened by Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, in his
long and eloquent address to the jury has already been indicated by
known as Hadler—was with child, and the following statement was
subsequently made by her when at tea with Tawell and the witness.
“I am in the family way, and will vindicate my master in it. He is
going to be married to Sarah Catforth (the present wife), ‘and if it
was to get abroad it would make a great difference to him.’ She
seemed much excited, and Tawell begged her not to excite herself.
‘He was about to be admitted into the Society of Friends,’ he said,
‘and should not like these things to get abroad.’ She said, ‘He could
marry Miss Catforth, and no one, not even her mother, should know
what had become of her.’”
Mary Ann Moss, of Crawford Street, Bryanston Square, with
whom Mrs. Hart came to lodge in 1841, when she was confined of
a girl, remembered Tawell frequently visiting her, as Mrs. Hart
said, “to bring her money from her husband.” From there she
removed to a small house on Paddington Green for the sake of
privacy, where Tawell paid regular visits, and eventually to Salt
Hill, at Tawell’s desire. She represented to this witness that her
husband was Tawell’s son, that Tawell disapproved of the marriage,
and that the girl and a boy of whom she had been subsequently
delivered were his. Mrs. Hart’s mother, Mrs. Hadler, also spoke to
her having not heard of her for several years.
With the proof by a clerk of Barnet’s Bank that Tawell had
drawn a cheque for £14 on the 1st of January, and the identification
of certain letters being in his handwriting, the case for the
prosecution was closed.
THE DEFENCE.
The nature of the defence opened by Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, in his
long and eloquent address to the jury has already been indicated by
Page 73
his cross-examination of the medical witnesses, and was so fully
commented on by the learned judge in his charge to the jury that it
is needless to reprint it. On its conclusion residents at
Berkhampstead who had known him for several years, testified to
the good character which he had borne for kindness, charity, and
benevolence, and a Mr. Richards, of Dover, and a Captain Dillon,
who had both known him abroad—the latter for nearly thirty years
—gave similar evidence of his kind, charitable, and hospitable
disposition. On the conclusion of this evidence Baron Parke
adjourned the Court to the next morning, when he gave the
following exhaustive charge to the jury.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
After the usual introductory caution to the Jury to be strictly
impartial, Baron Parke said:—
“He would next tell them what the case was, and how it was to
be proved. It was to be proved by circumstantial evidence—the only
sort of evidence that could be obtained in most cases of a similar
nature. The most atrocious crimes were committed in secret, but
Providence had so ordered it that some traces were frequently left
which were sufficient to lead to the discovery of the perpetrators.
The law, therefore, wisely provided that direct proof of crime was
not absolutely necessary; but on the other hand it was equally
necessary that by circumstantial evidence the case should be so fully
made out as to leave no rational doubt of its committal. He should,
therefore, advise them to lay down the rule, that they should first
consider what had been proved to their satisfaction, and then
whether all those facts were consistent with the guilt of the prisoner.
If they thought that they were consistent with his guilt—and there
was nothing inconsistent with it except the prisoner’s previous
character—then they should consider whether they were
inconsistent with his innocence, and they should remember that the
commented on by the learned judge in his charge to the jury that it
is needless to reprint it. On its conclusion residents at
Berkhampstead who had known him for several years, testified to
the good character which he had borne for kindness, charity, and
benevolence, and a Mr. Richards, of Dover, and a Captain Dillon,
who had both known him abroad—the latter for nearly thirty years
—gave similar evidence of his kind, charitable, and hospitable
disposition. On the conclusion of this evidence Baron Parke
adjourned the Court to the next morning, when he gave the
following exhaustive charge to the jury.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
After the usual introductory caution to the Jury to be strictly
impartial, Baron Parke said:—
“He would next tell them what the case was, and how it was to
be proved. It was to be proved by circumstantial evidence—the only
sort of evidence that could be obtained in most cases of a similar
nature. The most atrocious crimes were committed in secret, but
Providence had so ordered it that some traces were frequently left
which were sufficient to lead to the discovery of the perpetrators.
The law, therefore, wisely provided that direct proof of crime was
not absolutely necessary; but on the other hand it was equally
necessary that by circumstantial evidence the case should be so fully
made out as to leave no rational doubt of its committal. He should,
therefore, advise them to lay down the rule, that they should first
consider what had been proved to their satisfaction, and then
whether all those facts were consistent with the guilt of the prisoner.
If they thought that they were consistent with his guilt—and there
was nothing inconsistent with it except the prisoner’s previous
character—then they should consider whether they were
inconsistent with his innocence, and they should remember that the
Page 74
existence of the crime was not inconsistent with the other parts of
the case. Whilst on this part of the case, he should observe that the
counsel for the prisoner had admitted all those facts, but had
asserted that the law required not only that those facts should be
proved, but that it should be shown directly that the deceased had
died from poison, and that a sufficient quantity of poison to cause
death had been found in her stomach. That was not true of the law. It
was not necessary to give direct and positive evidence in every step
of the case. There was no difference between direct and
circumstantial evidence, if the evidence was sufficient to satisfy
their minds that death had ensued from poison. It was not necessary
to prove what quantity of that poison was necessary to produce
death by the testimony of the person who had actually seen death
produced by it; nor was it necessary to prove that such a quantity as
would destroy life was actually found in the body. If they were
satisfied that the prisoner administered poison to the deceased, and
that she died of it, it was not necessary to prove what quantity had
been administered to her. The only positive fact which the law
required to be proved was the finding of the body, where such was
possible. The body of the deceased having been found, it was to be
considered whether the prisoner administered poison to her—
whether it had been administered to her by the prisoner or by
herself. The only allegation that she had done so was that of the
prisoner himself, and if the jury thought the extraordinary story told
by him was worthy of credit, it would agree with the latter mode of
accounting for her death. But if they did not believe it, they had no
other conclusion left than that he had committed the crime imputed
to him.”
The learned judge then proceeded to comment on the evidence
of Mrs. Ashley, and others, who deposed to the perfect health and
good spirits of the deceased up to a few minutes of the discovery of
her lifeless body, and to the medical evidence of the perfect state of
her internal bodily organs, leaving no doubt that she had not died
from natural causes. He then went to the evidence of Messrs.
the case. Whilst on this part of the case, he should observe that the
counsel for the prisoner had admitted all those facts, but had
asserted that the law required not only that those facts should be
proved, but that it should be shown directly that the deceased had
died from poison, and that a sufficient quantity of poison to cause
death had been found in her stomach. That was not true of the law. It
was not necessary to give direct and positive evidence in every step
of the case. There was no difference between direct and
circumstantial evidence, if the evidence was sufficient to satisfy
their minds that death had ensued from poison. It was not necessary
to prove what quantity of that poison was necessary to produce
death by the testimony of the person who had actually seen death
produced by it; nor was it necessary to prove that such a quantity as
would destroy life was actually found in the body. If they were
satisfied that the prisoner administered poison to the deceased, and
that she died of it, it was not necessary to prove what quantity had
been administered to her. The only positive fact which the law
required to be proved was the finding of the body, where such was
possible. The body of the deceased having been found, it was to be
considered whether the prisoner administered poison to her—
whether it had been administered to her by the prisoner or by
herself. The only allegation that she had done so was that of the
prisoner himself, and if the jury thought the extraordinary story told
by him was worthy of credit, it would agree with the latter mode of
accounting for her death. But if they did not believe it, they had no
other conclusion left than that he had committed the crime imputed
to him.”
The learned judge then proceeded to comment on the evidence
of Mrs. Ashley, and others, who deposed to the perfect health and
good spirits of the deceased up to a few minutes of the discovery of
her lifeless body, and to the medical evidence of the perfect state of
her internal bodily organs, leaving no doubt that she had not died
from natural causes. He then went to the evidence of Messrs.
Page 75
Champneys and Pickering, the surgeons, who, on opening the body
of the deceased on the day following her death smelt the odour of
the prussic acid.[17] “There, then,” he said, “was evidence at once of
the presence of prussic acid in the stomach on the day following a
sudden death accompanied by appearances, such as would be
symptomatic of sudden death from that powerful poison. Mr.
Cooper, the chemist, analysed the contents of the stomach
subsequently and obtained a quantity of pure Prussian blue from it,
and before he proceeded further with the evidence on this point, he
would observe, that the jury should never lose sight of the conduct
of the prisoner during the whole of the proceedings. He then
proceeded to comment on the evidence of the presence of prussic
acid in the stomach immediately after death, and the allegation of
the Prisoner’s counsel, that it was producible from apples, and that
it might have been produced from natural causes in the stomach,
which contained a quantity of apple pulp. He pointed out that from
all the medical evidence, it was proved that, that acid was
contained not in the apple, but in the pip, and that pips were not
found in the pulp in the deceased’s stomach. It was also proved that
prussic acid had been obtained from the pips themselves only by a
process of distillation, and was not produced by the mere natural
process of digestion.[18] No one would die from eating apple pips,
although a person might be killed by the prussic acid obtained from
them by a chemist. Besides, the action of the acid was sudden and
immediate, and the deceased had died in the manner she would
have done after suddenly swallowing some.”
With respect to the evidence regarding the odour of the acid
being perceptible under this or that circumstance, said the Judge:—
“All that could be inferred was, that though the perception of it
was a positive proof of its presence, the non-perception was no
proof of its not being present. As to the deceased having died from
of the deceased on the day following her death smelt the odour of
the prussic acid.[17] “There, then,” he said, “was evidence at once of
the presence of prussic acid in the stomach on the day following a
sudden death accompanied by appearances, such as would be
symptomatic of sudden death from that powerful poison. Mr.
Cooper, the chemist, analysed the contents of the stomach
subsequently and obtained a quantity of pure Prussian blue from it,
and before he proceeded further with the evidence on this point, he
would observe, that the jury should never lose sight of the conduct
of the prisoner during the whole of the proceedings. He then
proceeded to comment on the evidence of the presence of prussic
acid in the stomach immediately after death, and the allegation of
the Prisoner’s counsel, that it was producible from apples, and that
it might have been produced from natural causes in the stomach,
which contained a quantity of apple pulp. He pointed out that from
all the medical evidence, it was proved that, that acid was
contained not in the apple, but in the pip, and that pips were not
found in the pulp in the deceased’s stomach. It was also proved that
prussic acid had been obtained from the pips themselves only by a
process of distillation, and was not produced by the mere natural
process of digestion.[18] No one would die from eating apple pips,
although a person might be killed by the prussic acid obtained from
them by a chemist. Besides, the action of the acid was sudden and
immediate, and the deceased had died in the manner she would
have done after suddenly swallowing some.”
With respect to the evidence regarding the odour of the acid
being perceptible under this or that circumstance, said the Judge:—
“All that could be inferred was, that though the perception of it
was a positive proof of its presence, the non-perception was no
proof of its not being present. As to the deceased having died from
Page 76
water having been poured down her throat, it was quite idle to
attribute it to that. At that moment she was not living: death had
already done its work. With regard to the quantity of prussic acid
requisite to kill a human being, it had been proved that less than a
grain would kill in some cases, as appeared by the melancholy cases
so frequently referred to of the seven epileptic patients in Paris; and
Mr. Cooper had proved that more than a grain existed in the
stomach of the deceased. It was said that the experiments were not
satisfactorily conducted—that was a question for the jury.
“In considering the conduct of the prisoner, the jury must couple
it with all the other evidence, in order to judge how far it bore out or
contradicted the inferences that might be derived from it. It
appeared that on the day in question the prisoner had gone to the
Paddington station of the Great Western Railway and taken his place
for Slough. He had left his great coat at the Jerusalem coffee-house,
and told the waiter that he was going to dine at the West End of
town. That was untrue, and he must have made that false statement
for some object or other. He went down to Slough at five o’clock,
and between six and seven Mrs. Ashley went round to the
deceased’s house, in consequence of the noise she heard of stifled
screaming. She met the prisoner in the garden in a state of agitation
—so great that he could not undo the latch of the gate. She opened it
for him. As to the observation she made about fearing that her
neighbour was ill, she could not say that the prisoner heard it, and
therefore it went for nothing. Let that pass. However, after she got in
at the door of the deceased’s house, she turned round and saw the
prisoner looking at her, and such was the effect upon her that she
felt alarmed, and closed and fastened the door. At seven o’clock the
prisoner was seen by a postboy, and he was then making towards the
station. At ten minutes after seven he was at the station. He was next
seen getting into the Eton omnibus, and asking to be set down at
Herschel House. What his intention was in going to Herschel House
does not appear. He was traced back again to the station, and an
alarm having been given, a signal was made by the electric
telegraph, and he was seen to alight from the railway carriage at
attribute it to that. At that moment she was not living: death had
already done its work. With regard to the quantity of prussic acid
requisite to kill a human being, it had been proved that less than a
grain would kill in some cases, as appeared by the melancholy cases
so frequently referred to of the seven epileptic patients in Paris; and
Mr. Cooper had proved that more than a grain existed in the
stomach of the deceased. It was said that the experiments were not
satisfactorily conducted—that was a question for the jury.
“In considering the conduct of the prisoner, the jury must couple
it with all the other evidence, in order to judge how far it bore out or
contradicted the inferences that might be derived from it. It
appeared that on the day in question the prisoner had gone to the
Paddington station of the Great Western Railway and taken his place
for Slough. He had left his great coat at the Jerusalem coffee-house,
and told the waiter that he was going to dine at the West End of
town. That was untrue, and he must have made that false statement
for some object or other. He went down to Slough at five o’clock,
and between six and seven Mrs. Ashley went round to the
deceased’s house, in consequence of the noise she heard of stifled
screaming. She met the prisoner in the garden in a state of agitation
—so great that he could not undo the latch of the gate. She opened it
for him. As to the observation she made about fearing that her
neighbour was ill, she could not say that the prisoner heard it, and
therefore it went for nothing. Let that pass. However, after she got in
at the door of the deceased’s house, she turned round and saw the
prisoner looking at her, and such was the effect upon her that she
felt alarmed, and closed and fastened the door. At seven o’clock the
prisoner was seen by a postboy, and he was then making towards the
station. At ten minutes after seven he was at the station. He was next
seen getting into the Eton omnibus, and asking to be set down at
Herschel House. What his intention was in going to Herschel House
does not appear. He was traced back again to the station, and an
alarm having been given, a signal was made by the electric
telegraph, and he was seen to alight from the railway carriage at
Page 77
Paddington, and was then traced home. When he was taken up next
morning, and told what he was taken for, his answer was, that he
knew no one at Slough. It had been suggested by his counsel that
this was strictly true, as the deceased did not live exactly at Slough,
but a little distance from it. It had also been suggested that he
wished to prevent his wife hearing of his improper connection. It
would be for the jury to say what degree of weight should be given
to these explanations.
“He had told several falsehoods when informed of the nature of
the charge. On the Friday, about one o’clock, the prisoner had an
interview with his legal adviser, and after that, but not until after
that, did he make any attempt at explanation or give any account of
what had taken place; and the account which he then gave was the
extraordinary statement of her self-destruction. Here, then, the
prisoner represented himself as present when the poison was
administered, and as it was found in her stomach, it was for the jury
to say whether the question did not amount to the simple one, of
whether she had destroyed herself or the prisoner had administered
it. If he thought she had been threatening to poison herself, he
should at least have stayed to see what would be the effect upon her.
The jury would next observe, keeping the prisoner’s story in mind,
that no such vial as that described by him was found in the house. It
had been proved by Mr. Thomas, who had sold him the poison in
the morning, that the prisoner had prussic acid in his possession that
day. He (the judge) did not give much weight to the observation that
he would not have gone back the next day to the same shop for
more if he were conscious of guilt, because in cases of murder, and
especially of murder by poison, it was found that great precautions
were not used. The perpetrators did not at all expect to be found out.
As to the medicinal use alleged to have been made by the prisoner
of the deadly poison, he might have had varicose veins; but at all
events it had been shown that he had poison in his possession—he
had the means of doing this act on the day it was committed.”
morning, and told what he was taken for, his answer was, that he
knew no one at Slough. It had been suggested by his counsel that
this was strictly true, as the deceased did not live exactly at Slough,
but a little distance from it. It had also been suggested that he
wished to prevent his wife hearing of his improper connection. It
would be for the jury to say what degree of weight should be given
to these explanations.
“He had told several falsehoods when informed of the nature of
the charge. On the Friday, about one o’clock, the prisoner had an
interview with his legal adviser, and after that, but not until after
that, did he make any attempt at explanation or give any account of
what had taken place; and the account which he then gave was the
extraordinary statement of her self-destruction. Here, then, the
prisoner represented himself as present when the poison was
administered, and as it was found in her stomach, it was for the jury
to say whether the question did not amount to the simple one, of
whether she had destroyed herself or the prisoner had administered
it. If he thought she had been threatening to poison herself, he
should at least have stayed to see what would be the effect upon her.
The jury would next observe, keeping the prisoner’s story in mind,
that no such vial as that described by him was found in the house. It
had been proved by Mr. Thomas, who had sold him the poison in
the morning, that the prisoner had prussic acid in his possession that
day. He (the judge) did not give much weight to the observation that
he would not have gone back the next day to the same shop for
more if he were conscious of guilt, because in cases of murder, and
especially of murder by poison, it was found that great precautions
were not used. The perpetrators did not at all expect to be found out.
As to the medicinal use alleged to have been made by the prisoner
of the deadly poison, he might have had varicose veins; but at all
events it had been shown that he had poison in his possession—he
had the means of doing this act on the day it was committed.”
Page 78
Coming then to the question of motive the Judge gave a brief
history of the connection between the prisoner and the deceased,
and, after detailing its commencement, commented on it as
showing her extraordinary affection and devotion to the prisoner.
“With striking self-devotion,” said Baron Parke, “she had said,
that, in order not to prevent the union of the prisoner with the lady
to whom he was about to be married, she would go out of the world,
and be dead to the world, even to her own mother, from that day
forth; and the jury had heard from that very mother that from that
time she had never heard of her unfortunate daughter until after her
death. She kept her promise. She did go out of the world, and went
from place to place till she went to reside at Slough. It appeared that
there she received from the prisoner an allowance of £13 a quarter,
and on the day in question it was seen that he was to have taken her
her quarterly allowance. When taken into custody, the sum of £12
10s., besides silver, was found in his pocket; and it was proved that
he had drawn a cheque for £14 that morning. From that fact it might
be inferred that he had gone down with a sort of mixed feeling,
either of paying her the money or, if he had the opportunity of
accomplishing his purpose, of poisoning her. But as to motive for
destroying her, it had been suggested that no man would commit
such a dreadful crime for the sake of getting rid of expense. That, he
should say, was not a matter to be easily judged of.”
His Lordship then touched upon all the evidence regarding his
alleged pecuniary circumstances, and read the letter from his wife,
in which allusion was made to his anxiety to have the papers from
Sydney. “As to the feeling appeal made upon that affectionate letter
by his counsel, it only proved that the prisoner had been very kind
to and enjoyed the affection of his wife, which was not at all
incompatible with the commission of the crime with which he stood
charged towards another woman.”
As to the alleged previous attempt to poison the deceased in
September last, the Judge considered that there was no sufficient
proof that he then administered prussic acid to her. It was, however,
history of the connection between the prisoner and the deceased,
and, after detailing its commencement, commented on it as
showing her extraordinary affection and devotion to the prisoner.
“With striking self-devotion,” said Baron Parke, “she had said,
that, in order not to prevent the union of the prisoner with the lady
to whom he was about to be married, she would go out of the world,
and be dead to the world, even to her own mother, from that day
forth; and the jury had heard from that very mother that from that
time she had never heard of her unfortunate daughter until after her
death. She kept her promise. She did go out of the world, and went
from place to place till she went to reside at Slough. It appeared that
there she received from the prisoner an allowance of £13 a quarter,
and on the day in question it was seen that he was to have taken her
her quarterly allowance. When taken into custody, the sum of £12
10s., besides silver, was found in his pocket; and it was proved that
he had drawn a cheque for £14 that morning. From that fact it might
be inferred that he had gone down with a sort of mixed feeling,
either of paying her the money or, if he had the opportunity of
accomplishing his purpose, of poisoning her. But as to motive for
destroying her, it had been suggested that no man would commit
such a dreadful crime for the sake of getting rid of expense. That, he
should say, was not a matter to be easily judged of.”
His Lordship then touched upon all the evidence regarding his
alleged pecuniary circumstances, and read the letter from his wife,
in which allusion was made to his anxiety to have the papers from
Sydney. “As to the feeling appeal made upon that affectionate letter
by his counsel, it only proved that the prisoner had been very kind
to and enjoyed the affection of his wife, which was not at all
incompatible with the commission of the crime with which he stood
charged towards another woman.”
As to the alleged previous attempt to poison the deceased in
September last, the Judge considered that there was no sufficient
proof that he then administered prussic acid to her. It was, however,
Page 79
remarkable that after drinking porter with the prisoner on the 30th
September, she should have been so ill, and that after drinking
porter with him on the 1st of January she should have been taken ill
and died. The strong facts against the prisoner, in his opinion, “were
his presence at the woman’s house at the time she died; his
declarations before and after his arrest, and the fact that prussic acid
was found in her stomach.”
The Judge then read over the whole of the material evidence,
and, with the usual caution, left the case in the hands of the jury. On
Mr. Gunning reminding him of the evidence to the prisoner’s
character which had been produced, Baron Parke said—“Such
evidence was admissible in cases of this kind, because it went to
show the general impression of the habits and feelings of a person.
The prisoner was reputed to be a kind-hearted, benevolent man. It
was admitted that he had been transported for some offence, the
nature of which they had not been told, but it was said that it was
not one to affect his character for kindness of disposition.” The
Judge then read over the evidence to character, and left it to the jury
to decide in reference to its value to the prisoner in his present
position.
On the conclusion of the Judge’s charge, which lasted from eight
in the morning until half-past eleven, the Jury retired, and in about
half an hour returned a verdict of Guilty. In a few impressive
sentences, in which he spoke of the hypocrisy that had characterised
the prisoner’s life in the assumption of the garb of a virtuous,
peaceful, benevolent, and religious body of persons, the Judge
passed on him the dread sentence of the law, which he suffered on
the 28th of March. Previously to his execution Tawell handed a
written confession to the jail chaplain, that he committed the murder
for fear that his wife should discover his connection with the
deceased, and that the previous attempt was not made with prussic
acid. He never imagined that Sarah Hart had spoken of him to her
neighbours, to whom he believed that he was personally unknown,
and so more likely to escape detection.
September, she should have been so ill, and that after drinking
porter with him on the 1st of January she should have been taken ill
and died. The strong facts against the prisoner, in his opinion, “were
his presence at the woman’s house at the time she died; his
declarations before and after his arrest, and the fact that prussic acid
was found in her stomach.”
The Judge then read over the whole of the material evidence,
and, with the usual caution, left the case in the hands of the jury. On
Mr. Gunning reminding him of the evidence to the prisoner’s
character which had been produced, Baron Parke said—“Such
evidence was admissible in cases of this kind, because it went to
show the general impression of the habits and feelings of a person.
The prisoner was reputed to be a kind-hearted, benevolent man. It
was admitted that he had been transported for some offence, the
nature of which they had not been told, but it was said that it was
not one to affect his character for kindness of disposition.” The
Judge then read over the evidence to character, and left it to the jury
to decide in reference to its value to the prisoner in his present
position.
On the conclusion of the Judge’s charge, which lasted from eight
in the morning until half-past eleven, the Jury retired, and in about
half an hour returned a verdict of Guilty. In a few impressive
sentences, in which he spoke of the hypocrisy that had characterised
the prisoner’s life in the assumption of the garb of a virtuous,
peaceful, benevolent, and religious body of persons, the Judge
passed on him the dread sentence of the law, which he suffered on
the 28th of March. Previously to his execution Tawell handed a
written confession to the jail chaplain, that he committed the murder
for fear that his wife should discover his connection with the
deceased, and that the previous attempt was not made with prussic
acid. He never imagined that Sarah Hart had spoken of him to her
neighbours, to whom he believed that he was personally unknown,
and so more likely to escape detection.
Page 80
At the Easter Quarter Sessions of the County, held subsequently
to the execution of Tawell, an ineffectual attempt was made by a
section of the magistrates to compel the jail chaplain to deliver to
the visiting justices this written confession, which the chaplain
refused to hand over, on the ground of its having been received
under the seal of confession, and on the promise that it should not
be published. All that was known of it rested on the statement of the
governor of the prison, and the general admission of the chaplain
that it was a full confession of the prisoner’s guilt.
A difficult legal question arose, after Tawell’s death, with
reference to his Australian land, which the Crown re-granted to his
widow and family, after its forfeiture by his conviction; whether this
re-grant should prevail over the claims of a previous purchaser, a
retired auctioneer, who had houses on it, who alleged that he had
purchased it for a bonâ fide consideration, under a sufficient power
of attorney, executed before Tawell’s conviction. “The affixing the
seal of the colony to this grant by Sir W. Denison, created a serious
difference between that governor and his chief minister, Mr.
Cowper. The seal was affixed pursuant to the instructions of the
Secretary of the Colonies, who only acted in the matter in
accordance with the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General
of England. A part of the sworn duty of a colonial governor is to
obey the instructions of the Secretary of State for the Colonies.”[19]
The governor, therefore, sent his private secretary for the great seal
of the colony and himself executed the new deed. On this being
done the owners of the property found the ground cut from under
their feet, and it never came before the law courts, but it is believed
that some compromise was effected with the family of Tawell, and
so the matter ended.
TRIAL OF GEORGE BALL FOR POISONING HIS MOTHER
WITH PRUSSIC ACID.
July, 1860, Home Circuit, Lewes, before Coleridge, Chief Justice of
Common Pleas. Barrow, for the Prosecution. Serjeant Ballantine for
to the execution of Tawell, an ineffectual attempt was made by a
section of the magistrates to compel the jail chaplain to deliver to
the visiting justices this written confession, which the chaplain
refused to hand over, on the ground of its having been received
under the seal of confession, and on the promise that it should not
be published. All that was known of it rested on the statement of the
governor of the prison, and the general admission of the chaplain
that it was a full confession of the prisoner’s guilt.
A difficult legal question arose, after Tawell’s death, with
reference to his Australian land, which the Crown re-granted to his
widow and family, after its forfeiture by his conviction; whether this
re-grant should prevail over the claims of a previous purchaser, a
retired auctioneer, who had houses on it, who alleged that he had
purchased it for a bonâ fide consideration, under a sufficient power
of attorney, executed before Tawell’s conviction. “The affixing the
seal of the colony to this grant by Sir W. Denison, created a serious
difference between that governor and his chief minister, Mr.
Cowper. The seal was affixed pursuant to the instructions of the
Secretary of the Colonies, who only acted in the matter in
accordance with the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General
of England. A part of the sworn duty of a colonial governor is to
obey the instructions of the Secretary of State for the Colonies.”[19]
The governor, therefore, sent his private secretary for the great seal
of the colony and himself executed the new deed. On this being
done the owners of the property found the ground cut from under
their feet, and it never came before the law courts, but it is believed
that some compromise was effected with the family of Tawell, and
so the matter ended.
TRIAL OF GEORGE BALL FOR POISONING HIS MOTHER
WITH PRUSSIC ACID.
July, 1860, Home Circuit, Lewes, before Coleridge, Chief Justice of
Common Pleas. Barrow, for the Prosecution. Serjeant Ballantine for
Page 81
the Defence.
This case, really of misadventure, is reported, briefly, as
showing the carelessness with which dangerous medicines may, no
doubt most unintentionally, be administered even by professional
men, the culpable ignorance in some of those chemists who deal in
such deadly preparations.
The accused, a medical man, but not in regular practice, had for
some time attended his mother, a very ailing old lady, and been in
the habit of giving her small doses of prussic acid, as a remedy for
violent attacks of vomiting to which she was subject. On the 11th
of July in consequence, he purchased of a Mr. Moswell, a chemist
in Lewes, a drachm of Scheele’s prussic acid, equal to 60
“minims,” and gave her a dose of 4 “minims.” The result was
favourable, and the old lady went for a walk. On her return,
however, she again complained, and the accused administered
another dose of prussic acid, evidently from its effects, a deadly
quantity, as she hardly got to her bedroom before she became
insensible, and died almost instantaneously. The accused believed
he had given her only seven drops, the proper quantity to be given.
That he gave her seven drops was not doubted, but that the size of
drops differ under circumstances as much as the strength of
Scheele’s preparation of the acid, will be seen from the following
evidence.
Mr. Scrate, a surgeon at Lewes (who was sent for by the
accused, found the lady dead and the accused apparently in a very
distressed state of mind), said:—
“I asked what was the matter; and the accused said he had given
her seven drops of prussic acid, and witness replied he must have
given her more.”
This case, really of misadventure, is reported, briefly, as
showing the carelessness with which dangerous medicines may, no
doubt most unintentionally, be administered even by professional
men, the culpable ignorance in some of those chemists who deal in
such deadly preparations.
The accused, a medical man, but not in regular practice, had for
some time attended his mother, a very ailing old lady, and been in
the habit of giving her small doses of prussic acid, as a remedy for
violent attacks of vomiting to which she was subject. On the 11th
of July in consequence, he purchased of a Mr. Moswell, a chemist
in Lewes, a drachm of Scheele’s prussic acid, equal to 60
“minims,” and gave her a dose of 4 “minims.” The result was
favourable, and the old lady went for a walk. On her return,
however, she again complained, and the accused administered
another dose of prussic acid, evidently from its effects, a deadly
quantity, as she hardly got to her bedroom before she became
insensible, and died almost instantaneously. The accused believed
he had given her only seven drops, the proper quantity to be given.
That he gave her seven drops was not doubted, but that the size of
drops differ under circumstances as much as the strength of
Scheele’s preparation of the acid, will be seen from the following
evidence.
Mr. Scrate, a surgeon at Lewes (who was sent for by the
accused, found the lady dead and the accused apparently in a very
distressed state of mind), said:—
“I asked what was the matter; and the accused said he had given
her seven drops of prussic acid, and witness replied he must have
given her more.”
Page 82
Chief Justice.—“Would seven drops be sufficient to cause
death?”
Witness.—“Not according to my experience; it was the proper
quantity to be given. The smallest quantity of prussic acid on record
having caused death was of nine-tenths of a grain.”
Chief Justice.—“How many ‘minims’ would a ‘drop’ contain?”
Witness.—“That would depend upon how the drops were
obtained from the bottle. If the cork was partly in, the drop would be
larger than if it was carefully poured from the open neck of the
bottle. Some medical men made use of one method and some of the
other, but it was his practice not to rely on ‘drops,’ but to measure
‘minims.’”
To Mr. Barrow.—“With such a deadly poison as prussic acid I
should say that it was not prudent for any medical man to rely on
‘drops,’ but to measure ‘minims.’ The proper doses, as marked on
all bottles of Scheele’s strength, to be administered were one, two,
or the largest three ‘minims.’ Scheele’s acid was not uniform in
strength: sometimes it contained four, sometimes five, and
sometimes as much as six per cent.”
Chief Justice.—“Would not that amount to almost the difference
between life and death?”
Witness.—“It would make a very great difference certainly.
Taylor and other eminent medical men have recommended that
Scheele’s prussic acid should not be used, on account of the very
great variation of strength. I myself always use that of the
Pharmacopœia. But notwithstanding what has been written upon the
subject by many eminent men, Scheele’s acid is generally used in
the profession.”
Chief Justice.—“Supposing the acid to be of the highest strength
you have mentioned, do you consider seven drops would have been
sufficient to cause death?”
Witness.—“I don’t believe they would.”
To Mr. Barrow.—“Six per cent. is an exceptional strength, but I
should think that it would take seventeen minims of that strength to
death?”
Witness.—“Not according to my experience; it was the proper
quantity to be given. The smallest quantity of prussic acid on record
having caused death was of nine-tenths of a grain.”
Chief Justice.—“How many ‘minims’ would a ‘drop’ contain?”
Witness.—“That would depend upon how the drops were
obtained from the bottle. If the cork was partly in, the drop would be
larger than if it was carefully poured from the open neck of the
bottle. Some medical men made use of one method and some of the
other, but it was his practice not to rely on ‘drops,’ but to measure
‘minims.’”
To Mr. Barrow.—“With such a deadly poison as prussic acid I
should say that it was not prudent for any medical man to rely on
‘drops,’ but to measure ‘minims.’ The proper doses, as marked on
all bottles of Scheele’s strength, to be administered were one, two,
or the largest three ‘minims.’ Scheele’s acid was not uniform in
strength: sometimes it contained four, sometimes five, and
sometimes as much as six per cent.”
Chief Justice.—“Would not that amount to almost the difference
between life and death?”
Witness.—“It would make a very great difference certainly.
Taylor and other eminent medical men have recommended that
Scheele’s prussic acid should not be used, on account of the very
great variation of strength. I myself always use that of the
Pharmacopœia. But notwithstanding what has been written upon the
subject by many eminent men, Scheele’s acid is generally used in
the profession.”
Chief Justice.—“Supposing the acid to be of the highest strength
you have mentioned, do you consider seven drops would have been
sufficient to cause death?”
Witness.—“I don’t believe they would.”
To Mr. Barrow.—“Six per cent. is an exceptional strength, but I
should think that it would take seventeen minims of that strength to
Page 83
cause death.”
Chief Justice.—“What do you say is the difference between a
‘drop’ and a ‘minim’?”
Witness.—“That would depend on the sort of ‘drop.’ The
prisoner afterwards gave me a bottle which contained prussic acid.
He told me he had given his mother four minims, and 2·5 minims
remained. I did not test the strength of what remained, but had no
doubt the deceased died from the effects of prussic acid.”
To Serjeant Ballantine.—“There was a broken cork in the bottle
when the accused gave it to me. In his opinion ‘seventeen minims’
was the smallest dose that would destroy life. It was very easy to
destroy life when dropping the liquid from a bottle. When accused
told him he had given seven drops, he understood that he had given
three and a half minims. He had never heard of any instance in
which the strength of Scheele’s acid had exceeded six per cent.”
Mr. C. H. Moswell (chemist in Lewes).—“On the 11th of July
accused came to his shop and asked for some prussic acid. Gave
him a drachm, which would contain sixty minims. Did not measure
it, but gave what he considered a quarter of the bottle.”
Cross-examined by Serjeant Ballantine.—“As you say you
really did not measure it, can you tell us how much prussic acid you
really did give?”
Witness.—“I cannot say to a drop. I am sure he had fifty drops. I
consider a ‘drop’ and a ‘minim’ synonymous. I gave him about the
quantity, but when prussic acid is dispensed by a medical man, he is,
of course, careful as to the quantity he uses.”
Chief Justice.—“We have been told that a ‘drop’ contains two
‘minims,’ and this witness says he looks upon them as
synonymous.”
Serjeant Ballantine.—“If you were told to give a patient so
many ‘minims,’ should you give him so many ‘drops’?”
Witness.—“Certainly not.”
Serjeant Ballantine.—“Can you tell us the strength of the
prussic acid you sold?”
Chief Justice.—“What do you say is the difference between a
‘drop’ and a ‘minim’?”
Witness.—“That would depend on the sort of ‘drop.’ The
prisoner afterwards gave me a bottle which contained prussic acid.
He told me he had given his mother four minims, and 2·5 minims
remained. I did not test the strength of what remained, but had no
doubt the deceased died from the effects of prussic acid.”
To Serjeant Ballantine.—“There was a broken cork in the bottle
when the accused gave it to me. In his opinion ‘seventeen minims’
was the smallest dose that would destroy life. It was very easy to
destroy life when dropping the liquid from a bottle. When accused
told him he had given seven drops, he understood that he had given
three and a half minims. He had never heard of any instance in
which the strength of Scheele’s acid had exceeded six per cent.”
Mr. C. H. Moswell (chemist in Lewes).—“On the 11th of July
accused came to his shop and asked for some prussic acid. Gave
him a drachm, which would contain sixty minims. Did not measure
it, but gave what he considered a quarter of the bottle.”
Cross-examined by Serjeant Ballantine.—“As you say you
really did not measure it, can you tell us how much prussic acid you
really did give?”
Witness.—“I cannot say to a drop. I am sure he had fifty drops. I
consider a ‘drop’ and a ‘minim’ synonymous. I gave him about the
quantity, but when prussic acid is dispensed by a medical man, he is,
of course, careful as to the quantity he uses.”
Chief Justice.—“We have been told that a ‘drop’ contains two
‘minims,’ and this witness says he looks upon them as
synonymous.”
Serjeant Ballantine.—“If you were told to give a patient so
many ‘minims,’ should you give him so many ‘drops’?”
Witness.—“Certainly not.”
Serjeant Ballantine.—“Can you tell us the strength of the
prussic acid you sold?”
Page 84
Witness.—“I don’t know what the strength was—I should
suppose about four per cent.”
Case for the prosecution closed.
The Chief Justice called the attention of the Jury to the
evidence and observed, that the fact of the cork being broken in the
bottle and defective was certainly an important matter for their
consideration, as it admitted the possibility that the prussic acid
might have escaped from the bottle accidentally, and then there was
an absence of evidence that an excessive dose had been
administered by the accused.
The Jury almost immediately returned a verdict of “Not
Guilty.”
If the estimate of the witness Scrate is taken for the difference
between a drop and a minim, and the second witness, Moswell, is
correct in saying that he gave the accused at least 50 drops, equal to
25 minims, as only 2·5 minims were left in the bottle, equal to 4¼
drops; in the two doses the accused must have administered more
than 45 drops, equal to 22½ minims. If the cork was not broken in
the bottle when the first dose was administered, the probability is
that the dose then given did not exceed seven drops of the size that
would make them equal to 3½ minims, thus leaving 19 minims for
the second dose. It is to be regretted that the strength of the prussic
acid was not tested.
NOTE ON TAWELL’S CASE.
In a case of the poisoning at Egglesham, near Glasgow, by
prussic acid, of a young woman, of the name of Agnes
suppose about four per cent.”
Case for the prosecution closed.
The Chief Justice called the attention of the Jury to the
evidence and observed, that the fact of the cork being broken in the
bottle and defective was certainly an important matter for their
consideration, as it admitted the possibility that the prussic acid
might have escaped from the bottle accidentally, and then there was
an absence of evidence that an excessive dose had been
administered by the accused.
The Jury almost immediately returned a verdict of “Not
Guilty.”
If the estimate of the witness Scrate is taken for the difference
between a drop and a minim, and the second witness, Moswell, is
correct in saying that he gave the accused at least 50 drops, equal to
25 minims, as only 2·5 minims were left in the bottle, equal to 4¼
drops; in the two doses the accused must have administered more
than 45 drops, equal to 22½ minims. If the cork was not broken in
the bottle when the first dose was administered, the probability is
that the dose then given did not exceed seven drops of the size that
would make them equal to 3½ minims, thus leaving 19 minims for
the second dose. It is to be regretted that the strength of the prussic
acid was not tested.
NOTE ON TAWELL’S CASE.
In a case of the poisoning at Egglesham, near Glasgow, by
prussic acid, of a young woman, of the name of Agnes
Page 85
Montgomery, by Peter Walker, a tailor, the symptoms were thus
described by one of the witnesses, as well as the effect of prussic
acid on herself:—
“After we learnt that the moaning came from Aggie’s room, we
came up, got Clarkson’s key, and went in. (As in Tawell’s case, the
prisoner had left the girl’s room only a few minutes before.) Aggie
was sitting on a chair (in which it was probable from other evidence
that she had been placed by her murderer), with her head leaning on
the table. The body was quite still. There was a little froth coming
out of the wicks of her mouth. It was a little coloured with blood;
and we afterwards found she had bit her tongue and her lips. She
threw back at different times, as if in distress. Her right hand was
very firmly closed. I loosed the boot of the left foot, and found it
was swelled and quite stiff. About ten minutes after that was another
groan: the breathing was slow, and with great oppression. She
sighed six times before she died. Her skin was getting quite cold
after we got her. I thought there was a little sweat on her face. We
got hot water to bathe her arms. The eyes were large and staring.
She died about three quarters of an hour after we got her. When we
went into her room, I found a sickening smell. I felt in my nostrils a
kind of nipping, and my throat was dry. I felt it off Aggie the
moment I came forward. I know the smell of almonds, but can’t say
it was exactly like that. On the 5th of November I saw the
superintendent of police, and others, and saw something (it was
prussic acid) put into beer. I smelt the beer; and after some of it was
poured on the floor, I recognised it as the same smell. It affected me
in the same way as before in the nostrils and throat.”—Evidence of
Mrs. M’Donald.
In this case, on a post-mortem examination of the exhumed
body, the presence of prussic acid was clearly detected; and it was
proved on the trial that the prisoner had employed a carrier to get
some prussic acid for him, and that the bottle containing it had been
given to him on the day of the murder; and the fragments of a glass
described by one of the witnesses, as well as the effect of prussic
acid on herself:—
“After we learnt that the moaning came from Aggie’s room, we
came up, got Clarkson’s key, and went in. (As in Tawell’s case, the
prisoner had left the girl’s room only a few minutes before.) Aggie
was sitting on a chair (in which it was probable from other evidence
that she had been placed by her murderer), with her head leaning on
the table. The body was quite still. There was a little froth coming
out of the wicks of her mouth. It was a little coloured with blood;
and we afterwards found she had bit her tongue and her lips. She
threw back at different times, as if in distress. Her right hand was
very firmly closed. I loosed the boot of the left foot, and found it
was swelled and quite stiff. About ten minutes after that was another
groan: the breathing was slow, and with great oppression. She
sighed six times before she died. Her skin was getting quite cold
after we got her. I thought there was a little sweat on her face. We
got hot water to bathe her arms. The eyes were large and staring.
She died about three quarters of an hour after we got her. When we
went into her room, I found a sickening smell. I felt in my nostrils a
kind of nipping, and my throat was dry. I felt it off Aggie the
moment I came forward. I know the smell of almonds, but can’t say
it was exactly like that. On the 5th of November I saw the
superintendent of police, and others, and saw something (it was
prussic acid) put into beer. I smelt the beer; and after some of it was
poured on the floor, I recognised it as the same smell. It affected me
in the same way as before in the nostrils and throat.”—Evidence of
Mrs. M’Donald.
In this case, on a post-mortem examination of the exhumed
body, the presence of prussic acid was clearly detected; and it was
proved on the trial that the prisoner had employed a carrier to get
some prussic acid for him, and that the bottle containing it had been
given to him on the day of the murder; and the fragments of a glass
Page 86
phial were subsequently discovered, with the key of the girl’s
room, at the root of a tree, at which the prisoner had been seen
stopping, as he returned from going for a doctor. In this case the
poison had been most probably given in beer, as in Tawell’s, a
tumbler in which beer had been being found on the girl’s table.
The fellow, two months afterwards, tried to poison a Mr. Mason
and his wife, with whom he had gone to lodge in Glasgow, with
prussic acid, but happily failed in his attempt.
He confessed his guilt; and at first gave as his motive his desire
to possess himself of the girl’s money, but subsequently said he
could not tell what possessed him to do it. “Following so closely on
the case of Madeleine Smith, the probability is that her case had
had on him the same effect as Palmer’s on Dove—exciting a
morbid desire to tamper with deadly drugs, and that the death of his
victim, and the danger of the others, was as much due to this
feeling as the desire for plunder.” He was discovered to have been
transported for robbery, and to have been guilty of other crimes. He
now confessed that he had murdered a lad, by pushing him into a
quarry hole. He was executed at Paisley, Jan. 14, 1858.—Annual
Register for 1858.
room, at the root of a tree, at which the prisoner had been seen
stopping, as he returned from going for a doctor. In this case the
poison had been most probably given in beer, as in Tawell’s, a
tumbler in which beer had been being found on the girl’s table.
The fellow, two months afterwards, tried to poison a Mr. Mason
and his wife, with whom he had gone to lodge in Glasgow, with
prussic acid, but happily failed in his attempt.
He confessed his guilt; and at first gave as his motive his desire
to possess himself of the girl’s money, but subsequently said he
could not tell what possessed him to do it. “Following so closely on
the case of Madeleine Smith, the probability is that her case had
had on him the same effect as Palmer’s on Dove—exciting a
morbid desire to tamper with deadly drugs, and that the death of his
victim, and the danger of the others, was as much due to this
feeling as the desire for plunder.” He was discovered to have been
transported for robbery, and to have been guilty of other crimes. He
now confessed that he had murdered a lad, by pushing him into a
quarry hole. He was executed at Paisley, Jan. 14, 1858.—Annual
Register for 1858.
Page 87
CHAPTER III.
CHEMICAL NOTES.
Note I.—Hydrocyanic or Prussic Acid.
Nature of—Strength of different preparations of, English and foreign—
Where found—Tests, preliminary: (1) Odour—(2) Silver—(3) Prussian
blue—(4) Sulphur—(5) Guaiacum—(6) Uranium—(7) Picric acid—(8)
Cupric sulphate—(9) Cobalt chloride—(10) Mercuric oxide—(11)
Peroxide of hydrogen—(12) Mercurous nitrate. Test apparatus—Salts of
hydrocyanic acid: (1) Potassium cyanide—(2) Mercuric cyanide—(3)
Cyanides of the heavy metals—(4) Double cyanides—(5)
Sulphocyanides—Oil of bitter almonds—Antidotes—Fatal dose—
Symptoms—Post-mortem appearances—Drops and minims—Period
after death at which hydrocyanic acid can be discovered—Formic acid to
be tested for—Processes.
Synonyms.—Cyanhydric or prussic acid, Hydric cyanide,
Hydrogen cyanide, Acidum borussicum, Blausaüre,
Berlinerblausaüre.
Formula HCN, i.e., a compound of single atoms, of hydrogen,
carbon, and nitrogen, in the proportions by weight of 1 + 12 + 14 =
CHEMICAL NOTES.
Note I.—Hydrocyanic or Prussic Acid.
Nature of—Strength of different preparations of, English and foreign—
Where found—Tests, preliminary: (1) Odour—(2) Silver—(3) Prussian
blue—(4) Sulphur—(5) Guaiacum—(6) Uranium—(7) Picric acid—(8)
Cupric sulphate—(9) Cobalt chloride—(10) Mercuric oxide—(11)
Peroxide of hydrogen—(12) Mercurous nitrate. Test apparatus—Salts of
hydrocyanic acid: (1) Potassium cyanide—(2) Mercuric cyanide—(3)
Cyanides of the heavy metals—(4) Double cyanides—(5)
Sulphocyanides—Oil of bitter almonds—Antidotes—Fatal dose—
Symptoms—Post-mortem appearances—Drops and minims—Period
after death at which hydrocyanic acid can be discovered—Formic acid to
be tested for—Processes.
Synonyms.—Cyanhydric or prussic acid, Hydric cyanide,
Hydrogen cyanide, Acidum borussicum, Blausaüre,
Berlinerblausaüre.
Formula HCN, i.e., a compound of single atoms, of hydrogen,
carbon, and nitrogen, in the proportions by weight of 1 + 12 + 14 =
Page 88
27. In its pure state (anhydrous, or free from water), it is a feebly
acid, colourless, mobile liquid, inflammable and very volatile.
Boiling point 24·5° C. Much lighter than water: sp. gr. ·7058. It has
a characteristic overpowering and oppressive odour, resembling
peach-blossom or laurel-water. But the anhydrous acid, from its
volatility and dangerous character is rarely seen or made. In
commerce it is always found as a dilute aqueous solution, the
varying strengths in real HCN being:—
Per cent. HCN.
Pharmacopœia, British, Swiss, America,
Borussica, London, Norway, 2
Schräders 1·5
Pharmac. Saxony 1·9
” Austria, Baden, Batavia 2·5
” Edinburgh, Dublin 3·3
Vauquelin’s acid 3·3 to 3·5
Pharmac. Bavaria 4
Scheele’s acid 4 to 5
(rarely 6)
Duflos’s acid 9
French Pharmacopœia 10 to 10·5
Riner’s and Pfaff’s acids 10
Hessian Pharmacopœia 18 to 20
Koller’s 25
Robiquet’s 50
acid, colourless, mobile liquid, inflammable and very volatile.
Boiling point 24·5° C. Much lighter than water: sp. gr. ·7058. It has
a characteristic overpowering and oppressive odour, resembling
peach-blossom or laurel-water. But the anhydrous acid, from its
volatility and dangerous character is rarely seen or made. In
commerce it is always found as a dilute aqueous solution, the
varying strengths in real HCN being:—
Per cent. HCN.
Pharmacopœia, British, Swiss, America,
Borussica, London, Norway, 2
Schräders 1·5
Pharmac. Saxony 1·9
” Austria, Baden, Batavia 2·5
” Edinburgh, Dublin 3·3
Vauquelin’s acid 3·3 to 3·5
Pharmac. Bavaria 4
Scheele’s acid 4 to 5
(rarely 6)
Duflos’s acid 9
French Pharmacopœia 10 to 10·5
Riner’s and Pfaff’s acids 10
Hessian Pharmacopœia 18 to 20
Koller’s 25
Robiquet’s 50
Page 89
In this country, only Scheele’s, and the British Pharmacopœia
(2 per cent.) acid, are usually met with.
These numbers, however, must be regarded merely as rough
approximations for two reasons; first, on account of the extreme
volatility of the acid—if loosely stoppered, or frequently opened, it
rapidly loses strength—second, both the anhydrous acid and its
aqueous solution are decomposed by light, with formation of a
brown matter. This change is supposed to be retarded by a trace of
mineral acid, hence a little hydrochloric or sulphuric acid is
frequently added to the commercial solution with this object. But
the acid may even be stronger than supposed, as the methods of
preparation are somewhat various, and the one adopted may have
been carelessly carried out. Scheele’s acid is said to be the most
popular among medical men; samples of it obtained from different
large firms and examined by the author showed very irregular
strengths, the lowest being 2, and the highest 8 per cent. The latter
was purchased at the shop of a chemist who said he had made it
himself, and could guarantee it was of full strength. He had
evidently made allowance for deterioration. Woodman and Tidy
found 16 samples sold in one neighbourhood as B.P. acid to contain
0·6 to 3·2 per cent. of HCN; others have found 0·25 per cent. not
infrequent. It follows that if, in a poison case, a bottle has been
found of a hydrocyanic preparation of a definite name, or even with
a certain strength or dose marked on it, it will not be safe to trust to
such figures without actually determining the amount. In Ball’s
trial (Lewes, 1860), the judge asked whether this variation in
strength would not make the difference between a medicinal and a
poisonous dose? It would not, as the maximum medicinal dose, 4
grains, of even the abnormally strong (8 per cent.) Scheele’s acid
mentioned above, would only contain 0·32 grain of anhydrous
HCN, and it requires at least half a grain to cause death, while
(2 per cent.) acid, are usually met with.
These numbers, however, must be regarded merely as rough
approximations for two reasons; first, on account of the extreme
volatility of the acid—if loosely stoppered, or frequently opened, it
rapidly loses strength—second, both the anhydrous acid and its
aqueous solution are decomposed by light, with formation of a
brown matter. This change is supposed to be retarded by a trace of
mineral acid, hence a little hydrochloric or sulphuric acid is
frequently added to the commercial solution with this object. But
the acid may even be stronger than supposed, as the methods of
preparation are somewhat various, and the one adopted may have
been carelessly carried out. Scheele’s acid is said to be the most
popular among medical men; samples of it obtained from different
large firms and examined by the author showed very irregular
strengths, the lowest being 2, and the highest 8 per cent. The latter
was purchased at the shop of a chemist who said he had made it
himself, and could guarantee it was of full strength. He had
evidently made allowance for deterioration. Woodman and Tidy
found 16 samples sold in one neighbourhood as B.P. acid to contain
0·6 to 3·2 per cent. of HCN; others have found 0·25 per cent. not
infrequent. It follows that if, in a poison case, a bottle has been
found of a hydrocyanic preparation of a definite name, or even with
a certain strength or dose marked on it, it will not be safe to trust to
such figures without actually determining the amount. In Ball’s
trial (Lewes, 1860), the judge asked whether this variation in
strength would not make the difference between a medicinal and a
poisonous dose? It would not, as the maximum medicinal dose, 4
grains, of even the abnormally strong (8 per cent.) Scheele’s acid
mentioned above, would only contain 0·32 grain of anhydrous
HCN, and it requires at least half a grain to cause death, while
Page 90
about 1 grain is the usual fatal quantity. And a medical man would
not even give the maximum medicinal dose as a beginning, and
without precaution.
ACIDUM HYDROCYANICUM DILUTUM, PHARMACOPŒIA
BRITANNICA.
We shall use the abbreviation “B. P. 2 per cent.” for this acid,
which has the characteristic odour, a sp. gr. of ·997, and a taste “at
first bland and sweet, ultimately pungent and acrid” (Thomson),
“hot and bitter” (Taylor), “cooling, with pungent bitter aftertaste”
(Watts). If pure, it only slightly and transiently reddens litmus; if
other acids have been added to keep it, it may have a stronger
reddening effect. Also, if pure, it leaves no residue on platinum,
and gives no precipitate with barium chloride, but with silver
nitrate it gives an immediate white curdy precipitate of silver
cyanide, not blackening in daylight as the chloride does, soluble in
ammonia, insoluble in dilute, but soluble in hot concentrated nitric
acid. It dissolves mercuric oxide, giving a mercuric cyanide which
may be obtained in white crystals on evaporation. The vapour is
said to be more deadly than the fluid acid. The weaker the acid, the
more permanent it is. Glycerine increases its stability (J. Williams);
this might be useful if suspected substances had to be kept a long
time.
Occurrence.—Hydrocyanic acid itself has never been found as
a natural constituent of the body, although a compound of
cyanogen occurs in the saliva (see Sulphocyanides). Hydrocyanic
acid is not formed during putrefaction, nor by heating organic
substances with chemical reagents at temperatures up to 212° F., as
in testing for poisons. The only way in which it may be generated
from animal matter is by heating with alkalies to a red heat;[20] this
not even give the maximum medicinal dose as a beginning, and
without precaution.
ACIDUM HYDROCYANICUM DILUTUM, PHARMACOPŒIA
BRITANNICA.
We shall use the abbreviation “B. P. 2 per cent.” for this acid,
which has the characteristic odour, a sp. gr. of ·997, and a taste “at
first bland and sweet, ultimately pungent and acrid” (Thomson),
“hot and bitter” (Taylor), “cooling, with pungent bitter aftertaste”
(Watts). If pure, it only slightly and transiently reddens litmus; if
other acids have been added to keep it, it may have a stronger
reddening effect. Also, if pure, it leaves no residue on platinum,
and gives no precipitate with barium chloride, but with silver
nitrate it gives an immediate white curdy precipitate of silver
cyanide, not blackening in daylight as the chloride does, soluble in
ammonia, insoluble in dilute, but soluble in hot concentrated nitric
acid. It dissolves mercuric oxide, giving a mercuric cyanide which
may be obtained in white crystals on evaporation. The vapour is
said to be more deadly than the fluid acid. The weaker the acid, the
more permanent it is. Glycerine increases its stability (J. Williams);
this might be useful if suspected substances had to be kept a long
time.
Occurrence.—Hydrocyanic acid itself has never been found as
a natural constituent of the body, although a compound of
cyanogen occurs in the saliva (see Sulphocyanides). Hydrocyanic
acid is not formed during putrefaction, nor by heating organic
substances with chemical reagents at temperatures up to 212° F., as
in testing for poisons. The only way in which it may be generated
from animal matter is by heating with alkalies to a red heat;[20] this
Page 91
cannot, of course, happen in the ordinary process of testing for
prussic acid, though it must be remembered that cyanide might thus
be formed in an ash (by burning), without having been present in
the original substance.
It is rather frequent, however, in the vegetable kingdom, and
consequently in a poisoning case the defence often sets up the
theory that it has been ingested in the food (Tawell’s Trial, &c.). It
is necessary, therefore, to examine in what kind of food, and to
what amount, it may be taken.
Its principal source is the seeds, leaves, and flowers, and
sometimes the bark, of most of the species of the sub-orders
Amygdaleæ and Pomeæ of the natural order Rosaceæ. It does not
occur in them ready-formed. There is a substance called
Amygdalin, a white bitterish crystalline body, which may be
extracted by alcohol from these plants. Amygdalin when dissolved
by itself in water does not produce HCN, and is probably harmless,
but there exists by its side in the plant a species of ferment called
Emulsin or Synaptase, which has the power, when macerated in
water with amygdalin, of breaking up the latter into glucose (so-
called grape-sugar), benzoyl hydride (oil of bitter almonds), and
hydrocyanic acid. In the plant the amygdalin apparently exists in
cells apart from the emulsin, but by crushing in water, or
masticating in the mouth, the change is very rapidly effected. By
long soaking the same result may happen, as in cherry brandy; here
the diluted spirit dissolves the amygdalin, and the emulsin then
may act. But if, in the stomach, the apple-pips or cherry-stones
should be found whole, it is almost impossible that the amygdalin
should be decomposed, protected as it is by its horny or stony
envelope. Stones and pips, in fact, pass through the body intact, and
are found in the fæces.
prussic acid, though it must be remembered that cyanide might thus
be formed in an ash (by burning), without having been present in
the original substance.
It is rather frequent, however, in the vegetable kingdom, and
consequently in a poisoning case the defence often sets up the
theory that it has been ingested in the food (Tawell’s Trial, &c.). It
is necessary, therefore, to examine in what kind of food, and to
what amount, it may be taken.
Its principal source is the seeds, leaves, and flowers, and
sometimes the bark, of most of the species of the sub-orders
Amygdaleæ and Pomeæ of the natural order Rosaceæ. It does not
occur in them ready-formed. There is a substance called
Amygdalin, a white bitterish crystalline body, which may be
extracted by alcohol from these plants. Amygdalin when dissolved
by itself in water does not produce HCN, and is probably harmless,
but there exists by its side in the plant a species of ferment called
Emulsin or Synaptase, which has the power, when macerated in
water with amygdalin, of breaking up the latter into glucose (so-
called grape-sugar), benzoyl hydride (oil of bitter almonds), and
hydrocyanic acid. In the plant the amygdalin apparently exists in
cells apart from the emulsin, but by crushing in water, or
masticating in the mouth, the change is very rapidly effected. By
long soaking the same result may happen, as in cherry brandy; here
the diluted spirit dissolves the amygdalin, and the emulsin then
may act. But if, in the stomach, the apple-pips or cherry-stones
should be found whole, it is almost impossible that the amygdalin
should be decomposed, protected as it is by its horny or stony
envelope. Stones and pips, in fact, pass through the body intact, and
are found in the fæces.
Page 92
Yet as amygdalin and its decomposition may be much
mentioned by the defence, the following account may be useful.
100 parts of amygdalin yield 6 parts HCN.
It has been found in the species of Rosaceæ given below,
generally in fruit, flowers, leaves, sometimes bark, rarely root.
Pyrus malus (apple pips), domesticus (pear).
Prunus spinosa (sloe), avium (bird cherry), padus (wild
service), Virginiana or serotina (wild black cherry), capricida,
insititia (bullace), domestica (plum, damson, &c.).
Amygdalus communis (almond), Persica (peach), lævis
(nectarine).
Armeniaca vulgaris (apricot).
Cerasus communis (cherry), acida, laurocerasus (cherry-laurel),
Lusitanica (Portugal laurel).
Cydonia vulgaris (quince).
Sorbus aucuparia (mountain ash), torminalis, hybrida.
Cratægus oxyacantha (hawthorn, young branches).
Spiræa aruncus, sorbifolia, japonica (not in herbaceous
species).
Hydrocyanic acid, ready formed, has been found in the roots of
the bitter and sweet cassava (Jatropha manihot).
If the poisonous dose of the B. P. (2 per cent.) acid be at least
30 minims (Royle’s Mat. Med., Dr. Harley, 6th ed.) the following
table shows the amount of some of the above which is needed.
mentioned by the defence, the following account may be useful.
100 parts of amygdalin yield 6 parts HCN.
It has been found in the species of Rosaceæ given below,
generally in fruit, flowers, leaves, sometimes bark, rarely root.
Pyrus malus (apple pips), domesticus (pear).
Prunus spinosa (sloe), avium (bird cherry), padus (wild
service), Virginiana or serotina (wild black cherry), capricida,
insititia (bullace), domestica (plum, damson, &c.).
Amygdalus communis (almond), Persica (peach), lævis
(nectarine).
Armeniaca vulgaris (apricot).
Cerasus communis (cherry), acida, laurocerasus (cherry-laurel),
Lusitanica (Portugal laurel).
Cydonia vulgaris (quince).
Sorbus aucuparia (mountain ash), torminalis, hybrida.
Cratægus oxyacantha (hawthorn, young branches).
Spiræa aruncus, sorbifolia, japonica (not in herbaceous
species).
Hydrocyanic acid, ready formed, has been found in the roots of
the bitter and sweet cassava (Jatropha manihot).
If the poisonous dose of the B. P. (2 per cent.) acid be at least
30 minims (Royle’s Mat. Med., Dr. Harley, 6th ed.) the following
table shows the amount of some of the above which is needed.
Page 93
Equal Amount
Percentage to required
Substance. of HCN for Observer.
amygdalin. per poisonous
cent. dose.
Cherry kernels 3 0·18 333 grains Gieseler.
C.G.
Pips of sweet apples 0·45 0·027 2222 ”
Stewart.
Pips of bitter apples 0·85 0·051 1176 ” ”
Wild service kernels 1·5 0·08 750 ” Hermann
Flowers, fruit, and
1·0 0·06 1000 ” Riegel.
bark of do.
Bitter almond pulp 4·25 0·25 240 ” Allen.
Sweet Cassava 0·017 3500 ” Francis.
Bitter do. 0·027 2222 ” ”
Sweet almonds contain emulsin, but no amygdalin, hence give
no HCN (see Tawell’s Trial, p. 40).
According to my own experiments, 837 sweet apples (apples
weighing 135 pounds, pips about 5 oz.), would be required for a
poisonous dose of HCN; whereas 130 bitter apples, weighing 18
pounds, and the pips about 2½ oz., would suffice. The pips of bitter
apples are bigger, more numerous, and weigh about three times as
much as those of sweet apples.
Among substances containing much more HCN, and actually
poisonous on that account, are:—
HCN.
Crude bitter almond oil 8 to 15 per cent.
Bitter almond water ¼ to 1 ”
Cherry laurel oil 2 to 3 ”
Percentage to required
Substance. of HCN for Observer.
amygdalin. per poisonous
cent. dose.
Cherry kernels 3 0·18 333 grains Gieseler.
C.G.
Pips of sweet apples 0·45 0·027 2222 ”
Stewart.
Pips of bitter apples 0·85 0·051 1176 ” ”
Wild service kernels 1·5 0·08 750 ” Hermann
Flowers, fruit, and
1·0 0·06 1000 ” Riegel.
bark of do.
Bitter almond pulp 4·25 0·25 240 ” Allen.
Sweet Cassava 0·017 3500 ” Francis.
Bitter do. 0·027 2222 ” ”
Sweet almonds contain emulsin, but no amygdalin, hence give
no HCN (see Tawell’s Trial, p. 40).
According to my own experiments, 837 sweet apples (apples
weighing 135 pounds, pips about 5 oz.), would be required for a
poisonous dose of HCN; whereas 130 bitter apples, weighing 18
pounds, and the pips about 2½ oz., would suffice. The pips of bitter
apples are bigger, more numerous, and weigh about three times as
much as those of sweet apples.
Among substances containing much more HCN, and actually
poisonous on that account, are:—
HCN.
Crude bitter almond oil 8 to 15 per cent.
Bitter almond water ¼ to 1 ”
Cherry laurel oil 2 to 3 ”
Page 94
” ” water[21] ¼ to ¾ ”
Cluster cherry oil 9 to 10 ”
(Allen, Comm. Org. Anal.) It is obvious that of fruits an
impossibly large quantity must be eaten to produce any
considerable amount of HCN. In Tawell’s trial, Mr. Cooper, the
analyst, deposed that the seeds from 15 apples gave him an
exceedingly small quantity of Prussian blue. Whereas, Henry
Thomas, a druggist’s assistant, stated that “15 small apples gave 2¼
grains of silver cyanide” [equal to 0·46, or nearly ½ a grain, of
anhydrous HCN, corresponding to 25 minims of B. P. acid, nearly a
poisonous dose!] “This was done under the direction of a lecturer at
the London Hospital.” A fair sample of the erroneous and
bewildering evidence that is frequently offered in courts of justice.
Mr. Cooper also stated “there is a great difference between
bitter and sweet apples; the bitter contain a great deal of prussic
acid, the sweet, I believe, none at all!” This statement is
misleading; no apples contain prussic acid, but all that I have met
with will yield it by maceration, as all contain amygdalin. The
highest class of eating apples, such as Newtown pippins, Ribstones,
and Blenheims, contain only a minute trace. These have very few
pips, 3 to 5 to each apple, while the bitter varieties, such as
“winesours,” have 9 to 13 pips.
In the arts, cyanides are used in photography, dyeing, cleaning
lace and metals, electro-plating, removing silver stains, &c. Their
solutions may cause accidental poisoning, either by the fumes or by
absorption through the skin, especially if the latter is abraded.
Hydrocyanic acid is also formed (1) in the preparation of
nitrous ether (sweet spirit of nitre), (2) by distilling albumen, fibrin,
casein, or gelatin, with sulphuric acid and bichromate of potash, or
manganese peroxide, (3) by the dry distillation of albuminous
Cluster cherry oil 9 to 10 ”
(Allen, Comm. Org. Anal.) It is obvious that of fruits an
impossibly large quantity must be eaten to produce any
considerable amount of HCN. In Tawell’s trial, Mr. Cooper, the
analyst, deposed that the seeds from 15 apples gave him an
exceedingly small quantity of Prussian blue. Whereas, Henry
Thomas, a druggist’s assistant, stated that “15 small apples gave 2¼
grains of silver cyanide” [equal to 0·46, or nearly ½ a grain, of
anhydrous HCN, corresponding to 25 minims of B. P. acid, nearly a
poisonous dose!] “This was done under the direction of a lecturer at
the London Hospital.” A fair sample of the erroneous and
bewildering evidence that is frequently offered in courts of justice.
Mr. Cooper also stated “there is a great difference between
bitter and sweet apples; the bitter contain a great deal of prussic
acid, the sweet, I believe, none at all!” This statement is
misleading; no apples contain prussic acid, but all that I have met
with will yield it by maceration, as all contain amygdalin. The
highest class of eating apples, such as Newtown pippins, Ribstones,
and Blenheims, contain only a minute trace. These have very few
pips, 3 to 5 to each apple, while the bitter varieties, such as
“winesours,” have 9 to 13 pips.
In the arts, cyanides are used in photography, dyeing, cleaning
lace and metals, electro-plating, removing silver stains, &c. Their
solutions may cause accidental poisoning, either by the fumes or by
absorption through the skin, especially if the latter is abraded.
Hydrocyanic acid is also formed (1) in the preparation of
nitrous ether (sweet spirit of nitre), (2) by distilling albumen, fibrin,
casein, or gelatin, with sulphuric acid and bichromate of potash, or
manganese peroxide, (3) by the dry distillation of albuminous
Page 95
bodies. It is hardly necessary to say that these formations could not
occur in the ordinary methods of testing.
Tests: Preliminary.—It cannot be too strongly insisted that all
operations for the detection of HCN should be carried out as soon
after death as possible, on account of the loss from volatility, or
from secondary changes. (See Sulphocyanides.)
Allen asserts (Commercial Organic Analysis, 1879), that
detection in the body is rarely possible more than twenty-four
hours after death; but Taylor (Med. Juris., 1873, p. 368) has found
it in the stomach twelve days after, saying, however, that “after the
stomach had been exposed a few days longer, all had disappeared.”
In a dog’s stomach he found it, after twenty-four hours’ exposure,
and washing with water. In a human stomach, success was
achieved seven days after death, where no odour was perceptible;
in another case, after twenty-two days in the stomach, and after two
months in the spleen. It may be found in the stomach, and not in
the tissues; but in most cases it is easily detected, soon after death,
in the blood, organs, &c. The vapour of HCN will traverse paper,
wet or dry bladder, &c., in a few minutes (Taylor), and few
stoppers are close enough to retain it. Hence care should be taken
to shut up the suspected matters at once in glass bottles accurately
stoppered; bad stoppers are worse than corks.
The stomach should be first examined entire, to ascertain
odour, &c., noticing whether alkaline or acid, then cut in pieces,
under distilled water sufficient to cover it, the whole measured, and
one-half (acidulated with tartaric acid, if alkaline), placed in a
capacious retort, and distilled in a bath of water saturated with salt
to raise the boiling point. The condenser should be well supplied
with cold water, the receiver attached airtight, with a mercury valve
(a narrow glass U-tube, containing mercury), to prevent undue
pressure. A little distilled water, about ½ oz., should be placed in
occur in the ordinary methods of testing.
Tests: Preliminary.—It cannot be too strongly insisted that all
operations for the detection of HCN should be carried out as soon
after death as possible, on account of the loss from volatility, or
from secondary changes. (See Sulphocyanides.)
Allen asserts (Commercial Organic Analysis, 1879), that
detection in the body is rarely possible more than twenty-four
hours after death; but Taylor (Med. Juris., 1873, p. 368) has found
it in the stomach twelve days after, saying, however, that “after the
stomach had been exposed a few days longer, all had disappeared.”
In a dog’s stomach he found it, after twenty-four hours’ exposure,
and washing with water. In a human stomach, success was
achieved seven days after death, where no odour was perceptible;
in another case, after twenty-two days in the stomach, and after two
months in the spleen. It may be found in the stomach, and not in
the tissues; but in most cases it is easily detected, soon after death,
in the blood, organs, &c. The vapour of HCN will traverse paper,
wet or dry bladder, &c., in a few minutes (Taylor), and few
stoppers are close enough to retain it. Hence care should be taken
to shut up the suspected matters at once in glass bottles accurately
stoppered; bad stoppers are worse than corks.
The stomach should be first examined entire, to ascertain
odour, &c., noticing whether alkaline or acid, then cut in pieces,
under distilled water sufficient to cover it, the whole measured, and
one-half (acidulated with tartaric acid, if alkaline), placed in a
capacious retort, and distilled in a bath of water saturated with salt
to raise the boiling point. The condenser should be well supplied
with cold water, the receiver attached airtight, with a mercury valve
(a narrow glass U-tube, containing mercury), to prevent undue
pressure. A little distilled water, about ½ oz., should be placed in
Page 96
the receiver. The distillation should be continued till one-third to
one-half of the original liquid has passed over. The tests may then
be applied to the distillate.
Allen recommends us to distil with water alone about one-half.
If there is no result on testing the distillate, continue with addition
of tartaric acid. Finally, add a considerable excess of moderately
dilute sulphuric and hydrochloric acid, and carry the distillation
nearly to dryness. In the last stage sulpho-, ferro-and ferricyanides
and mercuric cyanide are decomposed, and give HCN. The original
should be tested for ferrocyanide, &c. This seems a process
calculated to give the clearest idea of the form in which the HCN is
present, but is open to the objection that it is protracted, and may
hence cause loss.
Sokoloff. (Chem. Centr., 1876, 603) advises a much more
heroic treatment. “Strongly acidify with sulphuric acid, and distil
over a water bath for two or three days, replenishing the water as
evaporated. The longer the distillation, the more accurate the
result.” He adds, that the muscles contain the greater part of the
HCN. He quotes figures in support of his results, but I have not
found such prolongation necessary; and we must remember that
HCN is decomposed by heating with moderately strong mineral
acids.
The following modification, proposed by the author, may be
advantageous, as diminishing the risk of loss, and also effecting
concentration:—Prepare exactly equivalent solutions of silver
nitrate, and hydrochloric acid: the silver solution may contain 17
grammes of silver nitrate, the hydrochloric solution 3·65 grammes
of hydric chloride, per litre. Place in the receiver 100 cubic
centimetres of the silver solution (= 1·70 gramme silver nitrate)
before distillation. This is allowing large excess, to provide for
exceptional quantities of HCN. If any quantity of HCN be present,
one-half of the original liquid has passed over. The tests may then
be applied to the distillate.
Allen recommends us to distil with water alone about one-half.
If there is no result on testing the distillate, continue with addition
of tartaric acid. Finally, add a considerable excess of moderately
dilute sulphuric and hydrochloric acid, and carry the distillation
nearly to dryness. In the last stage sulpho-, ferro-and ferricyanides
and mercuric cyanide are decomposed, and give HCN. The original
should be tested for ferrocyanide, &c. This seems a process
calculated to give the clearest idea of the form in which the HCN is
present, but is open to the objection that it is protracted, and may
hence cause loss.
Sokoloff. (Chem. Centr., 1876, 603) advises a much more
heroic treatment. “Strongly acidify with sulphuric acid, and distil
over a water bath for two or three days, replenishing the water as
evaporated. The longer the distillation, the more accurate the
result.” He adds, that the muscles contain the greater part of the
HCN. He quotes figures in support of his results, but I have not
found such prolongation necessary; and we must remember that
HCN is decomposed by heating with moderately strong mineral
acids.
The following modification, proposed by the author, may be
advantageous, as diminishing the risk of loss, and also effecting
concentration:—Prepare exactly equivalent solutions of silver
nitrate, and hydrochloric acid: the silver solution may contain 17
grammes of silver nitrate, the hydrochloric solution 3·65 grammes
of hydric chloride, per litre. Place in the receiver 100 cubic
centimetres of the silver solution (= 1·70 gramme silver nitrate)
before distillation. This is allowing large excess, to provide for
exceptional quantities of HCN. If any quantity of HCN be present,
Page 97
the liquid in the receiver will become milky; if it does not, there
cannot be more than a minute trace. Transfer the distillate and
washings to a retort, provided with a thistle-funnel, and boil down
to one-third of its bulk; then add, through the funnel, 100 cubic
centimetres of the hydric chloride solution, which will precipitate
all the silver as chloride, and liberate the HCN. Distill with the
same precautions as before: the first 25 cubic centimetres will
contain probably all the HCN. If doubted, a further quantity may be
collected and tested. The 25 cubic centimetres of distillate may
now be subjected to the following tests, taking care that each
portion is measured before being examined, in order that the idea
of the quantity present may be definite. For instance, in the
Prussian blue, and sulphocyanide tests, the resulting colour may be
imitated by standard solutions: in the silver test, a standard silver
solution should also be used, and thus a triply-confirmed
knowledge of the quantity present may be attained; and little
bottles, containing the results, should be preserved, to show in the
courts of justice.
I. Odour.—All tests involving odour are affected seriously by
the remarkable differences between different people as to their
sense of smell. We hear much of “colour-blindness;” but the
analogous olfactory defect has almost escaped remark. Yet “smell-
blindness,” as I have formerly christened it, or “anozism,” if a
Greek word be required, is exceedingly common, and chemists and
medical men are frequently afflicted with it. I have known an artist,
who could not smell strong ammonia, yet delighted in the odour of
new paint, which he compared to roses. Many laboratory students
can neither smell acetic acid, arseniuretted hydrogen, nor
cyanogen. An assistant was so fond of sulphuretted hydrogen, that
he was once found insensible beside the apparatus, having
narcotized himself with the gas (he recovered); and many more
cannot be more than a minute trace. Transfer the distillate and
washings to a retort, provided with a thistle-funnel, and boil down
to one-third of its bulk; then add, through the funnel, 100 cubic
centimetres of the hydric chloride solution, which will precipitate
all the silver as chloride, and liberate the HCN. Distill with the
same precautions as before: the first 25 cubic centimetres will
contain probably all the HCN. If doubted, a further quantity may be
collected and tested. The 25 cubic centimetres of distillate may
now be subjected to the following tests, taking care that each
portion is measured before being examined, in order that the idea
of the quantity present may be definite. For instance, in the
Prussian blue, and sulphocyanide tests, the resulting colour may be
imitated by standard solutions: in the silver test, a standard silver
solution should also be used, and thus a triply-confirmed
knowledge of the quantity present may be attained; and little
bottles, containing the results, should be preserved, to show in the
courts of justice.
I. Odour.—All tests involving odour are affected seriously by
the remarkable differences between different people as to their
sense of smell. We hear much of “colour-blindness;” but the
analogous olfactory defect has almost escaped remark. Yet “smell-
blindness,” as I have formerly christened it, or “anozism,” if a
Greek word be required, is exceedingly common, and chemists and
medical men are frequently afflicted with it. I have known an artist,
who could not smell strong ammonia, yet delighted in the odour of
new paint, which he compared to roses. Many laboratory students
can neither smell acetic acid, arseniuretted hydrogen, nor
cyanogen. An assistant was so fond of sulphuretted hydrogen, that
he was once found insensible beside the apparatus, having
narcotized himself with the gas (he recovered); and many more
Page 98
such eccentricities. In the case of prussic acid these diversities are
enormous. Some are so sensitive, that the least trace in a room
becomes rapidly unbearable, causing headache and nausea; others
are like photographers, and can work in a heavily-cyanogened
atmosphere. Such idiosyncrasies become of great importance in
evidence; for example:—
In Tawell’s trial, Mr. Champneys, surgeon, testified as follows:
“Have no experience in detecting odour of prussic acid in a human
subject. Should think it may be taken without detection. Should
expect it in the mouth and breath, but there may be exceptions.
There was no odour in her [the deceased’s] breath; but, on opening
the body, I was positive I smelt prussic acid. The other two
surgeons could not smell it.” Afterwards, when the contents of the
stomach were transferred to a jar, neither the three surgeons, nor
Mr. Cooper, the analyst, could perceive the least odour of prussic
acid, even when the contents were boiled. Nor was it smelt in the
blood. Mr. Cooper subsequently stated: “I have no doubt that
prussic acid may exist without being smelt: absence of smell may
arise from dilution, or from its being covered by the smell of other
substances. When I smell it, it affects spasmodically the back of the
throat. Sometimes it has produced a spasmodic constriction about
the throat without my smelling it.” Here was a well-marked case of
intermittent smell-blindness.
There were also several questions as to whether prussic acid
might have existed in the form of an inodorous salt. Mr.
Champneys further stated that he put ½ drachm of prussic acid into
a tumbler filled with Guinness’s porter, and the smell was scarcely
perceptible. Mr. Norblad, surgeon, deposed that he mixed 12 grains
of prussic acid with a pint of porter, but could not then smell it.
“Some of the porter dropped on the table, and I did then smell it.”
In the same trial, Henry Thomas, druggist’s assistant, mixed 30
enormous. Some are so sensitive, that the least trace in a room
becomes rapidly unbearable, causing headache and nausea; others
are like photographers, and can work in a heavily-cyanogened
atmosphere. Such idiosyncrasies become of great importance in
evidence; for example:—
In Tawell’s trial, Mr. Champneys, surgeon, testified as follows:
“Have no experience in detecting odour of prussic acid in a human
subject. Should think it may be taken without detection. Should
expect it in the mouth and breath, but there may be exceptions.
There was no odour in her [the deceased’s] breath; but, on opening
the body, I was positive I smelt prussic acid. The other two
surgeons could not smell it.” Afterwards, when the contents of the
stomach were transferred to a jar, neither the three surgeons, nor
Mr. Cooper, the analyst, could perceive the least odour of prussic
acid, even when the contents were boiled. Nor was it smelt in the
blood. Mr. Cooper subsequently stated: “I have no doubt that
prussic acid may exist without being smelt: absence of smell may
arise from dilution, or from its being covered by the smell of other
substances. When I smell it, it affects spasmodically the back of the
throat. Sometimes it has produced a spasmodic constriction about
the throat without my smelling it.” Here was a well-marked case of
intermittent smell-blindness.
There were also several questions as to whether prussic acid
might have existed in the form of an inodorous salt. Mr.
Champneys further stated that he put ½ drachm of prussic acid into
a tumbler filled with Guinness’s porter, and the smell was scarcely
perceptible. Mr. Norblad, surgeon, deposed that he mixed 12 grains
of prussic acid with a pint of porter, but could not then smell it.
“Some of the porter dropped on the table, and I did then smell it.”
In the same trial, Henry Thomas, druggist’s assistant, mixed 30
Page 99
drops of B.P. prussic acid with 11 oz. of porter, and found the odour
of the acid slightly perceptible; yet, when he was pouring Scheele’s
acid from a bottle, three women had to leave the room to avoid
suffocation!
In a case of suicide by cyanide of potassium (Chem. News,
1861, p. 261), the smell of prussic acid was not perceived by the
surgeon, either immediately after death or at the post-mortem
examination, nor by the analyst until the contents had been distilled
with dilute sulphuric acid.
To help in elucidating this matter I have made some
experiments as to the detection of the odour of prussic acid. An
acid of 2 per cent. strength (B.P.) was used.
1. From a bottle of Guinness’s stout, freshly opened, 3 samples
of 1 fluid oz. each were measured. To the first 1 drop of the acid
was added, to the second 2 drops, the third being left untouched.
This was done out of my sight in another room. They were then
privately marked by an assistant, and brought in; when myself and
two others, one of them entirely inexperienced, independently and
at once classified them without hesitation correctly as to the
relative amounts of prussic acid. The odour was so distinct as to
produce, when inhaled, a feeling of oppression, and to quite
overpower the odour of the beer.
1 drop in 1 fl. 0·23 per cent. of the dilute (B.P.)
=
oz. acid.
·0046 per cent. of real anhydrous
” =
HCN.
About 1/30 of a poisonous dose. Hence if a poisonous dose were
put into a pint and a half of stout, the odour would be distinct.
of the acid slightly perceptible; yet, when he was pouring Scheele’s
acid from a bottle, three women had to leave the room to avoid
suffocation!
In a case of suicide by cyanide of potassium (Chem. News,
1861, p. 261), the smell of prussic acid was not perceived by the
surgeon, either immediately after death or at the post-mortem
examination, nor by the analyst until the contents had been distilled
with dilute sulphuric acid.
To help in elucidating this matter I have made some
experiments as to the detection of the odour of prussic acid. An
acid of 2 per cent. strength (B.P.) was used.
1. From a bottle of Guinness’s stout, freshly opened, 3 samples
of 1 fluid oz. each were measured. To the first 1 drop of the acid
was added, to the second 2 drops, the third being left untouched.
This was done out of my sight in another room. They were then
privately marked by an assistant, and brought in; when myself and
two others, one of them entirely inexperienced, independently and
at once classified them without hesitation correctly as to the
relative amounts of prussic acid. The odour was so distinct as to
produce, when inhaled, a feeling of oppression, and to quite
overpower the odour of the beer.
1 drop in 1 fl. 0·23 per cent. of the dilute (B.P.)
=
oz. acid.
·0046 per cent. of real anhydrous
” =
HCN.
About 1/30 of a poisonous dose. Hence if a poisonous dose were
put into a pint and a half of stout, the odour would be distinct.
Page 100
2. One drop of the dilute (2 per cent.) acid was added to 6 oz.
stout: there resulted a slight but distinct odour of prussic acid.
Hence a poisonous dose in nine pints would be smelt. Covered by a
watch-glass, with a drop of yellow ammonium sulphide on it, it
was warmed; the drop, on evaporation, gave a distinct red
sulphocyanide reaction with ferric chloride. Exposed to the air for
twenty-four hours, all the above samples had lost their odour, and
failed to give the sulphocyanide reaction.
3. Two samples of urine, measuring ½ pint each, were treated
respectively with 1 and 2 drops of B.P. acid (strength in this case
1·18 per cent. HCN), and a third ½ pint left untouched, the same
precautions being used as with the above beers. Three independent
witnesses again classified them without difficulty as to relative
amounts of the poison. This is 2 drops of an exceptionally weak
acid to the pint.
4. The contents of a human stomach, very fetid from
decomposition, were divided into two portions of about 2 oz. each:
one was left untouched; to the other 1 grain of mercuric cyanide
was added, and then about 5 drops of hydrochloric acid, and a little
zinc dust. The whole was well stirred, and shut up close. Next day
the odour of HCN was very prominent in the one to which the
cyanide had been added, in spite of the strong original smell of
both.
5. I cannot agree with Taylor that either peppermint or tobacco
mask the odour appreciably.
The odour of nitrobenzol, being similar to that of bitter
almonds, might lead to a suspicion of prussic acid without due
caution (Woodman and Tidy).
In putrefying, organic matters often develope ammonium
sulphide, becoming alkaline. The ammonium sulphide would
combine with the HCN to form sulphocyanide of ammonium,
stout: there resulted a slight but distinct odour of prussic acid.
Hence a poisonous dose in nine pints would be smelt. Covered by a
watch-glass, with a drop of yellow ammonium sulphide on it, it
was warmed; the drop, on evaporation, gave a distinct red
sulphocyanide reaction with ferric chloride. Exposed to the air for
twenty-four hours, all the above samples had lost their odour, and
failed to give the sulphocyanide reaction.
3. Two samples of urine, measuring ½ pint each, were treated
respectively with 1 and 2 drops of B.P. acid (strength in this case
1·18 per cent. HCN), and a third ½ pint left untouched, the same
precautions being used as with the above beers. Three independent
witnesses again classified them without difficulty as to relative
amounts of the poison. This is 2 drops of an exceptionally weak
acid to the pint.
4. The contents of a human stomach, very fetid from
decomposition, were divided into two portions of about 2 oz. each:
one was left untouched; to the other 1 grain of mercuric cyanide
was added, and then about 5 drops of hydrochloric acid, and a little
zinc dust. The whole was well stirred, and shut up close. Next day
the odour of HCN was very prominent in the one to which the
cyanide had been added, in spite of the strong original smell of
both.
5. I cannot agree with Taylor that either peppermint or tobacco
mask the odour appreciably.
The odour of nitrobenzol, being similar to that of bitter
almonds, might lead to a suspicion of prussic acid without due
caution (Woodman and Tidy).
In putrefying, organic matters often develope ammonium
sulphide, becoming alkaline. The ammonium sulphide would
combine with the HCN to form sulphocyanide of ammonium,
Page 101
which is inodorous, but, by distillation with acids, gives HCN.
Sulphocyanide, however, could not be produced unless the original
matters were alkaline. In Tawell’s, and most other trials, the
stomach contents were acid, as they always are naturally from the
gastric juice.
Taylor (Med. Jurisprudence, 1873, vol. i., p. 364) mentions a
case where the blood had a strong odour of prussic acid, and the
mucous membrane of the stomach, even after it had been washed
three times with water, also exhaled a strong odour. In another case
(Med. Gaz., vol. xxxvi., p. 104), where 20 grains of Scheele’s acid
had been taken with ultimate recovery, the vomited matters had no
odour, “showing that, if not concealed by other odours, the whole
of the acid must have been absorbed.” Many other instances might
be quoted where nothing was smelt, and yet the tests revealed
prussic acid.
As to the question about the salts of prussic acid, it may be
generally said that all poisonous cyanides would smell in the
stomach, except, perhaps, mercuric cyanide. See “Properties of the
Salts,” p. 73. Possibly the formation of mercuric cyanide may have
accounted for the absence of odour in some of the above cases, as I
do not find that mercury was tested for, though its compounds are
common medicines. Otherwise it is hardly possible that
hydrocyanic poisoning should have been effected, and the acid be
still there, without its very characteristic odour being perceptible to
an observer with an acute olfactory sense. I have entered at some
length into the question of odour, as much importance has been
attached to it in the trials, and I still consider it as one of the most
delicate and positive of tests.
II. Silver Test.—When silver nitrate is added to a solution
containing HCN or a cyanide acidulated with nitric acid, a white
precipitate falls of silver cyanide, soluble in ammonia, insoluble in
Sulphocyanide, however, could not be produced unless the original
matters were alkaline. In Tawell’s, and most other trials, the
stomach contents were acid, as they always are naturally from the
gastric juice.
Taylor (Med. Jurisprudence, 1873, vol. i., p. 364) mentions a
case where the blood had a strong odour of prussic acid, and the
mucous membrane of the stomach, even after it had been washed
three times with water, also exhaled a strong odour. In another case
(Med. Gaz., vol. xxxvi., p. 104), where 20 grains of Scheele’s acid
had been taken with ultimate recovery, the vomited matters had no
odour, “showing that, if not concealed by other odours, the whole
of the acid must have been absorbed.” Many other instances might
be quoted where nothing was smelt, and yet the tests revealed
prussic acid.
As to the question about the salts of prussic acid, it may be
generally said that all poisonous cyanides would smell in the
stomach, except, perhaps, mercuric cyanide. See “Properties of the
Salts,” p. 73. Possibly the formation of mercuric cyanide may have
accounted for the absence of odour in some of the above cases, as I
do not find that mercury was tested for, though its compounds are
common medicines. Otherwise it is hardly possible that
hydrocyanic poisoning should have been effected, and the acid be
still there, without its very characteristic odour being perceptible to
an observer with an acute olfactory sense. I have entered at some
length into the question of odour, as much importance has been
attached to it in the trials, and I still consider it as one of the most
delicate and positive of tests.
II. Silver Test.—When silver nitrate is added to a solution
containing HCN or a cyanide acidulated with nitric acid, a white
precipitate falls of silver cyanide, soluble in ammonia, insoluble in
Page 102
dilute, but soluble in hot concentrated nitric acid, and not
blackened by light. This reaction is rendered quantitative according
to Liebig’s volumetric method. The original solution is made
slightly alkaline by potash, and a standard solution containing 1·7
grammes of silver nitrate per litre (1 cub. centimetre = ·0017 grm.
AgNO3) is added until a permanent white turbidity is produced,
seen best over a sheet of black paper or a black book. Then each
cub. centimetre used is equivalent to a double quantity or ·00054
grammes of HCN. Formic acid, or chlorides, do not interfere; in
fact, it is advantageous to have a little chloride present.
The silver cyanide may be also estimated gravimetrically by
adding excess of silver nitrate, collecting the precipitate on a
weighed filter, washing, drying, and weighing. Silver cyanide
corresponds to two-tenths of its weight of HCN (134 gives 27). If
chlorides be present, the mixed precipitate of silver cyanide and
chloride is weighed, treated with dilute hydrochloric acid, and
weighed again. The HCN is thus displaced, and passes into the
filtrate; the silver precipitate, now all as chloride, is weighed again:
then the increase of weight multiplied by 27 and divided by 9·5
(the difference between the equivalent weights of silver chloride
and cyanide) is equal to the weight of HCN present. But the
volumetric process is quite as accurate, and more expeditious.
In poisoning cases advantage is taken of the opacity of silver
cyanide thus: A drop of moderately dilute silver nitrate is placed on
a watch-glass over the substance, which may be gently warmed,
taking care that the steam condensed does not cause the drop to
fall. If HCN be present, the drop will become opaque-white from
formation of silver cyanide. 1/100 grain of HCN, equal to ¼ grain of
B.P. acid, will give this reaction (Taylor). If there is only a small
amount, and the action is gradual, the drop on drying in the air may
exhibit crystals of silver cyanide, recognizable under the
blackened by light. This reaction is rendered quantitative according
to Liebig’s volumetric method. The original solution is made
slightly alkaline by potash, and a standard solution containing 1·7
grammes of silver nitrate per litre (1 cub. centimetre = ·0017 grm.
AgNO3) is added until a permanent white turbidity is produced,
seen best over a sheet of black paper or a black book. Then each
cub. centimetre used is equivalent to a double quantity or ·00054
grammes of HCN. Formic acid, or chlorides, do not interfere; in
fact, it is advantageous to have a little chloride present.
The silver cyanide may be also estimated gravimetrically by
adding excess of silver nitrate, collecting the precipitate on a
weighed filter, washing, drying, and weighing. Silver cyanide
corresponds to two-tenths of its weight of HCN (134 gives 27). If
chlorides be present, the mixed precipitate of silver cyanide and
chloride is weighed, treated with dilute hydrochloric acid, and
weighed again. The HCN is thus displaced, and passes into the
filtrate; the silver precipitate, now all as chloride, is weighed again:
then the increase of weight multiplied by 27 and divided by 9·5
(the difference between the equivalent weights of silver chloride
and cyanide) is equal to the weight of HCN present. But the
volumetric process is quite as accurate, and more expeditious.
In poisoning cases advantage is taken of the opacity of silver
cyanide thus: A drop of moderately dilute silver nitrate is placed on
a watch-glass over the substance, which may be gently warmed,
taking care that the steam condensed does not cause the drop to
fall. If HCN be present, the drop will become opaque-white from
formation of silver cyanide. 1/100 grain of HCN, equal to ¼ grain of
B.P. acid, will give this reaction (Taylor). If there is only a small
amount, and the action is gradual, the drop on drying in the air may
exhibit crystals of silver cyanide, recognizable under the
Page 103
microscope as minute prisms obliquely truncated. Of course the
silver nitrate itself may give crystals, but they will be very soluble
in water.
Cyanide of silver is decomposed by (1) hydrochloric acid,
giving silver chloride; (2) dilute sulphuric acid and zinc, giving
silver; (3) sulphuretted hydrogen, giving silver sulphide; in each
case HCN is liberated and may be distilled off: then the other tests
may be applied.
If sulphuretted hydrogen be present, it will give a black with
silver nitrate. The liquid should in this case be previously shaken
with just enough carbonate of lead to remove the sulphuretted
hydrogen. The latter, however, does not interfere with the Prussian
blue or sulphur tests.
When sufficient in quantity, the cyanide of silver, thoroughly
dried in a water-bath, may be transferred to a small bulb-tube and
heated, the end being closed with the finger. It breaks up into
cyanogen gas, silver, and paracyanide of silver, a peculiar glow and
effervescence occurring as it decomposes. The cyanogen will have
the characteristic bitter almond odour, and, on removing the finger,
will burn with a flame violet on the margin and rosy in the centre.
III. Prussian Blue (Scheele).—Add to the solution or distillate
caustic potash in excess, then a drop or two of fresh ferrous
sulphate (protosulphate of iron), and a little ferric chloride
(perchloride of iron—the tinct. ferri perchlor. of the Pharmacopœia
will do), warm gently for a few minutes, add dilute hydrochloric
acid in slight excess: if much HCN be present, a deep blue
precipitate (Prussian blue) will remain; if only a trace, the liquid
will be greenish, and on standing till the next day a blue deposit
will form.[22] This is the only blue iron precipitate which is
insoluble in dilute hydrochloric acid.[23]
silver nitrate itself may give crystals, but they will be very soluble
in water.
Cyanide of silver is decomposed by (1) hydrochloric acid,
giving silver chloride; (2) dilute sulphuric acid and zinc, giving
silver; (3) sulphuretted hydrogen, giving silver sulphide; in each
case HCN is liberated and may be distilled off: then the other tests
may be applied.
If sulphuretted hydrogen be present, it will give a black with
silver nitrate. The liquid should in this case be previously shaken
with just enough carbonate of lead to remove the sulphuretted
hydrogen. The latter, however, does not interfere with the Prussian
blue or sulphur tests.
When sufficient in quantity, the cyanide of silver, thoroughly
dried in a water-bath, may be transferred to a small bulb-tube and
heated, the end being closed with the finger. It breaks up into
cyanogen gas, silver, and paracyanide of silver, a peculiar glow and
effervescence occurring as it decomposes. The cyanogen will have
the characteristic bitter almond odour, and, on removing the finger,
will burn with a flame violet on the margin and rosy in the centre.
III. Prussian Blue (Scheele).—Add to the solution or distillate
caustic potash in excess, then a drop or two of fresh ferrous
sulphate (protosulphate of iron), and a little ferric chloride
(perchloride of iron—the tinct. ferri perchlor. of the Pharmacopœia
will do), warm gently for a few minutes, add dilute hydrochloric
acid in slight excess: if much HCN be present, a deep blue
precipitate (Prussian blue) will remain; if only a trace, the liquid
will be greenish, and on standing till the next day a blue deposit
will form.[22] This is the only blue iron precipitate which is
insoluble in dilute hydrochloric acid.[23]
Page 104
Remarks.—Sulphuretted hydrogen does not interfere with this
test, as the black ferrous sulphide dissolves in hydrochloric acid.
The amount of iron salts added should have some relation to the
amount of HCN present, an idea of which will have been attained
by the silver test. Moderate excess of potash must be present all the
time till the hydrochloric acid is added. A large amount of iron salt
is objectionable, as the yellow colour interferes with the final green
tint with traces of HCN. The test may be made quantitative by
imitating the tint with a weak standard solution of potassium
ferrocyanide treated with a drop of hydrochloric acid and a drop of
ferric chloride, on the same principle as “Nesslerizing” (see
Wanklyn’s Water Analysis). Finally the precipitate of Prussian blue
should be preserved to exhibit at the trial, as this is the most
positive, though not the most delicate, test.
IV. Sulphur Test (Liebig).—The liquid to be examined is
placed in a somewhat shallow glass dish or beaker, covered almost
airtight with a watch-glass, moistened on the under surface with a
drop or two of yellow ammonium sulphide. [The ordinary sulphide
is commonly yellow enough for the purpose, or, if not, can be made
so by warming with a little flowers of sulphur.] After warming
gently for a short time (the periods recommended by different
authorities vary from half a minute to ten minutes), great care being
taken that the steam does not condense and cause the solution on
the watch-glass to drop back into the liquid, the cover is removed,
dried on a water bath to drive off any excess of ammonium
sulphide, treated with a drop or two of water, and a drop of not too
acid ferric chloride free from nitric acid and diluted till nearly free
from colour. If HCN be present, it will have formed sulphocyanide
with the ammonium sulphide, and will therefore generate a blood-
red colour with the ferric chloride. If a colour be produced,
continue the addition of ferric chloride till no further deepening
test, as the black ferrous sulphide dissolves in hydrochloric acid.
The amount of iron salts added should have some relation to the
amount of HCN present, an idea of which will have been attained
by the silver test. Moderate excess of potash must be present all the
time till the hydrochloric acid is added. A large amount of iron salt
is objectionable, as the yellow colour interferes with the final green
tint with traces of HCN. The test may be made quantitative by
imitating the tint with a weak standard solution of potassium
ferrocyanide treated with a drop of hydrochloric acid and a drop of
ferric chloride, on the same principle as “Nesslerizing” (see
Wanklyn’s Water Analysis). Finally the precipitate of Prussian blue
should be preserved to exhibit at the trial, as this is the most
positive, though not the most delicate, test.
IV. Sulphur Test (Liebig).—The liquid to be examined is
placed in a somewhat shallow glass dish or beaker, covered almost
airtight with a watch-glass, moistened on the under surface with a
drop or two of yellow ammonium sulphide. [The ordinary sulphide
is commonly yellow enough for the purpose, or, if not, can be made
so by warming with a little flowers of sulphur.] After warming
gently for a short time (the periods recommended by different
authorities vary from half a minute to ten minutes), great care being
taken that the steam does not condense and cause the solution on
the watch-glass to drop back into the liquid, the cover is removed,
dried on a water bath to drive off any excess of ammonium
sulphide, treated with a drop or two of water, and a drop of not too
acid ferric chloride free from nitric acid and diluted till nearly free
from colour. If HCN be present, it will have formed sulphocyanide
with the ammonium sulphide, and will therefore generate a blood-
red colour with the ferric chloride. If a colour be produced,
continue the addition of ferric chloride till no further deepening
Page 105
occurs. The reaction is made quantitative by comparing the tint
with that produced by a known quantity of sulphocyanide and
ferric solution (Herapath). But there are difficulties in making it
exact.
This is the most delicate test for HCN, detecting 1/7930th of a
grain of HCN in a very dilute liquid, whereas Prussian blue does
not discover less than 1/780th of a grain (Taylor, Ann. Ch. Pharm.
lxv., 263). Salts of acetic, formic, and meconic acids give red
colours with ferric chloride, but (1) meconic acid is not volatile; (2)
the red from acetic and formic acids is at once removed by a slight
excess of dilute hydrochloric acid, sulphocyanide is not; (3)
sulphocyanide-red is destroyed by solution of mercuric chloride,
the others are not.
The above tests are sufficient, but the following additional ones
have been at different times proposed.
V. Guaiacum Test.—Paper dipped in fresh tincture of
guaiacum, containing about 3 per cent. of the resin, then dried, then
moistened with dilute cupric sulphate solution (2 per cent.),
becomes blue in HCN vapour. But the same effect is produced
without HCN by almost all oxydants, such as chlorine, bromine, or
iodine, ferric chloride, nitric and nitrous acids, chromic acid,
peroxide of hydrogen, ozone (Mohr’s Toxicologie), also by
ammonia, hypochlorous acid, soluble chromates, &c. (Blyth).
VI. Uranium Test.—A grain or two of pure ferrous salt
(ammonio-ferrous sulphate will do), and the same quantity of
uranium nitrate, are dissolved in half an ounce of water. Two or
three drops of this are placed on a white plate, and a drop of the
suspected liquid added. A purple precipitate, or a greyish purple
colour in weak solutions, indicates HCN. Cobalt nitrate may be
used instead of the uranium salt, and is nearly as delicate. (Carey
Lea, American J. of Science [3] ix., 121.)
with that produced by a known quantity of sulphocyanide and
ferric solution (Herapath). But there are difficulties in making it
exact.
This is the most delicate test for HCN, detecting 1/7930th of a
grain of HCN in a very dilute liquid, whereas Prussian blue does
not discover less than 1/780th of a grain (Taylor, Ann. Ch. Pharm.
lxv., 263). Salts of acetic, formic, and meconic acids give red
colours with ferric chloride, but (1) meconic acid is not volatile; (2)
the red from acetic and formic acids is at once removed by a slight
excess of dilute hydrochloric acid, sulphocyanide is not; (3)
sulphocyanide-red is destroyed by solution of mercuric chloride,
the others are not.
The above tests are sufficient, but the following additional ones
have been at different times proposed.
V. Guaiacum Test.—Paper dipped in fresh tincture of
guaiacum, containing about 3 per cent. of the resin, then dried, then
moistened with dilute cupric sulphate solution (2 per cent.),
becomes blue in HCN vapour. But the same effect is produced
without HCN by almost all oxydants, such as chlorine, bromine, or
iodine, ferric chloride, nitric and nitrous acids, chromic acid,
peroxide of hydrogen, ozone (Mohr’s Toxicologie), also by
ammonia, hypochlorous acid, soluble chromates, &c. (Blyth).
VI. Uranium Test.—A grain or two of pure ferrous salt
(ammonio-ferrous sulphate will do), and the same quantity of
uranium nitrate, are dissolved in half an ounce of water. Two or
three drops of this are placed on a white plate, and a drop of the
suspected liquid added. A purple precipitate, or a greyish purple
colour in weak solutions, indicates HCN. Cobalt nitrate may be
used instead of the uranium salt, and is nearly as delicate. (Carey
Lea, American J. of Science [3] ix., 121.)
Page 106
VII. A hot solution of potassium cyanide mixed with picric acid
gives a deep blood-red —“picrocyanic” acid). Free HCN does not
give this reaction, and therefore must first be neutralized by an
alkali. Said to be more delicate than the iron tests. (C. D. Braun,
Zeitschr. f. anal. Ch. iii., 464.)
VIII. Slightly alkalize the distillate with potash, add a few
drops of cupric sulphate, and afterwards just enough hydrochloric
acid to dissolve the excess of cupric hydrate: white cuprous
cyanide will remain undissolved. “This test will detect 1/20000 of
HCN in solution.” (Lassaigne, Ann. de Chimie, xxvii., 200.) But a
similar effect is produced by hydriodic acid, and potassium iodide
might have been administered.
IX. Mix the HCN with excess of alkali, add cobalt chloride and
tartaric acid: on exposure to air a deep brown-red colour will be
produced. (C. D. Braun, loc. cit.).
X. If to a solution of HCN, potash be added in excess, and then
a little very finely pulverised, or precipitated, mercuric oxide, the
latter will dissolve. Mercuric oxide is soluble in alkaline fluids only
in presence of HCN. (Fresenius, Qual. Anal.).
XI. “With peroxide of hydrogen, natural blood gives
effervescence from escape of oxygen, but no discoloration. Blood
containing HCN gives a brown colour, the spectroscopic bands
disappearing, and no effervescence.” (Schönbein.)
Hæmatocrystallin, the colouring matter of the blood corpuscles,
combines, in fact, with HCN, giving a dark coloured compound
which appears to be crystallizable and definite in composition
(Hoppe Seyler), does not act as a carrier of oxygen like the natural
hæmatocrystallin, and possesses a distinct spectrum (see
Thudichum, Chem. Physiology). The blue masses in the blood
described by Ralph (Journ. Microsc. Science, Oct. 24, 1866) have
not been found by others.
gives a deep blood-red —“picrocyanic” acid). Free HCN does not
give this reaction, and therefore must first be neutralized by an
alkali. Said to be more delicate than the iron tests. (C. D. Braun,
Zeitschr. f. anal. Ch. iii., 464.)
VIII. Slightly alkalize the distillate with potash, add a few
drops of cupric sulphate, and afterwards just enough hydrochloric
acid to dissolve the excess of cupric hydrate: white cuprous
cyanide will remain undissolved. “This test will detect 1/20000 of
HCN in solution.” (Lassaigne, Ann. de Chimie, xxvii., 200.) But a
similar effect is produced by hydriodic acid, and potassium iodide
might have been administered.
IX. Mix the HCN with excess of alkali, add cobalt chloride and
tartaric acid: on exposure to air a deep brown-red colour will be
produced. (C. D. Braun, loc. cit.).
X. If to a solution of HCN, potash be added in excess, and then
a little very finely pulverised, or precipitated, mercuric oxide, the
latter will dissolve. Mercuric oxide is soluble in alkaline fluids only
in presence of HCN. (Fresenius, Qual. Anal.).
XI. “With peroxide of hydrogen, natural blood gives
effervescence from escape of oxygen, but no discoloration. Blood
containing HCN gives a brown colour, the spectroscopic bands
disappearing, and no effervescence.” (Schönbein.)
Hæmatocrystallin, the colouring matter of the blood corpuscles,
combines, in fact, with HCN, giving a dark coloured compound
which appears to be crystallizable and definite in composition
(Hoppe Seyler), does not act as a carrier of oxygen like the natural
hæmatocrystallin, and possesses a distinct spectrum (see
Thudichum, Chem. Physiology). The blue masses in the blood
described by Ralph (Journ. Microsc. Science, Oct. 24, 1866) have
not been found by others.
Page 107
XII. Mercurous nitrate gives at once with HCN solutions, a
black deposit of metallic mercury, and a solution of mercuric
cyanide. With calomel, a similar reaction takes place according to
Allen, but I have found that the solution is not deodorized even by
large excess of calomel, the odour becoming stronger and more
pungent than the original HCN. On evaporating, mercuric chloride
is left. Probably some cyanogen chloride is formed. The odour is so
much intensified that it might be of use as a test. In view of the
possible administration of calomel, the reaction is interesting.
Of course it will not be necessary to employ all these methods.
The odour, and the silver, Prussian blue, and “sulphur” tests will be
sufficient. I would suggest a form of apparatus by which all the
latter could be obtained from the original substance without
distillation in a retort.
A shallow beaker or glass jar is closed by an india-rubber
stopper, through two holes in which are passed glass rods ending in
glass spoon bowls bent at right angles, so as to be horizontal when
mounted. The bowls should be one inch in diameter, and will have
to be specially made. In the first bowl a few drops of silver nitrate
are placed, in the second a little potash. The apparatus is put in a
warm place for six or eight hours, then the two rods are removed, a
third rod substituted, its bowl containing a drop or two of yellow
ammonium sulphide, the other hole plugged, and the apparatus put
back in the warm place for two or three hours more. The first bowl
will have the silver cyanide, the second should be treated with
ferric and ferrous salt and hydrochloric acid for Prussian blue
(vide), the third evaporated and ferric chloride added for the
sulphocyanide test. This arrangement prevents loss of HCN by
volatilization, and also, with a little care, avoids any danger of the
reagent dropping back into the solution. The three rods cannot
black deposit of metallic mercury, and a solution of mercuric
cyanide. With calomel, a similar reaction takes place according to
Allen, but I have found that the solution is not deodorized even by
large excess of calomel, the odour becoming stronger and more
pungent than the original HCN. On evaporating, mercuric chloride
is left. Probably some cyanogen chloride is formed. The odour is so
much intensified that it might be of use as a test. In view of the
possible administration of calomel, the reaction is interesting.
Of course it will not be necessary to employ all these methods.
The odour, and the silver, Prussian blue, and “sulphur” tests will be
sufficient. I would suggest a form of apparatus by which all the
latter could be obtained from the original substance without
distillation in a retort.
A shallow beaker or glass jar is closed by an india-rubber
stopper, through two holes in which are passed glass rods ending in
glass spoon bowls bent at right angles, so as to be horizontal when
mounted. The bowls should be one inch in diameter, and will have
to be specially made. In the first bowl a few drops of silver nitrate
are placed, in the second a little potash. The apparatus is put in a
warm place for six or eight hours, then the two rods are removed, a
third rod substituted, its bowl containing a drop or two of yellow
ammonium sulphide, the other hole plugged, and the apparatus put
back in the warm place for two or three hours more. The first bowl
will have the silver cyanide, the second should be treated with
ferric and ferrous salt and hydrochloric acid for Prussian blue
(vide), the third evaporated and ferric chloride added for the
sulphocyanide test. This arrangement prevents loss of HCN by
volatilization, and also, with a little care, avoids any danger of the
reagent dropping back into the solution. The three rods cannot
Page 108
safely be placed in together, as the sulphide vapour would blacken
the silver.
For the modifications in testing necessitated by the presence of
mercury, &c., see under the different Salts.
SALTS.
Hydrocyanic acid combines with bases to form the cyanides,
which may be thus grouped:—
A. Cyanides of the Alkalies (potassium, sodium, ammonium),
and of the Alkaline Earths (barium, strontium, calcium,
magnesium). These are all soluble in water, are alkaline to test
paper, and are decomposed by all acids, even carbonic, hence they
exhale an odour of HCN, and are nearly as poisonous as prussic
acid itself. If they are present, the stomach contents must be
alkaline. The only member of this group likely to be met with is
Potassium Cyanide, KCN. Broken opaque white lumps, or
small crystals, deliquescent, smelling strongly of HCN, soapy to
the feel, often containing much carbonate, and therefore
effervescing with acids, easily fused by heat to a clear liquid, very
soluble in water, less in alcohol. Used for removing silver stains in
the form of “cyanogen soap,” but very dangerous, as a cut or
scratch may cause absorption, and even the unbroken skin,
according to Allen, may absorb enough to cause symptoms. Its
aqueous solution decomposes spontaneously into formiate of
potassium, ammonia, and a brown substance. Its taste is bitter and
acrid, causing constriction and a burning heat in the throat. It is
very strongly alkaline. Distilled with dilute acids it gives off all its
HCN. It easily responds to the other tests. In a case of poisoning
investigated by Dr. Bernays, a piece of potassium cyanide was
found in the deceased’s mouth, which was much inflamed by its
the silver.
For the modifications in testing necessitated by the presence of
mercury, &c., see under the different Salts.
SALTS.
Hydrocyanic acid combines with bases to form the cyanides,
which may be thus grouped:—
A. Cyanides of the Alkalies (potassium, sodium, ammonium),
and of the Alkaline Earths (barium, strontium, calcium,
magnesium). These are all soluble in water, are alkaline to test
paper, and are decomposed by all acids, even carbonic, hence they
exhale an odour of HCN, and are nearly as poisonous as prussic
acid itself. If they are present, the stomach contents must be
alkaline. The only member of this group likely to be met with is
Potassium Cyanide, KCN. Broken opaque white lumps, or
small crystals, deliquescent, smelling strongly of HCN, soapy to
the feel, often containing much carbonate, and therefore
effervescing with acids, easily fused by heat to a clear liquid, very
soluble in water, less in alcohol. Used for removing silver stains in
the form of “cyanogen soap,” but very dangerous, as a cut or
scratch may cause absorption, and even the unbroken skin,
according to Allen, may absorb enough to cause symptoms. Its
aqueous solution decomposes spontaneously into formiate of
potassium, ammonia, and a brown substance. Its taste is bitter and
acrid, causing constriction and a burning heat in the throat. It is
very strongly alkaline. Distilled with dilute acids it gives off all its
HCN. It easily responds to the other tests. In a case of poisoning
investigated by Dr. Bernays, a piece of potassium cyanide was
found in the deceased’s mouth, which was much inflamed by its
Page 109
acridity. The alkali being strong, and the acid weak, cyanide of
potassium has most of the effects of an alkaline irritant.
The potassium may be found by incinerating a portion of the
substance and testing for it in the ash. Taylor (Med. Jurisprudence)
improperly says that the salt itself (cyanide of potassium) may be
recovered from the organs by incinerating them in close vessels and
treating the ash with water. I have already mentioned that cyanide
would be formed in this way from the organic matters themselves,
even if not originally present.
B. Mercuric Cyanide, Hg(CN)2. Of all metals mercury has
most affinity for HCN, mercuric oxide decomposing other
cyanides, even Prussian blue, and dissolving readily, as we have
seen, in free HCN, or in alkaline cyanides. Hence if a compound of
mercury have been given medicinally, the prussic acid will be
found in the stomach as mercuric cyanide, which is easily soluble
in water, neutral to test paper, quite inodorous, and extremely
poisonous. It is not officially recognised in any Pharmacopœia,
except the French; has been occasionally used in medicine instead
of mercuric chloride, which it resembles in action, but has the
advantage of not being incompatible with alkalies and organic
matters (Royle’s Mat. Med., 6th ed.). It crystallizes in anhydrous
four-sided obliquely-truncated white opaque prisms, with a
disagreeable metallic taste, is permanent in the air, easily soluble in
water, less in alcohol. It fails to respond to the silver nitrate
(partially) or Prussian blue tests, and gives the sulphur test with
difficulty. It is decomposed by distillation with hydrochloric acid,
but only ⅔rds of the HCN pass over into the distillate, unless
ammonium chloride be added (Roscoe and Schorlemmer’s
Chemistry). Whenever HCN is looked for, it is safer to examine
also for mercury, and, if found, to add a little hydrochloric acid and
sulphuretted hydrogen to the original liquid, thereby precipitating
potassium has most of the effects of an alkaline irritant.
The potassium may be found by incinerating a portion of the
substance and testing for it in the ash. Taylor (Med. Jurisprudence)
improperly says that the salt itself (cyanide of potassium) may be
recovered from the organs by incinerating them in close vessels and
treating the ash with water. I have already mentioned that cyanide
would be formed in this way from the organic matters themselves,
even if not originally present.
B. Mercuric Cyanide, Hg(CN)2. Of all metals mercury has
most affinity for HCN, mercuric oxide decomposing other
cyanides, even Prussian blue, and dissolving readily, as we have
seen, in free HCN, or in alkaline cyanides. Hence if a compound of
mercury have been given medicinally, the prussic acid will be
found in the stomach as mercuric cyanide, which is easily soluble
in water, neutral to test paper, quite inodorous, and extremely
poisonous. It is not officially recognised in any Pharmacopœia,
except the French; has been occasionally used in medicine instead
of mercuric chloride, which it resembles in action, but has the
advantage of not being incompatible with alkalies and organic
matters (Royle’s Mat. Med., 6th ed.). It crystallizes in anhydrous
four-sided obliquely-truncated white opaque prisms, with a
disagreeable metallic taste, is permanent in the air, easily soluble in
water, less in alcohol. It fails to respond to the silver nitrate
(partially) or Prussian blue tests, and gives the sulphur test with
difficulty. It is decomposed by distillation with hydrochloric acid,
but only ⅔rds of the HCN pass over into the distillate, unless
ammonium chloride be added (Roscoe and Schorlemmer’s
Chemistry). Whenever HCN is looked for, it is safer to examine
also for mercury, and, if found, to add a little hydrochloric acid and
sulphuretted hydrogen to the original liquid, thereby precipitating
Page 110
mercuric sulphide (black) and liberating the HCN, which may be
distilled off. If, however, excess of sulphuretted hydrogen has been
inadvertently added, it would blacken silver nitrate, and hence the
silver test would not be available, unless the solution was
previously shaken with lead carbonate to remove the sulphide. But
it would not affect the Prussian blue or sulphur tests, as sulphide of
iron is soluble in hydrochloric acid. Mercuric cyanide also gives off
all its HCN when distilled with iron filings or zinc dust, sulphuric
acid, and water. This seems a better method.
Mercuric cyanide is said to be an irritant poison, and to be
similar in its action to corrosive sublimate. Combination with
mercury seems to mask the physiological action of HCN, just as it
does its chemical action. The medicinal dose is 1/16th grain
gradually increased to ½ grain, in pills or solution (Royle). 10
grains have proved fatal. By heat, when dry, it is broken up like
silver cyanide into mercury and cyanogen.
C. Cyanides of the Heavy Metals, as zinc, lead, copper, &c.
Silver cyanide has already been described. These are insoluble in
water, inodorous, and probably, while intact, not poisonous. But
they are decomposed by mineral acids, and, as the gastric juice is
acid, they would more or less readily yield free HCN, with its usual
odour and effects. The influence of the metal has also to be
considered.
D. Double Cyanides, derived from iron, cobalt, manganese,
chromium, platinum, &c., are inodorous. Those of the alkalies and
alkaline earths are alone soluble. The only common ones are ferro-
and ferricyanide of potassium, the so-called yellow and red
prussiates of potash. They are said to be merely purgative, not
poisonous, but, from the comparative facility with which they yield
HCN by acids, they cannot be considered safe. Soluble
ferrocyanides give, with pure ferrous sulphate, a white precipitate
distilled off. If, however, excess of sulphuretted hydrogen has been
inadvertently added, it would blacken silver nitrate, and hence the
silver test would not be available, unless the solution was
previously shaken with lead carbonate to remove the sulphide. But
it would not affect the Prussian blue or sulphur tests, as sulphide of
iron is soluble in hydrochloric acid. Mercuric cyanide also gives off
all its HCN when distilled with iron filings or zinc dust, sulphuric
acid, and water. This seems a better method.
Mercuric cyanide is said to be an irritant poison, and to be
similar in its action to corrosive sublimate. Combination with
mercury seems to mask the physiological action of HCN, just as it
does its chemical action. The medicinal dose is 1/16th grain
gradually increased to ½ grain, in pills or solution (Royle). 10
grains have proved fatal. By heat, when dry, it is broken up like
silver cyanide into mercury and cyanogen.
C. Cyanides of the Heavy Metals, as zinc, lead, copper, &c.
Silver cyanide has already been described. These are insoluble in
water, inodorous, and probably, while intact, not poisonous. But
they are decomposed by mineral acids, and, as the gastric juice is
acid, they would more or less readily yield free HCN, with its usual
odour and effects. The influence of the metal has also to be
considered.
D. Double Cyanides, derived from iron, cobalt, manganese,
chromium, platinum, &c., are inodorous. Those of the alkalies and
alkaline earths are alone soluble. The only common ones are ferro-
and ferricyanide of potassium, the so-called yellow and red
prussiates of potash. They are said to be merely purgative, not
poisonous, but, from the comparative facility with which they yield
HCN by acids, they cannot be considered safe. Soluble
ferrocyanides give, with pure ferrous sulphate, a white precipitate
Page 111
turning blue in air; with ferric chloride a precipitate of Prussian
blue; with cupric sulphate a maroon precipitate. Ferricyanide
solutions give with ferrous salts a deep blue precipitate; with ferric
salts a dark-brown coloration. These reactions would be applied to
a filtered portion of the stomach contents. Prussian blue is ferric
ferrocyanide mainly, but varies in composition: it is supposed to be
inert.
Almen states (Chem. Centr. 1872, 439) that potassium
ferrocyanide in solution decomposes at ordinary temperatures,
especially if a little free acid be present, HCN being formed.
Prussian blue only decomposes when warmed to 40° or 50° C.
(therefore not in the body, C. G. S.), “hence the presence of HCN,
if accompanied by ferrocyanide, is not a proof of poisoning.” But
ferrocyanide is not in any Pharmacopœia, and is not administered
medicinally. Yet, to answer a possible question, a known fraction of
the original substance might be extracted with water, and tested as
above. The same observations apply to ferricyanide.
When ferro-or ferricyanides are distilled with moderately
strong sulphuric acid, a portion of the contained HCN passes over;
in fact, this is the common process for preparing prussic acid. The
iron remains behind in the retort, in combination with potassium
and the rest of the cyanogen. If ferric hydrate —“ferri peroxidum
humidum”), or ferrous sulphate and potash, have been administered
as antidotes to HCN, Prussian blue might be formed in the
stomach. It would then show a blue colour, either by itself or on
addition of an acid, and blue particles under the microscope, if in
sufficient quantity. In this case the HCN left in the stomach would
have been rendered innocuous, and the prussic acid which had
actually caused the death would be found free in the blood, &c. The
stomach contents might then show no HCN, either by odour or
distillation, as Prussian blue is inodorous, and not easily
blue; with cupric sulphate a maroon precipitate. Ferricyanide
solutions give with ferrous salts a deep blue precipitate; with ferric
salts a dark-brown coloration. These reactions would be applied to
a filtered portion of the stomach contents. Prussian blue is ferric
ferrocyanide mainly, but varies in composition: it is supposed to be
inert.
Almen states (Chem. Centr. 1872, 439) that potassium
ferrocyanide in solution decomposes at ordinary temperatures,
especially if a little free acid be present, HCN being formed.
Prussian blue only decomposes when warmed to 40° or 50° C.
(therefore not in the body, C. G. S.), “hence the presence of HCN,
if accompanied by ferrocyanide, is not a proof of poisoning.” But
ferrocyanide is not in any Pharmacopœia, and is not administered
medicinally. Yet, to answer a possible question, a known fraction of
the original substance might be extracted with water, and tested as
above. The same observations apply to ferricyanide.
When ferro-or ferricyanides are distilled with moderately
strong sulphuric acid, a portion of the contained HCN passes over;
in fact, this is the common process for preparing prussic acid. The
iron remains behind in the retort, in combination with potassium
and the rest of the cyanogen. If ferric hydrate —“ferri peroxidum
humidum”), or ferrous sulphate and potash, have been administered
as antidotes to HCN, Prussian blue might be formed in the
stomach. It would then show a blue colour, either by itself or on
addition of an acid, and blue particles under the microscope, if in
sufficient quantity. In this case the HCN left in the stomach would
have been rendered innocuous, and the prussic acid which had
actually caused the death would be found free in the blood, &c. The
stomach contents might then show no HCN, either by odour or
distillation, as Prussian blue is inodorous, and not easily
Page 112
decomposed by dilute acids. With alkalies it turns brown, giving
ferric hydrate and an alkaline ferrocyanide.
Ludwig and Maushner (Chem. Centr. 1881, 43), in a case of
poisoning, discovered a quantity of potassium ferrocyanide in the
body. This was removed by slightly acidulating and carefully
precipitating by ferric chloride. The filtrate, distilled with tartaric
acid, yielded much HCN. The sample of cyanide of potassium,
which had probably caused death, was afterwards found to contain
a large proportion of ferrocyanide.
E. Sulphoncyanides (Thiocyanates). Those of the alkalies and
alkaline earths are soluble and colourless; ferric sulphocyanide is
soluble, and intense blood-red (sulphur test); other sulphocyanides
are mostly insoluble. They are all inodorous, poisonous in
moderate quantities, and are not officinal in any Pharmacopœia.
Distilled with acids they break up, HCN being found in the
distillate. It has been mentioned already that ammonium sulphide,
produced by putrefaction, may combine with any HCN present to
form ammonium sulphocyanide; therefore, if the matters to be
examined are alkaline, and putrefaction has commenced, Allen
(Commerc. Org. Anal., 1879, art. HCN) recommends us to digest
with alcohol, filter, evaporate to dryness on a water bath, redissolve
in a little water, filter again, and test the filtrate with ferric chloride
after just acidulating with hydrochloric acid: the well-known
blood-red colour will result (see “Sulphur Test”). But the ordinary
distillation with tartaric or sulphuric acid would in this case also
detect the HCN, though the whole might not pass into the distillate.
Sulphocyanide of mercury is the toy called “Pharaoh’s
Serpent.” A case of poisoning by it is recorded.
It is important to notice that traces of sulphocyanide are
naturally present in the saliva. If this salt be found, the question
will occur, how much could be accounted for by the saliva?
ferric hydrate and an alkaline ferrocyanide.
Ludwig and Maushner (Chem. Centr. 1881, 43), in a case of
poisoning, discovered a quantity of potassium ferrocyanide in the
body. This was removed by slightly acidulating and carefully
precipitating by ferric chloride. The filtrate, distilled with tartaric
acid, yielded much HCN. The sample of cyanide of potassium,
which had probably caused death, was afterwards found to contain
a large proportion of ferrocyanide.
E. Sulphoncyanides (Thiocyanates). Those of the alkalies and
alkaline earths are soluble and colourless; ferric sulphocyanide is
soluble, and intense blood-red (sulphur test); other sulphocyanides
are mostly insoluble. They are all inodorous, poisonous in
moderate quantities, and are not officinal in any Pharmacopœia.
Distilled with acids they break up, HCN being found in the
distillate. It has been mentioned already that ammonium sulphide,
produced by putrefaction, may combine with any HCN present to
form ammonium sulphocyanide; therefore, if the matters to be
examined are alkaline, and putrefaction has commenced, Allen
(Commerc. Org. Anal., 1879, art. HCN) recommends us to digest
with alcohol, filter, evaporate to dryness on a water bath, redissolve
in a little water, filter again, and test the filtrate with ferric chloride
after just acidulating with hydrochloric acid: the well-known
blood-red colour will result (see “Sulphur Test”). But the ordinary
distillation with tartaric or sulphuric acid would in this case also
detect the HCN, though the whole might not pass into the distillate.
Sulphocyanide of mercury is the toy called “Pharaoh’s
Serpent.” A case of poisoning by it is recorded.
It is important to notice that traces of sulphocyanide are
naturally present in the saliva. If this salt be found, the question
will occur, how much could be accounted for by the saliva?
Page 113
Carpenter (Princ. of Human Physiol.) quotes Harley to the effect
that the average daily secretion from the salivary glands is 1 or 2
pounds: other observers have stated that it varies greatly. The
secretion itself is said to contain, in 1000 parts, one part
(Frehrichs), or 0·6 part (Jacubowitsch), or even 0·3 part (Oehl), of
potassium sulphocyanide; that is, 4·2 to 7 grains per pound,
equivalent to from 1 to 2 grains of HCN, or 2 to 4 grains if 2
pounds of saliva were secreted. This would be a serious matter but
for the fact that, whether from decomposition by the gastric juice or
otherwise, or from its passing out of the stomach as it passes in, it
is certain that no such quantity is ever found naturally in the
stomach, not more than a minute trace being ever given by the
processes, unless hydrocyanic acid, in one of its forms, has actually
been administered.
Cyanide of cadmium, and some of its double salts, are sparingly
soluble. Double cyanide of silver and potassium is soluble and
crystallizable. It is the salt used in electro-plating, and, as
commonly met with, smells strongly of potassium cyanide. Zinc-
potassium cyanide has been used medicinally: it occurs in beautiful
crystals, inodorous when dry, but having a faint odour of HCN in
solution.
The other cyanides are rare, and their physiological action is
unrecorded. Cyanic acid and cyanates are said not to be poisonous.
Oil of Bitter Almonds.—The crude oil contains, as we have
seen, 8 to 15 per cent, of HCN. Dissolved in spirit it forms
“essence of almonds,” and is exceedingly poisonous, having caused
thirty-one deaths in four years (Taylor). Two drachms of the oil has
killed a man in seventeen minutes (Lancet, 1868, p. 447), two
ounces caused death immediately. The odour of almonds is always
distinct in the stomach.
that the average daily secretion from the salivary glands is 1 or 2
pounds: other observers have stated that it varies greatly. The
secretion itself is said to contain, in 1000 parts, one part
(Frehrichs), or 0·6 part (Jacubowitsch), or even 0·3 part (Oehl), of
potassium sulphocyanide; that is, 4·2 to 7 grains per pound,
equivalent to from 1 to 2 grains of HCN, or 2 to 4 grains if 2
pounds of saliva were secreted. This would be a serious matter but
for the fact that, whether from decomposition by the gastric juice or
otherwise, or from its passing out of the stomach as it passes in, it
is certain that no such quantity is ever found naturally in the
stomach, not more than a minute trace being ever given by the
processes, unless hydrocyanic acid, in one of its forms, has actually
been administered.
Cyanide of cadmium, and some of its double salts, are sparingly
soluble. Double cyanide of silver and potassium is soluble and
crystallizable. It is the salt used in electro-plating, and, as
commonly met with, smells strongly of potassium cyanide. Zinc-
potassium cyanide has been used medicinally: it occurs in beautiful
crystals, inodorous when dry, but having a faint odour of HCN in
solution.
The other cyanides are rare, and their physiological action is
unrecorded. Cyanic acid and cyanates are said not to be poisonous.
Oil of Bitter Almonds.—The crude oil contains, as we have
seen, 8 to 15 per cent, of HCN. Dissolved in spirit it forms
“essence of almonds,” and is exceedingly poisonous, having caused
thirty-one deaths in four years (Taylor). Two drachms of the oil has
killed a man in seventeen minutes (Lancet, 1868, p. 447), two
ounces caused death immediately. The odour of almonds is always
distinct in the stomach.
Page 114
The oil can be freed from HCN, but then does not keep so well,
and is much more costly. Its sp. gr. is 1·049; it boils at 356° F. The
crude oil is yellow: with concentrated sulphuric acid it gives a
crimson-red colour, and on diluting a yellow emulsion. We may
estimate the amount of HCN in it by shaking with water,
separating, adding dilute potash to the aqueous liquid, and testing it
with standard silver solution as described under “Silver Test.” The
other tests may also be used to prove the presence of HCN; the
guaiacum and copper paper being specially convenient.
A case of poisoning by bitter almonds is reported in the “South
Australian Register” for August 6th, 1879. A female child (whose
age is not stated) ate a dozen of them, freshly taken from the tree,
and died in three hours. The symptoms described are pain, coma,
and convulsions.
Antidotes to HCN are generally useless since the death is so
sudden. A moderately dilute solution of an alkali, such as potash,
lime or washing soda, along with a little ferrous sulphate, would
render harmless so much of the poison as was still in the stomach
unabsorbed. As already mentioned, this would cause a little
difficulty in the chemical analysis. Ammonia acts as an antidote by
opposing the depressant action of HCN. Chlorine water has been
used: this converts the HCN into ammonium chloride, carbon
monoxide and dioxide, and a little cyanogen chloride.
Medicinal uses.—Its primary action is on the cerebrospinal
nerves. It is employed externally, largely diluted, to allay neuralgia
and itching of the skin, and to relieve earache (not more than two
drops of B. P. acid at a time)[24]: it must not come in contact with
abrasions, or it might be absorbed and produce poisoning
symptoms. Internally, it allays dyspepsia and the irritant effects of
capsicum, &c. (Royle). Safe dose internally two to six minims of
and is much more costly. Its sp. gr. is 1·049; it boils at 356° F. The
crude oil is yellow: with concentrated sulphuric acid it gives a
crimson-red colour, and on diluting a yellow emulsion. We may
estimate the amount of HCN in it by shaking with water,
separating, adding dilute potash to the aqueous liquid, and testing it
with standard silver solution as described under “Silver Test.” The
other tests may also be used to prove the presence of HCN; the
guaiacum and copper paper being specially convenient.
A case of poisoning by bitter almonds is reported in the “South
Australian Register” for August 6th, 1879. A female child (whose
age is not stated) ate a dozen of them, freshly taken from the tree,
and died in three hours. The symptoms described are pain, coma,
and convulsions.
Antidotes to HCN are generally useless since the death is so
sudden. A moderately dilute solution of an alkali, such as potash,
lime or washing soda, along with a little ferrous sulphate, would
render harmless so much of the poison as was still in the stomach
unabsorbed. As already mentioned, this would cause a little
difficulty in the chemical analysis. Ammonia acts as an antidote by
opposing the depressant action of HCN. Chlorine water has been
used: this converts the HCN into ammonium chloride, carbon
monoxide and dioxide, and a little cyanogen chloride.
Medicinal uses.—Its primary action is on the cerebrospinal
nerves. It is employed externally, largely diluted, to allay neuralgia
and itching of the skin, and to relieve earache (not more than two
drops of B. P. acid at a time)[24]: it must not come in contact with
abrasions, or it might be absorbed and produce poisoning
symptoms. Internally, it allays dyspepsia and the irritant effects of
capsicum, &c. (Royle). Safe dose internally two to six minims of
Page 115
the B. P. 2 per cent. acid, suspended if there is any constriction of
the throat (Farquharson’s Therapeutics).
Fatal dose.—Smallest recorded (Med. Gaz. 35, p. 896); twenty
grains of Scheele’s acid, fatal in twenty minutes, equal to fifty
grains of B. P. 2 per cent. acid, equal to one grain of anhydrous
prussic acid. Largest dose with recovery (Lancet, 1854, January
14), one drachm (sixty grains) of Scheele’s acid, but in this case
energetic remedies were at once applied. Average fatal dose of 2
per cent. acid, thirty minims (Royle’s Mat. Med., Dr. Harley, 6th
ed.).
Symptoms.—These vary with the dose, &c. A large quantity
kills in two to five minutes, though insensibility may ensue in a few
seconds. But patients may survive for twenty minutes, or even for
an hour; and may continue in imminent danger for several hours,
and yet recover (Guy and Ferrier, Forens. Med., 1881). Many cases
have occurred of voluntary acts, such as concealing or throwing
away the bottle, having been performed after fatal doses had been
swallowed (Ibid, p. 600). In animals, according to Mr. Nunneley,
there is usually a peculiar plaintive cry, but not in man, though
there may be a call for assistance. Convulsions, and involuntary
evacuation of fæces or urine, may or may not occur. Large doses
kill by cardiac syncope; smaller ones by paralysis of the respiratory
centre, or, if gradual, by impeded oxidation of the blood
(Farquharson’s Therapeutics). Other symptoms are, dilatation of
pupils, muscular prostration, deep convulsive breathing at long
intervals, quick feeble irregular pulse, spasmodic closure of the
jaws and clenching of the hands (Taylor). Breathing sometimes
stertorous (Christison, Ed. Month. Journal, February, 1850, p. 97.
Reg. v. Burroughs, Cent. Crim. Court, February, 1857). Vomiting
occasional, or foaming at the mouth.
the throat (Farquharson’s Therapeutics).
Fatal dose.—Smallest recorded (Med. Gaz. 35, p. 896); twenty
grains of Scheele’s acid, fatal in twenty minutes, equal to fifty
grains of B. P. 2 per cent. acid, equal to one grain of anhydrous
prussic acid. Largest dose with recovery (Lancet, 1854, January
14), one drachm (sixty grains) of Scheele’s acid, but in this case
energetic remedies were at once applied. Average fatal dose of 2
per cent. acid, thirty minims (Royle’s Mat. Med., Dr. Harley, 6th
ed.).
Symptoms.—These vary with the dose, &c. A large quantity
kills in two to five minutes, though insensibility may ensue in a few
seconds. But patients may survive for twenty minutes, or even for
an hour; and may continue in imminent danger for several hours,
and yet recover (Guy and Ferrier, Forens. Med., 1881). Many cases
have occurred of voluntary acts, such as concealing or throwing
away the bottle, having been performed after fatal doses had been
swallowed (Ibid, p. 600). In animals, according to Mr. Nunneley,
there is usually a peculiar plaintive cry, but not in man, though
there may be a call for assistance. Convulsions, and involuntary
evacuation of fæces or urine, may or may not occur. Large doses
kill by cardiac syncope; smaller ones by paralysis of the respiratory
centre, or, if gradual, by impeded oxidation of the blood
(Farquharson’s Therapeutics). Other symptoms are, dilatation of
pupils, muscular prostration, deep convulsive breathing at long
intervals, quick feeble irregular pulse, spasmodic closure of the
jaws and clenching of the hands (Taylor). Breathing sometimes
stertorous (Christison, Ed. Month. Journal, February, 1850, p. 97.
Reg. v. Burroughs, Cent. Crim. Court, February, 1857). Vomiting
occasional, or foaming at the mouth.
Page 116
Post-mortem appearances.—Not characteristic (Farquharson;
Guy and Ferrier). Putrefaction not accelerated (Taylor). The veins
contain dark fluid blood: the right side of the heart is gorged
(Harley). There may or may not be congestion and reddening of
stomach and intestines, or of the brain. On the whole, the
appearances are those of asphyxia.[25] The odour should be sought
for in all parts, and as soon as possible the organs should be shut
up in stoppered jars, or well-corked and sealed bottles, and sent at
once for analysis.
The symptoms and post-mortem appearances of poisoning by
Cyanide of Potassium are the same as those of prussic acid, except
that:—
1. Convulsions are more common.
2. Owing to the irritant action of the alkali, the stomach is
reddened.
3. The contents are alkaline.
The fatal dose is less than five grains, but Taylor mentions a
case of recovery after nearly one ounce of the commercial cyanide,
which may, however, have contained much carbonate.
Hydrocyanic acid is not, in the strict sense, a cumulative
poison; “but doses that exceed the proper medicinal limit may
happen to prove fatal though similar previous ones have appeared
to be harmless, in consequence of a change in the body itself.”
(Guy and Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, 1881, p. 606.)
In the trial of George Ball for poisoning his mother with prussic
acid, at Lewes, July, 1860 (previously reported), the question arose
as to the difference between minims and drops. A minim of water is
supposed to weigh a grain: if the fluid is heavier than water, it
weighs more than a grain; if lighter, it weighs less. But a drop is
quite an indefinite quantity: it is affected, not only by the specific
Guy and Ferrier). Putrefaction not accelerated (Taylor). The veins
contain dark fluid blood: the right side of the heart is gorged
(Harley). There may or may not be congestion and reddening of
stomach and intestines, or of the brain. On the whole, the
appearances are those of asphyxia.[25] The odour should be sought
for in all parts, and as soon as possible the organs should be shut
up in stoppered jars, or well-corked and sealed bottles, and sent at
once for analysis.
The symptoms and post-mortem appearances of poisoning by
Cyanide of Potassium are the same as those of prussic acid, except
that:—
1. Convulsions are more common.
2. Owing to the irritant action of the alkali, the stomach is
reddened.
3. The contents are alkaline.
The fatal dose is less than five grains, but Taylor mentions a
case of recovery after nearly one ounce of the commercial cyanide,
which may, however, have contained much carbonate.
Hydrocyanic acid is not, in the strict sense, a cumulative
poison; “but doses that exceed the proper medicinal limit may
happen to prove fatal though similar previous ones have appeared
to be harmless, in consequence of a change in the body itself.”
(Guy and Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, 1881, p. 606.)
In the trial of George Ball for poisoning his mother with prussic
acid, at Lewes, July, 1860 (previously reported), the question arose
as to the difference between minims and drops. A minim of water is
supposed to weigh a grain: if the fluid is heavier than water, it
weighs more than a grain; if lighter, it weighs less. But a drop is
quite an indefinite quantity: it is affected, not only by the specific
Page 117
gravity, but by the cohesion of the fluid, by the shape and size of
the vessel, the manner of pouring, and the temperature. I have
made some experiments which show the irregularity. (See also
Woodman and Tidy’s Forensic Medicine, p. 456.)
Measured
No. of
Capacity of Bottle. Liquid. in
Drops.
Minims.
(Stoppered) 6 fluid oz. Water 117 180
Do. (another observer) Do. 90 120
1½ fluid oz. Do. 47 100
(Corked) 6 do. Do. 36 100
Same capacity, dropped with the
Do. 37 to 41 100
cork
Rectified
(Stoppered) 6 fluid oz. 243 120
Spirit
Proving that while a drop may be estimated at about 1½ to 2
minims (a good deal more than the usual supposition, the two terms
being often regarded as synonymous), yet the inconstancy is so
great that it is absolutely imperative, in using powerful medicines,
to prescribe exact measurement, and not such a precarious process
as dropping.
As to the period after death during which HCN may be
detected, Allen (Comm. Org. Anal.) asserts that its detection is
rarely possible after more than twenty-four hours. This is
astonishing, as Casper separated more than 18 milligrammes from
a body eight days after death; Sokoloff detected it in hounds sixty
days after; Dragendorff after four weeks in a dog, after eight or ten
days in man. Reichardt (Arch. Pharm. 3, 19, 204) found it in a body
two months after death—in the organs, but not in the urine. In the
Tawell trial, also, the interval was considerable.
the vessel, the manner of pouring, and the temperature. I have
made some experiments which show the irregularity. (See also
Woodman and Tidy’s Forensic Medicine, p. 456.)
Measured
No. of
Capacity of Bottle. Liquid. in
Drops.
Minims.
(Stoppered) 6 fluid oz. Water 117 180
Do. (another observer) Do. 90 120
1½ fluid oz. Do. 47 100
(Corked) 6 do. Do. 36 100
Same capacity, dropped with the
Do. 37 to 41 100
cork
Rectified
(Stoppered) 6 fluid oz. 243 120
Spirit
Proving that while a drop may be estimated at about 1½ to 2
minims (a good deal more than the usual supposition, the two terms
being often regarded as synonymous), yet the inconstancy is so
great that it is absolutely imperative, in using powerful medicines,
to prescribe exact measurement, and not such a precarious process
as dropping.
As to the period after death during which HCN may be
detected, Allen (Comm. Org. Anal.) asserts that its detection is
rarely possible after more than twenty-four hours. This is
astonishing, as Casper separated more than 18 milligrammes from
a body eight days after death; Sokoloff detected it in hounds sixty
days after; Dragendorff after four weeks in a dog, after eight or ten
days in man. Reichardt (Arch. Pharm. 3, 19, 204) found it in a body
two months after death—in the organs, but not in the urine. In the
Tawell trial, also, the interval was considerable.
Page 118
Casper states in his Handbook (vol. iii., illustrative cases of
HCN) that Schauenstein (one of the Prussian official chemists),
twenty-six hours after death, found no HCN in the stomach, but a
considerable amount of formic acid, the result of its
metamorphosis. We know that strong HCN, exposed to light,
decomposes into formate of ammonium, which, by distillation with
a dilute acid, would give formic acid in the distillate. That such a
change should occur so rapidly in a dilute solution, and in the
darkness of the body, is improbable. It would be well, however, that
formic acid should be looked for in the distillate thus:—
Carefully neutralize a measured portion with pure soda or
potash; evaporate on the water-bath to dryness. The alkaline
formate will be left in white crystals if present, together with the
cyanide, which will not crystallize, but remain as a deliquescent
mass. Dissolve in a little water, and divide into three equal
portions.
(1.) To the first add silver nitrate in slight excess. Cyanide of
silver will precipitate, formate will remain in solution, if not too
concentrated. Filter, if possible. On boiling, if any blackening
happens from reduction of the silver, formic acid is probably
present. Acetic acid does not reduce silver nitrate.
(2.) To the second add dilute neutral ferric chloride (a solution
of iron-alum answers admirably). A red-brown colour, removed by
a drop of hydrochloric acid, indicates either acetic or formic acid.
(3.) Evaporate the third portion to dryness, and ignite gently in
a closed crucible. Formate and acetate will be turned into
carbonate, while cyanide will remain unchanged if air be excluded.
If then effervescence take place on treating the residue with a little
hydrochloric acid, it is a confirmation of the presence of formic or
acetic acid. The first test will have revealed which it is.
HCN) that Schauenstein (one of the Prussian official chemists),
twenty-six hours after death, found no HCN in the stomach, but a
considerable amount of formic acid, the result of its
metamorphosis. We know that strong HCN, exposed to light,
decomposes into formate of ammonium, which, by distillation with
a dilute acid, would give formic acid in the distillate. That such a
change should occur so rapidly in a dilute solution, and in the
darkness of the body, is improbable. It would be well, however, that
formic acid should be looked for in the distillate thus:—
Carefully neutralize a measured portion with pure soda or
potash; evaporate on the water-bath to dryness. The alkaline
formate will be left in white crystals if present, together with the
cyanide, which will not crystallize, but remain as a deliquescent
mass. Dissolve in a little water, and divide into three equal
portions.
(1.) To the first add silver nitrate in slight excess. Cyanide of
silver will precipitate, formate will remain in solution, if not too
concentrated. Filter, if possible. On boiling, if any blackening
happens from reduction of the silver, formic acid is probably
present. Acetic acid does not reduce silver nitrate.
(2.) To the second add dilute neutral ferric chloride (a solution
of iron-alum answers admirably). A red-brown colour, removed by
a drop of hydrochloric acid, indicates either acetic or formic acid.
(3.) Evaporate the third portion to dryness, and ignite gently in
a closed crucible. Formate and acetate will be turned into
carbonate, while cyanide will remain unchanged if air be excluded.
If then effervescence take place on treating the residue with a little
hydrochloric acid, it is a confirmation of the presence of formic or
acetic acid. The first test will have revealed which it is.
Page 119
Many animal substances, when distilled with strong acids, do
give acetic and formic acids, but they do not act thus with dilute
acids. Yet a stomach will usually yield a little acetic acid from the
food having turned sour.
If formic acid be present, it will probably have proceeded from
the decomposition of HCN. Then the reduced silver obtained in the
first test should be weighed, and calculated into formic acid, and
also into hydrocyanic acid (108 parts of silver = 46 parts formic
acid, or 27 parts HCN). The result may be stated thus:—
“Hydrocyanic acid actually found,—— grains. Formic acid
found,—— grains. If this had proceeded from the decomposition of
hydrocyanic acid, it would correspond to an additional amount of
—— grains of hydrocyanic acid.”
It is needless to observe that the mere finding of formic acid
would be no proof of the administration of HCN, unless strong
corroborative evidence were at hand.
On the whole, we must always try, and we may often hope, to
find HCN if given, either free, as cyanide, or as sulphocyanide,
even after months have elapsed.
give acetic and formic acids, but they do not act thus with dilute
acids. Yet a stomach will usually yield a little acetic acid from the
food having turned sour.
If formic acid be present, it will probably have proceeded from
the decomposition of HCN. Then the reduced silver obtained in the
first test should be weighed, and calculated into formic acid, and
also into hydrocyanic acid (108 parts of silver = 46 parts formic
acid, or 27 parts HCN). The result may be stated thus:—
“Hydrocyanic acid actually found,—— grains. Formic acid
found,—— grains. If this had proceeded from the decomposition of
hydrocyanic acid, it would correspond to an additional amount of
—— grains of hydrocyanic acid.”
It is needless to observe that the mere finding of formic acid
would be no proof of the administration of HCN, unless strong
corroborative evidence were at hand.
On the whole, we must always try, and we may often hope, to
find HCN if given, either free, as cyanide, or as sulphocyanide,
even after months have elapsed.
Page 120
CHAPTER IV.
TRIALS FOR POISONING BY STRYCHNIA.
PALMER, DOVE, AND BARLOW.
Three cases are reported in this chapter. (1) That of William
Palmer, for the poisoning of John Parsons Cook, at Rugeley, in
Staffordshire, which, in consequence of the prejudice existing
against him in that county, was transferred by Act of Parliament to
the Central Criminal Court in the City of London,[26] and taken
before Lord Chief Justice Campbell, on the 14th, and eleven
following days, of May, 1856. (2) That of William Dove, for the
murder of his wife, Harriet, at Leeds, tried at York, July 16th, 1856,
before Baron Bramwell. (3) That of Silas Barlow, for the murder of
his mistress, Eliza Soper, at Vauxhall, tried at the Central Criminal
Court, November, 1876, before Mr. Justice Denman.
The first of these trials is remarkable for the conflict of the
medico-scientific evidence, the most eminent men among our
physicians and analysts being called on either side, and the most
contradictory testimony as to the possibility of detecting strychnia
being given by them. The second trial shows the dangerous effect
of hasty newspaper reports in such cases—the murder of his wife
TRIALS FOR POISONING BY STRYCHNIA.
PALMER, DOVE, AND BARLOW.
Three cases are reported in this chapter. (1) That of William
Palmer, for the poisoning of John Parsons Cook, at Rugeley, in
Staffordshire, which, in consequence of the prejudice existing
against him in that county, was transferred by Act of Parliament to
the Central Criminal Court in the City of London,[26] and taken
before Lord Chief Justice Campbell, on the 14th, and eleven
following days, of May, 1856. (2) That of William Dove, for the
murder of his wife, Harriet, at Leeds, tried at York, July 16th, 1856,
before Baron Bramwell. (3) That of Silas Barlow, for the murder of
his mistress, Eliza Soper, at Vauxhall, tried at the Central Criminal
Court, November, 1876, before Mr. Justice Denman.
The first of these trials is remarkable for the conflict of the
medico-scientific evidence, the most eminent men among our
physicians and analysts being called on either side, and the most
contradictory testimony as to the possibility of detecting strychnia
being given by them. The second trial shows the dangerous effect
of hasty newspaper reports in such cases—the murder of his wife
Page 121
by Dove having been clearly suggested by the popular report to
which some of the journals of the day gave circulation, that Dr.
Taylor, the eminent analyst, had stated, in connection with Palmer’s
case, that strychnia could not be detected by analysis. This case is
also interesting from the nature of the insanity which was set up by
the defence. The last trial, that of Silas Barlow, exposes the danger
of the sale of the “Vermin Killers,” so popular with all
householders, most, if not all, of which contain a large proportion
of strychnia, and thus offer a ready means for murder or suicide,
especially as the purchase of them would not be attributed to an
evil intention. It is but a poor consolation to know that, when the
mischief has been done, the punishment of the actor can be secured
by the skill of the analyst.
THE RUGELEY POISONINGS.
TRIAL OF WILLIAM PALMER, May 14, and following days,
1856.[27]
Before Lord Chief Justice Campbell, Baron Alderson, and Mr. Justice
Cresswell, at the Central Criminal Court.
For the Prosecution: The Attorney-General (Sir A. Cockburn),
Mr. Edwin James, Q.C., Mr. Bodkin, Mr. Welsby, and Mr.
Huddlestone.
For the Defence: Mr. Serjeant Shee, Mr. Grove, Q.C., Mr. Gray,
and Mr. Kenealy.
William Palmer, surgeon, of Rugeley, Staffordshire, aged 31,
was indicted for the wilful murder of John Parsons Cook.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
which some of the journals of the day gave circulation, that Dr.
Taylor, the eminent analyst, had stated, in connection with Palmer’s
case, that strychnia could not be detected by analysis. This case is
also interesting from the nature of the insanity which was set up by
the defence. The last trial, that of Silas Barlow, exposes the danger
of the sale of the “Vermin Killers,” so popular with all
householders, most, if not all, of which contain a large proportion
of strychnia, and thus offer a ready means for murder or suicide,
especially as the purchase of them would not be attributed to an
evil intention. It is but a poor consolation to know that, when the
mischief has been done, the punishment of the actor can be secured
by the skill of the analyst.
THE RUGELEY POISONINGS.
TRIAL OF WILLIAM PALMER, May 14, and following days,
1856.[27]
Before Lord Chief Justice Campbell, Baron Alderson, and Mr. Justice
Cresswell, at the Central Criminal Court.
For the Prosecution: The Attorney-General (Sir A. Cockburn),
Mr. Edwin James, Q.C., Mr. Bodkin, Mr. Welsby, and Mr.
Huddlestone.
For the Defence: Mr. Serjeant Shee, Mr. Grove, Q.C., Mr. Gray,
and Mr. Kenealy.
William Palmer, surgeon, of Rugeley, Staffordshire, aged 31,
was indicted for the wilful murder of John Parsons Cook.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Page 122
Connection between Cook and Palmer.
Mr. Cook, having been originally brought up as a solicitor, on
coming into a fortune of from £12,000 to £13,000, abandoned his
profession, and took to the turf, where he became acquainted with
the prisoner, who had for some years kept racehorses. Originally in
good local practice, Palmer had of late transferred the majority of
his patients to a Mr. Thirlby, who had previously been his assistant,
retaining only two or three more immediately connected with him
or his family. His father, originally a working sawyer, had, by his
industry, gradually risen to be a timber merchant in a large way of
business, and, on his sudden death in 1837, left a fortune of
£70,000. As he died intestate, the eldest son executed a deed by
which each of the children took £7,000, and the remainder was left
to the widow. Of these children, seven in number, the prisoner was
the fourth. As a child he was known for his amiability and
kindness, but also for his shy and underhand manner, and his
partiality for trying experiments of a cruel nature on animals. “He
was just and generous,” said one of his early friends, “when he
grew up, and he never forgot an old face.”[28] Originally
apprenticed to a firm of druggists in Liverpool, he had to leave
them in consequence of a scandal in money matters; was then put
with Mr. Tylecote, a surgeon, near Rugeley; walked the London
hospitals, living the gay life of so many of that class of students;
passed his examinations; married the illegitimate daughter of an
Indian officer, who left her a small property; and set up in Rugeley
as a surgeon. Of his five children only the first, a son, was living at
the time of his trial, the others all dying suddenly of convulsions
within a few weeks after their birth. He was an indulgent husband,
a kind father, a regular attendant at church, and apparently a
religious man.
Mr. Cook, having been originally brought up as a solicitor, on
coming into a fortune of from £12,000 to £13,000, abandoned his
profession, and took to the turf, where he became acquainted with
the prisoner, who had for some years kept racehorses. Originally in
good local practice, Palmer had of late transferred the majority of
his patients to a Mr. Thirlby, who had previously been his assistant,
retaining only two or three more immediately connected with him
or his family. His father, originally a working sawyer, had, by his
industry, gradually risen to be a timber merchant in a large way of
business, and, on his sudden death in 1837, left a fortune of
£70,000. As he died intestate, the eldest son executed a deed by
which each of the children took £7,000, and the remainder was left
to the widow. Of these children, seven in number, the prisoner was
the fourth. As a child he was known for his amiability and
kindness, but also for his shy and underhand manner, and his
partiality for trying experiments of a cruel nature on animals. “He
was just and generous,” said one of his early friends, “when he
grew up, and he never forgot an old face.”[28] Originally
apprenticed to a firm of druggists in Liverpool, he had to leave
them in consequence of a scandal in money matters; was then put
with Mr. Tylecote, a surgeon, near Rugeley; walked the London
hospitals, living the gay life of so many of that class of students;
passed his examinations; married the illegitimate daughter of an
Indian officer, who left her a small property; and set up in Rugeley
as a surgeon. Of his five children only the first, a son, was living at
the time of his trial, the others all dying suddenly of convulsions
within a few weeks after their birth. He was an indulgent husband,
a kind father, a regular attendant at church, and apparently a
religious man.
Page 123
On his marriage, Palmer commenced to live in a handsome
style, keeping his carriage, and soon after began training and
breeding racehorses, and occupying himself on the turf. As his
wife’s fortune was only for her life, in 1854 he insured her life for
£13,000, the premiums on which exceeded the income he derived
from her, further insurances of a greater amount being declined by
other offices. Within nine months after this, his wife was dead, and
the insurance money received, relieving Palmer from difficulties
that were already pressing on him. Again, within three months after
his wife’s death, Palmer was endeavouring to effect insurances on
the life of his brother Walter, a confirmed drunkard, to the
enormous extent of £80,000. Only one of these policies, that in the
Prince of Wales’ office, was accepted, the other offices being put on
their guard by the hint that “his wife had died after the first
payment of the premium had been made.” Pressed by his pecuniary
difficulties, he then tried to effect an insurance for £10,000 on the
life of one George Bate, a decayed farmer, whom he employed as a
kind of farm bailiff, and represented as a gentleman and an esquire,
with a famous cellar of wine, but the insurance offices were now
thoroughly awake; a detective was sent to interview the esquire,
whom he found hoeing turnips, and the scheme fell through.[29]
Since 1854, Palmer had been in the hands of the bill
discounters, and especially of a money-lending attorney in Mayfair
of the name of Pratt, with whom he from time to time discounted
what purported to be the acceptances of his mother, some of which
were renewed on partial payment, others cleared off by the money
received from the insurance of his wife’s life.
“This,” said the Attorney-General, “brings us to the close of
1854. In the course of that year he effected another insurance in his
brother’s name, but Palmer was the real party, and corresponded
with Mr. Pratt on the subject of effecting it, and the policy for
style, keeping his carriage, and soon after began training and
breeding racehorses, and occupying himself on the turf. As his
wife’s fortune was only for her life, in 1854 he insured her life for
£13,000, the premiums on which exceeded the income he derived
from her, further insurances of a greater amount being declined by
other offices. Within nine months after this, his wife was dead, and
the insurance money received, relieving Palmer from difficulties
that were already pressing on him. Again, within three months after
his wife’s death, Palmer was endeavouring to effect insurances on
the life of his brother Walter, a confirmed drunkard, to the
enormous extent of £80,000. Only one of these policies, that in the
Prince of Wales’ office, was accepted, the other offices being put on
their guard by the hint that “his wife had died after the first
payment of the premium had been made.” Pressed by his pecuniary
difficulties, he then tried to effect an insurance for £10,000 on the
life of one George Bate, a decayed farmer, whom he employed as a
kind of farm bailiff, and represented as a gentleman and an esquire,
with a famous cellar of wine, but the insurance offices were now
thoroughly awake; a detective was sent to interview the esquire,
whom he found hoeing turnips, and the scheme fell through.[29]
Since 1854, Palmer had been in the hands of the bill
discounters, and especially of a money-lending attorney in Mayfair
of the name of Pratt, with whom he from time to time discounted
what purported to be the acceptances of his mother, some of which
were renewed on partial payment, others cleared off by the money
received from the insurance of his wife’s life.
“This,” said the Attorney-General, “brings us to the close of
1854. In the course of that year he effected another insurance in his
brother’s name, but Palmer was the real party, and corresponded
with Mr. Pratt on the subject of effecting it, and the policy for
Page 124
£13,000 was assigned to Palmer. On the strength of that policy,
which remained in the hands of Pratt, who paid the first premium
out of a bill he discounted for Palmer at 60 per cent., they proceeded
to discount further bills, this policy being kept as a collateral
security. The bills, in the whole, discounted in the course of that
year, amounted to £12,500—two in June, which were held over
from month to month to keep them alive—two of £2000 each in
March, 1855, with the proceeds of which Palmer bought two
racehorses, Nettle and Chicken. These bills were renewed from time
to time, and eventually came due in January, 1856. Another bill for
£2000 was discounted in April, 1855, renewed like the others, and
became due on the 25th of October. On the 9th of July another bill
for £2000 was discounted, renewed, and became due on the 12th of
January. On the 27th of September another bill for £1000 was
discounted to pay for the renewal of the bills due and then coming
due. So that when the Shrewsbury races took place in November,
1855, bills were due or rapidly maturing to the extent of £11,500,
every one of which bore the forged acceptance of the prisoner’s
mother. You will therefore understand the pressure which naturally
and necessarily arose upon him; the pressure of the liabilities for
£11,500 which he had not a shilling in the world to meet, and the
still greater pressure which arose from the consciousness that the
moment he could go on no longer, his mother would be resorted to
for payment. The fact of his having committed these forgeries
would be known, and would bring on him the penalty of the law for
that crime so committed. The insurance company having refused to
pay the policy effected on his brother’s life, no assistance could be
derived from that source.”
Already, in May, 1855, Cook, with whom he had become
intimately acquainted in racing transactions, had lent him his
acceptance for £200 to meet a small claim, and had had to pay it on
Palmer’s default. In August of that year, Palmer again asked the
money-lending attorney of Mayfair to discount a bill of Cook’s for
£500, representing that Cook required the money. It was, however,
which remained in the hands of Pratt, who paid the first premium
out of a bill he discounted for Palmer at 60 per cent., they proceeded
to discount further bills, this policy being kept as a collateral
security. The bills, in the whole, discounted in the course of that
year, amounted to £12,500—two in June, which were held over
from month to month to keep them alive—two of £2000 each in
March, 1855, with the proceeds of which Palmer bought two
racehorses, Nettle and Chicken. These bills were renewed from time
to time, and eventually came due in January, 1856. Another bill for
£2000 was discounted in April, 1855, renewed like the others, and
became due on the 25th of October. On the 9th of July another bill
for £2000 was discounted, renewed, and became due on the 12th of
January. On the 27th of September another bill for £1000 was
discounted to pay for the renewal of the bills due and then coming
due. So that when the Shrewsbury races took place in November,
1855, bills were due or rapidly maturing to the extent of £11,500,
every one of which bore the forged acceptance of the prisoner’s
mother. You will therefore understand the pressure which naturally
and necessarily arose upon him; the pressure of the liabilities for
£11,500 which he had not a shilling in the world to meet, and the
still greater pressure which arose from the consciousness that the
moment he could go on no longer, his mother would be resorted to
for payment. The fact of his having committed these forgeries
would be known, and would bring on him the penalty of the law for
that crime so committed. The insurance company having refused to
pay the policy effected on his brother’s life, no assistance could be
derived from that source.”
Already, in May, 1855, Cook, with whom he had become
intimately acquainted in racing transactions, had lent him his
acceptance for £200 to meet a small claim, and had had to pay it on
Palmer’s default. In August of that year, Palmer again asked the
money-lending attorney of Mayfair to discount a bill of Cook’s for
£500, representing that Cook required the money. It was, however,
Page 125
declined without further security, and then Cook assigned two of
his racehorses—Polestar, the subsequent winner at Shrewsbury, and
Sirius—as a collateral security, and obtained only £375 in money,
and a wine warrant for £65, the rest being swallowed up in discount
and expenses. This money and warrant Cook never got, Palmer
asking Pratt to send it to the post-office at Doncaster, whence he
obtained it; and as it was made “to order,” and bore a receipt stamp,
Palmer, it was alleged, forged the name “John Parsons Cook,” and
took the cheque and the warrant, and appropriated the proceeds.
That bill would be due on the day of Cook’s death. In the same
month it was that he attempted to effect the insurance on Bate’s life
and failed; and though Cook had, at Palmer’s request, attested this
proposal, which referred to Palmer as the usual medical attendant,
beyond that he had nothing to do with this attempt.
Such was the desperate position of the prisoner at this time. It,
however, rapidly grew worse. On the 6th of November a writ for
£2000 against Palmer, and another for the same sum against his
mother, were issued, but held over by Pratt in order that Palmer
might make some arrangement. This he did to the amount of £800,
and in consequence, after allowing for an exorbitant discount, £600
was taken off the bill, leaving £1400 to be met. The Prince of
Wales office had refused to pay on Walter Palmer’s life, and Mr.
Pratt would not wait any longer. On the 13th of November, Pratt
wrote him that all the bills, £11,500 in amount, must be met—a
letter which Palmer must have received the next day—the day after
that on which Cook’s horse, Polestar, won at the Shrewsbury races.
After the race, Cook had between £700 and £800 in his pocket
from bets paid on the course, and from the stakes and his other bets
would be entitled on the week after to receive more than a thousand
pounds at Tattersal’s. Before that day Cook was dead, his pocket-
book empty, and his betting-book not to be found.
his racehorses—Polestar, the subsequent winner at Shrewsbury, and
Sirius—as a collateral security, and obtained only £375 in money,
and a wine warrant for £65, the rest being swallowed up in discount
and expenses. This money and warrant Cook never got, Palmer
asking Pratt to send it to the post-office at Doncaster, whence he
obtained it; and as it was made “to order,” and bore a receipt stamp,
Palmer, it was alleged, forged the name “John Parsons Cook,” and
took the cheque and the warrant, and appropriated the proceeds.
That bill would be due on the day of Cook’s death. In the same
month it was that he attempted to effect the insurance on Bate’s life
and failed; and though Cook had, at Palmer’s request, attested this
proposal, which referred to Palmer as the usual medical attendant,
beyond that he had nothing to do with this attempt.
Such was the desperate position of the prisoner at this time. It,
however, rapidly grew worse. On the 6th of November a writ for
£2000 against Palmer, and another for the same sum against his
mother, were issued, but held over by Pratt in order that Palmer
might make some arrangement. This he did to the amount of £800,
and in consequence, after allowing for an exorbitant discount, £600
was taken off the bill, leaving £1400 to be met. The Prince of
Wales office had refused to pay on Walter Palmer’s life, and Mr.
Pratt would not wait any longer. On the 13th of November, Pratt
wrote him that all the bills, £11,500 in amount, must be met—a
letter which Palmer must have received the next day—the day after
that on which Cook’s horse, Polestar, won at the Shrewsbury races.
After the race, Cook had between £700 and £800 in his pocket
from bets paid on the course, and from the stakes and his other bets
would be entitled on the week after to receive more than a thousand
pounds at Tattersal’s. Before that day Cook was dead, his pocket-
book empty, and his betting-book not to be found.
Page 126
Cook, though slightly disposed to pulmonary complaints, was a
hale and hearty young man, at the time of his fatal illness suffering
only from debility.[30] It was only natural that his victory should
excite him, and that with some friends he should celebrate it with
two or three bottles of champagne at the “Raven Hotel” on his
return from the course. He was, however, generally abstemious. He
went to bed with nothing the matter with him, got up the next day
and went on the course as usual. That night his illness began.
Late on the evening of the 14th of November, a betting agent of
Cook’s, of the name of Fisher, who was staying at the “Raven,”
was invited by Cook to come into the room where he, Palmer, and
one Myatt were, and take some brandy and water.
“They were drinking grog,” says Fisher; “the deceased had some
brandy and water before him. He asked me to sit down, and I did so.
Cook asked the prisoner to have some more brandy and water, and
he said he would not until Cook had drunk his. Cook then took up
his glass, and drank almost all the liquor that was in it, and, within a
minute, he exclaimed, ‘There is something in it; it burns my throat
dreadfully.’ Upon his saying this, Palmer took up the glass, and
sipped what remained in it, and said, ‘There is nothing in it.’ There
was a very small quantity in the glass when the prisoner took it up.
At this time a person of the name of Reid came in, and the prisoner
handed the glass to him, and asked if he thought there was anything
in it, and handed it to me also, and we said there was nothing we
could recognize, as the glass was empty. I said, however, that there
was a strong scent upon it, but I could not detect anything but
brandy. Cook went out of the room, and when he returned he called
me out. I went with him into my sitting-room. He appeared very ill,
and he told me he had been very sick and asked me to take his
money. He said he thought Palmer had been dosing him. He gave
me £700. He did not say what I was to do with the money. He was
very sick again after he had given me the money, and asked me to
go into his bedroom with him. I did so. Another person named Jones
hale and hearty young man, at the time of his fatal illness suffering
only from debility.[30] It was only natural that his victory should
excite him, and that with some friends he should celebrate it with
two or three bottles of champagne at the “Raven Hotel” on his
return from the course. He was, however, generally abstemious. He
went to bed with nothing the matter with him, got up the next day
and went on the course as usual. That night his illness began.
Late on the evening of the 14th of November, a betting agent of
Cook’s, of the name of Fisher, who was staying at the “Raven,”
was invited by Cook to come into the room where he, Palmer, and
one Myatt were, and take some brandy and water.
“They were drinking grog,” says Fisher; “the deceased had some
brandy and water before him. He asked me to sit down, and I did so.
Cook asked the prisoner to have some more brandy and water, and
he said he would not until Cook had drunk his. Cook then took up
his glass, and drank almost all the liquor that was in it, and, within a
minute, he exclaimed, ‘There is something in it; it burns my throat
dreadfully.’ Upon his saying this, Palmer took up the glass, and
sipped what remained in it, and said, ‘There is nothing in it.’ There
was a very small quantity in the glass when the prisoner took it up.
At this time a person of the name of Reid came in, and the prisoner
handed the glass to him, and asked if he thought there was anything
in it, and handed it to me also, and we said there was nothing we
could recognize, as the glass was empty. I said, however, that there
was a strong scent upon it, but I could not detect anything but
brandy. Cook went out of the room, and when he returned he called
me out. I went with him into my sitting-room. He appeared very ill,
and he told me he had been very sick and asked me to take his
money. He said he thought Palmer had been dosing him. He gave
me £700. He did not say what I was to do with the money. He was
very sick again after he had given me the money, and asked me to
go into his bedroom with him. I did so. Another person named Jones
Page 127
went with us; the deceased vomited violently in his bedroom in our
presence. He was so ill I recommended him to send for Dr. Gibson,
who attended and gave him some medicine. He was certainly not
drunk; there was nothing about him approaching to drunkenness. He
appeared very ill the next morning, but a good deal better than the
previous night, and I returned him his money.”[31]
Mr. Gibson, who saw Cook during this attack, confirmed
Fisher’s and Reed’s account, stating that his tongue was perfectly
clean, his pulse good, but his stomach appeared distended, that he
only administered simple remedies. Cook told him he thought he
had been poisoned. He seemed a little excited, but not drunk. A
Mrs. Brooks, who also attends races, added the following evidence
on this incident:—
“I went to the ‘Raven’ to see Palmer about half-past ten at night
on Wednesday the 15th. I went upstairs, and asked a servant to tell
Palmer that I wished to speak to him. She said he was there. At the
top of the stairs are two passages, one facing, the other to the left. I
turned to the left. I saw Palmer standing by a small table in the
passage. He had a tumbler-glass in his hand in which there appeared
to be a small quantity of water. I did not see him put anything into it.
There was a light between me and him, and he held it up to the light.
He said to me, ‘I will be with you presently.’ He saw me the
moment I got to the top of the stairs. He stood at the table a minute
or two longer with the glass in his hand, holding it up to the light
and shaking it. The door of a sitting-room was partially open, and he
went into it, taking the glass with him. In two or three minutes he
came out again with the glass. What was in it was still of the colour
of water. He then went into his own sitting-room, and the door was
shut.”
Some brandy and water, which Palmer afterwards brought to
Mrs. Brooks, proved harmless to her; but she admitted that on the
presence. He was so ill I recommended him to send for Dr. Gibson,
who attended and gave him some medicine. He was certainly not
drunk; there was nothing about him approaching to drunkenness. He
appeared very ill the next morning, but a good deal better than the
previous night, and I returned him his money.”[31]
Mr. Gibson, who saw Cook during this attack, confirmed
Fisher’s and Reed’s account, stating that his tongue was perfectly
clean, his pulse good, but his stomach appeared distended, that he
only administered simple remedies. Cook told him he thought he
had been poisoned. He seemed a little excited, but not drunk. A
Mrs. Brooks, who also attends races, added the following evidence
on this incident:—
“I went to the ‘Raven’ to see Palmer about half-past ten at night
on Wednesday the 15th. I went upstairs, and asked a servant to tell
Palmer that I wished to speak to him. She said he was there. At the
top of the stairs are two passages, one facing, the other to the left. I
turned to the left. I saw Palmer standing by a small table in the
passage. He had a tumbler-glass in his hand in which there appeared
to be a small quantity of water. I did not see him put anything into it.
There was a light between me and him, and he held it up to the light.
He said to me, ‘I will be with you presently.’ He saw me the
moment I got to the top of the stairs. He stood at the table a minute
or two longer with the glass in his hand, holding it up to the light
and shaking it. The door of a sitting-room was partially open, and he
went into it, taking the glass with him. In two or three minutes he
came out again with the glass. What was in it was still of the colour
of water. He then went into his own sitting-room, and the door was
shut.”
Some brandy and water, which Palmer afterwards brought to
Mrs. Brooks, proved harmless to her; but she admitted that on the
Page 128
previous day a great number of the racing men at Shrewsbury were
affected with sickness and purging, and that there was a talk in the
town of the water being poisoned.[32] With the return of Cook from
Shrewsbury to Rugeley with Palmer, on the day after this
suspicious attack, the summary of the case ends, it being necessary
to detail the subsequent events in the words of the leading
witnesses.
THE SYMPTOMS.
In the evening of the 15th of November, Cook returned from
Shrewsbury with Palmer to the “Talbot Arms,” at Rugeley, an inn
situated immediately opposite Palmer’s own house. He said he had
been ill at Shrewsbury, went to bed early, dined with Palmer the
next day, and returned to the inn at night, apparently none the
worse, and quite sober.
“On the following morning,” said Mills, the chambermaid,
“Palmer came to see him, and asked me for a cup of coffee for him,
which I procured, and I think I gave it to the deceased, and left the
room. I did not see him drink the coffee; but when I went into the
room shortly afterwards, I found it had been vomited in the utensil. I
did not observe a jug of toast-and-water in the bedroom; but a jug
that did not belong to the bedroom was sent down at night, for me to
make some fresh toast-and-water in it. The prisoner was in
deceased’s bedroom four or five times on this day, and I heard him
tell Cook that he would send him over some soup. I afterwards saw
some broth in the kitchen, which I knew had not been made in the
Talbot Arms; and the waitress took this broth to the deceased’s
bedroom. I saw the prisoner after this, and he asked me if Mr. Cook
had had his broth; and the waitress said she had taken it to him, but
he refused to take it, and said that it would not stay on his stomach.
The prisoner then told me to fetch the broth, as Mr. Cook must have
it, and I did so, and left it in deceased’s bedroom, and shortly
affected with sickness and purging, and that there was a talk in the
town of the water being poisoned.[32] With the return of Cook from
Shrewsbury to Rugeley with Palmer, on the day after this
suspicious attack, the summary of the case ends, it being necessary
to detail the subsequent events in the words of the leading
witnesses.
THE SYMPTOMS.
In the evening of the 15th of November, Cook returned from
Shrewsbury with Palmer to the “Talbot Arms,” at Rugeley, an inn
situated immediately opposite Palmer’s own house. He said he had
been ill at Shrewsbury, went to bed early, dined with Palmer the
next day, and returned to the inn at night, apparently none the
worse, and quite sober.
“On the following morning,” said Mills, the chambermaid,
“Palmer came to see him, and asked me for a cup of coffee for him,
which I procured, and I think I gave it to the deceased, and left the
room. I did not see him drink the coffee; but when I went into the
room shortly afterwards, I found it had been vomited in the utensil. I
did not observe a jug of toast-and-water in the bedroom; but a jug
that did not belong to the bedroom was sent down at night, for me to
make some fresh toast-and-water in it. The prisoner was in
deceased’s bedroom four or five times on this day, and I heard him
tell Cook that he would send him over some soup. I afterwards saw
some broth in the kitchen, which I knew had not been made in the
Talbot Arms; and the waitress took this broth to the deceased’s
bedroom. I saw the prisoner after this, and he asked me if Mr. Cook
had had his broth; and the waitress said she had taken it to him, but
he refused to take it, and said that it would not stay on his stomach.
The prisoner then told me to fetch the broth, as Mr. Cook must have
it, and I did so, and left it in deceased’s bedroom, and shortly
Page 129
afterwards I saw that it had been vomited. The same evening some
barley water was made for the deceased, and also some arrowroot,
but I cannot say whether they remained on his stomach or not. Mr.
Bamford, the doctor, was called in after this. On the Sunday after
the deceased came to the Talbot Arms, I saw him in his bedroom
about eight o’clock in the morning, and he said he had slept well
since twelve o’clock, and he felt pretty comfortable. A large
breakfast cup of broth was brought from the prisoner’s house
between twelve and one o’clock on the Sunday, and I took it up to
the deceased’s bedroom. I tasted the broth, and very soon afterwards
I was sick. I drunk about two tablespoonfuls. I vomited violently all
the afternoon, and was obliged to go to bed. I was quite well up to
the time of my drinking the broth. I saw the deceased on Sunday
evening, and he seemed in good spirits, and not to be any worse. I
saw the deceased on the Monday morning between seven and eight
o’clock, when I took him a cup of coffee for his breakfast. He did
not vomit the coffee. Palmer had seen him before this, but he did not
come again until ten o’clock at night. The deceased got up about
one o’clock, and he shaved and dressed himself, and appeared a
great deal better, but said that he was exceedingly weak. Ashmall,
the jockey, came to see him on the Monday, and also Mr. Saunders,
the trainer. Soon after one o’clock, the deceased took some
arrowroot, and it remained on his stomach. The deceased went to
bed at four o’clock, and between nine and ten the prisoner went into
his room, and I left him there. Some pills were sent by Dr. Bamford
for the deceased, about eight o’clock, and I took them into his room,
and placed them on the dressing-table, and they were there when the
prisoner went into the room. I went to bed between ten and eleven,
and I was called up about twelve. I then heard violent screams from
the deceased’s bedroom, and upon entering it I saw the deceased
sitting up in bed, and he desired me to fetch the prisoner directly. I
told him he had been sent for, and I then walked to the bedside and
found one of the pillows was upon the floor. I picked it up and asked
Mr. Cook if he would lay his head down. At this time he was beating
the bedclothes apparently in great agony, and he told me he could
not lie down, and he should be suffocated if he did; and he then, in a
barley water was made for the deceased, and also some arrowroot,
but I cannot say whether they remained on his stomach or not. Mr.
Bamford, the doctor, was called in after this. On the Sunday after
the deceased came to the Talbot Arms, I saw him in his bedroom
about eight o’clock in the morning, and he said he had slept well
since twelve o’clock, and he felt pretty comfortable. A large
breakfast cup of broth was brought from the prisoner’s house
between twelve and one o’clock on the Sunday, and I took it up to
the deceased’s bedroom. I tasted the broth, and very soon afterwards
I was sick. I drunk about two tablespoonfuls. I vomited violently all
the afternoon, and was obliged to go to bed. I was quite well up to
the time of my drinking the broth. I saw the deceased on Sunday
evening, and he seemed in good spirits, and not to be any worse. I
saw the deceased on the Monday morning between seven and eight
o’clock, when I took him a cup of coffee for his breakfast. He did
not vomit the coffee. Palmer had seen him before this, but he did not
come again until ten o’clock at night. The deceased got up about
one o’clock, and he shaved and dressed himself, and appeared a
great deal better, but said that he was exceedingly weak. Ashmall,
the jockey, came to see him on the Monday, and also Mr. Saunders,
the trainer. Soon after one o’clock, the deceased took some
arrowroot, and it remained on his stomach. The deceased went to
bed at four o’clock, and between nine and ten the prisoner went into
his room, and I left him there. Some pills were sent by Dr. Bamford
for the deceased, about eight o’clock, and I took them into his room,
and placed them on the dressing-table, and they were there when the
prisoner went into the room. I went to bed between ten and eleven,
and I was called up about twelve. I then heard violent screams from
the deceased’s bedroom, and upon entering it I saw the deceased
sitting up in bed, and he desired me to fetch the prisoner directly. I
told him he had been sent for, and I then walked to the bedside and
found one of the pillows was upon the floor. I picked it up and asked
Mr. Cook if he would lay his head down. At this time he was beating
the bedclothes apparently in great agony, and he told me he could
not lie down, and he should be suffocated if he did; and he then, in a
Page 130
loud tone, asked me again to send for Mr. Palmer. There was a sort
of jumping or jerking about his head and neck and body all this
time, and his breathing was very much affected. He screamed three
or four times while I was in the room, and twice he called out,
‘Murder.’ He asked me to rub one of his hands, and I found it quite
stiff. It was the left hand. The fingers were all stretched out and
there was no motion in them, and they twitched while I was rubbing
the hand. Palmer came into the room while this was going on, and
the deceased recognized him, and said, ‘Oh, Palmer,’ or ‘Oh, doctor,
I shall die.’ The prisoner replied, ‘Oh, my lad, you won’t;’ and after
remaining a minute or two in the room he told me to stay there, and
went out. He returned in a very few minutes, and he then produced
some pills, and he gave the deceased a draught in a wine-glass, after
he had given him the pills. Cook said that the pills stuck in his
throat, and the prisoner told me to give him some toast-and-water,
and I did so in a teaspoon. His head and body continued jerking,
and he seized the spoon fast between his teeth and seemed to bite it
very hard. The deceased shortly after swallowed the toast-and-water
and the pills, and the prisoner then handed him the draught. It had a
thick heavy appearance. The deceased snapped at the glass in the
same way he did at the spoon, and he appeared unable to control
himself. As soon as he had swallowed the draught, he vomited it
immediately, and it appeared to me to smell like opium. The prisoner
then made the remark that he hoped the pills had stayed, and he
searched the utensil in which the deceased had vomited with a quill,
and said that he could not find them; and he told me to take the
utensil away and empty it carefully, and I did so, but could not see
any trace of the pills. After this the deceased seemed a little more
easy. The attack lasted altogether about half an hour, and during the
whole of the time he was quite conscious. When he was composed
he asked the prisoner to feel how his heart beat; and Palmer went to
his bedside, and put his hand either to his heart, or the side of his
face, and he said it was all right. I left the deceased about three
o’clock in the morning, and at this time the prisoner was sitting in
the easy chair, and I believe he was asleep. About six o’clock the
same morning I saw the deceased again, and he told me that Mr.
of jumping or jerking about his head and neck and body all this
time, and his breathing was very much affected. He screamed three
or four times while I was in the room, and twice he called out,
‘Murder.’ He asked me to rub one of his hands, and I found it quite
stiff. It was the left hand. The fingers were all stretched out and
there was no motion in them, and they twitched while I was rubbing
the hand. Palmer came into the room while this was going on, and
the deceased recognized him, and said, ‘Oh, Palmer,’ or ‘Oh, doctor,
I shall die.’ The prisoner replied, ‘Oh, my lad, you won’t;’ and after
remaining a minute or two in the room he told me to stay there, and
went out. He returned in a very few minutes, and he then produced
some pills, and he gave the deceased a draught in a wine-glass, after
he had given him the pills. Cook said that the pills stuck in his
throat, and the prisoner told me to give him some toast-and-water,
and I did so in a teaspoon. His head and body continued jerking,
and he seized the spoon fast between his teeth and seemed to bite it
very hard. The deceased shortly after swallowed the toast-and-water
and the pills, and the prisoner then handed him the draught. It had a
thick heavy appearance. The deceased snapped at the glass in the
same way he did at the spoon, and he appeared unable to control
himself. As soon as he had swallowed the draught, he vomited it
immediately, and it appeared to me to smell like opium. The prisoner
then made the remark that he hoped the pills had stayed, and he
searched the utensil in which the deceased had vomited with a quill,
and said that he could not find them; and he told me to take the
utensil away and empty it carefully, and I did so, but could not see
any trace of the pills. After this the deceased seemed a little more
easy. The attack lasted altogether about half an hour, and during the
whole of the time he was quite conscious. When he was composed
he asked the prisoner to feel how his heart beat; and Palmer went to
his bedside, and put his hand either to his heart, or the side of his
face, and he said it was all right. I left the deceased about three
o’clock in the morning, and at this time the prisoner was sitting in
the easy chair, and I believe he was asleep. About six o’clock the
same morning I saw the deceased again, and he told me that Mr.
Page 131
Palmer had left him about a quarter past five o’clock. I asked him
how he was, and he replied that he was no worse; and he then asked
me if I had ever seen any one in such agony as he was the night
before, and I told him I never had. He then said he was sure I should
never like to see anyone in such agony again, and I inquired what
he thought was the cause. He replied that it was through some pills
that Palmer had given him about half-past ten. The deceased was
quite composed and quiet at this time, and there was no jerking or
convulsion about him, but his eyes looked very wild. About twelve
o’clock the deceased desired me to send the Boots over to Mr.
Palmer to know whether he might have a cup of coffee. A message
was brought back that he might, and Mr. Palmer would be over
immediately. When I took up the coffee the prisoner was in the
room, and I gave him the coffee, and he tasted it to see that it was
not too strong. Mr. Jones came to the inn about three o’clock, and I
saw him in the deceased’s room, and the prisoner after this told me
that Cook had vomited the coffee. I saw Cook several times after
this, and he appeared in very good spirits, and talked about getting
up the next morning, and wished the barber to be sent for to shave
him. I did not see the deceased later than half-past ten o’clock on the
Tuesday night, and the prisoner was then in his bedroom, and I gave
him some toast-and-water for the deceased, and the prisoner said he
did not want anything more. I sat up in the kitchen on purpose to see
how Mr. Cook went on, and I heard the bell of his room ring
violently about ten minutes before twelve, and went up immediately.
I found the deceased sitting up, and Mr. Jones had his arm round his
shoulders, apparently supporting him. The deceased when he saw
me, told me to fetch Palmer directly. I went over to his house, and
rang the surgery bell, and the prisoner came to the window almost in
an instant, and opened a small casement, and I told him to come
over to Mr. Cook, as he was in much the same state as he was the
night before. He made some reply, and I returned at once to the
‘Talbot Arms,’ and in a minute or two the prisoner came into Mr.
Cook’s room. The first thing he said was that he did not think he had
ever dressed so quickly before in his life. At this time Mr. Jones was
supporting the deceased. I went out into the landing about a minute
how he was, and he replied that he was no worse; and he then asked
me if I had ever seen any one in such agony as he was the night
before, and I told him I never had. He then said he was sure I should
never like to see anyone in such agony again, and I inquired what
he thought was the cause. He replied that it was through some pills
that Palmer had given him about half-past ten. The deceased was
quite composed and quiet at this time, and there was no jerking or
convulsion about him, but his eyes looked very wild. About twelve
o’clock the deceased desired me to send the Boots over to Mr.
Palmer to know whether he might have a cup of coffee. A message
was brought back that he might, and Mr. Palmer would be over
immediately. When I took up the coffee the prisoner was in the
room, and I gave him the coffee, and he tasted it to see that it was
not too strong. Mr. Jones came to the inn about three o’clock, and I
saw him in the deceased’s room, and the prisoner after this told me
that Cook had vomited the coffee. I saw Cook several times after
this, and he appeared in very good spirits, and talked about getting
up the next morning, and wished the barber to be sent for to shave
him. I did not see the deceased later than half-past ten o’clock on the
Tuesday night, and the prisoner was then in his bedroom, and I gave
him some toast-and-water for the deceased, and the prisoner said he
did not want anything more. I sat up in the kitchen on purpose to see
how Mr. Cook went on, and I heard the bell of his room ring
violently about ten minutes before twelve, and went up immediately.
I found the deceased sitting up, and Mr. Jones had his arm round his
shoulders, apparently supporting him. The deceased when he saw
me, told me to fetch Palmer directly. I went over to his house, and
rang the surgery bell, and the prisoner came to the window almost in
an instant, and opened a small casement, and I told him to come
over to Mr. Cook, as he was in much the same state as he was the
night before. He made some reply, and I returned at once to the
‘Talbot Arms,’ and in a minute or two the prisoner came into Mr.
Cook’s room. The first thing he said was that he did not think he had
ever dressed so quickly before in his life. At this time Mr. Jones was
supporting the deceased. I went out into the landing about a minute
Page 132
or two, and the prisoner came out, and I observed to him that Mr.
Cook appeared in the same state as the night before, and he replied,
‘Not so ill by a fiftieth part.’ He then went to his own house, and
returned in a very short time to the deceased’s bedroom. I then
heard the deceased ask to be turned on his right side, and I then
shortly after heard that he was dead.”
The cross-examination of Elizabeth Mills was mainly directed
to three points—(1.) The fact of Mr. Cook complaining of sore
throat, but not of difficulty in swallowing, in May, 1855, when the
witness said all that he did was to use a gargle sent by Dr. Bamford.
(2.) Her omission to tell the coroner that the broth had made her
sick; that Cook had said he became ill on taking the pills sent by
Palmer; that he beat the bedclothes, called “Murder!” and
“twitched” when she rubbed his hands. These omissions the
witness accounted for by the fact that the coroner did not ask her to
detail all the symptoms she saw, but merely required her to answer
such questions as he put. On her depositions being read, the
Attorney-General proposed to call evidence to prove the negligence
and misconduct of the coroner, but the court ruled that it was
inadmissible.[33] (3.) That the witness had had several interviews
with Cook’s stepfather, Stevens, his attorney, and the chief
constable, before giving evidence—the defence imputing that they
had instructed her in the symptoms. She denied, however, any such
conduct on their part. She had heard of Dove’s case, but not read it,
and Mr. Stevens had never given her any money. An attempt to
injure her moral character in reference to a man of the name of
Dutton entirely failed, and her evidence remained substantially
uncontradicted.
Lavinia Barnes, the waitress at the “Talbot Arms,” remembered
Cook coming there on Monday, the 12th, on his way to the races,
and not complaining of illness, and she saw him when he returned
Cook appeared in the same state as the night before, and he replied,
‘Not so ill by a fiftieth part.’ He then went to his own house, and
returned in a very short time to the deceased’s bedroom. I then
heard the deceased ask to be turned on his right side, and I then
shortly after heard that he was dead.”
The cross-examination of Elizabeth Mills was mainly directed
to three points—(1.) The fact of Mr. Cook complaining of sore
throat, but not of difficulty in swallowing, in May, 1855, when the
witness said all that he did was to use a gargle sent by Dr. Bamford.
(2.) Her omission to tell the coroner that the broth had made her
sick; that Cook had said he became ill on taking the pills sent by
Palmer; that he beat the bedclothes, called “Murder!” and
“twitched” when she rubbed his hands. These omissions the
witness accounted for by the fact that the coroner did not ask her to
detail all the symptoms she saw, but merely required her to answer
such questions as he put. On her depositions being read, the
Attorney-General proposed to call evidence to prove the negligence
and misconduct of the coroner, but the court ruled that it was
inadmissible.[33] (3.) That the witness had had several interviews
with Cook’s stepfather, Stevens, his attorney, and the chief
constable, before giving evidence—the defence imputing that they
had instructed her in the symptoms. She denied, however, any such
conduct on their part. She had heard of Dove’s case, but not read it,
and Mr. Stevens had never given her any money. An attempt to
injure her moral character in reference to a man of the name of
Dutton entirely failed, and her evidence remained substantially
uncontradicted.
Lavinia Barnes, the waitress at the “Talbot Arms,” remembered
Cook coming there on Monday, the 12th, on his way to the races,
and not complaining of illness, and she saw him when he returned
Page 133
on Thursday, the 15th, and after he came from dining at Palmer’s,
on the Friday evening, when he spoke to her, and was sober.
“On the Saturday,” continued this witness, “I saw him twice.
Some broth was sent over and taken up to him by me. He could not
take it; he was too sick. I carried it down, and put it in the kitchen. I
afterwards saw Palmer, and told him Cook was too sick to take it; he
said he must have it. Elizabeth Mills afterwards took it up again.
Mills was taken ill with violent vomiting on the Sunday between
twelve and one o’clock. She went to bed, and did not come
downstairs till four or five o’clock. I saw some broth that day in the
kitchen; it was in a sick cup, with two handles, not belonging to the
house. I did not see it brought; it was taken back to Palmer’s. On
Monday morning (19th) I saw Palmer, and he told Mills he was
going to London. I saw Cook during that day. Saunders came to see
him, and took him up some brandy-and-water. I slept that night in
the next room to Cook’s. Palmer came between eight and nine in the
evening, but I did not see if he went up to Cook’s room. (According
to Mills, Palmer had seen Cook in the morning, and saw him again
at ten at night.) About twelve o’clock I was in the kitchen, when
Cook’s bell rang violently. I went upstairs. Cook was very ill, and
asked me to send for Palmer. He screamed out ‘’Murder!’ He
exclaimed that he was in violent pain—that he was suffocating. His
eyes were wild-looking, standing a great way out of his head. He
was beating his bed with his arms. He cried out, ‘Christ, have mercy
on my soul!’ I never saw a person in such a state. Having called up
Mills, I left to send ‘Boots’ for Palmer, who came, and I again went
into Cook’s room. Cook was then more composed. He said, ‘Oh,
doctor, I shall die!’ Palmer replied, ‘Don’t be alarmed, my lad.’ I
saw Cook drink a dark mixture out of a glass, but do not know who
gave it him. I both heard and saw him snap at the glass. He brought
up the draught. I left him between twelve and one, when he was
more composed. On Tuesday he seemed a little better. At night, a
little before twelve, the bell rang again. I was in the kitchen. Mills
went upstairs, and I followed her, and heard Cook screaming, but
on the Friday evening, when he spoke to her, and was sober.
“On the Saturday,” continued this witness, “I saw him twice.
Some broth was sent over and taken up to him by me. He could not
take it; he was too sick. I carried it down, and put it in the kitchen. I
afterwards saw Palmer, and told him Cook was too sick to take it; he
said he must have it. Elizabeth Mills afterwards took it up again.
Mills was taken ill with violent vomiting on the Sunday between
twelve and one o’clock. She went to bed, and did not come
downstairs till four or five o’clock. I saw some broth that day in the
kitchen; it was in a sick cup, with two handles, not belonging to the
house. I did not see it brought; it was taken back to Palmer’s. On
Monday morning (19th) I saw Palmer, and he told Mills he was
going to London. I saw Cook during that day. Saunders came to see
him, and took him up some brandy-and-water. I slept that night in
the next room to Cook’s. Palmer came between eight and nine in the
evening, but I did not see if he went up to Cook’s room. (According
to Mills, Palmer had seen Cook in the morning, and saw him again
at ten at night.) About twelve o’clock I was in the kitchen, when
Cook’s bell rang violently. I went upstairs. Cook was very ill, and
asked me to send for Palmer. He screamed out ‘’Murder!’ He
exclaimed that he was in violent pain—that he was suffocating. His
eyes were wild-looking, standing a great way out of his head. He
was beating his bed with his arms. He cried out, ‘Christ, have mercy
on my soul!’ I never saw a person in such a state. Having called up
Mills, I left to send ‘Boots’ for Palmer, who came, and I again went
into Cook’s room. Cook was then more composed. He said, ‘Oh,
doctor, I shall die!’ Palmer replied, ‘Don’t be alarmed, my lad.’ I
saw Cook drink a dark mixture out of a glass, but do not know who
gave it him. I both heard and saw him snap at the glass. He brought
up the draught. I left him between twelve and one, when he was
more composed. On Tuesday he seemed a little better. At night, a
little before twelve, the bell rang again. I was in the kitchen. Mills
went upstairs, and I followed her, and heard Cook screaming, but
Page 134
did not go into the room. I stood outside the door, and saw Palmer
come. He had been fetched. I said, as he passed me, ‘Mr. Cook is ill
again.’ He said, ‘Oh, is he?’ and went into the room. He was dressed
in his usual manner, and wore a black coat and a cap.[34] She also
heard him make the observation to Mills before reported. She went
to the room, but came out before Cook died.”
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
In consequence of his severe illness, the following deposition
of Dr. Bamford (an aged local practitioner) before the coroner was
read:—
“I attended the late Mr. Cook, at the request of William Palmer,
and first saw him about three o’clock on Saturday, the 17th of
November, when he was suffering from violent vomiting, the
stomach being in that irritable state, that it would not contain a
teaspoonful of milk. There was perfect moisture of the skin, and he
was quite sensible. I prescribed medicine for him; and Mr. Palmer
went up to my house and waited until I had made it up, and then
took it away. I prescribed a saline draught, to be taken in an
effervescing state. Between seven and eight in the evening Mr.
Palmer again requested me to visit Mr. Cook. The sickness still
continued, everything he took being ejected from his stomach. I gave
him two small pills as an opiate. Palmer took the pills from my
house. I did not accompany, nor do I know what became of the pills.
On the following morning (Sunday) Palmer again called, and asked
me to accompany him. Mr. Cook’s sickness still continued. I
remained about ten minutes. Everything he took that morning was
ejected from his stomach. Everything he threw up was as clear as
water, except some coffee that he had taken. Palmer had
administered some pills before I saw Mr. Cook on Saturday, which
had purged him several times. Between six and seven in the evening
I again visited the deceased, accompanied by Palmer. The sickness
still continued. I went on Monday morning between eight and nine,
come. He had been fetched. I said, as he passed me, ‘Mr. Cook is ill
again.’ He said, ‘Oh, is he?’ and went into the room. He was dressed
in his usual manner, and wore a black coat and a cap.[34] She also
heard him make the observation to Mills before reported. She went
to the room, but came out before Cook died.”
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
In consequence of his severe illness, the following deposition
of Dr. Bamford (an aged local practitioner) before the coroner was
read:—
“I attended the late Mr. Cook, at the request of William Palmer,
and first saw him about three o’clock on Saturday, the 17th of
November, when he was suffering from violent vomiting, the
stomach being in that irritable state, that it would not contain a
teaspoonful of milk. There was perfect moisture of the skin, and he
was quite sensible. I prescribed medicine for him; and Mr. Palmer
went up to my house and waited until I had made it up, and then
took it away. I prescribed a saline draught, to be taken in an
effervescing state. Between seven and eight in the evening Mr.
Palmer again requested me to visit Mr. Cook. The sickness still
continued, everything he took being ejected from his stomach. I gave
him two small pills as an opiate. Palmer took the pills from my
house. I did not accompany, nor do I know what became of the pills.
On the following morning (Sunday) Palmer again called, and asked
me to accompany him. Mr. Cook’s sickness still continued. I
remained about ten minutes. Everything he took that morning was
ejected from his stomach. Everything he threw up was as clear as
water, except some coffee that he had taken. Palmer had
administered some pills before I saw Mr. Cook on Saturday, which
had purged him several times. Between six and seven in the evening
I again visited the deceased, accompanied by Palmer. The sickness
still continued. I went on Monday morning between eight and nine,
Page 135
and changed his medicine. I sent him a draught, which relieved his
sickness, and gave him ease. I did not see him again until Tuesday
night, when Palmer called for me. I examined Mr. Cook, in the
presence of Mr. Jones and Mr. Palmer, and I observed a change in
him. He was irritable and troubled in his mind. His pulse was firm,
but tremulous, and between 80° and 90°. He threw himself down on
the bed, and turned his face away. He said he would have no more
pills, nor take any medicine. After they had left the room, Palmer
asked me to make two more pills, similar to those on the previous
night, which I did, and he then asked me to write the directions on a
slip of paper, and I gave the pills to Palmer. The effervescing
mixture contained 20 grains of carbonate of potash, 2 drachms of
compound tincture of cardamine, and 2 drachms of simple syrup,
together with 15 grains of tartaric acid for each powder. I never gave
Mr. Cook a grain of antimony. I did not see the preparations after
they were taken away. His skin was moist, and there was not the
least fever about him. I considered death to have been the result of
congestion of the brain, when the post-mortem examination was
made, and I do not see any reason to alter that opinion. Palmer said
he was of the same opinion with respect to the death of the
deceased. I never knew apoplexy produce rigidity of the limbs.
Drowsiness is a prelude to apoplexy. I attribute the sickness on the
first two days to a disordered stomach.” When called in the sixth
day of the trial, after his recovery, the witness said—speaking of the
last visit to Mr. Cook—“Having seen Cook, I left the room with
Jones and Palmer: the latter said he rather wished Cook to have his
pills again (I had prepared the same pills on Saturday, Sunday, and
Monday), and he would walk up with me for them. He did so, and
stood by me in the surgery while I prepared them. I had strychnia in
a cupboard in my private room. I put the pills in a box, and
addressed it ‘Night pills, John Parsons Cook, Esq.’ I wrote that
direction all four nights. On the Tuesday night Palmer requested me
to put on a direction. After that I did not see Cook alive. It was, as
near as could be, twenty minutes past twelve, at midnight, when I
saw Cook dead. I understood he was alive when they came for me,
and I could not have been more than five or ten minutes in going up.
sickness, and gave him ease. I did not see him again until Tuesday
night, when Palmer called for me. I examined Mr. Cook, in the
presence of Mr. Jones and Mr. Palmer, and I observed a change in
him. He was irritable and troubled in his mind. His pulse was firm,
but tremulous, and between 80° and 90°. He threw himself down on
the bed, and turned his face away. He said he would have no more
pills, nor take any medicine. After they had left the room, Palmer
asked me to make two more pills, similar to those on the previous
night, which I did, and he then asked me to write the directions on a
slip of paper, and I gave the pills to Palmer. The effervescing
mixture contained 20 grains of carbonate of potash, 2 drachms of
compound tincture of cardamine, and 2 drachms of simple syrup,
together with 15 grains of tartaric acid for each powder. I never gave
Mr. Cook a grain of antimony. I did not see the preparations after
they were taken away. His skin was moist, and there was not the
least fever about him. I considered death to have been the result of
congestion of the brain, when the post-mortem examination was
made, and I do not see any reason to alter that opinion. Palmer said
he was of the same opinion with respect to the death of the
deceased. I never knew apoplexy produce rigidity of the limbs.
Drowsiness is a prelude to apoplexy. I attribute the sickness on the
first two days to a disordered stomach.” When called in the sixth
day of the trial, after his recovery, the witness said—speaking of the
last visit to Mr. Cook—“Having seen Cook, I left the room with
Jones and Palmer: the latter said he rather wished Cook to have his
pills again (I had prepared the same pills on Saturday, Sunday, and
Monday), and he would walk up with me for them. He did so, and
stood by me in the surgery while I prepared them. I had strychnia in
a cupboard in my private room. I put the pills in a box, and
addressed it ‘Night pills, John Parsons Cook, Esq.’ I wrote that
direction all four nights. On the Tuesday night Palmer requested me
to put on a direction. After that I did not see Cook alive. It was, as
near as could be, twenty minutes past twelve, at midnight, when I
saw Cook dead. I understood he was alive when they came for me,
and I could not have been more than five or ten minutes in going up.
Page 136
My house is about two hundred yards from Palmer. I found the body
stretched out, resting on the heels and the back of the head, as
straight as possible, and stiff. The arms were extended down each
side of the body, and the hands clenched. I certified it was
apoplexy.”
Mr. William Henry Jones, a surgeon at Lutterworth, and
intimate friend of Cook’s for the last five years, was written to by
Palmer on the Monday, the 19th, stating that “Cook was taken ill at
Shrewsbury, and obliged to call in a medical man;” that “since then
he had been confined to his bed with a very serious bilious attack,
combined with diarrhœa,” and that Palmer “thought it advisable
that his friend should come and see him.” Illness prevented this
before about half-past three in the afternoon of Tuesday, the day
before Cook died.
“On my arrival at Rugeley,” said the witness, “I went up to
Cook’s room. He said he was very comfortable, but had been very
ill at Shrewsbury. He did not detail the symptoms, but said he had
had to call in a doctor. Palmer came in. I examined Cook in his
presence. He had a natural pulse. I looked at his tongue; it was
clean. I said it was hardly the tongue of a bilious, diarrhœa attack.
Palmer replied, ‘You should have seen it before.’ I did not then
prescribe for Cook. In the course of the afternoon I visited him
several times. He changed for the better. His spirits and pulse both
improved. I gave him, at his request, some toast and water, and he
vomited. There was no diarrhœa. The toast and water was in the
room. Mr. Bamford came in the evening, about 7 o’clock, and
expressed his opinion that Cook was going on very satisfactorily.
We were talking about what he was to have, and Cook objected to
the pills of the previous night. Palmer was there all the time. Cook
said the pills made him ill. I do not remember to whom he addressed
this observation. We three (Palmer, Bamford, and myself) went out
upon the landing. Palmer proposed that Mr. Bamford should make
up some morphine pills as before, at the same time requesting me
stretched out, resting on the heels and the back of the head, as
straight as possible, and stiff. The arms were extended down each
side of the body, and the hands clenched. I certified it was
apoplexy.”
Mr. William Henry Jones, a surgeon at Lutterworth, and
intimate friend of Cook’s for the last five years, was written to by
Palmer on the Monday, the 19th, stating that “Cook was taken ill at
Shrewsbury, and obliged to call in a medical man;” that “since then
he had been confined to his bed with a very serious bilious attack,
combined with diarrhœa,” and that Palmer “thought it advisable
that his friend should come and see him.” Illness prevented this
before about half-past three in the afternoon of Tuesday, the day
before Cook died.
“On my arrival at Rugeley,” said the witness, “I went up to
Cook’s room. He said he was very comfortable, but had been very
ill at Shrewsbury. He did not detail the symptoms, but said he had
had to call in a doctor. Palmer came in. I examined Cook in his
presence. He had a natural pulse. I looked at his tongue; it was
clean. I said it was hardly the tongue of a bilious, diarrhœa attack.
Palmer replied, ‘You should have seen it before.’ I did not then
prescribe for Cook. In the course of the afternoon I visited him
several times. He changed for the better. His spirits and pulse both
improved. I gave him, at his request, some toast and water, and he
vomited. There was no diarrhœa. The toast and water was in the
room. Mr. Bamford came in the evening, about 7 o’clock, and
expressed his opinion that Cook was going on very satisfactorily.
We were talking about what he was to have, and Cook objected to
the pills of the previous night. Palmer was there all the time. Cook
said the pills made him ill. I do not remember to whom he addressed
this observation. We three (Palmer, Bamford, and myself) went out
upon the landing. Palmer proposed that Mr. Bamford should make
up some morphine pills as before, at the same time requesting me
Page 137
not to mention to Cook what they contained, as he objected to the
morphine so much. Mr. Bamford agreed to this, and he went away. I
went back to Cook’s room, and Palmer went with me. During the
evening I was several times in Cook’s room. He seemed very
comfortable all the evening. There was no more vomiting nor any
diarrhœa, but there was a natural motion in the bowels. I observed
no bilious symptoms about Cook.”
By Lord Campbell.—“Did he appear to have recently suffered
from a bilious attack?”
Answer.—“No.”
Examination resumed.—“Palmer and I went to his house about
eight o’clock. I remained there about half-an-hour, and then returned
to Cook. I next saw Palmer in Cook’s room at nearly eleven o’clock.
He had brought with him a box of pills. He opened the paper on
which the direction was written in my presence. That paper was
round the box. He called my attention to the paper, saying, ‘What an
excellent handwriting for an old man!’ I did not read the direction,
but looked at the writing, which was very good. Palmer proposed to
Cook that he should take the pills. Cook protested very much
against it, because they had made him so ill on the previous night.
Palmer repeated the request several times, and at last Cook
complied with it, and took the pills. The moment he took them he
vomited into the utensil. Palmer and myself (at Palmer’s request)
searched in it for the pills, to see whether they were returned. We
found nothing but toast-and-water. I do not know when Cook had
drunk the toast-and-water, but it was standing by the bedside all the
evening. The vomiting could not have been caused by the contents
of the pills, nor by the act of swallowing. After vomiting Cook laid
down and appeared quiet. Before Palmer came Cook had got up and
sat in a chair. His spirits were very good; he was laughing and
joking, talking of what he should do with himself during the winter.
After he had taken the pills I went downstairs to my supper, and
returned to his room at nearly twelve o’clock. His room was double-
bedded, and it had been arranged that I should sleep in it that night.
I talked to Cook for a few minutes, and then went to bed. When I
morphine so much. Mr. Bamford agreed to this, and he went away. I
went back to Cook’s room, and Palmer went with me. During the
evening I was several times in Cook’s room. He seemed very
comfortable all the evening. There was no more vomiting nor any
diarrhœa, but there was a natural motion in the bowels. I observed
no bilious symptoms about Cook.”
By Lord Campbell.—“Did he appear to have recently suffered
from a bilious attack?”
Answer.—“No.”
Examination resumed.—“Palmer and I went to his house about
eight o’clock. I remained there about half-an-hour, and then returned
to Cook. I next saw Palmer in Cook’s room at nearly eleven o’clock.
He had brought with him a box of pills. He opened the paper on
which the direction was written in my presence. That paper was
round the box. He called my attention to the paper, saying, ‘What an
excellent handwriting for an old man!’ I did not read the direction,
but looked at the writing, which was very good. Palmer proposed to
Cook that he should take the pills. Cook protested very much
against it, because they had made him so ill on the previous night.
Palmer repeated the request several times, and at last Cook
complied with it, and took the pills. The moment he took them he
vomited into the utensil. Palmer and myself (at Palmer’s request)
searched in it for the pills, to see whether they were returned. We
found nothing but toast-and-water. I do not know when Cook had
drunk the toast-and-water, but it was standing by the bedside all the
evening. The vomiting could not have been caused by the contents
of the pills, nor by the act of swallowing. After vomiting Cook laid
down and appeared quiet. Before Palmer came Cook had got up and
sat in a chair. His spirits were very good; he was laughing and
joking, talking of what he should do with himself during the winter.
After he had taken the pills I went downstairs to my supper, and
returned to his room at nearly twelve o’clock. His room was double-
bedded, and it had been arranged that I should sleep in it that night.
I talked to Cook for a few minutes, and then went to bed. When I
Page 138
last talked to him he was rather sleepy, but quite as well as he had
been during the evening. There was nothing about him to excite any
apprehensions. I had been in bed about ten minutes, and had not got
to sleep, when he suddenly started up in bed, and called out,
‘Doctor, get up, I am going to be ill! Ring the bell and send for
Palmer.’ I rang the bell. The chambermaid came, and Cook called
out to her, ‘Fetch Mr. Palmer.’ He asked me to give him something.
I declined, and said, ‘Palmer will be here directly.’ Cook was then
sitting up in bed. The room was rather dark, and I did not observe
anything particular in his countenance. He asked me to rub the back
of his neck. I did so. I supported him with my arm. There was a
stiffness about the muscles of his neck. Palmer soon came in; two or
three minutes at the utmost after the chambermaid went for him. He
said, ‘I never dressed so quickly in my life.’ I did not observe how
he was dressed. He gave Cook two pills, which he told me were
ammonia pills. Cook swallowed them. Directly he did so he uttered
loud screams, threw himself back in the bed, and was dreadfully
convulsed. That could not have been the result of the pills last taken.
He said, ‘Raise me up; I shall be suffocated.’ That was at the
commencement of the convulsions, which lasted five or ten minutes.
The convulsions affected every muscle of the body, and were
accompanied by stiffening of the limbs. I endeavoured to raise Cook
with the assistance of Palmer, but found it quite impossible, owing
to the rigidity of the limbs. When Cook found we could not raise him
up, he asked to be turned over. He was then quite sensible. I turned
him on his side. I listened to the action of the heart. I found it
gradually weakened, and asked Palmer to fetch some spirits of
ammonia, to be used as a stimulant. He went to his house and
fetched a bottle. He was away a very short time. When he returned
the pulsations of the heart were gradually ceasing, and life was
almost extinct. He died very quietly a short time afterwards.
“From the time he called to me to the time of his death there
elapsed about ten minutes or a quarter of an hour. He died of
tetanus, which is a spasmodic affection of the muscles of the whole
body. It causes death by stopping the action of the heart. The sense
been during the evening. There was nothing about him to excite any
apprehensions. I had been in bed about ten minutes, and had not got
to sleep, when he suddenly started up in bed, and called out,
‘Doctor, get up, I am going to be ill! Ring the bell and send for
Palmer.’ I rang the bell. The chambermaid came, and Cook called
out to her, ‘Fetch Mr. Palmer.’ He asked me to give him something.
I declined, and said, ‘Palmer will be here directly.’ Cook was then
sitting up in bed. The room was rather dark, and I did not observe
anything particular in his countenance. He asked me to rub the back
of his neck. I did so. I supported him with my arm. There was a
stiffness about the muscles of his neck. Palmer soon came in; two or
three minutes at the utmost after the chambermaid went for him. He
said, ‘I never dressed so quickly in my life.’ I did not observe how
he was dressed. He gave Cook two pills, which he told me were
ammonia pills. Cook swallowed them. Directly he did so he uttered
loud screams, threw himself back in the bed, and was dreadfully
convulsed. That could not have been the result of the pills last taken.
He said, ‘Raise me up; I shall be suffocated.’ That was at the
commencement of the convulsions, which lasted five or ten minutes.
The convulsions affected every muscle of the body, and were
accompanied by stiffening of the limbs. I endeavoured to raise Cook
with the assistance of Palmer, but found it quite impossible, owing
to the rigidity of the limbs. When Cook found we could not raise him
up, he asked to be turned over. He was then quite sensible. I turned
him on his side. I listened to the action of the heart. I found it
gradually weakened, and asked Palmer to fetch some spirits of
ammonia, to be used as a stimulant. He went to his house and
fetched a bottle. He was away a very short time. When he returned
the pulsations of the heart were gradually ceasing, and life was
almost extinct. He died very quietly a short time afterwards.
“From the time he called to me to the time of his death there
elapsed about ten minutes or a quarter of an hour. He died of
tetanus, which is a spasmodic affection of the muscles of the whole
body. It causes death by stopping the action of the heart. The sense
Page 139
of suffocation is caused by the contraction of the respiratory
muscles. The room was so dark that I could not observe the outward
appearance of Cook’s body after death. When he threw himself back
in bed he clenched his teeth, and they remained clenched after his
death. When I was rubbing his neck, his head and neck were
unnaturally bent back by the spasmodic action of the muscles. After
his death his body was so twisted or bowed that if I had placed it
upon the back it would have rested on the head and feet.”
By Lord Campbell.—“When did you first observe the bowing
and twisting?”
Witness.—“When Cook threw himself back on the bed. The jaw
was affected by the spasmodic action.”
The cross-examination of this witness was directed to the
previous health of the deceased, and to his fears that he was still
suffering from a former attack of venereal disease, which Mr. Jones
decidedly negatived; to his having been in pecuniary difficulties
from his racing ventures, which the witness said he was steadily
redeeming; to Cook’s objection to take morphia; to the question
whether, when before the coroner, the witness had used the word
“tetanus,” which it was evident from the original depositions had
been scratched out by the clerk, probably from ignorance of its
meaning, and to whether he agreed with Dr. Bamford that Cook
had died in an apoplectic fit, or rather, as the witness at the time
thought, of one of an epileptic character. In re-examination, he said
that “he was satisfied that Cook’s death did not arise from epilepsy,
as in that disease consciousness is lost, but there is no rigidity or
convulsive spasm of the muscles, and the symptoms quite different.
He was equally certain that it did not arise from apoplexy.” Dr.
Savage, of Gloucester Place, London, who had attended Cook for
four years, also negatived the suggestion that he was suffering from
syphilitic symptoms, or that he had any venereal taint about him.
He was timid, no doubt, about his throat, and had had two small
muscles. The room was so dark that I could not observe the outward
appearance of Cook’s body after death. When he threw himself back
in bed he clenched his teeth, and they remained clenched after his
death. When I was rubbing his neck, his head and neck were
unnaturally bent back by the spasmodic action of the muscles. After
his death his body was so twisted or bowed that if I had placed it
upon the back it would have rested on the head and feet.”
By Lord Campbell.—“When did you first observe the bowing
and twisting?”
Witness.—“When Cook threw himself back on the bed. The jaw
was affected by the spasmodic action.”
The cross-examination of this witness was directed to the
previous health of the deceased, and to his fears that he was still
suffering from a former attack of venereal disease, which Mr. Jones
decidedly negatived; to his having been in pecuniary difficulties
from his racing ventures, which the witness said he was steadily
redeeming; to Cook’s objection to take morphia; to the question
whether, when before the coroner, the witness had used the word
“tetanus,” which it was evident from the original depositions had
been scratched out by the clerk, probably from ignorance of its
meaning, and to whether he agreed with Dr. Bamford that Cook
had died in an apoplectic fit, or rather, as the witness at the time
thought, of one of an epileptic character. In re-examination, he said
that “he was satisfied that Cook’s death did not arise from epilepsy,
as in that disease consciousness is lost, but there is no rigidity or
convulsive spasm of the muscles, and the symptoms quite different.
He was equally certain that it did not arise from apoplexy.” Dr.
Savage, of Gloucester Place, London, who had attended Cook for
four years, also negatived the suggestion that he was suffering from
syphilitic symptoms, or that he had any venereal taint about him.
He was timid, no doubt, about his throat, and had had two small
Page 140
ulcers on his tongue due to two bad teeth, but by the end of May
they had gradually disappeared, and were quite well.
The woman who laid out the body noticed that “though it was
quite warm, the hands and arms were cold; the body lying on the
back, straight down the bed,[35] the arms crossed upon the chest,
and the head ‘lying a little turned on one side.’” She had never
seen so stiff a corpse before. “We,” she continued, “had difficulty
in straightening the arms. We could not keep them straight down to
the body. I passed a piece of tape under the back, and tied it round
the wrists, to fasten the arms down. The right foot turned on one
side outwards. We were obliged to tie both feet together. The eyes
were open. We were a considerable time before we could close
them, because the eyelids were so stiff. The hands were closed, and
were very stiff. I have never known them so stiff as in this case.”
Mr. Stevens, Cook’s stepfather, who saw the body three days after
death, also noted that the right hand was clenched, and, as he
looked across the body, that the left was clenched in the same way.
What passed between Mr. Stevens and Palmer at their interview
at Rugeley on the Friday after Cook’s death, and the reasons why
he eventually insisted on a post-mortem examination and a
chemical analysis of the corpse, belong rather to the section
relating to the conduct of the prisoner. It will be sufficient here to
note that on the 26th of November the post-mortem examination
was held with the following results by Dr. Harland, of Stafford,
assisted by Mr. Devonshire, of the London University, and Mr.
Newton, of Rugeley, in the presence of Dr. Bamford, Palmer, and
several other persons.
POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION.
they had gradually disappeared, and were quite well.
The woman who laid out the body noticed that “though it was
quite warm, the hands and arms were cold; the body lying on the
back, straight down the bed,[35] the arms crossed upon the chest,
and the head ‘lying a little turned on one side.’” She had never
seen so stiff a corpse before. “We,” she continued, “had difficulty
in straightening the arms. We could not keep them straight down to
the body. I passed a piece of tape under the back, and tied it round
the wrists, to fasten the arms down. The right foot turned on one
side outwards. We were obliged to tie both feet together. The eyes
were open. We were a considerable time before we could close
them, because the eyelids were so stiff. The hands were closed, and
were very stiff. I have never known them so stiff as in this case.”
Mr. Stevens, Cook’s stepfather, who saw the body three days after
death, also noted that the right hand was clenched, and, as he
looked across the body, that the left was clenched in the same way.
What passed between Mr. Stevens and Palmer at their interview
at Rugeley on the Friday after Cook’s death, and the reasons why
he eventually insisted on a post-mortem examination and a
chemical analysis of the corpse, belong rather to the section
relating to the conduct of the prisoner. It will be sufficient here to
note that on the 26th of November the post-mortem examination
was held with the following results by Dr. Harland, of Stafford,
assisted by Mr. Devonshire, of the London University, and Mr.
Newton, of Rugeley, in the presence of Dr. Bamford, Palmer, and
several other persons.
POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION.
Page 141
Dr. John Thomas Harland, physician, of Stafford, arrived at
Rugeley at ten in the morning of the 26th, called at Dr. Bamford’s
on his way to the hotel where the examination was to be conducted,
and on his road met Palmer, whom he had previously known. “I am
glad,” said Palmer, “that you are come to make a post-mortem
examination. Someone might have been sent whom I did not
know.” “What is the case?” replied Harland; “I hear there is a
suspicion of poisoning.” “Oh no,” said Palmer; “he had an
epileptic fit on Monday and Tuesday last, and you will find old
disease in the heart and head.” Such was not the result of the post-
mortem. They “found the body much stiffer than bodies usually are
five or six days after death—the muscles strongly contracted and
thrown out, and the hands stiff and firmly closed.” According to a
report which Dr. Harland sent to Mr. Stevens, and which at the
suggestion of the judge was read in full, the various internal organs
were perfectly healthy and natural, as described in detail in the
following examination, subsequent to reading the report:—
“The abdominal viscera were in a perfectly healthy state. They
were taken out of the body. We examined the liver. It was healthy.
The lungs were healthy, but contained a good deal of blood; not
more than would be accounted for by gravitation after death. We
examined the head. The brain was quite healthy. There was no
extravasation of blood, and no serum. There was nothing which, in
my judgment, could cause pressure. The heart was contracted, and
contained no blood. That was the result, not of disease, but of
spasmodic action. At the larger end of the stomach there were
numerous small yellowish-white spots, about the size of mustard
seeds. They would not at all account for death. I doubt whether they
would have any effect upon the health. I think they were mucous
follicles. The kidneys were full of blood which had gravitated there.
They had no appearance of disease. The blood was in a fluid state.
That was not usual. It is found so in some cases of sudden death,
which are of rare occurrence. The lower part of the spinal cord was
Rugeley at ten in the morning of the 26th, called at Dr. Bamford’s
on his way to the hotel where the examination was to be conducted,
and on his road met Palmer, whom he had previously known. “I am
glad,” said Palmer, “that you are come to make a post-mortem
examination. Someone might have been sent whom I did not
know.” “What is the case?” replied Harland; “I hear there is a
suspicion of poisoning.” “Oh no,” said Palmer; “he had an
epileptic fit on Monday and Tuesday last, and you will find old
disease in the heart and head.” Such was not the result of the post-
mortem. They “found the body much stiffer than bodies usually are
five or six days after death—the muscles strongly contracted and
thrown out, and the hands stiff and firmly closed.” According to a
report which Dr. Harland sent to Mr. Stevens, and which at the
suggestion of the judge was read in full, the various internal organs
were perfectly healthy and natural, as described in detail in the
following examination, subsequent to reading the report:—
“The abdominal viscera were in a perfectly healthy state. They
were taken out of the body. We examined the liver. It was healthy.
The lungs were healthy, but contained a good deal of blood; not
more than would be accounted for by gravitation after death. We
examined the head. The brain was quite healthy. There was no
extravasation of blood, and no serum. There was nothing which, in
my judgment, could cause pressure. The heart was contracted, and
contained no blood. That was the result, not of disease, but of
spasmodic action. At the larger end of the stomach there were
numerous small yellowish-white spots, about the size of mustard
seeds. They would not at all account for death. I doubt whether they
would have any effect upon the health. I think they were mucous
follicles. The kidneys were full of blood which had gravitated there.
They had no appearance of disease. The blood was in a fluid state.
That was not usual. It is found so in some cases of sudden death,
which are of rare occurrence. The lower part of the spinal cord was
Page 142
not very closely examined. We examined the upper part of that cord.
It presented a perfectly natural appearance. On a subsequent day, I
think the 25th of January, it was thought right to exhume the body,
that the spinal cord might be more carefully examined. I was present
at that examination. The lower part of the spinal cord was then
minutely examined. A report was made of that examination.”
This report was put in, and was read by the witness. It described
minutely the appearance and condition of the spinal cord and its
envelopes, and concluded with this statement:—“There is nothing in
the condition of the spinal cord or its envelopes to account for
death; nothing but the most normal and healthy state, allowance
being made for the lapse of time since the death of the deceased.”
Examination resumed.—“I am still of opinion that there was
nothing in the appearance of the spine to account for the death of the
deceased, and nothing of an unusual kind which might not be
referred to changes after death. When the stomach and intestines
were removed from the body on the occasion of the first
examination they were separately emptied into a jar, and were
afterwards placed in it. Mr. Devonshire and Mr. Newton removed
them from the body. They were the only two who operated. At the
time the prisoner was standing on the right of Mr. Newton. While
Mr. Devonshire was opening the stomach a push was given by
Palmer, which sent Mr. Newton against Mr. Devonshire, and shook
some of the contents of the stomach into the body. I thought a joke
was passing among them, and said, ‘Don’t do that.’”
By Lord Campbell.—“Might not Palmer have been impelled by
some one outside him?”
Answer.—“There was no one who could have impelled him.”
Question.—“What did you observe Palmer do?”
Answer.—“I saw Mr. Newton and Mr. Devonshire pushed
together, and Palmer was over them. He was smiling at the time.”
Examination continued.—“After this interruption the opening of
the stomach was pursued. The stomach contained about three
ounces of a brownish fluid. There was nothing particular in that.
It presented a perfectly natural appearance. On a subsequent day, I
think the 25th of January, it was thought right to exhume the body,
that the spinal cord might be more carefully examined. I was present
at that examination. The lower part of the spinal cord was then
minutely examined. A report was made of that examination.”
This report was put in, and was read by the witness. It described
minutely the appearance and condition of the spinal cord and its
envelopes, and concluded with this statement:—“There is nothing in
the condition of the spinal cord or its envelopes to account for
death; nothing but the most normal and healthy state, allowance
being made for the lapse of time since the death of the deceased.”
Examination resumed.—“I am still of opinion that there was
nothing in the appearance of the spine to account for the death of the
deceased, and nothing of an unusual kind which might not be
referred to changes after death. When the stomach and intestines
were removed from the body on the occasion of the first
examination they were separately emptied into a jar, and were
afterwards placed in it. Mr. Devonshire and Mr. Newton removed
them from the body. They were the only two who operated. At the
time the prisoner was standing on the right of Mr. Newton. While
Mr. Devonshire was opening the stomach a push was given by
Palmer, which sent Mr. Newton against Mr. Devonshire, and shook
some of the contents of the stomach into the body. I thought a joke
was passing among them, and said, ‘Don’t do that.’”
By Lord Campbell.—“Might not Palmer have been impelled by
some one outside him?”
Answer.—“There was no one who could have impelled him.”
Question.—“What did you observe Palmer do?”
Answer.—“I saw Mr. Newton and Mr. Devonshire pushed
together, and Palmer was over them. He was smiling at the time.”
Examination continued.—“After this interruption the opening of
the stomach was pursued. The stomach contained about three
ounces of a brownish fluid. There was nothing particular in that.
Page 143
Palmer was looking on, and said, ‘They won’t hang us yet.’ He said
that to Mr. Bamford in a loud whisper. That remark was made upon
his own observation of the stomach. The stomach after being
emptied, was put into the jar. The intestines were then examined, but
nothing particular was found in them. They were contracted and
very small. The viscera, with their contents, as taken from the body,
were placed in the jar, which was then covered over with two
bladders, which were tied and sealed. I tied and sealed them. After I
had done so I placed the jar upon the table by the body. Palmer was
then moving about the room. In a few minutes I missed the jar from
where I had placed it. During that time my attention had been
withdrawn by the examination. On missing the jar I called out,
‘Where’s the jar?’ and Palmer from the other end of the room, said,
‘It is here; I thought it would be more convenient for you to take
away.’ There was a door at the end of the room where he was. He
was within a yard or two of that door, and about twenty-four feet
from the table on which the body was lying.” (Before making this
last statement the witness referred to a plan of the room which was
put in by the Attorney-General.) “The other door near which Palmer
was standing was not the one by which he entered the room. I called
to Palmer, ‘Will you bring it here?’ I went from the table and met
Palmer half-way coming with the jar. Since I last saw it it had been
cut through both bladders. The cut was hardly an inch long, done
with a sharp instrument. I examined the jar. The edges were quite
clean; no part of the contents could have passed through it. Finding
this cut, I said, ‘Here is a cut! who has done it?’ Palmer, Devonshire,
and Newton, all said they had not done it, and nothing more was
said. When I was about to remove the jar from the room, the
prisoner asked me what I was going to do with it. I said I should
take it to Mr. Frere’s (a neighbouring surgeon). He said, ‘I would
rather you would take it to Stafford than take it there.’ I made no
answer that I remember. On finding the slit, I cut the strings, and
altered the bladder, so that the slits were not over the top. I took it to
Mr. Frere’s, and left it in his hall, tied and sealed. Afterwards when I
went for my carriage, whilst waiting in the yard, the prisoner came
and asked me what would be done with it, and I said, ‘Sent either to
that to Mr. Bamford in a loud whisper. That remark was made upon
his own observation of the stomach. The stomach after being
emptied, was put into the jar. The intestines were then examined, but
nothing particular was found in them. They were contracted and
very small. The viscera, with their contents, as taken from the body,
were placed in the jar, which was then covered over with two
bladders, which were tied and sealed. I tied and sealed them. After I
had done so I placed the jar upon the table by the body. Palmer was
then moving about the room. In a few minutes I missed the jar from
where I had placed it. During that time my attention had been
withdrawn by the examination. On missing the jar I called out,
‘Where’s the jar?’ and Palmer from the other end of the room, said,
‘It is here; I thought it would be more convenient for you to take
away.’ There was a door at the end of the room where he was. He
was within a yard or two of that door, and about twenty-four feet
from the table on which the body was lying.” (Before making this
last statement the witness referred to a plan of the room which was
put in by the Attorney-General.) “The other door near which Palmer
was standing was not the one by which he entered the room. I called
to Palmer, ‘Will you bring it here?’ I went from the table and met
Palmer half-way coming with the jar. Since I last saw it it had been
cut through both bladders. The cut was hardly an inch long, done
with a sharp instrument. I examined the jar. The edges were quite
clean; no part of the contents could have passed through it. Finding
this cut, I said, ‘Here is a cut! who has done it?’ Palmer, Devonshire,
and Newton, all said they had not done it, and nothing more was
said. When I was about to remove the jar from the room, the
prisoner asked me what I was going to do with it. I said I should
take it to Mr. Frere’s (a neighbouring surgeon). He said, ‘I would
rather you would take it to Stafford than take it there.’ I made no
answer that I remember. On finding the slit, I cut the strings, and
altered the bladder, so that the slits were not over the top. I took it to
Mr. Frere’s, and left it in his hall, tied and sealed. Afterwards when I
went for my carriage, whilst waiting in the yard, the prisoner came
and asked me what would be done with it, and I said, ‘Sent either to
Page 144
Birmingham or London for examination.’ When I recovered the jar,
I tied each corner separately and resealed it with my own seal.
During the first post-mortem examination, there were several
Rugeley persons present, but, I believe, no one on behalf of the
prisoner. At the second examination there was some one on behalf
of Palmer (Mr. Pemberton and Mr. Bolton).”
On cross-examination, after stating that Palmer’s words, “they
won’t hang us yet,” were addressed to Bamford in a loud whisper,
and afterwards repeated to several persons, and that his original
notes in pencil were destroyed, a more formal report being written
by him on getting home, Dr. Harland said—
“At the base of the tongue of the deceased I observed some
enlarged mucous follicles; they were not pustules containing matter,
but enlarged mucous follicles of long standing. There were a good
many of them, but I do not suppose that they would occasion much
inconvenience. They might cause some degree of pain, but it would
be slight. I do not believe they were enlarged glands. I should not
say that the deceased’s lungs were diseased, although they were not
in their normal state. The lungs were full of blood and the heart
empty. I had no lens at the post-mortem examination, but I made an
examination which was satisfactory without one. The brain was
carefully taken out; the membranes and external parts were first
examined, and thin slices about a quarter of an inch in thickness
were taken off and subjected to separate examination. I think that by
that means we should have discovered disease if any had existed;
and if there had been any indication of disease I should have
examined it more carefully. I examined the spinal cord as far down
as possible, and if there had been any appearance of disease, I
should have opened the canal. There was no appearance of disease,
however. We opened down to the first vertebra. If we had found a
softening of the spinal cord, I do not think that it would have been
sufficient to have caused Mr. Cook’s death; certainly not. A
softening of the spinal cord would not produce tetanus; it might
I tied each corner separately and resealed it with my own seal.
During the first post-mortem examination, there were several
Rugeley persons present, but, I believe, no one on behalf of the
prisoner. At the second examination there was some one on behalf
of Palmer (Mr. Pemberton and Mr. Bolton).”
On cross-examination, after stating that Palmer’s words, “they
won’t hang us yet,” were addressed to Bamford in a loud whisper,
and afterwards repeated to several persons, and that his original
notes in pencil were destroyed, a more formal report being written
by him on getting home, Dr. Harland said—
“At the base of the tongue of the deceased I observed some
enlarged mucous follicles; they were not pustules containing matter,
but enlarged mucous follicles of long standing. There were a good
many of them, but I do not suppose that they would occasion much
inconvenience. They might cause some degree of pain, but it would
be slight. I do not believe they were enlarged glands. I should not
say that the deceased’s lungs were diseased, although they were not
in their normal state. The lungs were full of blood and the heart
empty. I had no lens at the post-mortem examination, but I made an
examination which was satisfactory without one. The brain was
carefully taken out; the membranes and external parts were first
examined, and thin slices about a quarter of an inch in thickness
were taken off and subjected to separate examination. I think that by
that means we should have discovered disease if any had existed;
and if there had been any indication of disease I should have
examined it more carefully. I examined the spinal cord as far down
as possible, and if there had been any appearance of disease, I
should have opened the canal. There was no appearance of disease,
however. We opened down to the first vertebra. If we had found a
softening of the spinal cord, I do not think that it would have been
sufficient to have caused Mr. Cook’s death; certainly not. A
softening of the spinal cord would not produce tetanus; it might
Page 145
produce paralysis. I do not think, as a medical man investigating the
cause of death, that it was necessary carefully to examine the spinal
cord. I do not know who suggested that there should be an
examination of the spinal cord two months after death. There were
some appearances of decomposition when we examined the spinal
cord, but I do not think that there was sufficient to interfere with our
examination.[36] I examined the body to ascertain if there was any
trace of venereal disease. I did find certain indications of that
description, and the marks of an old excoriation, which was
cicatrized over.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“There were no
indications of wounds or sores such as could by possibility produce
tetanus. There was no disease of the lungs to account for death. The
heart was healthy, and its emptiness I attribute to spasmodic action.
The heart being empty, of course death ensued. The convulsive
spasmodic action of the muscles of the body, which was deposed to
yesterday by Mr. Jones, would, in my judgment occasion the
emptiness of the heart. There was nothing whatever in the brain to
indicate the presence of any disease of any sort; but if there had
been, I never heard or read of any disease of the brain ever
producing tetanus. There was no relaxation of the spinal cord which
would account for the symptoms accompanying Mr. Cook’s death as
they have been described. In fact, there was no relaxation of the
spinal cord at all, and there is no disease of the spinal cord with
which I am acquainted which would produce tetanus.”
Dr. Monckton, a physician at Rugeley, made a separate
examination of the spinal marrow of the deceased on the 28th of
January, when he said that the body was in such a condition as to
enable him to do so satisfactorily, and when had there been any
disease of a normal character on the spine he should have had no
difficulty in discovering it. All that he found were certain granules,
the origin of which it was difficult to account for, though frequently
found in persons of an advanced age, but which he never knew to
cause of death, that it was necessary carefully to examine the spinal
cord. I do not know who suggested that there should be an
examination of the spinal cord two months after death. There were
some appearances of decomposition when we examined the spinal
cord, but I do not think that there was sufficient to interfere with our
examination.[36] I examined the body to ascertain if there was any
trace of venereal disease. I did find certain indications of that
description, and the marks of an old excoriation, which was
cicatrized over.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“There were no
indications of wounds or sores such as could by possibility produce
tetanus. There was no disease of the lungs to account for death. The
heart was healthy, and its emptiness I attribute to spasmodic action.
The heart being empty, of course death ensued. The convulsive
spasmodic action of the muscles of the body, which was deposed to
yesterday by Mr. Jones, would, in my judgment occasion the
emptiness of the heart. There was nothing whatever in the brain to
indicate the presence of any disease of any sort; but if there had
been, I never heard or read of any disease of the brain ever
producing tetanus. There was no relaxation of the spinal cord which
would account for the symptoms accompanying Mr. Cook’s death as
they have been described. In fact, there was no relaxation of the
spinal cord at all, and there is no disease of the spinal cord with
which I am acquainted which would produce tetanus.”
Dr. Monckton, a physician at Rugeley, made a separate
examination of the spinal marrow of the deceased on the 28th of
January, when he said that the body was in such a condition as to
enable him to do so satisfactorily, and when had there been any
disease of a normal character on the spine he should have had no
difficulty in discovering it. All that he found were certain granules,
the origin of which it was difficult to account for, though frequently
found in persons of an advanced age, but which he never knew to
Page 146
occasion sudden death. He agreed entirely with the evidence of Dr.
Harland.[37]
EVIDENCE OF MEDICAL EXPERTS.
We come next to a remarkable body of evidence given by men
of such eminence in their profession as Mr. Curling, Dr. Todd, Sir
Benjamin Brodie, and others of nearly equal mark, negativing the
idea that had been suggested in the previous cross-examinations
that the death was due to one of the two forms of true tetanus, and
affirming that the symptoms which had been detailed were those of
the action of strychnia. Not only were these opinions closely
questioned in cross-examination, but as many medical men, several
of them of not less eminence than these witnesses, were
subsequently called for the defence to contradict them; and thus the
most extraordinary conflict of scientific evidence raised that had
hitherto been witnessed in a criminal court. Subsequently, as we
shall see, a similar dispute between the medical giants of the day
was roused in the case of Dr. Smethurst, but with, in the end, a very
different result. In reading the following statements for the
prosecution, it will help to make them more clear, if it is borne in
mind that tetanus is of two kinds—(1), Idiopathic, or self-
generated, and the other (2), Traumatic, the result of a wound or a
sore; that the former may arise from exposure to cold or damp, or
even from the irritation of worms in the alimentary canal, but in
temperate climates is by no means a frequent disease; whilst the
latter, from the various accidents to which human beings are liable,
is of more frequent occurrence. Another point to be remembered is,
that it is a moot point in medical practice whether a syphilitic sore,
unless of course of a most aggravated character, will produce
tetanus, and that the difference between the symptoms and progress
Harland.[37]
EVIDENCE OF MEDICAL EXPERTS.
We come next to a remarkable body of evidence given by men
of such eminence in their profession as Mr. Curling, Dr. Todd, Sir
Benjamin Brodie, and others of nearly equal mark, negativing the
idea that had been suggested in the previous cross-examinations
that the death was due to one of the two forms of true tetanus, and
affirming that the symptoms which had been detailed were those of
the action of strychnia. Not only were these opinions closely
questioned in cross-examination, but as many medical men, several
of them of not less eminence than these witnesses, were
subsequently called for the defence to contradict them; and thus the
most extraordinary conflict of scientific evidence raised that had
hitherto been witnessed in a criminal court. Subsequently, as we
shall see, a similar dispute between the medical giants of the day
was roused in the case of Dr. Smethurst, but with, in the end, a very
different result. In reading the following statements for the
prosecution, it will help to make them more clear, if it is borne in
mind that tetanus is of two kinds—(1), Idiopathic, or self-
generated, and the other (2), Traumatic, the result of a wound or a
sore; that the former may arise from exposure to cold or damp, or
even from the irritation of worms in the alimentary canal, but in
temperate climates is by no means a frequent disease; whilst the
latter, from the various accidents to which human beings are liable,
is of more frequent occurrence. Another point to be remembered is,
that it is a moot point in medical practice whether a syphilitic sore,
unless of course of a most aggravated character, will produce
tetanus, and that the difference between the symptoms and progress
Page 147
of true tetanus and of that due to poison is, in the opinion of these
experts, very marked. Dr. James Blizard Curling, surgeon to the
London Hospital, was first called, and after describing the two
kinds of tetanus and their causes, and speaking of the very
numerous cases of the “traumatic” kind which he had seen, he thus
detailed the symptoms:—
“The disease first manifests itself about the jaws and neck.
Rigidity of the muscles of the abdomen afterwards sets in. A
dragging pain at the pit of the stomach is almost a constant
attendant. In many instances the muscles of the back are extensively
affected. These symptoms, though continuous, are liable to
aggravations into paroxysms. As the disease goes on these
paroxysms become more frequent and more severe. When they
occur the body is drawn backwards; in some instances, though less
frequent, it is bent forward. A difficulty in swallowing is a very
common symptom, and also a difficulty of breathing during the
paroxysms. The disease may, if fatal, end in two ways. The patient
may die somewhat suddenly, from suffocation, owing to the closure
of the opening of the windpipe; or he may be worn out by the severe
and painful spasms, the muscles may relax, and the patient
gradually sink. The disease is generally fatal. The locking of the jaw
is an almost constant symptom attending ‘traumatic tetanus;’ I may
say a constant symptom. It is not always marked, but generally so. It
is an early symptom. Another symptom is a peculiar expression of
countenance. I believe this is not peculiar to ‘traumatic tetanus,’ but
my observation is from such cases. There is a contraction of the
eyelids, a raising of the angles of the mouth, and contraction of the
brow. In ‘traumatic tetanus’ the lower extremities are sometimes
affected, and sometimes, but rarely, the upper ones. When the
muscles of the extremities are affected, the time at which that occurs
varies. If there is no wound in the arms or legs, the extremities are
generally not affected until late in the progress of the disease. I
never knew of tetanus being produced by a sore throat or a chancre.
In my opinion a syphilitic sore would not produce tetanus. I know of
experts, very marked. Dr. James Blizard Curling, surgeon to the
London Hospital, was first called, and after describing the two
kinds of tetanus and their causes, and speaking of the very
numerous cases of the “traumatic” kind which he had seen, he thus
detailed the symptoms:—
“The disease first manifests itself about the jaws and neck.
Rigidity of the muscles of the abdomen afterwards sets in. A
dragging pain at the pit of the stomach is almost a constant
attendant. In many instances the muscles of the back are extensively
affected. These symptoms, though continuous, are liable to
aggravations into paroxysms. As the disease goes on these
paroxysms become more frequent and more severe. When they
occur the body is drawn backwards; in some instances, though less
frequent, it is bent forward. A difficulty in swallowing is a very
common symptom, and also a difficulty of breathing during the
paroxysms. The disease may, if fatal, end in two ways. The patient
may die somewhat suddenly, from suffocation, owing to the closure
of the opening of the windpipe; or he may be worn out by the severe
and painful spasms, the muscles may relax, and the patient
gradually sink. The disease is generally fatal. The locking of the jaw
is an almost constant symptom attending ‘traumatic tetanus;’ I may
say a constant symptom. It is not always marked, but generally so. It
is an early symptom. Another symptom is a peculiar expression of
countenance. I believe this is not peculiar to ‘traumatic tetanus,’ but
my observation is from such cases. There is a contraction of the
eyelids, a raising of the angles of the mouth, and contraction of the
brow. In ‘traumatic tetanus’ the lower extremities are sometimes
affected, and sometimes, but rarely, the upper ones. When the
muscles of the extremities are affected, the time at which that occurs
varies. If there is no wound in the arms or legs, the extremities are
generally not affected until late in the progress of the disease. I
never knew of tetanus being produced by a sore throat or a chancre.
In my opinion a syphilitic sore would not produce tetanus. I know of
Page 148
no instance in which one has led to tetanus. I think it a very unlikely
cause. The time within which ‘traumatic tetanus’ causes death
varies from twenty-four hours to two or three days or longer. The
shortest time to my knowledge was eight to ten hours. When once
commenced, the disease is continuous.”
Question.—“Did you ever hear of a case in which a man was
attacked one day, had twenty-four hours’ respite, and was then
attacked the next day?”
Witness.—“Never. Such a case could not occur.”
Question.—“You have heard Mr. Jones’s account of the death of
the deceased. Were the symptoms there consistent with any forms of
traumatic tetanus?”
Witness.—“No.”
Question.—“What distinguishes it from such causes?”
Witness.—“The sudden onset of the disease. In all cases that
have come under my observation the disease was preceded by the
milder symptoms of tetanus, gradually proceeding to the complete
development.”
Question.—“Were the symptoms described by Mills those of
tetanus?”
Witness.—“No. Not of tetanus of disease.”
Question.—“Assuming tetanus to be synonymous with
convulsive or spasmodic action of the muscles, was there, in that
sense, tetanus on Monday night?”
Witness.—“No doubt there was spasmodic action of the
muscles, but not idiopathic or traumatic tetanus, because the sudden
onset of the spasms, and their rapid subsidence, are consistent with
neither of the two forms of tetanus.”
Question.—“Is there not hysteric tetanus?”
Witness.—“Yes: it is rather hysteria combined with spasms, but
it is sometimes called hysteric tetanus. I have known no instance of
its proving fatal, or of it occurring to a man. Some poisons will
produce tetanus. Nux vomica, acting through its poisons, strychnia
cause. The time within which ‘traumatic tetanus’ causes death
varies from twenty-four hours to two or three days or longer. The
shortest time to my knowledge was eight to ten hours. When once
commenced, the disease is continuous.”
Question.—“Did you ever hear of a case in which a man was
attacked one day, had twenty-four hours’ respite, and was then
attacked the next day?”
Witness.—“Never. Such a case could not occur.”
Question.—“You have heard Mr. Jones’s account of the death of
the deceased. Were the symptoms there consistent with any forms of
traumatic tetanus?”
Witness.—“No.”
Question.—“What distinguishes it from such causes?”
Witness.—“The sudden onset of the disease. In all cases that
have come under my observation the disease was preceded by the
milder symptoms of tetanus, gradually proceeding to the complete
development.”
Question.—“Were the symptoms described by Mills those of
tetanus?”
Witness.—“No. Not of tetanus of disease.”
Question.—“Assuming tetanus to be synonymous with
convulsive or spasmodic action of the muscles, was there, in that
sense, tetanus on Monday night?”
Witness.—“No doubt there was spasmodic action of the
muscles, but not idiopathic or traumatic tetanus, because the sudden
onset of the spasms, and their rapid subsidence, are consistent with
neither of the two forms of tetanus.”
Question.—“Is there not hysteric tetanus?”
Witness.—“Yes: it is rather hysteria combined with spasms, but
it is sometimes called hysteric tetanus. I have known no instance of
its proving fatal, or of it occurring to a man. Some poisons will
produce tetanus. Nux vomica, acting through its poisons, strychnia
Page 149
and brucia, poisons of a cognate character, produce that effect. I
never saw human or animal life destroyed by strychnia.”
In his cross-examination, Mr. Curling admitted that irritation of
the spinal cord, or of the nerves proceeding to it, might produce
tetanus, and the correctness of Dr. Watson’s statements in his
Lectures, that, in four cases out of five, the disease begins with
lockjaw, and that all the symptoms of tetanic convulsions may arise
from very trivial blows; but he denied that there was any well
authenticated instance of “traumatic tetanus” occurring within a
quarter of an hour after the reception of the injury, or that it was
very likely that the irritation of a syphilitic sore by wet, cold, drink,
mercury, or mental excitement, might lead to tetanic symptoms.
“The irritation,” said Mr. Curling, “which is likely to produce
tetanus is the sore being exposed to friction, to which syphilitic
sores in the throat are not exposed. I should class tetanus arising
from the irritation of a sore as traumatic. Cases very rarely occur
which it is difficult to class as either traumatic or idiopathic. I
should class tetanus arising from irritation of the intestines as
idiopathic. The character of the spasms of epilepsy are not tetanic.”
Serjeant Shee.—“Not of the spasms; but are not the contractions
of epilepsy sometimes continuous, so that the body may be twisted
into various forms, and remain rigidly in them?”
Answer.—“Not continuously.”
Question.—“For five or ten minutes together?”
Answer.—“I think not.”
Question.—“Does it not frequently happen that general
convulsions, no cause or trace of which in the form of disease or
lesion is to be found in the body after death, occur in the most
violent and spastic way so as to exhibit appearances of tetanic
convulsions?”
never saw human or animal life destroyed by strychnia.”
In his cross-examination, Mr. Curling admitted that irritation of
the spinal cord, or of the nerves proceeding to it, might produce
tetanus, and the correctness of Dr. Watson’s statements in his
Lectures, that, in four cases out of five, the disease begins with
lockjaw, and that all the symptoms of tetanic convulsions may arise
from very trivial blows; but he denied that there was any well
authenticated instance of “traumatic tetanus” occurring within a
quarter of an hour after the reception of the injury, or that it was
very likely that the irritation of a syphilitic sore by wet, cold, drink,
mercury, or mental excitement, might lead to tetanic symptoms.
“The irritation,” said Mr. Curling, “which is likely to produce
tetanus is the sore being exposed to friction, to which syphilitic
sores in the throat are not exposed. I should class tetanus arising
from the irritation of a sore as traumatic. Cases very rarely occur
which it is difficult to class as either traumatic or idiopathic. I
should class tetanus arising from irritation of the intestines as
idiopathic. The character of the spasms of epilepsy are not tetanic.”
Serjeant Shee.—“Not of the spasms; but are not the contractions
of epilepsy sometimes continuous, so that the body may be twisted
into various forms, and remain rigidly in them?”
Answer.—“Not continuously.”
Question.—“For five or ten minutes together?”
Answer.—“I think not.”
Question.—“Does it not frequently happen that general
convulsions, no cause or trace of which in the form of disease or
lesion is to be found in the body after death, occur in the most
violent and spastic way so as to exhibit appearances of tetanic
convulsions?”
Page 150
Answer.—“No instance of the kind has come under my
observation.”[38]
Question.—“Do you agree with this opinion of Dr. Copland,
expressed in his Dictionary of Practical Medicine, under the head of
‘General Convulsions,’ ‘The abnormal contraction of the muscles is
in some cases of the most violent and spastic nature, and frequently
of some continuance, the relaxations being of brief duration or
scarcely observable, and in others nearly or altogether approaching
to tetanic?’”
Answer.—“I would rather speak from my own observation. I
have not observed anything of the kind.”
Question.—“Does it not happen that a patient dies of
convulsions, spasmodic in the sense of their being tumultuous and
alternating, and chronic in the sense of exhibiting continuous
rigidity, yet after death no disease is found?”
Answer.—“It does not often happen to adults.”
Question.—“Does it sometimes?”
Answer.—“I do not know, nor have I read of such a case. I have
no hesitation in saying that people may die from tetanus and other
diseases without the appearance of morbid symptoms after death.”
Question.—“Are not convulsions, not, strictly speaking, tetanic,
constantly preceded by retching, distention of the stomach,
flatulence of the stomach and bowels, and other dyspeptic
symptoms?”
Answer.—“Such cases do not come under my observation as a
hospital surgeon. I think it is very probable that general convulsions
are accompanied by yelling. I don’t know that they frequently
terminate fatally, and that the proximate cause of death is spasm of
the respiratory muscles, inducing asphyxia.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“These convulsions are
easily distinguished from tetanus, because in them there is an entire
loss of consciousness.”
Question.—“Is it one of the characteristic features of tetanus
that the consciousness is not affected?”
observation.”[38]
Question.—“Do you agree with this opinion of Dr. Copland,
expressed in his Dictionary of Practical Medicine, under the head of
‘General Convulsions,’ ‘The abnormal contraction of the muscles is
in some cases of the most violent and spastic nature, and frequently
of some continuance, the relaxations being of brief duration or
scarcely observable, and in others nearly or altogether approaching
to tetanic?’”
Answer.—“I would rather speak from my own observation. I
have not observed anything of the kind.”
Question.—“Does it not happen that a patient dies of
convulsions, spasmodic in the sense of their being tumultuous and
alternating, and chronic in the sense of exhibiting continuous
rigidity, yet after death no disease is found?”
Answer.—“It does not often happen to adults.”
Question.—“Does it sometimes?”
Answer.—“I do not know, nor have I read of such a case. I have
no hesitation in saying that people may die from tetanus and other
diseases without the appearance of morbid symptoms after death.”
Question.—“Are not convulsions, not, strictly speaking, tetanic,
constantly preceded by retching, distention of the stomach,
flatulence of the stomach and bowels, and other dyspeptic
symptoms?”
Answer.—“Such cases do not come under my observation as a
hospital surgeon. I think it is very probable that general convulsions
are accompanied by yelling. I don’t know that they frequently
terminate fatally, and that the proximate cause of death is spasm of
the respiratory muscles, inducing asphyxia.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“These convulsions are
easily distinguished from tetanus, because in them there is an entire
loss of consciousness.”
Question.—“Is it one of the characteristic features of tetanus
that the consciousness is not affected?”
Page 151
Answer.—“It is.”
Dr. Todd, for twenty-one years physician to King’s College
Hospital, well known for his lectures on Tetanus and the diseases of
the Nervous System, and who had seen only two cases of what
appeared to him to be idiopathic tetanus, so rare are they in this
country, gave the following evidence:[39]—
“In my opinion the term tetanus ought not to be applied to
disease produced by poisons, but I should call the symptoms tetanic
in order to distinguish the character of the convulsions. I have
observed cases of traumatic tetanus. Except that in all such cases
there is some lesion the symptoms are precisely the same as those of
idiopathic tetanus. The disease begins with stiffness about the jaw.
The symptoms gradually develope themselves and extend to the
muscles of the trunk.”
Question.—“When the disease has begun is there any
intermission?”
Answer.—“There are remissions, but they are not complete; only
diminutions of the severity of the symptoms, not a total subsidence.
The patient does not express himself as completely well, quite
comfortable. I speak from my own experience.”
Question.—“What is the usual period that elapses between the
commencement and the termination of the disease?”
Answer.—“The cases may be divided into two classes. Acute
cases will terminate in three or four days, chronic cases will go on
as long as from nineteen to twenty-two or twenty-three days, and
perhaps longer. I do not think that I have known a case in which
death occurred within four days. Cases are reported in which it
occurred in a shorter period. In tetanus the extremities are affected,
but not so much as the trunk. Their affection is a late symptom. The
locking of the jaw is an early one. Sometimes the convulsions of
epilepsy assume somewhat of a tetanic character, but they are
essentially distinct from tetanus. In epilepsy the patient always loses
Dr. Todd, for twenty-one years physician to King’s College
Hospital, well known for his lectures on Tetanus and the diseases of
the Nervous System, and who had seen only two cases of what
appeared to him to be idiopathic tetanus, so rare are they in this
country, gave the following evidence:[39]—
“In my opinion the term tetanus ought not to be applied to
disease produced by poisons, but I should call the symptoms tetanic
in order to distinguish the character of the convulsions. I have
observed cases of traumatic tetanus. Except that in all such cases
there is some lesion the symptoms are precisely the same as those of
idiopathic tetanus. The disease begins with stiffness about the jaw.
The symptoms gradually develope themselves and extend to the
muscles of the trunk.”
Question.—“When the disease has begun is there any
intermission?”
Answer.—“There are remissions, but they are not complete; only
diminutions of the severity of the symptoms, not a total subsidence.
The patient does not express himself as completely well, quite
comfortable. I speak from my own experience.”
Question.—“What is the usual period that elapses between the
commencement and the termination of the disease?”
Answer.—“The cases may be divided into two classes. Acute
cases will terminate in three or four days, chronic cases will go on
as long as from nineteen to twenty-two or twenty-three days, and
perhaps longer. I do not think that I have known a case in which
death occurred within four days. Cases are reported in which it
occurred in a shorter period. In tetanus the extremities are affected,
but not so much as the trunk. Their affection is a late symptom. The
locking of the jaw is an early one. Sometimes the convulsions of
epilepsy assume somewhat of a tetanic character, but they are
essentially distinct from tetanus. In epilepsy the patient always loses
Page 152
consciousness. Apoplexy never produces tetanic convulsions.
Perhaps I may be allowed to say that when there is an effusion of
blood upon the brain, and a particular portion of the brain is
involved, the muscles may be thrown into short tetanic convulsions.
In such a case the consciousness would be destroyed. Having heard
described the symptoms attending the death of the deceased, and the
post-mortem examination, I am of opinion that in this case there
was neither apoplexy nor epilepsy.”
The deposition of Dr. Bamford, before reported, was here read,
his inability to attend from illness having been proved.
The examination of Dr. Todd by the Attorney-General was then
proceeded with as follows:—
“Having heard the deposition of Dr. Bamford read, I do not
believe that the deceased died from apoplexy or from epilepsy. I
never knew tetanus arise either from syphilitic sores or from sore
throat. There are poisons which will produce tetanic convulsions.
The principal of these poisons are nux vomica and those which
contain as their active ingredients strychnia and brucia. I have never
seen human life destroyed by strychnia, but I have seen animals
destroyed by it frequently. The poison is usually given in a largish
dose in those cases, so as to put an end to the sufferings and destroy
life as soon as possible. I should not like to give a human subject a
quarter of a grain. I think that it is not unlikely that half a grain
might destroy life; and I believe that a grain certainly would. I think
that half a grain would kill a cat. The symptoms which would ensue
upon the administration of strychnine when given in solution—and I
believe that poisons of that nature act more rapidly in a state of
solution than in any other form—would develope themselves in ten
minutes after it was taken, if the dose was a large one; if not so
large, they might be half an hour or an hour before they appeared.
Those symptoms would be tetanic convulsions of the muscles—more
especially those of the spine and neck; the head and back would be
bent back, and the trunk would be bowed in a marked manner; the
extremities also would be stiffened and jerked out. The stiffness,
Perhaps I may be allowed to say that when there is an effusion of
blood upon the brain, and a particular portion of the brain is
involved, the muscles may be thrown into short tetanic convulsions.
In such a case the consciousness would be destroyed. Having heard
described the symptoms attending the death of the deceased, and the
post-mortem examination, I am of opinion that in this case there
was neither apoplexy nor epilepsy.”
The deposition of Dr. Bamford, before reported, was here read,
his inability to attend from illness having been proved.
The examination of Dr. Todd by the Attorney-General was then
proceeded with as follows:—
“Having heard the deposition of Dr. Bamford read, I do not
believe that the deceased died from apoplexy or from epilepsy. I
never knew tetanus arise either from syphilitic sores or from sore
throat. There are poisons which will produce tetanic convulsions.
The principal of these poisons are nux vomica and those which
contain as their active ingredients strychnia and brucia. I have never
seen human life destroyed by strychnia, but I have seen animals
destroyed by it frequently. The poison is usually given in a largish
dose in those cases, so as to put an end to the sufferings and destroy
life as soon as possible. I should not like to give a human subject a
quarter of a grain. I think that it is not unlikely that half a grain
might destroy life; and I believe that a grain certainly would. I think
that half a grain would kill a cat. The symptoms which would ensue
upon the administration of strychnine when given in solution—and I
believe that poisons of that nature act more rapidly in a state of
solution than in any other form—would develope themselves in ten
minutes after it was taken, if the dose was a large one; if not so
large, they might be half an hour or an hour before they appeared.
Those symptoms would be tetanic convulsions of the muscles—more
especially those of the spine and neck; the head and back would be
bent back, and the trunk would be bowed in a marked manner; the
extremities also would be stiffened and jerked out. The stiffness,
Page 153
once set in, would never entirely disappear; but fresh paroxysms
would set in, and the jerking would reappear, and death would
probably ensue in a quarter of an hour or so. The difference
between tetanus produced by strychnia and other tetanus is very
marked. In the former case the duration of the symptoms is very
short, and instead of being continuous in their development, they
will subside if the dose has not been strong enough to produce
death, and will be renewed in fresh paroxysms: whereas in other
descriptions of tetanus the symptoms commence in a mild form, and
become stronger and more violent as the disease progresses. The
difficulty experienced in breathing is common alike to tetanus
properly so called, and to tetanic convulsions occasioned by
strychnia, arising from the pressure on the respiratory muscles. I
think it is remarkable that the deceased was able to swallow, and
that there was no fixing of the jaw, which would have been the case
with tetanus proper, resulting either from a wound or from disease.
From all the evidence that I have heard, I think that the symptoms
which presented themselves in the case of Mr. Cook arose from
tetanus produced by strychnia.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove, Q.C.—“There are cases sloping
into each other, as it were, of every grade and degree, from mild
convulsions to tetanic spasms. I have published some lectures upon
diseases of the brain, and I adhere to the opinion there expressed,
that the state of a person suffering from tetanus is identical with that
which strychnia is capable of producing. In a pathological point of
view, an examination of the spinal cord shortly after death, in
investigating supposed deaths from strychnia, is important. The
signs of decomposition, however, could be easily distinguished from
the evidence of disease which existed previously to death, but it
would be difficult to distinguish in such a case whether mere
softening resulted from decomposition or from pre-existing disease.
There is nothing in the post-mortem examination that leads me to
think that the deceased died from tetanus proper. I think that
granules upon the spinal cord, such as I have heard described,
would not be likely to cause tetanus. In animals to which strychnia
would set in, and the jerking would reappear, and death would
probably ensue in a quarter of an hour or so. The difference
between tetanus produced by strychnia and other tetanus is very
marked. In the former case the duration of the symptoms is very
short, and instead of being continuous in their development, they
will subside if the dose has not been strong enough to produce
death, and will be renewed in fresh paroxysms: whereas in other
descriptions of tetanus the symptoms commence in a mild form, and
become stronger and more violent as the disease progresses. The
difficulty experienced in breathing is common alike to tetanus
properly so called, and to tetanic convulsions occasioned by
strychnia, arising from the pressure on the respiratory muscles. I
think it is remarkable that the deceased was able to swallow, and
that there was no fixing of the jaw, which would have been the case
with tetanus proper, resulting either from a wound or from disease.
From all the evidence that I have heard, I think that the symptoms
which presented themselves in the case of Mr. Cook arose from
tetanus produced by strychnia.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove, Q.C.—“There are cases sloping
into each other, as it were, of every grade and degree, from mild
convulsions to tetanic spasms. I have published some lectures upon
diseases of the brain, and I adhere to the opinion there expressed,
that the state of a person suffering from tetanus is identical with that
which strychnia is capable of producing. In a pathological point of
view, an examination of the spinal cord shortly after death, in
investigating supposed deaths from strychnia, is important. The
signs of decomposition, however, could be easily distinguished from
the evidence of disease which existed previously to death, but it
would be difficult to distinguish in such a case whether mere
softening resulted from decomposition or from pre-existing disease.
There is nothing in the post-mortem examination that leads me to
think that the deceased died from tetanus proper. I think that
granules upon the spinal cord, such as I have heard described,
would not be likely to cause tetanus. In animals to which strychnia
Page 154
has been administered I cannot say that I have observed what you
call an intolerance of touch, but by touching them spasms are apt to
be excited. That sensibility to touch continues as long as the
operation of the poison continues. I have examined the interior of
animals that have been killed by strychnia, but I have not observed
in such cases that the right side of the heart was usually full of
blood. It is some years since I made such an examination, but I am
able, nevertheless, to speak positively as to the state of the heart. It
is usually empty on both sides. I do not agree with Dr. Taylor, or
other authorities, that, in cases of tetanus, animals died asphyxiated.
If they did, we should invariably have the right side of the heart full
of blood, which is not the case. I think the term asphyxiated is
sometimes very loosely used. I know, from my reading, that
morphia sometimes produces convulsions, but believe they would be
of an epileptic character. I think that the symptoms of morphia
would be longer deferred in making their appearance than from
strychnia, but cannot speak positively on the point. Morphia, like
strychnia, is a vegetable poison. I have not observed in animals the
jaw fixed after the administration of strychnia.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“Whatever may be the
true theory as to the emptiness of the heart after strychnia, I should
say that the heart is more ordinarily empty than filled after tetanus,
and more contracted after strychnia, than in ordinary tetanus. I do
not believe that a medical practitioner would have any difficulty in
distinguishing between ordinary convulsions and tetanic
convulsions. I have heard the evidence of the gentlemen who made
the post-mortem examination, and I apprehend that there was
nothing to prevent the discovery of disease in the spinal cord had
any existed previously to death.”
Sir Benjamin Brodie’s evidence, which follows, was given
“with great clearness, slowly, audibly, and distinctly,” and produced
a marked effect.
call an intolerance of touch, but by touching them spasms are apt to
be excited. That sensibility to touch continues as long as the
operation of the poison continues. I have examined the interior of
animals that have been killed by strychnia, but I have not observed
in such cases that the right side of the heart was usually full of
blood. It is some years since I made such an examination, but I am
able, nevertheless, to speak positively as to the state of the heart. It
is usually empty on both sides. I do not agree with Dr. Taylor, or
other authorities, that, in cases of tetanus, animals died asphyxiated.
If they did, we should invariably have the right side of the heart full
of blood, which is not the case. I think the term asphyxiated is
sometimes very loosely used. I know, from my reading, that
morphia sometimes produces convulsions, but believe they would be
of an epileptic character. I think that the symptoms of morphia
would be longer deferred in making their appearance than from
strychnia, but cannot speak positively on the point. Morphia, like
strychnia, is a vegetable poison. I have not observed in animals the
jaw fixed after the administration of strychnia.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“Whatever may be the
true theory as to the emptiness of the heart after strychnia, I should
say that the heart is more ordinarily empty than filled after tetanus,
and more contracted after strychnia, than in ordinary tetanus. I do
not believe that a medical practitioner would have any difficulty in
distinguishing between ordinary convulsions and tetanic
convulsions. I have heard the evidence of the gentlemen who made
the post-mortem examination, and I apprehend that there was
nothing to prevent the discovery of disease in the spinal cord had
any existed previously to death.”
Sir Benjamin Brodie’s evidence, which follows, was given
“with great clearness, slowly, audibly, and distinctly,” and produced
a marked effect.
Page 155
Sir Benjamin Brodie, examined by Mr. James, Q.C.—“I have
been for many years senior surgeon to St. George’s Hospital, and
have had considerable experience as a surgeon. In the course of my
practice I have had under my care many cases of death from tetanus.
Death from idiopathic tetanus is, according to my experience, very
rare in this country. The ordinary tetanus in this country is traumatic
tetanus. I have heard the symptoms which accompanied the death of
Mr. Cook, and I am of opinion that so far as there was a general
contraction of the muscles they resembled those of traumatic
tetanus; but, as to the course those symptoms took, they were
entirely different. I have attended to the detailed description of the
attack suffered by Mr. Cook on the Monday night, its ceasing on
Tuesday, and its renewal on the Tuesday night. The symptoms of
traumatic tetanus always begin, so far as I have seen, very
gradually, the stiffness of the lower jaw being, I believe, invariably,
the symptom first complained of—at least, so it has been in my
experience. The contraction of the muscles of the back is always a
later symptom—generally much later. The muscles of the
extremities are affected in a much less degree than those of the neck
and trunk, except in some cases where the injury has been in a limb,
and an early symptom has been spasmodic contraction of the
muscles of that limb. I do not myself recollect a case of ordinary
tetanus in which occurred that contraction in the muscles of the
hand which I understand was stated to have taken place in this
instance. Again, ordinary tetanus rarely runs its course in less than
two or three days, and often is protracted to a much longer period. I
knew one case only in which the disease was said to have
terminated in so short a time as twelve hours; but probably in that
case the early symptoms had been overlooked. Again, I never knew
the symptoms of ordinary tetanus to last for a few minutes, then
subside, and then come on again after twenty-four hours. I think that
these are the principal points of difference which I perceived
between the symptoms of ordinary tetanus and those which I have
heard described in this case. I have not witnessed tetanic
convulsions from strychnia on animal life. I do not believe that
death in the case of Mr. Cook arose from what we ordinarily call
been for many years senior surgeon to St. George’s Hospital, and
have had considerable experience as a surgeon. In the course of my
practice I have had under my care many cases of death from tetanus.
Death from idiopathic tetanus is, according to my experience, very
rare in this country. The ordinary tetanus in this country is traumatic
tetanus. I have heard the symptoms which accompanied the death of
Mr. Cook, and I am of opinion that so far as there was a general
contraction of the muscles they resembled those of traumatic
tetanus; but, as to the course those symptoms took, they were
entirely different. I have attended to the detailed description of the
attack suffered by Mr. Cook on the Monday night, its ceasing on
Tuesday, and its renewal on the Tuesday night. The symptoms of
traumatic tetanus always begin, so far as I have seen, very
gradually, the stiffness of the lower jaw being, I believe, invariably,
the symptom first complained of—at least, so it has been in my
experience. The contraction of the muscles of the back is always a
later symptom—generally much later. The muscles of the
extremities are affected in a much less degree than those of the neck
and trunk, except in some cases where the injury has been in a limb,
and an early symptom has been spasmodic contraction of the
muscles of that limb. I do not myself recollect a case of ordinary
tetanus in which occurred that contraction in the muscles of the
hand which I understand was stated to have taken place in this
instance. Again, ordinary tetanus rarely runs its course in less than
two or three days, and often is protracted to a much longer period. I
knew one case only in which the disease was said to have
terminated in so short a time as twelve hours; but probably in that
case the early symptoms had been overlooked. Again, I never knew
the symptoms of ordinary tetanus to last for a few minutes, then
subside, and then come on again after twenty-four hours. I think that
these are the principal points of difference which I perceived
between the symptoms of ordinary tetanus and those which I have
heard described in this case. I have not witnessed tetanic
convulsions from strychnia on animal life. I do not believe that
death in the case of Mr. Cook arose from what we ordinarily call
Page 156
tetanus—either idiopathic or traumatic. I never knew tetanus result
from sore throat or from a chancre, or from any other form of
syphilitic disease. The symptoms were not the result either of
apoplexy or of epilepsy. Perhaps I had better say at once that I
never saw a case in which the symptoms that I have heard described
here rose from any disease. (Sensation.) When I say that, of course I
refer not to particular symptoms, but to the general course which
the symptoms took.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“I believe I remember
one case in the physician’s ward of St. George’s Hospital, which
was shown to me as a case of idiopathic tetanus, but I doubted
whether it was tetanus at all. It was a slight case, and I do not
remember the particulars.”
Question.—“Considering how rare cases of tetanus are, do you
think that the description given by a chambermaid and a provincial
medical man, who had never seen but one case, is sufficient to
enable you to form an opinion as to the nature of the case?”
Answer.—“I must say I thought that the description was very
clearly given.”
Question.—“Supposing that they differed in their description,
which would you rely upon—the medical man or the
chambermaid?”
Lord Campbell.—“That is hardly a proper question.”
Baron Alderson.—“It may be a very proper observation for you
to make.”
Cross-examination continued.—“I never knew syphilitic poison
produce tetanic convulsions, except in cases where there was
disease of the bones of the head.”
Two other surgeons, Dr. Daniell, late surgeon to the British
Hospital, and Mr. Samuel Solly, of St. Thomas’s Hospital,
confirmed in every respect the views of the previous medical
witnesses, that the circumstances attending Cook’s death were
clearly distinguishable from those attendant on ordinary tetanus.
from sore throat or from a chancre, or from any other form of
syphilitic disease. The symptoms were not the result either of
apoplexy or of epilepsy. Perhaps I had better say at once that I
never saw a case in which the symptoms that I have heard described
here rose from any disease. (Sensation.) When I say that, of course I
refer not to particular symptoms, but to the general course which
the symptoms took.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“I believe I remember
one case in the physician’s ward of St. George’s Hospital, which
was shown to me as a case of idiopathic tetanus, but I doubted
whether it was tetanus at all. It was a slight case, and I do not
remember the particulars.”
Question.—“Considering how rare cases of tetanus are, do you
think that the description given by a chambermaid and a provincial
medical man, who had never seen but one case, is sufficient to
enable you to form an opinion as to the nature of the case?”
Answer.—“I must say I thought that the description was very
clearly given.”
Question.—“Supposing that they differed in their description,
which would you rely upon—the medical man or the
chambermaid?”
Lord Campbell.—“That is hardly a proper question.”
Baron Alderson.—“It may be a very proper observation for you
to make.”
Cross-examination continued.—“I never knew syphilitic poison
produce tetanic convulsions, except in cases where there was
disease of the bones of the head.”
Two other surgeons, Dr. Daniell, late surgeon to the British
Hospital, and Mr. Samuel Solly, of St. Thomas’s Hospital,
confirmed in every respect the views of the previous medical
witnesses, that the circumstances attending Cook’s death were
clearly distinguishable from those attendant on ordinary tetanus.
Page 157
They relied on the fact that ordinary tetanus was always
progressive, and that it is never intermittent to the extent witnessed
in Cook’s case, and seldom endured less than from thirty to forty
hours. Mr. Solly alluded to the peculiar grin—“the risus
Sardonicus, as the first symptom of true tetanus, which is not
common to all convulsions, and which having once seen,” he said,
“you cannot forget.” He distinguished between tetanus with
convulsions and death from epileptic convulsions by the fact that
“the first seldom leaves any trace behind it, whilst the latter does
leave its trace in the shape of a slight effusion of blood on the
brain, and a congestion of the vessels.” The syphilitic theory was
finally overthrown by the testimony of Mr. Henry Lee, surgeon to
the Lock Hospital, which is exclusively devoted to syphilitic cases.
Though he saw there nearly 3000 cases a year, he had never known
one resulting in tetanus, or read of a case of primary or secondary
symptoms having that result.
In addition to these experts, on the sixth day important evidence
was given by Dr. Jackson, who had had twenty-five years’
experience of tetanus in India, on the difference of the symptoms
observed in the idiopathic and traumatic kinds; the former being
much more frequent in India than in other climates, affording him
in his practice as many as forty cases.
“It is as equally fatal,” said Dr. Jackson, “according to my
experience, as traumatic. It is frequently found, in India, in children,
both natives and Europeans, and generally takes place the third day
after birth. It will also be occasioned by cold in that climate. In
infants there is a more marked symptom of lockjaw in idiopathic
tetanus. In adults there is no difference in the symptoms from
traumatic. I have always seen the idiopathic form preceded by
premonitory symptoms, such as a peculiar expression of the
countenance, stiffness of the muscles of the throat and of the jaw.
The usual period from the attack to death in infants is forty-eight
progressive, and that it is never intermittent to the extent witnessed
in Cook’s case, and seldom endured less than from thirty to forty
hours. Mr. Solly alluded to the peculiar grin—“the risus
Sardonicus, as the first symptom of true tetanus, which is not
common to all convulsions, and which having once seen,” he said,
“you cannot forget.” He distinguished between tetanus with
convulsions and death from epileptic convulsions by the fact that
“the first seldom leaves any trace behind it, whilst the latter does
leave its trace in the shape of a slight effusion of blood on the
brain, and a congestion of the vessels.” The syphilitic theory was
finally overthrown by the testimony of Mr. Henry Lee, surgeon to
the Lock Hospital, which is exclusively devoted to syphilitic cases.
Though he saw there nearly 3000 cases a year, he had never known
one resulting in tetanus, or read of a case of primary or secondary
symptoms having that result.
In addition to these experts, on the sixth day important evidence
was given by Dr. Jackson, who had had twenty-five years’
experience of tetanus in India, on the difference of the symptoms
observed in the idiopathic and traumatic kinds; the former being
much more frequent in India than in other climates, affording him
in his practice as many as forty cases.
“It is as equally fatal,” said Dr. Jackson, “according to my
experience, as traumatic. It is frequently found, in India, in children,
both natives and Europeans, and generally takes place the third day
after birth. It will also be occasioned by cold in that climate. In
infants there is a more marked symptom of lockjaw in idiopathic
tetanus. In adults there is no difference in the symptoms from
traumatic. I have always seen the idiopathic form preceded by
premonitory symptoms, such as a peculiar expression of the
countenance, stiffness of the muscles of the throat and of the jaw.
The usual period from the attack to death in infants is forty-eight
Page 158
hours; in adults, when arising from cold, it is of longer duration, and
may continue for many days, going through the same grades as the
traumatic forms.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“The patient always
appears to be very uncomfortable shortly before an attack of
idiopathic tetanus. His appetite would not be affected, but he would
chiefly complain of the muscles of the neck. He might entertain a
desire for food, and take it as usual within twelve hours of the
attack. I never heard a patient complain of want of appetite. Within
the twelve hours I should say that the patient’s attention would be
more directed to the stiffness of his mouth and neck. I have known
cases of idiopathic tetanus, where the first paroxysm was in bed.
Difficulty of swallowing is another premonitory symptom.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“In the case of a child
not more than six hours would elapse between the premonitory
symptoms and the tetanic convulsions; in an adult the period would
not be greater than twenty-four hours. The duration of the disease
generally varies from three to ten days, but death has occurred as
early as two days. The traumatic and idiopathic cases are alike in
these respects. Both forms of the disorder are much more common
in India than they are in this country. The symptoms are not more
severe. In all my experience I never saw a case in which the disease
ran its course in twenty minutes.”
LATE EXAMPLES OF DEATH BY STRYCHNIA.
Four cases of undoubted poisoning by strychnia were brought
forward by the prosecution, in each of which the symptoms had
been observed by medical men, as well as by the attendants on the
several patients. In the first case, that of Agnes Sennett, or French,
a patient in the Glasgow Infirmary, in September, 1845, for a sore
skin, from thoughtlessness apparently, she took one of two
strychnia pills prepared for a paralytic patient, and then went and
sat by the ward fire. “In three quarters of an hour,” said Kelly,
may continue for many days, going through the same grades as the
traumatic forms.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“The patient always
appears to be very uncomfortable shortly before an attack of
idiopathic tetanus. His appetite would not be affected, but he would
chiefly complain of the muscles of the neck. He might entertain a
desire for food, and take it as usual within twelve hours of the
attack. I never heard a patient complain of want of appetite. Within
the twelve hours I should say that the patient’s attention would be
more directed to the stiffness of his mouth and neck. I have known
cases of idiopathic tetanus, where the first paroxysm was in bed.
Difficulty of swallowing is another premonitory symptom.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“In the case of a child
not more than six hours would elapse between the premonitory
symptoms and the tetanic convulsions; in an adult the period would
not be greater than twenty-four hours. The duration of the disease
generally varies from three to ten days, but death has occurred as
early as two days. The traumatic and idiopathic cases are alike in
these respects. Both forms of the disorder are much more common
in India than they are in this country. The symptoms are not more
severe. In all my experience I never saw a case in which the disease
ran its course in twenty minutes.”
LATE EXAMPLES OF DEATH BY STRYCHNIA.
Four cases of undoubted poisoning by strychnia were brought
forward by the prosecution, in each of which the symptoms had
been observed by medical men, as well as by the attendants on the
several patients. In the first case, that of Agnes Sennett, or French,
a patient in the Glasgow Infirmary, in September, 1845, for a sore
skin, from thoughtlessness apparently, she took one of two
strychnia pills prepared for a paralytic patient, and then went and
sat by the ward fire. “In three quarters of an hour,” said Kelly,
Page 159
another patient, “she was taken ill and fell back on the floor. I went
for the nurse; we took her to bed, and sent for the doctor; we were
obliged to cut her clothes off first because she never moved. She
was like a poker. She never spoke till she died.” Each pill,
according to the prescription, contained a quarter of a grain of
strychnia. When the medical clerk of the hospital saw her in bed,
the symptoms were—
“A strong retraction of the mouth; the face much suffused and
red; the pupils of the eyes dilated; the head bent back; the spine
curved, and the muscles rigid and hard as a board; the arms
stretched out; the hands clinched; and there were severe paroxysms
occurring in about a quarter of an hour. She died in about an hour
and a quarter. When I was called the paroxysms did not last so long;
but they increased in severity.” “The retraction of the mouth was
continuous, but worse at times. I do not think I observed it after
death. The hands were not clinched after death; they were semi-
bent. The symptoms appeared about thirty minutes after taking the
pills. I tried to make her vomit with a feather. She only vomited
partially after I had given her an emetic. There was spasmodic
action and grinding of the teeth. She could open her mouth and
swallow. There was no lockjaw or ordinary tetanus.”[40]
Dr. Watson, the surgeon to the infirmary, who was called in
within a quarter of an hour of the patient being taken ill, said, “She
was in violent convulsions, and her arms stretched out and rigid;
they were kept quiet by rigidity. She did not breathe, the muscles
being kept still by tetanic rigidity. That paroxysm subsided, and
fresh ones came on after a short interval. She died in about half an
hour. She was perfectly conscious. Her body was opened. The heart
was found distended and stiff. The cavities of it were empty. The
spinal cord was healthy.”
for the nurse; we took her to bed, and sent for the doctor; we were
obliged to cut her clothes off first because she never moved. She
was like a poker. She never spoke till she died.” Each pill,
according to the prescription, contained a quarter of a grain of
strychnia. When the medical clerk of the hospital saw her in bed,
the symptoms were—
“A strong retraction of the mouth; the face much suffused and
red; the pupils of the eyes dilated; the head bent back; the spine
curved, and the muscles rigid and hard as a board; the arms
stretched out; the hands clinched; and there were severe paroxysms
occurring in about a quarter of an hour. She died in about an hour
and a quarter. When I was called the paroxysms did not last so long;
but they increased in severity.” “The retraction of the mouth was
continuous, but worse at times. I do not think I observed it after
death. The hands were not clinched after death; they were semi-
bent. The symptoms appeared about thirty minutes after taking the
pills. I tried to make her vomit with a feather. She only vomited
partially after I had given her an emetic. There was spasmodic
action and grinding of the teeth. She could open her mouth and
swallow. There was no lockjaw or ordinary tetanus.”[40]
Dr. Watson, the surgeon to the infirmary, who was called in
within a quarter of an hour of the patient being taken ill, said, “She
was in violent convulsions, and her arms stretched out and rigid;
they were kept quiet by rigidity. She did not breathe, the muscles
being kept still by tetanic rigidity. That paroxysm subsided, and
fresh ones came on after a short interval. She died in about half an
hour. She was perfectly conscious. Her body was opened. The heart
was found distended and stiff. The cavities of it were empty. The
spinal cord was healthy.”
Page 160
The second case, also of accidental poisoning, by the error of a
local chemist, who substituted strychnia for salicine (willow bark),
of which there ought to have been nine grains in the bottle of
medicine, was that of a Mrs. Sergeantson Smyth, residing near
Romsey. On the 30th of October, 1848, she took half a wine-glass
of the mixture, equal to a third of the whole, containing three grains
of strychnia. The effect was of course immediate. The symptoms
were identical with Cook’s.
“I left the room,” said Hickson, the lady’s maid, “when I had
given it her. Five or ten minutes afterwards I was alarmed by the
ringing of her bell. I went into her room and found her out of bed
leaning upon a chair in her night-dress. I thought she had fainted.
She appeared to suffer from what I thought were spasms. I ran and
sent the coachman for Dr. Taylor, and returned to her. Some of the
other servants were there assisting her. She was lying on the floor.
She screamed loudly, and her teeth were clinched. She asked to have
her arms and legs held straight. I took hold of them; they were very
much drawn up. She still screamed and was in great agony. She
requested that water should be thrown over her, and I threw some. I
put a bottle of hot water to her feet, but it did not relax them. Shortly
before she died she said she felt easier. The last words she uttered
were, ‘Turn me over.’ She died very quietly. She was quite conscious,
and knew me during the whole time. About an hour and a quarter
after I gave her the medicine she died.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove, Q.C.—“She could not sit up from
the time I went to her till she died. It was when she was in a
paroxysm that I tried to straighten her limbs. The effect of the cold
water was to throw her into a paroxysm. It was a continually
recurring attack, lasting about an hour and a quarter. Her teeth were
clinched the whole time.”
Re-examined.—“She was stiff all the time till within a few
minutes of her death. She was conscious all the time.”
local chemist, who substituted strychnia for salicine (willow bark),
of which there ought to have been nine grains in the bottle of
medicine, was that of a Mrs. Sergeantson Smyth, residing near
Romsey. On the 30th of October, 1848, she took half a wine-glass
of the mixture, equal to a third of the whole, containing three grains
of strychnia. The effect was of course immediate. The symptoms
were identical with Cook’s.
“I left the room,” said Hickson, the lady’s maid, “when I had
given it her. Five or ten minutes afterwards I was alarmed by the
ringing of her bell. I went into her room and found her out of bed
leaning upon a chair in her night-dress. I thought she had fainted.
She appeared to suffer from what I thought were spasms. I ran and
sent the coachman for Dr. Taylor, and returned to her. Some of the
other servants were there assisting her. She was lying on the floor.
She screamed loudly, and her teeth were clinched. She asked to have
her arms and legs held straight. I took hold of them; they were very
much drawn up. She still screamed and was in great agony. She
requested that water should be thrown over her, and I threw some. I
put a bottle of hot water to her feet, but it did not relax them. Shortly
before she died she said she felt easier. The last words she uttered
were, ‘Turn me over.’ She died very quietly. She was quite conscious,
and knew me during the whole time. About an hour and a quarter
after I gave her the medicine she died.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove, Q.C.—“She could not sit up from
the time I went to her till she died. It was when she was in a
paroxysm that I tried to straighten her limbs. The effect of the cold
water was to throw her into a paroxysm. It was a continually
recurring attack, lasting about an hour and a quarter. Her teeth were
clinched the whole time.”
Re-examined.—“She was stiff all the time till within a few
minutes of her death. She was conscious all the time.”
Page 161
Mr. Francis Taylor, of Romsey, found her dead on his arrival.
“Her body was on the floor by the bed; the hands very much bent;
the feet contracted and turned inwards; the soles of the feet
hollowed up and the toes contracted, apparently from recent
spasmodic action; the inner edge of each foot was turned; there
was a remarkable rigidity about the limbs; the body was warm, and
the eyelids almost adherent to the eyeballs.” Three days afterwards
the witness made a post-mortem examination, with the following
results:—
“The contraction of the feet continued, but it had gone off
somewhat from the rest of the body. I found no disease in the body.
The heart was contracted, and perfectly empty, as were all the large
arteries leading from it. I analysed the medicine she had taken with
another medical man. It contained a large quantity of strychnia. It
had originally contained nine grains; she had taken a third—three
grains. I made a very casual examination of the stomach and
bowels, as we had plenty of proof that poison had been taken,
without the use of tests.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“In cases of death from
ordinary causes the body is much distorted. It does not generally
remain in the same position. If the body is not laid out immediately,
probably it is stiffened by the rigor mortis. The ankles were tied by
a bandage to keep them together. I commenced to open the body by
the thorax and abdomen. The head also was opened.”
The third case was that of a Mr. Clutterbuck, a gentleman
suffering from paralysis, on whom, with Dr. Chambers, Mr. E. D.
Moore, who detailed the case, had attended some fifteen years
before.
“We had been giving him,” said the witness, “small doses of
strychnia, when he went to Brighton. On his return he told us he had
taken larger doses of it, and we in consequence gave him a stronger
“Her body was on the floor by the bed; the hands very much bent;
the feet contracted and turned inwards; the soles of the feet
hollowed up and the toes contracted, apparently from recent
spasmodic action; the inner edge of each foot was turned; there
was a remarkable rigidity about the limbs; the body was warm, and
the eyelids almost adherent to the eyeballs.” Three days afterwards
the witness made a post-mortem examination, with the following
results:—
“The contraction of the feet continued, but it had gone off
somewhat from the rest of the body. I found no disease in the body.
The heart was contracted, and perfectly empty, as were all the large
arteries leading from it. I analysed the medicine she had taken with
another medical man. It contained a large quantity of strychnia. It
had originally contained nine grains; she had taken a third—three
grains. I made a very casual examination of the stomach and
bowels, as we had plenty of proof that poison had been taken,
without the use of tests.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“In cases of death from
ordinary causes the body is much distorted. It does not generally
remain in the same position. If the body is not laid out immediately,
probably it is stiffened by the rigor mortis. The ankles were tied by
a bandage to keep them together. I commenced to open the body by
the thorax and abdomen. The head also was opened.”
The third case was that of a Mr. Clutterbuck, a gentleman
suffering from paralysis, on whom, with Dr. Chambers, Mr. E. D.
Moore, who detailed the case, had attended some fifteen years
before.
“We had been giving him,” said the witness, “small doses of
strychnia, when he went to Brighton. On his return he told us he had
taken larger doses of it, and we in consequence gave him a stronger
Page 162
dose. I made up three draughts of a quarter of a grain each. He took
one in my presence. I remained with him a little time, and he said he
felt quite comfortable. About three quarters of an hour afterwards I
was summoned to him. I found him stiffened in every limb, and the
head drawn back. He was desirous we should move him, and turn
him and rub him. We tried to give him ammonia in a spoon, and he
snapped at it. He was suffering, I should say, more than three hours.
Sedatives were given to him. He survived the attack. He was
conscious all the time.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“The spasms ceased in
about three hours, but the rigidity of the muscles remained till the
next day. His hands were at first drawn back, and he was much
easier when we got them round clinched together. His paralysis was
better after the attack.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“Strychnia stimulates
the nerves which act upon the voluntary muscles, and therefore acts
beneficially in cases of paralysis.”
The fourth case of poisoning by strychnia, though at this time
given anonymously, as it had not as yet been brought to a public
trial, was that of Mrs. Dove, of Leeds, more fully related in the next
report. In this case, Mrs. Witham, who had been in attendance on
the deceased, described how, after taking the medicine given to her,
“She complained first of her back; her head was thrown back; her
body stretched out; that she twitched, her eyes were drawn aside,
staring, and that when the witness put her hands on the patient’s
limbs they did not relax.” In this case the illness commenced on the
25th of February; attacks came on the 27th, 28th, and 29th (the last
a very slight one), and then again, about a quarter past eight, on the
1st of March, and the person died about twenty minutes to eleven
on that night. “She principally complained of prickings in the legs,
twitchings in the muscles and in the hands, which she said she
could compare to nothing else than a galvanic shock. Between the
one in my presence. I remained with him a little time, and he said he
felt quite comfortable. About three quarters of an hour afterwards I
was summoned to him. I found him stiffened in every limb, and the
head drawn back. He was desirous we should move him, and turn
him and rub him. We tried to give him ammonia in a spoon, and he
snapped at it. He was suffering, I should say, more than three hours.
Sedatives were given to him. He survived the attack. He was
conscious all the time.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“The spasms ceased in
about three hours, but the rigidity of the muscles remained till the
next day. His hands were at first drawn back, and he was much
easier when we got them round clinched together. His paralysis was
better after the attack.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“Strychnia stimulates
the nerves which act upon the voluntary muscles, and therefore acts
beneficially in cases of paralysis.”
The fourth case of poisoning by strychnia, though at this time
given anonymously, as it had not as yet been brought to a public
trial, was that of Mrs. Dove, of Leeds, more fully related in the next
report. In this case, Mrs. Witham, who had been in attendance on
the deceased, described how, after taking the medicine given to her,
“She complained first of her back; her head was thrown back; her
body stretched out; that she twitched, her eyes were drawn aside,
staring, and that when the witness put her hands on the patient’s
limbs they did not relax.” In this case the illness commenced on the
25th of February; attacks came on the 27th, 28th, and 29th (the last
a very slight one), and then again, about a quarter past eight, on the
1st of March, and the person died about twenty minutes to eleven
on that night. “She principally complained of prickings in the legs,
twitchings in the muscles and in the hands, which she said she
could compare to nothing else than a galvanic shock. Between the
Page 163
attacks, she was composed. She wished her husband to rub her legs
and arms. She was dead when the doctor came.”
On cross-examination, the witness said that the sufferer “could
not bear to have her legs touched when the spasms were strong
upon her. Her limbs were rigidly extended when she asked to be
rubbed between the intervals of the spasms. Touching her then
brought on the spasms. Her body was stiff immediately after
death,” but how long it continued so the witness could not say, as
she did not stay long. She was sensible from half an hour to an
hour, from a quarter past eight till after nine, and the witness
supposed she was insensible the remainder of the time; she did not
speak. On the Saturday before she died the symptoms were the
same as on the other days—not more violent.”
Mr. Morley, the surgeon who had attended this case, and whose
opinion as to the symptoms being identical with those in the
present inquiry, was directly opposed by Mr. Nunneley, of Leeds,
who had then assisted him in the post-mortem examination, not
only detailed the symptoms he then saw, but also the method and
results of his subsequent examination of the body.
“I had attended,” said Mr. Morley, “on the lady to whom the last
witness has alluded for about two months before her death. On the
Monday before she died she was in her bed, apparently comfortable,
when I observed (as I stood by her side) several slight convulsive
twitchings of her arms. I supposed they arose from hysteria, and
ordered medicine in consequence. The same symptoms appeared on
the following Wednesday and Thursday. I saw her on Saturday, the
day she died. She was apparently better and quite composed in the
middle of the day. She complained of an attack she had had at night.
She spoke of pain and spasms in her back and neck, and of shocks. I
and another medical man were sent for hastily on Saturday night.
We were met by an announcement that the lady was dead. On the
Monday I accompanied another medical gentleman (Nunneley) to
and arms. She was dead when the doctor came.”
On cross-examination, the witness said that the sufferer “could
not bear to have her legs touched when the spasms were strong
upon her. Her limbs were rigidly extended when she asked to be
rubbed between the intervals of the spasms. Touching her then
brought on the spasms. Her body was stiff immediately after
death,” but how long it continued so the witness could not say, as
she did not stay long. She was sensible from half an hour to an
hour, from a quarter past eight till after nine, and the witness
supposed she was insensible the remainder of the time; she did not
speak. On the Saturday before she died the symptoms were the
same as on the other days—not more violent.”
Mr. Morley, the surgeon who had attended this case, and whose
opinion as to the symptoms being identical with those in the
present inquiry, was directly opposed by Mr. Nunneley, of Leeds,
who had then assisted him in the post-mortem examination, not
only detailed the symptoms he then saw, but also the method and
results of his subsequent examination of the body.
“I had attended,” said Mr. Morley, “on the lady to whom the last
witness has alluded for about two months before her death. On the
Monday before she died she was in her bed, apparently comfortable,
when I observed (as I stood by her side) several slight convulsive
twitchings of her arms. I supposed they arose from hysteria, and
ordered medicine in consequence. The same symptoms appeared on
the following Wednesday and Thursday. I saw her on Saturday, the
day she died. She was apparently better and quite composed in the
middle of the day. She complained of an attack she had had at night.
She spoke of pain and spasms in her back and neck, and of shocks. I
and another medical man were sent for hastily on Saturday night.
We were met by an announcement that the lady was dead. On the
Monday I accompanied another medical gentleman (Nunneley) to
Page 164
the post-mortem examination. We found no disease in any part of
the body which would account for death. There was no emaciation,
wound, or sore. There was a peculiar expression of anxiety in the
countenance. The hands were bent and the fingers curved. The feet
were strongly arched. We carefully examined the stomach and its
contents for poison. We applied several tests—nitric acid, followed
by protochloride of tin,[41] sulphuric acid, followed by bichromate
of potash in a liquid and also in a solid state. They are the best tests
to detect strychnia. In each case we found appearances characteristic
of strychnia. We administered the strychnia taken from the stomach
to animals by inoculation—to two mice, two rabbits, and a guinea-
pig, having first separated it by chemical analysis. We observed in
each of the animals more or less of the effects produced by
strychnia, namely—general uneasiness, difficult breathing,
convulsions of a tetanic kind, muscular rigidity, arching backwards
of the head and neck, violent stretching out of the legs. These
symptoms appeared in some of the animals in four or five minutes,
in others in less than an hour. The guinea-pig suffered but slightly at
first, and was left, and was dead next day. The symptoms were
strongly marked in the rabbits. After death there was an interval of
flaccidity, after which rigidity commenced, more than if it had been
occasioned by the rigor mortis. I afterwards made numerous
experiments on animals with exactly similar results, the poison
being administered in a fluid form.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove.—“I did not see the patient during
a severe attack. I have observed in animals that spasms are brought
on by touch. That is a very marked symptom. The spasm is like a
galvanic shock. The patient was not at all insensible during the time
I saw her, and she was able to swallow, but I did not see her during a
severe attack. After death we found the lungs very much congested.
There was a small quantity of bloody serum found in the
pericardium. The muscles of the whole body were dark and soft.
There was a decided quantity of effusion in the brain. There was
also a quantity of serum tinged with blood in the membranes of the
spinal cord. The membranes of the spinal marrow were congested to
the body which would account for death. There was no emaciation,
wound, or sore. There was a peculiar expression of anxiety in the
countenance. The hands were bent and the fingers curved. The feet
were strongly arched. We carefully examined the stomach and its
contents for poison. We applied several tests—nitric acid, followed
by protochloride of tin,[41] sulphuric acid, followed by bichromate
of potash in a liquid and also in a solid state. They are the best tests
to detect strychnia. In each case we found appearances characteristic
of strychnia. We administered the strychnia taken from the stomach
to animals by inoculation—to two mice, two rabbits, and a guinea-
pig, having first separated it by chemical analysis. We observed in
each of the animals more or less of the effects produced by
strychnia, namely—general uneasiness, difficult breathing,
convulsions of a tetanic kind, muscular rigidity, arching backwards
of the head and neck, violent stretching out of the legs. These
symptoms appeared in some of the animals in four or five minutes,
in others in less than an hour. The guinea-pig suffered but slightly at
first, and was left, and was dead next day. The symptoms were
strongly marked in the rabbits. After death there was an interval of
flaccidity, after which rigidity commenced, more than if it had been
occasioned by the rigor mortis. I afterwards made numerous
experiments on animals with exactly similar results, the poison
being administered in a fluid form.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove.—“I did not see the patient during
a severe attack. I have observed in animals that spasms are brought
on by touch. That is a very marked symptom. The spasm is like a
galvanic shock. The patient was not at all insensible during the time
I saw her, and she was able to swallow, but I did not see her during a
severe attack. After death we found the lungs very much congested.
There was a small quantity of bloody serum found in the
pericardium. The muscles of the whole body were dark and soft.
There was a decided quantity of effusion in the brain. There was
also a quantity of serum tinged with blood in the membranes of the
spinal cord. The membranes of the spinal marrow were congested to
Page 165
a considerable extent. We opened the head first, and there was a
good deal of blood flowing out. Part of the blood may have flowed
from the heart. That might partially empty the heart, and would
make it uncertain whether the heart was full or empty at the time of
death. I have often examined the hearts of animals poisoned by
strychnia. The right side of the heart is generally full. In some cases
I think that the symptoms did not appear for an hour after the
administration of the poison. I have made the experiments in
conjunction with Mr. Nunneley. We have made experiments upon
frogs, but they are different in many respects from warm-blooded
animals. I have in almost all cases found the strychnia where it was
known to have been administered. In one case it was doubtful. We
were sure the strychnia had been administered in that case, but we
doubted whether it had reached the stomach. There were
appearances which might lead one to infer the presence of strychnia,
but they were not satisfactory. I have detected strychnia in the
stomach nearly two months after death, when decomposition has
proceeded to a considerable extent.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“From half a grain to a
grain has been administered to cats, rabbits, and dogs. From one to
two grains is quite sufficient to kill a dog.”
Question.—“How does the strychnia act? Is it taken up by the
absorbents, and carried into the system?”
Answer.—“I think it acts upon the nerves, but a part may be
taken into the blood and act through the blood. We generally
examined the stomach of the animals when the poison had been
administered internally. Sometimes we examined the skin. The
poison found in the stomach would be in excess of that absorbed
into the system.”
Question.—“Are you then of opinion that, a portion of the
poison being taken into the system and a portion being left in the
stomach, the portion taken into the system would produce tetanic
symptoms and death?”
Mr. Serjeant Shee objected to a question which suggested a
theory.
good deal of blood flowing out. Part of the blood may have flowed
from the heart. That might partially empty the heart, and would
make it uncertain whether the heart was full or empty at the time of
death. I have often examined the hearts of animals poisoned by
strychnia. The right side of the heart is generally full. In some cases
I think that the symptoms did not appear for an hour after the
administration of the poison. I have made the experiments in
conjunction with Mr. Nunneley. We have made experiments upon
frogs, but they are different in many respects from warm-blooded
animals. I have in almost all cases found the strychnia where it was
known to have been administered. In one case it was doubtful. We
were sure the strychnia had been administered in that case, but we
doubted whether it had reached the stomach. There were
appearances which might lead one to infer the presence of strychnia,
but they were not satisfactory. I have detected strychnia in the
stomach nearly two months after death, when decomposition has
proceeded to a considerable extent.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“From half a grain to a
grain has been administered to cats, rabbits, and dogs. From one to
two grains is quite sufficient to kill a dog.”
Question.—“How does the strychnia act? Is it taken up by the
absorbents, and carried into the system?”
Answer.—“I think it acts upon the nerves, but a part may be
taken into the blood and act through the blood. We generally
examined the stomach of the animals when the poison had been
administered internally. Sometimes we examined the skin. The
poison found in the stomach would be in excess of that absorbed
into the system.”
Question.—“Are you then of opinion that, a portion of the
poison being taken into the system and a portion being left in the
stomach, the portion taken into the system would produce tetanic
symptoms and death?”
Mr. Serjeant Shee objected to a question which suggested a
theory.
Page 166
The Attorney-General.—“What would be the operation of that
portion of the poison which is taken into the system?”
Answer.—“It would destroy life.”
Mr. Baron Alderson.—“And yet leave an excess in the
stomach?”
Answer.—“That is my opinion.”
The Attorney-General.—“Would the excess remaining in the
stomach produce no effect?”
Answer.—“I am not sure that strychnia could lie in the stomach
without acting prejudicially.”
Question.—“Suppose that a minimum quantity is administered,
which, being absorbed into the system, destroys life, should you
expect to find any in the stomach?”
Answer.—“I should expect sometimes to fail in discovering it.”
Question.—“If death resulted from a series of minimum doses
spread over several days, would the appearance of the body be
different from that of one whose death had been caused by one
dose?”
Answer.—“I should connect the appearance of the body with the
final struggle of the last day.”
Question.—“Would you expect a different set of phenomena in
cases where death had taken place after a brief struggle, and in cases
where the struggle had been protracted?”
Answer.—“Certainly. At the post-mortem examination of which
I have spoken we found fluid blood in the veins.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“Is it your theory that in the action of
poisoning the poison becomes absorbed and ceases to exist as
poison?”
Answer.—“I have thought much upon that question, and have
not formed a decided opinion, but I am inclined to think that it is so.
A part may be absorbed and a part remain in the stomach
unchanged.”
portion of the poison which is taken into the system?”
Answer.—“It would destroy life.”
Mr. Baron Alderson.—“And yet leave an excess in the
stomach?”
Answer.—“That is my opinion.”
The Attorney-General.—“Would the excess remaining in the
stomach produce no effect?”
Answer.—“I am not sure that strychnia could lie in the stomach
without acting prejudicially.”
Question.—“Suppose that a minimum quantity is administered,
which, being absorbed into the system, destroys life, should you
expect to find any in the stomach?”
Answer.—“I should expect sometimes to fail in discovering it.”
Question.—“If death resulted from a series of minimum doses
spread over several days, would the appearance of the body be
different from that of one whose death had been caused by one
dose?”
Answer.—“I should connect the appearance of the body with the
final struggle of the last day.”
Question.—“Would you expect a different set of phenomena in
cases where death had taken place after a brief struggle, and in cases
where the struggle had been protracted?”
Answer.—“Certainly. At the post-mortem examination of which
I have spoken we found fluid blood in the veins.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“Is it your theory that in the action of
poisoning the poison becomes absorbed and ceases to exist as
poison?”
Answer.—“I have thought much upon that question, and have
not formed a decided opinion, but I am inclined to think that it is so.
A part may be absorbed and a part remain in the stomach
unchanged.”
Page 167
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“What chymical reason can you give for
your opinion that strychnia, after having effected the operation of
poisoning, ceases to be strychnia in the blood?”
Answer.—“My opinion rests upon the general principle that, in
acting upon living bodies, organic substances—such as food and
medicine—are generally changed in their composition.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“What are the component parts of
strychnia?”
Mr. Baron Alderson.—“You will find that in any cyclopædia,
brother Shee.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“Have you any reason to believe that
strychnia can be decomposed by any sort of putrefying or
fermenting process?”
Witness.—“I doubt whether it can.”[42]
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
On the fifth day, the late Doctor Alfred Swaine Taylor, the well-
known Analytical Chemist and Author of “Medical Jurisprudence”
(the text-book of the legal profession in all criminal investigations),
Doctor Owen Rees, now one of the physicians extraordinary to her
Majesty, and the late Professor Brande, of the Royal Institution,
were called as witnesses. By the two first, the analytical
examination of the various parts of Mr. Cook’s body had been
conducted, and they had made a joint report of the results. By the
last, that report had been carefully examined, and he had also heard
all the evidence as to symptoms previously given in the case. No
inconsiderable portion of the cross-examination of Dr. Taylor was
occupied by questions connected with the publication, in the
Illustrated Times, by Mr. Augustus Mayhew, of what professed to
be statements as to the details of their analysis by Dr. Taylor and
Dr. Rees, in which, if correctly reported, the former had committed
your opinion that strychnia, after having effected the operation of
poisoning, ceases to be strychnia in the blood?”
Answer.—“My opinion rests upon the general principle that, in
acting upon living bodies, organic substances—such as food and
medicine—are generally changed in their composition.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“What are the component parts of
strychnia?”
Mr. Baron Alderson.—“You will find that in any cyclopædia,
brother Shee.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“Have you any reason to believe that
strychnia can be decomposed by any sort of putrefying or
fermenting process?”
Witness.—“I doubt whether it can.”[42]
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
On the fifth day, the late Doctor Alfred Swaine Taylor, the well-
known Analytical Chemist and Author of “Medical Jurisprudence”
(the text-book of the legal profession in all criminal investigations),
Doctor Owen Rees, now one of the physicians extraordinary to her
Majesty, and the late Professor Brande, of the Royal Institution,
were called as witnesses. By the two first, the analytical
examination of the various parts of Mr. Cook’s body had been
conducted, and they had made a joint report of the results. By the
last, that report had been carefully examined, and he had also heard
all the evidence as to symptoms previously given in the case. No
inconsiderable portion of the cross-examination of Dr. Taylor was
occupied by questions connected with the publication, in the
Illustrated Times, by Mr. Augustus Mayhew, of what professed to
be statements as to the details of their analysis by Dr. Taylor and
Dr. Rees, in which, if correctly reported, the former had committed
Page 168
himself somewhat prematurely to opinions on the case, and had
used expressions towards the prisoner which, to say the least, were
not discreet. Dr. Taylor, however, stoutly maintained that he had
not used many of the expressions objected to; that the opportunity
of interviewing him, after the American fashion, had been unfairly
obtained, and the pretended report published not only without, but
contrary to, his expressed wish. Except, however, as throwing a
shade of partisanship over his conduct, and so far lessening the
value of his evidence, the whole episode was useless to the defence
—perhaps, to a certain extent, injurious. Dr. Taylor had been hasty
and injudicious, and undoubtedly taken at an advantage by the
energetic reporter, who certainly obtained his interview with him
by pretences not strictly true.[43] With these remarks, due to Dr.
Taylor’s reputation and abilities, we proceed to give his evidence.
Dr. Alfred Swaine Taylor, examined by the Attorney-General.
—“I am a fellow of the College of Physicians, lecturer on medical
jurisprudence at Guy’s Hospital, and the author of the well-known
treatise on poisons and on medical jurisprudence. I have made the
poison called strychnia the subject of my attention. It is the produce
of the nux vomica, which also contains brucia, a poison of an
analogous character. Brucia is variously estimated at from one-sixth
to one-twelfth the strength of strychnia. Most varieties of impure
strychnia that are sold contain more or less brucia. Unless, therefore,
you are certain as to the purity of the article, you may be misled as
to its strength. I have performed a variety of experiments with
strychnia on animal life. I have never witnessed its action on a
human subject. I have tried its effects upon animal life—upon
rabbits—in ten or twelve instances. The symptoms are, on the
whole, very uniform. The quantity I have given has varied from half
a grain to two grains. Half a grain is sufficient to destroy a rabbit. I
have given it both in a solid and liquid state. When given in a fluid
state it produces its effects in a very few minutes; when in a solid
state, as a sort of pill or bolus, in about six to eleven minutes. The
used expressions towards the prisoner which, to say the least, were
not discreet. Dr. Taylor, however, stoutly maintained that he had
not used many of the expressions objected to; that the opportunity
of interviewing him, after the American fashion, had been unfairly
obtained, and the pretended report published not only without, but
contrary to, his expressed wish. Except, however, as throwing a
shade of partisanship over his conduct, and so far lessening the
value of his evidence, the whole episode was useless to the defence
—perhaps, to a certain extent, injurious. Dr. Taylor had been hasty
and injudicious, and undoubtedly taken at an advantage by the
energetic reporter, who certainly obtained his interview with him
by pretences not strictly true.[43] With these remarks, due to Dr.
Taylor’s reputation and abilities, we proceed to give his evidence.
Dr. Alfred Swaine Taylor, examined by the Attorney-General.
—“I am a fellow of the College of Physicians, lecturer on medical
jurisprudence at Guy’s Hospital, and the author of the well-known
treatise on poisons and on medical jurisprudence. I have made the
poison called strychnia the subject of my attention. It is the produce
of the nux vomica, which also contains brucia, a poison of an
analogous character. Brucia is variously estimated at from one-sixth
to one-twelfth the strength of strychnia. Most varieties of impure
strychnia that are sold contain more or less brucia. Unless, therefore,
you are certain as to the purity of the article, you may be misled as
to its strength. I have performed a variety of experiments with
strychnia on animal life. I have never witnessed its action on a
human subject. I have tried its effects upon animal life—upon
rabbits—in ten or twelve instances. The symptoms are, on the
whole, very uniform. The quantity I have given has varied from half
a grain to two grains. Half a grain is sufficient to destroy a rabbit. I
have given it both in a solid and liquid state. When given in a fluid
state it produces its effects in a very few minutes; when in a solid
state, as a sort of pill or bolus, in about six to eleven minutes. The
Page 169
time varies according to the strength of the dose, and also to the
strength of the animal.”
Question.—“In what way does it operate, in your opinion?”
Answer.—“It is first absorbed into the blood, then circulated
through the body, and especially acts on the spinal cord, from which
proceed the nerves acting on the voluntary muscles.”
Question.—“Supposing the poison has been absorbed, what time
would you give for the circulating process?”
Answer.—“The circulation of the blood through the whole
system is considered to take place about once in four minutes. The
circulation in animals is quicker. The absorption of the poison by
rabbits is therefore quicker. The time would also depend on the state
of the stomach,—whether it contained much food or not, whether
the poison came into immediate contact with the inner surface of the
stomach.”
Question.—“In your opinion, does the poison act immediately
on the nervous system, or must it first be absorbed?”
Answer.—“It must first be absorbed.”
Question.—“The symptoms, you say, are uniform. Will you
describe them?”
Answer.—“The animal for about five or six minutes does not
appear to suffer, but moves about gently; when the poison begins to
act it suddenly falls on its side; there is a trembling, a quivering
motion of the whole of the muscles of the body, arising from the
poison producing violent and involuntary contraction. There is then
a sudden paroxysm or fit, the fore legs and the hind legs are
stretched out, the head and the tail are drawn back in the form of a
bow, the jaws are spasmodically closed, the eyes are prominent;
after a short time there is a slight remission of the symptoms, and
the animal appears to lie quiet, but the slightest noise or touch
reproduces another convulsive paroxysm; sometimes there is a
scream, or a sort of shriek, as if the animal suffered from pain; the
heart beats violently during the fit, and after a succession of these
fits the animal dies quietly. Sometimes, however, the animal dies
strength of the animal.”
Question.—“In what way does it operate, in your opinion?”
Answer.—“It is first absorbed into the blood, then circulated
through the body, and especially acts on the spinal cord, from which
proceed the nerves acting on the voluntary muscles.”
Question.—“Supposing the poison has been absorbed, what time
would you give for the circulating process?”
Answer.—“The circulation of the blood through the whole
system is considered to take place about once in four minutes. The
circulation in animals is quicker. The absorption of the poison by
rabbits is therefore quicker. The time would also depend on the state
of the stomach,—whether it contained much food or not, whether
the poison came into immediate contact with the inner surface of the
stomach.”
Question.—“In your opinion, does the poison act immediately
on the nervous system, or must it first be absorbed?”
Answer.—“It must first be absorbed.”
Question.—“The symptoms, you say, are uniform. Will you
describe them?”
Answer.—“The animal for about five or six minutes does not
appear to suffer, but moves about gently; when the poison begins to
act it suddenly falls on its side; there is a trembling, a quivering
motion of the whole of the muscles of the body, arising from the
poison producing violent and involuntary contraction. There is then
a sudden paroxysm or fit, the fore legs and the hind legs are
stretched out, the head and the tail are drawn back in the form of a
bow, the jaws are spasmodically closed, the eyes are prominent;
after a short time there is a slight remission of the symptoms, and
the animal appears to lie quiet, but the slightest noise or touch
reproduces another convulsive paroxysm; sometimes there is a
scream, or a sort of shriek, as if the animal suffered from pain; the
heart beats violently during the fit, and after a succession of these
fits the animal dies quietly. Sometimes, however, the animal dies
Page 170
during a spasm, and I only know that death has occurred from
holding my hand over the heart. The appearances after death differ.
In some instances the rigidity continues. In one case the muscles
were so strongly contracted for a week afterwards, that it was
possible to hold the body by its hind legs stretched out horizontally.
In an animal killed the other day the body was flaccid at the time of
death, but became rigid about five minutes afterwards. I have
opened the bodies of animals thus destroyed.”
Question.—“Could you detect any injury in the stomach?”
Answer.—“No. I have found in some cases congestion of the
membranes of the spinal cord to a greater extent than would be
accounted for by the gravitation of the blood. In other cases I have
found no departure from the ordinary state of the spinal cord and the
brain. I ascribe congestion to the succession of fits before death. In a
majority of instances, three out of five, I found no change in the
abnormal condition of the spine. In all cases the heart has been
congested, especially the right side. I saw a case of ordinary tetanus
in the human subject years ago, but I have not had much experience
of such cases. I saw one case last Thursday week at St.
Bartholomew’s Hospital. The patient recovered.”
Question.—“You have heard the description given by the
witnesses of the symptoms and appearances which accompanied
Cook’s attacks?”
Answer.—“I have.”
Question.—“Were those symptoms and appearances the same as
those you have observed in the animals to which you administered
strychnia?”
Answer.—“They were. Death has taken place in the animals
more rapidly when the poison has been administered in a fluid than
in a solid form. They have died at various periods after the
administration of the poison. The experiments I have performed
lately have been entirely in reference to solid strychnia. In the first
case the symptoms began in seven minutes, and the animal died
(including those seven) in thirteen minutes. In the second case the
symptoms appeared in nine minutes, and the animal died in
holding my hand over the heart. The appearances after death differ.
In some instances the rigidity continues. In one case the muscles
were so strongly contracted for a week afterwards, that it was
possible to hold the body by its hind legs stretched out horizontally.
In an animal killed the other day the body was flaccid at the time of
death, but became rigid about five minutes afterwards. I have
opened the bodies of animals thus destroyed.”
Question.—“Could you detect any injury in the stomach?”
Answer.—“No. I have found in some cases congestion of the
membranes of the spinal cord to a greater extent than would be
accounted for by the gravitation of the blood. In other cases I have
found no departure from the ordinary state of the spinal cord and the
brain. I ascribe congestion to the succession of fits before death. In a
majority of instances, three out of five, I found no change in the
abnormal condition of the spine. In all cases the heart has been
congested, especially the right side. I saw a case of ordinary tetanus
in the human subject years ago, but I have not had much experience
of such cases. I saw one case last Thursday week at St.
Bartholomew’s Hospital. The patient recovered.”
Question.—“You have heard the description given by the
witnesses of the symptoms and appearances which accompanied
Cook’s attacks?”
Answer.—“I have.”
Question.—“Were those symptoms and appearances the same as
those you have observed in the animals to which you administered
strychnia?”
Answer.—“They were. Death has taken place in the animals
more rapidly when the poison has been administered in a fluid than
in a solid form. They have died at various periods after the
administration of the poison. The experiments I have performed
lately have been entirely in reference to solid strychnia. In the first
case the symptoms began in seven minutes, and the animal died
(including those seven) in thirteen minutes. In the second case the
symptoms appeared in nine minutes, and the animal died in
Page 171
seventeen. In the third case the symptoms appeared in ten minutes,
and the animal died in eighteen. In the fourth case the symptoms
appeared in five minutes, and death took place in twenty-two. In the
fifth case the symptoms appeared in twelve minutes, and death
occurred in twenty-three. If the poison were taken by the human
subject in pills it would take a longer time to act, because the
structure of the pill must be broken up in order to bring the poison
in contact with the mucous membrane of the stomach. I have
administered it to rabbits in pills.”
Question.—“Would poison given in pills take a longer period to
operate on a human subject than on a rabbit?”
Answer.—“I do not think we can draw any inference from a
comparison of the rapidity of death in a human subject and in a
rabbit. The circulation and absorption are different in the two cases.
There is also a difference between one human subject and another.
The strength of the dose, too, would make a difference, as a large
dose would produce a more rapid effect than a small one. I have
experimented upon the intestines of animals, in order to reproduce
the strychnia. The process consists in putting the stomach and its
contents in alcohol, with a small quantity of acid which dissolves
the strychnia, and produces sulphate of strychnia in the stomach.
The liquid is then filtered, gently evaporated, and an alkali added—
carbonate of potash, which combines with the sulphuric acid, and
precipitates the strychnia. Tests are applied to the strychnia, or
supposed strychnia, when extracted. Strychnia has a peculiar
strongly bitter taste. It is not soluble in water, but it is in acids and in
alcohol. The colour tests are applied to the dry residue after
evaporation. Change of colour is produced by a mixture of sulphuric
acid and bichromate of potash. It produces a blue colour, changing
to violet and purple, and passing to red; but colouring tests are very
fallacious, with this exception,—when we have strychnia separated
in its crystallised state we can recognise the crystals by their form
and their chemical properties, and, above all, by the tetanic
symptoms and death when administered through a wound in the
skin of animals.”[44]
and the animal died in eighteen. In the fourth case the symptoms
appeared in five minutes, and death took place in twenty-two. In the
fifth case the symptoms appeared in twelve minutes, and death
occurred in twenty-three. If the poison were taken by the human
subject in pills it would take a longer time to act, because the
structure of the pill must be broken up in order to bring the poison
in contact with the mucous membrane of the stomach. I have
administered it to rabbits in pills.”
Question.—“Would poison given in pills take a longer period to
operate on a human subject than on a rabbit?”
Answer.—“I do not think we can draw any inference from a
comparison of the rapidity of death in a human subject and in a
rabbit. The circulation and absorption are different in the two cases.
There is also a difference between one human subject and another.
The strength of the dose, too, would make a difference, as a large
dose would produce a more rapid effect than a small one. I have
experimented upon the intestines of animals, in order to reproduce
the strychnia. The process consists in putting the stomach and its
contents in alcohol, with a small quantity of acid which dissolves
the strychnia, and produces sulphate of strychnia in the stomach.
The liquid is then filtered, gently evaporated, and an alkali added—
carbonate of potash, which combines with the sulphuric acid, and
precipitates the strychnia. Tests are applied to the strychnia, or
supposed strychnia, when extracted. Strychnia has a peculiar
strongly bitter taste. It is not soluble in water, but it is in acids and in
alcohol. The colour tests are applied to the dry residue after
evaporation. Change of colour is produced by a mixture of sulphuric
acid and bichromate of potash. It produces a blue colour, changing
to violet and purple, and passing to red; but colouring tests are very
fallacious, with this exception,—when we have strychnia separated
in its crystallised state we can recognise the crystals by their form
and their chemical properties, and, above all, by the tetanic
symptoms and death when administered through a wound in the
skin of animals.”[44]
Page 172
Question.—“Are there other vegetable substances from which, if
these colouring tests were applied, similar colours could be
obtained?”
Answer.—“There are a variety of mixtures which produce
similar colours;[45] one of them also has a bitter taste like
strychnine.[46] Vegetable poisons are more difficult of detection than
mineral: the tests are far more fallacious. I have endeavoured to
discover the presence of strychnine in animals I have poisoned in
four cases, assisted by Dr. Rees. I have applied the process I first
described. I have applied the tests of colouring and taste. In one case
I discovered some by the colour test. In a second case there was a
bitter taste, but no other indication of strychnine. In the other two
cases there were no indications at all. In the case where it had been
discovered by the colour test, two grains had been administered; and
in the second case, where there was a bitter taste, one grain. In one
of the cases where we failed to detect it, one grain, and, in the other,
half a grain had been given. I account for the absence of any
indication, because it is absorbed in the blood, and is no longer in
the stomach. It is in a great part changed in the blood. When
administered in large doses there is a retention of some in excess of
what is required for the destruction of life.”
Question.—“Supposing a minimum dose, which will destroy
life, has been given, could you find any?”
Answer.—“No. It is taken up by absorption, and is no longer
discoverable in the stomach. The smallest quantity by which I have
destroyed an animal is half a grain. There is no process with which I
am acquainted by which it can be discovered in the tissue.[47] As far
as I know, a small quantity cannot be discovered.”
Question.—“Suppose half a grain to be absorbed into the blood,
what proportion does it bear to the total quantity of blood circulated
in the system?”
Answer.—“Assuming the system to contain the lowest quantity
of blood—25lb.—it would be one-fiftieth of a grain to a pound of
blood. A physician once died from a dose of half a grain in twenty
these colouring tests were applied, similar colours could be
obtained?”
Answer.—“There are a variety of mixtures which produce
similar colours;[45] one of them also has a bitter taste like
strychnine.[46] Vegetable poisons are more difficult of detection than
mineral: the tests are far more fallacious. I have endeavoured to
discover the presence of strychnine in animals I have poisoned in
four cases, assisted by Dr. Rees. I have applied the process I first
described. I have applied the tests of colouring and taste. In one case
I discovered some by the colour test. In a second case there was a
bitter taste, but no other indication of strychnine. In the other two
cases there were no indications at all. In the case where it had been
discovered by the colour test, two grains had been administered; and
in the second case, where there was a bitter taste, one grain. In one
of the cases where we failed to detect it, one grain, and, in the other,
half a grain had been given. I account for the absence of any
indication, because it is absorbed in the blood, and is no longer in
the stomach. It is in a great part changed in the blood. When
administered in large doses there is a retention of some in excess of
what is required for the destruction of life.”
Question.—“Supposing a minimum dose, which will destroy
life, has been given, could you find any?”
Answer.—“No. It is taken up by absorption, and is no longer
discoverable in the stomach. The smallest quantity by which I have
destroyed an animal is half a grain. There is no process with which I
am acquainted by which it can be discovered in the tissue.[47] As far
as I know, a small quantity cannot be discovered.”
Question.—“Suppose half a grain to be absorbed into the blood,
what proportion does it bear to the total quantity of blood circulated
in the system?”
Answer.—“Assuming the system to contain the lowest quantity
of blood—25lb.—it would be one-fiftieth of a grain to a pound of
blood. A physician once died from a dose of half a grain in twenty
Page 173
minutes. I believe it undergoes some partial change in the blood
which increases the difficulty of discovering it. I never heard of its
being separated from the tissues in a crystallised state. The crystals
are peculiar in form, but there are other organic crystallised
substances like them, so that a chemist will not rely on form only.
After the post-mortem examination, a portion of the stomach was
delivered to me by Mr. Boycott, covered with bladder, tied and
sealed. The jar contained the stomach and the intestines. I have
experimented upon them with a view to discover if any poison was
present. I sought for prussic acid, morphia, strychnia, veratria,
tobacco poison, hemlock, arsenic, antimony, mercury, and other
mineral poisons, but only found small traces of antimony. The parts
on which I had to operate were in the most unfavourable condition
that could possibly be. The stomach had been cut completely from
end to end; all the contents were gone, and the fine mucous surface,
on which any poison, if present, would have been found, was lying
in contact with the outside of the intestines—all thrown together.
The inside of the stomach was lying in a mass of intestinal fœcal
matter. That was, I presume, the fault or misfortune of the person
who dissected, but it seemed to have been shaken about in every
possible way in its journey to London.[48] By my request the spleen,
two kidneys, and a small bottle of blood, were sent up to me. We
had no idea where the blood came from. Each part of the liver, one
kidney, and the spleen, all yielded antimony. It was reproduced, or
brought out by boiling the animal matter in a mixture of
hydrochloric acid and water. Copper, in the shape of foil and gauze
in a sort of web of fine copper, was introduced, and the antimony
was found deposited on the copper. The quantity of antimony was
less in proportion in the spleen than in the other parts. I detected
some antimony in the blood. We applied the tests of Professor
Brande, Dr. Rees, and others. It is impossible to say how recently it
had been administered, but I should say shortly before death, that is,
within some days. The longest period at which antimony can be
found in the blood after death, within my knowledge, is eight days;
the earliest period, within my knowledge, eighteen hours. A boy
which increases the difficulty of discovering it. I never heard of its
being separated from the tissues in a crystallised state. The crystals
are peculiar in form, but there are other organic crystallised
substances like them, so that a chemist will not rely on form only.
After the post-mortem examination, a portion of the stomach was
delivered to me by Mr. Boycott, covered with bladder, tied and
sealed. The jar contained the stomach and the intestines. I have
experimented upon them with a view to discover if any poison was
present. I sought for prussic acid, morphia, strychnia, veratria,
tobacco poison, hemlock, arsenic, antimony, mercury, and other
mineral poisons, but only found small traces of antimony. The parts
on which I had to operate were in the most unfavourable condition
that could possibly be. The stomach had been cut completely from
end to end; all the contents were gone, and the fine mucous surface,
on which any poison, if present, would have been found, was lying
in contact with the outside of the intestines—all thrown together.
The inside of the stomach was lying in a mass of intestinal fœcal
matter. That was, I presume, the fault or misfortune of the person
who dissected, but it seemed to have been shaken about in every
possible way in its journey to London.[48] By my request the spleen,
two kidneys, and a small bottle of blood, were sent up to me. We
had no idea where the blood came from. Each part of the liver, one
kidney, and the spleen, all yielded antimony. It was reproduced, or
brought out by boiling the animal matter in a mixture of
hydrochloric acid and water. Copper, in the shape of foil and gauze
in a sort of web of fine copper, was introduced, and the antimony
was found deposited on the copper. The quantity of antimony was
less in proportion in the spleen than in the other parts. I detected
some antimony in the blood. We applied the tests of Professor
Brande, Dr. Rees, and others. It is impossible to say how recently it
had been administered, but I should say shortly before death, that is,
within some days. The longest period at which antimony can be
found in the blood after death, within my knowledge, is eight days;
the earliest period, within my knowledge, eighteen hours. A boy
Page 174
died within eighteen hours after taking it, and it was found in his
liver. It is usually given in the form of tartar emetic; it acts as an
irritant, and produces vomiting. If given in repeated doses, a portion
would find its way into the blood and the system, beyond what was
ejected. If it continued to be given after it had produced certain
symptoms, it would destroy life. It may, however, be given with
impunity.”
Referring to the symptoms previously proved in Cook’s case,
the witness said—
“Vomitings produced by antimony would cause those symptoms.
If given in small quantities, sufficient to cause vomiting, it would
not affect the colour of the liquid with which it was mixed, whether
brandy, wine, broth, or water. It is impossible to form an exact
judgment when the antimony was administered, but it must have
been two or three weeks at the outside before death. There was no
evidence that it was administered within some hours before death. It
might leave a sensation in the throat—a choking sensation—if a
large quantity was given at once. I found no trace of mercury during
the analysis. If a few grains had been taken recently before death, I
should have expected to find some trace. If a man had taken
mercury for a syphilitic affection within two or three weeks, I should
have expected to find it. It is very slow in passing out of the body.
As small a quantity as three or four grains might leave some trace. I
recollect a case in which three grains of calomel were given three or
four hours before death, and traces of mercury were found. Half a
grain three or four days before death, if given in divided doses more
favourable for absorption, would, I should expect, leave a trace. One
grain would certainly do so.” The witness agreed with the opinion of
the other witnesses as to the causes of the deaths of Mrs. Smyth,
Agnes French, and the other lady (Mrs. Dove), and of the attack of
Clutterbuck, and that the symptoms in Mr. Cook’s case appeared to
be of a similar character. As a professor of medical science, he did
liver. It is usually given in the form of tartar emetic; it acts as an
irritant, and produces vomiting. If given in repeated doses, a portion
would find its way into the blood and the system, beyond what was
ejected. If it continued to be given after it had produced certain
symptoms, it would destroy life. It may, however, be given with
impunity.”
Referring to the symptoms previously proved in Cook’s case,
the witness said—
“Vomitings produced by antimony would cause those symptoms.
If given in small quantities, sufficient to cause vomiting, it would
not affect the colour of the liquid with which it was mixed, whether
brandy, wine, broth, or water. It is impossible to form an exact
judgment when the antimony was administered, but it must have
been two or three weeks at the outside before death. There was no
evidence that it was administered within some hours before death. It
might leave a sensation in the throat—a choking sensation—if a
large quantity was given at once. I found no trace of mercury during
the analysis. If a few grains had been taken recently before death, I
should have expected to find some trace. If a man had taken
mercury for a syphilitic affection within two or three weeks, I should
have expected to find it. It is very slow in passing out of the body.
As small a quantity as three or four grains might leave some trace. I
recollect a case in which three grains of calomel were given three or
four hours before death, and traces of mercury were found. Half a
grain three or four days before death, if given in divided doses more
favourable for absorption, would, I should expect, leave a trace. One
grain would certainly do so.” The witness agreed with the opinion of
the other witnesses as to the causes of the deaths of Mrs. Smyth,
Agnes French, and the other lady (Mrs. Dove), and of the attack of
Clutterbuck, and that the symptoms in Mr. Cook’s case appeared to
be of a similar character. As a professor of medical science, he did
Page 175
not know any cause in the range of human disease, except strychnia,
to which the symptoms in Cook’s case could be referred.
The cross-examination of Dr. Taylor was necessarily very
diffuse and lengthy; with the exception, however, of the part in
which it was sought to raise a prejudice against the witness as a
partisan, to which I have previously referred, it was so important
that, like the examination in chief, it must, in justice to all parties,
be reported at length.
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“I mean by the word
‘trace’ a very small quantity, which can hardly be estimated by
weight. I do not apply it in the sense of an imponderable quantity. In
chemical language it is frequently used in that sense. An
infinitesimal quantity would be called ‘a trace.’ The quantity of
antimony that we discovered in all parts of the body would make up
about half a grain. We did not ascertain that there was that quantity,
but I will undertake to say that we extracted as much as half a
grain. That quantity would not be sufficient to cause death. Only
arsenic or antimony could have been deposited, under the
circumstances, on the copper, and no sublimate of arsenic was
obtained.” [The witness, in reply to a further question, detailed the
elaborate test which he had applied to the deposit, in order to
ascertain that it consisted of antimony.]
Question.—“Would a mistake in any one of the processes you
have described, or a defect in any of the materials you have used,
defeat the object of the test?”
Answer.—“It would, but all the materials I used were pure. Such
an accident could not have happened without my having some
intimation of it in the course of the process. I should think antimony
would operate more quickly upon animals than upon men. I am
acquainted with the works of Orfila. He stood in the highest rank of
analytical chemists.”
to which the symptoms in Cook’s case could be referred.
The cross-examination of Dr. Taylor was necessarily very
diffuse and lengthy; with the exception, however, of the part in
which it was sought to raise a prejudice against the witness as a
partisan, to which I have previously referred, it was so important
that, like the examination in chief, it must, in justice to all parties,
be reported at length.
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“I mean by the word
‘trace’ a very small quantity, which can hardly be estimated by
weight. I do not apply it in the sense of an imponderable quantity. In
chemical language it is frequently used in that sense. An
infinitesimal quantity would be called ‘a trace.’ The quantity of
antimony that we discovered in all parts of the body would make up
about half a grain. We did not ascertain that there was that quantity,
but I will undertake to say that we extracted as much as half a
grain. That quantity would not be sufficient to cause death. Only
arsenic or antimony could have been deposited, under the
circumstances, on the copper, and no sublimate of arsenic was
obtained.” [The witness, in reply to a further question, detailed the
elaborate test which he had applied to the deposit, in order to
ascertain that it consisted of antimony.]
Question.—“Would a mistake in any one of the processes you
have described, or a defect in any of the materials you have used,
defeat the object of the test?”
Answer.—“It would, but all the materials I used were pure. Such
an accident could not have happened without my having some
intimation of it in the course of the process. I should think antimony
would operate more quickly upon animals than upon men. I am
acquainted with the works of Orfila. He stood in the highest rank of
analytical chemists.”
Page 176
Question.—“Did not Orfila find antimony in a dog four months
after injection?”
Answer.—“Yes; but the animal had taken about forty-five
grains.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee called the attention of the witness to a passage
in Orfila’s work in reference to that case, to the effect that the
antimony was found accumulating in the bones, the liver contained
a great deal, and the tissues a very little.
Witness.—“Yes; when antimony has been long in the body it
passes into the bones; but I think you will find that these are not
Orfila’s experiments. Orfila is quoting the experiments of another
person.”[49]
Question.—“But is not that the case with nearly all the
experiments referred to in your own book?”
Answer.—“No; I cannot say that.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee again referred to a case in Orfila in which
forty-five grains were given to a dog, and three and a half months
after death a quantity was found in the fat, and some in the liver,
bones, and tissues.
Witness.—“That shows that antimony gets into the bones and
flesh, but I never knew a case in which forty-five grains had been
given to a human being in ten days, and I have given no opinion
upon such a case.”
Question.—“A pretty good dose is required to poison a person, I
suppose?”
Answer.—“That depends on the mode in which it is given. A dog
has been poisoned with six grains. The dog died in the case you
mentioned. When antimony is administered as it was in that case the
liver becomes fatty and gristled. Cook’s liver presented no
appearance of the sort. I should infer that the antimony we found in
Cook’s body was given much more recently than in the experiments
you have described. We cannot say positively how long it takes to
get out of the body, but I have known three grains cleared out in
twenty-four hours. I was first applied to in this case on Thursday, the
after injection?”
Answer.—“Yes; but the animal had taken about forty-five
grains.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee called the attention of the witness to a passage
in Orfila’s work in reference to that case, to the effect that the
antimony was found accumulating in the bones, the liver contained
a great deal, and the tissues a very little.
Witness.—“Yes; when antimony has been long in the body it
passes into the bones; but I think you will find that these are not
Orfila’s experiments. Orfila is quoting the experiments of another
person.”[49]
Question.—“But is not that the case with nearly all the
experiments referred to in your own book?”
Answer.—“No; I cannot say that.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee again referred to a case in Orfila in which
forty-five grains were given to a dog, and three and a half months
after death a quantity was found in the fat, and some in the liver,
bones, and tissues.
Witness.—“That shows that antimony gets into the bones and
flesh, but I never knew a case in which forty-five grains had been
given to a human being in ten days, and I have given no opinion
upon such a case.”
Question.—“A pretty good dose is required to poison a person, I
suppose?”
Answer.—“That depends on the mode in which it is given. A dog
has been poisoned with six grains. The dog died in the case you
mentioned. When antimony is administered as it was in that case the
liver becomes fatty and gristled. Cook’s liver presented no
appearance of the sort. I should infer that the antimony we found in
Cook’s body was given much more recently than in the experiments
you have described. We cannot say positively how long it takes to
get out of the body, but I have known three grains cleared out in
twenty-four hours. I was first applied to in this case on Thursday, the
Page 177
27th of November, by Mr. Stevens, who was introduced to me by
Mr. Warrington, professor of chemistry. Either then or subsequently
he mentioned Mr. Gardner. I had not known Mr. Gardner before. I
had never before been concerned in cases of this kind at Rugeley.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee read the letter written by Dr. Taylor to Mr.
Gardner:
“Chemical Laboratory, Guy’s Hospital,
“Dec. 4, 1855.
“Re J. P. Cook, Esq., deceased.
“Dear Sir,—Dr. Rees and I have completed the analysis to-day.
We have sketched a report, which will be ready to-morrow or next
day.
“As I am going to Durham Assizes on the part of the Crown, in
the case of Reg. v. Wooler, the report will be in the hands of Dr.
Rees, No. 26, Albemarle-street. It will be most desirable that Mr.
Stevens should call on Dr. Rees, read the report with him, and put
such questions as may occur.
“In reply to your letter received here this morning I beg to say
that we wish a statement of all the medicines prescribed for
deceased (until his death) to be drawn up and sent to Dr. Rees.
“We do not find strychnine, prussic acid, or any trace of opium.
From the contents having been drained away it is now impossible to
say whether any strychnine had or had not been given just before
death, but it is quite possible for tartar emetic to destroy life if given
in repeated doses; and, so far as we can at present form an opinion,
in the absence of any natural cause of death, the deceased may have
died from the effects of antimony in this or some other form.
“We are, dear Sir, yours faithfully,
“Alfred S. Taylor.
“G. Owen Rees.”
Question.—“Was that your opinion at the time?”
Mr. Warrington, professor of chemistry. Either then or subsequently
he mentioned Mr. Gardner. I had not known Mr. Gardner before. I
had never before been concerned in cases of this kind at Rugeley.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee read the letter written by Dr. Taylor to Mr.
Gardner:
“Chemical Laboratory, Guy’s Hospital,
“Dec. 4, 1855.
“Re J. P. Cook, Esq., deceased.
“Dear Sir,—Dr. Rees and I have completed the analysis to-day.
We have sketched a report, which will be ready to-morrow or next
day.
“As I am going to Durham Assizes on the part of the Crown, in
the case of Reg. v. Wooler, the report will be in the hands of Dr.
Rees, No. 26, Albemarle-street. It will be most desirable that Mr.
Stevens should call on Dr. Rees, read the report with him, and put
such questions as may occur.
“In reply to your letter received here this morning I beg to say
that we wish a statement of all the medicines prescribed for
deceased (until his death) to be drawn up and sent to Dr. Rees.
“We do not find strychnine, prussic acid, or any trace of opium.
From the contents having been drained away it is now impossible to
say whether any strychnine had or had not been given just before
death, but it is quite possible for tartar emetic to destroy life if given
in repeated doses; and, so far as we can at present form an opinion,
in the absence of any natural cause of death, the deceased may have
died from the effects of antimony in this or some other form.
“We are, dear Sir, yours faithfully,
“Alfred S. Taylor.
“G. Owen Rees.”
Question.—“Was that your opinion at the time?”
Page 178
Answer.—“It was. We could infer nothing else.”
Question.—“Have you not said that the quantity of antimony
you found was not sufficient to account for death?”
Answer.—“Certainly. If a man takes antimony he first vomits,
and then a part of the antimony goes out of the body; some may
escape from the bowels. A great deal passes at once into the blood
by absorption, and is carried out by the urine.”
Question.—“Can you say upon your oath that from the traces in
Cook’s body you were justified in stating your opinion that death
was caused by antimony?”
Answer.—“Yes; perfectly and distinctly. That which is found in a
dead body is not the slightest criterion as to what the man took
when alive.”
Question.—“When you gave your opinion that Cook died from
the effects of antimony, had you any reason to think that an undue
quantity had been administered?”
Answer.—“I could not tell. People may die from large or small
quantities; the quantity found in the body was no criterion as to how
much he had taken.”
Question.—“May not the injudicious use of a quack medicine
containing antimony, the injudicious use of James’s powders,
account for the antimony you found in the body?”
Answer.—“Yes; the injudicious use of any antimonial medicine
would account for it.”
Question.—“Or even their judicious use?”
Answer.—“It might.”
Question.—“With that knowledge, upon being consulted with
regard to Cook, you gave it as your opinion that he died from the
poison of antimony?”
Answer.—“You pervert my meaning entirely. I said that
antimony in the form of tartar emetic might occasion vomiting and
other symptoms of irritation, and that in large doses it would cause
death, preceded by convulsions.” [The witness was proceeding to
read his report upon the case, but was stopped by the Court.] “I was
Question.—“Have you not said that the quantity of antimony
you found was not sufficient to account for death?”
Answer.—“Certainly. If a man takes antimony he first vomits,
and then a part of the antimony goes out of the body; some may
escape from the bowels. A great deal passes at once into the blood
by absorption, and is carried out by the urine.”
Question.—“Can you say upon your oath that from the traces in
Cook’s body you were justified in stating your opinion that death
was caused by antimony?”
Answer.—“Yes; perfectly and distinctly. That which is found in a
dead body is not the slightest criterion as to what the man took
when alive.”
Question.—“When you gave your opinion that Cook died from
the effects of antimony, had you any reason to think that an undue
quantity had been administered?”
Answer.—“I could not tell. People may die from large or small
quantities; the quantity found in the body was no criterion as to how
much he had taken.”
Question.—“May not the injudicious use of a quack medicine
containing antimony, the injudicious use of James’s powders,
account for the antimony you found in the body?”
Answer.—“Yes; the injudicious use of any antimonial medicine
would account for it.”
Question.—“Or even their judicious use?”
Answer.—“It might.”
Question.—“With that knowledge, upon being consulted with
regard to Cook, you gave it as your opinion that he died from the
poison of antimony?”
Answer.—“You pervert my meaning entirely. I said that
antimony in the form of tartar emetic might occasion vomiting and
other symptoms of irritation, and that in large doses it would cause
death, preceded by convulsions.” [The witness was proceeding to
read his report upon the case, but was stopped by the Court.] “I was
Page 179
told that the deceased was in good health seven or eight days before
his death, and that he had been taken very sick and ill, and had died
in convulsions. No further particulars being given us, we were left
to suppose that he had not died a natural death. There was no natural
cause to account for death; and finding antimony existing
throughout the body, we thought it might have been caused by
antimony. An analysis cannot be made effectually without
information.”
Question.—“You think it necessary before you can rely upon an
analysis to have received a long statement of the symptoms before
death?”
Answer.—“A short statement will do.”
Question.—“You allow your judgment to be influenced by the
statement of a person who knows nothing of his own knowledge?”
Answer.—“I do not allow my judgment to be influenced in any
way; I judge by the result.”
Question.—“Do you mean to say that what Mr. Stevens told you
did not assist you in arriving at the conclusion you state in writing?”
Answer.—“I stated it as a possible case—not as a certainty. If we
had found a large quantity of tartar emetic in the stomach we should
have come to the conclusion that the man died from it. As we found
only a small quantity, we said he might have died from it. I attended
the coroner’s inquest, first, I think, on December 14. Some of the
evidence was read over to me. I think that Dr. Harland was the first
witness I heard examined. I heard Mr. Bamford, and also Lavinia
Barnes. I cannot say as to Newton. I heard Jones. I had
experimented some years ago on five of the rabbits I have
mentioned. That is the only knowledge of my own that I had of the
effect of strychnia upon animal life when I wrote my book. I have a
great objection to the sacrifice of life. No toxicologist will sacrifice
the lives of one hundred rabbits to establish facts which he knows to
be already well established. I experimented on the last rabbits since
the inquest.”
his death, and that he had been taken very sick and ill, and had died
in convulsions. No further particulars being given us, we were left
to suppose that he had not died a natural death. There was no natural
cause to account for death; and finding antimony existing
throughout the body, we thought it might have been caused by
antimony. An analysis cannot be made effectually without
information.”
Question.—“You think it necessary before you can rely upon an
analysis to have received a long statement of the symptoms before
death?”
Answer.—“A short statement will do.”
Question.—“You allow your judgment to be influenced by the
statement of a person who knows nothing of his own knowledge?”
Answer.—“I do not allow my judgment to be influenced in any
way; I judge by the result.”
Question.—“Do you mean to say that what Mr. Stevens told you
did not assist you in arriving at the conclusion you state in writing?”
Answer.—“I stated it as a possible case—not as a certainty. If we
had found a large quantity of tartar emetic in the stomach we should
have come to the conclusion that the man died from it. As we found
only a small quantity, we said he might have died from it. I attended
the coroner’s inquest, first, I think, on December 14. Some of the
evidence was read over to me. I think that Dr. Harland was the first
witness I heard examined. I heard Mr. Bamford, and also Lavinia
Barnes. I cannot say as to Newton. I heard Jones. I had
experimented some years ago on five of the rabbits I have
mentioned. That is the only knowledge of my own that I had of the
effect of strychnia upon animal life when I wrote my book. I have a
great objection to the sacrifice of life. No toxicologist will sacrifice
the lives of one hundred rabbits to establish facts which he knows to
be already well established. I experimented on the last rabbits since
the inquest.”
Page 180
Question.—“Do you not think it rather rash to judge of the
effects of strychnia on man by so small an experiment?”
Answer.—“You must add to the experiment the study of poisons
and cases.”
Question.—“Do you not think that a rabbit is a very unfair
animal to select?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Would not a dog be better?”
Answer.—“They are very dangerous to handle.”
Question.—“Do you mean to give that answer?”
Answer.—“Dogs and cats bear a greater analogy to man because
they vomit, while rabbits do not; but rabbits are much more
manageable.”
Question.—“Do you admit that as to the action of the respiratory
organs they would be better than rabbits?”
Answer.—“I do not.”
Question.—“As to the effect of poison would they not?”
Answer.—“I think a rabbit quite as good as any animal. The
poison is retained, and its operation is shown. At the inquest I saw
Mr. Gardner (the solicitor of Mr. Stevens). I suggested questions to
the coroner. Some of them he put to the witnesses, and others they
answered upon my suggesting them. Ten days before the inquest Mr.
Gardner informed me in his letter that strychnia, Battley’s solution,
and prussic acid, had been purchased on Tuesday; that was why I
used the expressions to which you have referred. We did not allow
that information to have any influence on our report.” [The
witness’s deposition before the coroner was then read.] “Having
given my evidence, I returned to town, and soon afterwards heard
that the prisoner had been committed on a charge of wilful murder.”
Question.—“And that his life depended in a great degree on
you?”
Answer.—“No. I simply gave an opinion as to the poison, not as
to the prisoner’s case. I knew I should probably be examined as a
effects of strychnia on man by so small an experiment?”
Answer.—“You must add to the experiment the study of poisons
and cases.”
Question.—“Do you not think that a rabbit is a very unfair
animal to select?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Would not a dog be better?”
Answer.—“They are very dangerous to handle.”
Question.—“Do you mean to give that answer?”
Answer.—“Dogs and cats bear a greater analogy to man because
they vomit, while rabbits do not; but rabbits are much more
manageable.”
Question.—“Do you admit that as to the action of the respiratory
organs they would be better than rabbits?”
Answer.—“I do not.”
Question.—“As to the effect of poison would they not?”
Answer.—“I think a rabbit quite as good as any animal. The
poison is retained, and its operation is shown. At the inquest I saw
Mr. Gardner (the solicitor of Mr. Stevens). I suggested questions to
the coroner. Some of them he put to the witnesses, and others they
answered upon my suggesting them. Ten days before the inquest Mr.
Gardner informed me in his letter that strychnia, Battley’s solution,
and prussic acid, had been purchased on Tuesday; that was why I
used the expressions to which you have referred. We did not allow
that information to have any influence on our report.” [The
witness’s deposition before the coroner was then read.] “Having
given my evidence, I returned to town, and soon afterwards heard
that the prisoner had been committed on a charge of wilful murder.”
Question.—“And that his life depended in a great degree on
you?”
Answer.—“No. I simply gave an opinion as to the poison, not as
to the prisoner’s case. I knew I should probably be examined as a
Page 181
witness on the trial.”
Question.—“Do you think it your duty to abstain from all public
discussion of the question which might influence the public mind.”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Did you write a letter to the Lancet?”
Answer.—“Yes, to contradict several mis-statements of my
evidence that had been made.”
Letter to Lancet of Feb. 2, 1856, read, in which Dr. Taylor said:
—“During the quarter of a century which I have now specially
devoted to toxicological inquiries, I have never met with any cases
like these suspected cases of poisoning at Rugeley. The mode in
which they will affect the person accused is of minor importance
compared with their probable influence on society. I have no
hesitation in saying that the future security of life in this country
will mainly depend on the judge, the jury, and the counsel who may
have to dispose of the charges of murder which have arisen out of
these investigations.”[50]
Cross-examination continued.—“That is my opinion now. It had
been stated that if strychnia caused death it could always be found,
which I deny. It had also been circulated in every newspaper that a
person could not be killed by tartar emetic, which I deny, and which
might have led to the destruction of hundreds of lives. I entertained
no prejudice against the prisoner. What I meant was that if these
statements which I had seen in medical and other periodicals were
to have their way there was not a life in the country which was
safe.”
Question.—“Do you adhere to your opinion that ‘the mode in
which they will affect the person accused,’ that is, lead him to the
scaffold, ‘is of minor importance, compared with their probable
influence on society’?”
Answer.—“I have never suggested that they should lead him to
the scaffold. I hope that, if innocent, he will be acquitted.”
Question.—“What do you mean by the mode in which they will
affect the person accused being of minor importance?”
Question.—“Do you think it your duty to abstain from all public
discussion of the question which might influence the public mind.”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Did you write a letter to the Lancet?”
Answer.—“Yes, to contradict several mis-statements of my
evidence that had been made.”
Letter to Lancet of Feb. 2, 1856, read, in which Dr. Taylor said:
—“During the quarter of a century which I have now specially
devoted to toxicological inquiries, I have never met with any cases
like these suspected cases of poisoning at Rugeley. The mode in
which they will affect the person accused is of minor importance
compared with their probable influence on society. I have no
hesitation in saying that the future security of life in this country
will mainly depend on the judge, the jury, and the counsel who may
have to dispose of the charges of murder which have arisen out of
these investigations.”[50]
Cross-examination continued.—“That is my opinion now. It had
been stated that if strychnia caused death it could always be found,
which I deny. It had also been circulated in every newspaper that a
person could not be killed by tartar emetic, which I deny, and which
might have led to the destruction of hundreds of lives. I entertained
no prejudice against the prisoner. What I meant was that if these
statements which I had seen in medical and other periodicals were
to have their way there was not a life in the country which was
safe.”
Question.—“Do you adhere to your opinion that ‘the mode in
which they will affect the person accused,’ that is, lead him to the
scaffold, ‘is of minor importance, compared with their probable
influence on society’?”
Answer.—“I have never suggested that they should lead him to
the scaffold. I hope that, if innocent, he will be acquitted.”
Question.—“What do you mean by the mode in which they will
affect the person accused being of minor importance?”
Page 182
Answer.—“The lives of sixteen millions of people are, in my
opinion, of greater importance than that of one man.”
Question.—“That is your opinion?”
Answer.—“Yes. As you appear to put that as an objection to my
evidence, allow me to state that in two dead bodies I find antimony.
In one case death occurred suddenly, and in the other the body was
saturated with antimony, which I never found before in the
examination of three hundred bodies. I say these were
circumstances which demanded explanation.”
Question.—“You adhere to the opinion that, as a medical man
and a member of an honourable profession, you were right in
publishing this letter before the trial of the person accused?”
Answer.—“I think I had a right to state that opinion in answer to
the comments which had been made upon my evidence.”
Question.—“Had any comments been made by the prisoner?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Or by any of his family?”
Answer.—“Mr. Smith, the solicitor for the defence, circulated in
every paper statements of ‘Dr. Taylor’s inaccuracy.’ I had no wish or
motive to charge the prisoner with this crime. My duty concerns the
lives of all.”
I omit here the numerous questions about Mr. Mayhew’s visit,
and take up the cross-examination with the witness’s opinion of
Cook’s symptoms.
“Cook’s symptoms were quite in accordance with an ordinary
case of poisoning by strychnia.”
Question.—“Can you tell me any case in which a patient after
being seized with tetanic symptoms sat up in bed and talked?”
Answer.—“It was after he sat up that Cook was seized with these
symptoms.”
Question.—“Can you refer to a case in which a patient who had
taken strychnia beat the bed with his or her arms?”
opinion, of greater importance than that of one man.”
Question.—“That is your opinion?”
Answer.—“Yes. As you appear to put that as an objection to my
evidence, allow me to state that in two dead bodies I find antimony.
In one case death occurred suddenly, and in the other the body was
saturated with antimony, which I never found before in the
examination of three hundred bodies. I say these were
circumstances which demanded explanation.”
Question.—“You adhere to the opinion that, as a medical man
and a member of an honourable profession, you were right in
publishing this letter before the trial of the person accused?”
Answer.—“I think I had a right to state that opinion in answer to
the comments which had been made upon my evidence.”
Question.—“Had any comments been made by the prisoner?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Or by any of his family?”
Answer.—“Mr. Smith, the solicitor for the defence, circulated in
every paper statements of ‘Dr. Taylor’s inaccuracy.’ I had no wish or
motive to charge the prisoner with this crime. My duty concerns the
lives of all.”
I omit here the numerous questions about Mr. Mayhew’s visit,
and take up the cross-examination with the witness’s opinion of
Cook’s symptoms.
“Cook’s symptoms were quite in accordance with an ordinary
case of poisoning by strychnia.”
Question.—“Can you tell me any case in which a patient after
being seized with tetanic symptoms sat up in bed and talked?”
Answer.—“It was after he sat up that Cook was seized with these
symptoms.”
Question.—“Can you refer to a case in which a patient who had
taken strychnia beat the bed with his or her arms?”
Page 183
Answer.—“It is exactly what I should expect to arise from a
sense of suffocation.”
Question.—“Do you know in your reading of any case in which
the symptoms of poisoning by strychnia commenced with beating of
the bed clothes?”
Answer.—“There have been only about fifteen cases, and in
none of those was the patient seized in bed. Beating of the bed
clothes is a symptom which may be exhibited by a person suffering
from a sense of suffocation, whether caused by strychnia or other
causes. A case has been communicated to me by a friend, in which
the patient shook as though with an ague.” [Answer objected to, but
allowed as witness had been questioned as to the results of his
reading.] “I have known of no case of poisoning by strychnia in
which the patient screamed before he was seized. That is common in
ordinary convulsions. In cases of poisoning by strychnia the patient
screams when the spasms set in; the pain is very severe. I cannot
refer to a case in which the patient has spoken freely after the
paroxysms had commenced.”
Question.—“Can you refer me to any case in an authentic
publication in which the access of the strychnia paroxysm has been
delayed so long after the injection of the poison as in the case of
Cook on Tuesday night?”
Answer.—“Yes; longer. In my book on Medical Jurisprudence,
p. 185, 5th Edition, it is stated that in a case communicated to the
Lancet, Aug. 31, 1850, by Mr. Bennett, a grain and a half of
strychnia taken by mistake destroyed the life of a healthy female in
an hour and a half. None of the symptoms appeared for an hour.
There is a case in which the period which elapsed was two hours
and a half. A grain and a half is a full, but not a very considerable,
dose. In my book on Poisons there is no case in which the paroxysm
commenced more than an hour and a half after the injection of the
poison. That book is eight years old, and since 1848 cases have
occurred. There is a mention of one in which three hours elapsed
before the paroxysms occurred.”
sense of suffocation.”
Question.—“Do you know in your reading of any case in which
the symptoms of poisoning by strychnia commenced with beating of
the bed clothes?”
Answer.—“There have been only about fifteen cases, and in
none of those was the patient seized in bed. Beating of the bed
clothes is a symptom which may be exhibited by a person suffering
from a sense of suffocation, whether caused by strychnia or other
causes. A case has been communicated to me by a friend, in which
the patient shook as though with an ague.” [Answer objected to, but
allowed as witness had been questioned as to the results of his
reading.] “I have known of no case of poisoning by strychnia in
which the patient screamed before he was seized. That is common in
ordinary convulsions. In cases of poisoning by strychnia the patient
screams when the spasms set in; the pain is very severe. I cannot
refer to a case in which the patient has spoken freely after the
paroxysms had commenced.”
Question.—“Can you refer me to any case in an authentic
publication in which the access of the strychnia paroxysm has been
delayed so long after the injection of the poison as in the case of
Cook on Tuesday night?”
Answer.—“Yes; longer. In my book on Medical Jurisprudence,
p. 185, 5th Edition, it is stated that in a case communicated to the
Lancet, Aug. 31, 1850, by Mr. Bennett, a grain and a half of
strychnia taken by mistake destroyed the life of a healthy female in
an hour and a half. None of the symptoms appeared for an hour.
There is a case in which the period which elapsed was two hours
and a half. A grain and a half is a full, but not a very considerable,
dose. In my book on Poisons there is no case in which the paroxysm
commenced more than an hour and a half after the injection of the
poison. That book is eight years old, and since 1848 cases have
occurred. There is a mention of one in which three hours elapsed
before the paroxysms occurred.”
Page 184
Mr. Serjeant Shee then referred to the case, and called attention
to the fact that the only statement as to time was that in three hours
the patient lost his speech, and was seized with violent convulsions.
[51]
Cross-examination continued.—“I know of no other fatal case in
which the interval was so long. In that case there was disease of the
brain. Referring to the Lancet, I find that in the case to which I
referred, as communicated by Dr. Bennett, the strychnia was
dissolved in cinnamon water. Being dissolved, one would have
expected it to have a more speedy action. The time in which a
patient would recover would depend entirely upon the dose of
strychnia which had been taken. I do not remember any case in
which a patient recovered in three or four hours, but such cases must
have occurred. There is one mentioned in my book on Medical
Jurisprudence. The patient had taken nux vomica, but its powers
depend upon strychnia. In that case the violence of the paroxysms
gradually subsided, and the next day, although feeble and exhausted,
the patient was able to walk home. The time of the recovery is a
point which is not usually stated by medical men. I cannot mention
any case in which there was a repetition of the paroxysms after so
long an interval as that from Monday to Tuesday night, which
occurred in Cook’s case. I do not think that the attack on Tuesday
night was the result of anything which had been administered to him
on the Monday night. In the cases of four out of five rabbits the
rigidity was continued at the time of death and after death. In the
other the animal was flaccid at the time of death.”
Question.—“Are you acquainted with this opinion of Dr.
Christison, that in these cases rigidity does not come on at the time
of death, but comes on shortly afterwards?”
Answer.—“Dr. Christison speaks from his experience, and I
from mine.”
Question.—“Did you hear that Dr. Bamford said that when he
arrived he found the body of Cook quite straight in bed?”
to the fact that the only statement as to time was that in three hours
the patient lost his speech, and was seized with violent convulsions.
[51]
Cross-examination continued.—“I know of no other fatal case in
which the interval was so long. In that case there was disease of the
brain. Referring to the Lancet, I find that in the case to which I
referred, as communicated by Dr. Bennett, the strychnia was
dissolved in cinnamon water. Being dissolved, one would have
expected it to have a more speedy action. The time in which a
patient would recover would depend entirely upon the dose of
strychnia which had been taken. I do not remember any case in
which a patient recovered in three or four hours, but such cases must
have occurred. There is one mentioned in my book on Medical
Jurisprudence. The patient had taken nux vomica, but its powers
depend upon strychnia. In that case the violence of the paroxysms
gradually subsided, and the next day, although feeble and exhausted,
the patient was able to walk home. The time of the recovery is a
point which is not usually stated by medical men. I cannot mention
any case in which there was a repetition of the paroxysms after so
long an interval as that from Monday to Tuesday night, which
occurred in Cook’s case. I do not think that the attack on Tuesday
night was the result of anything which had been administered to him
on the Monday night. In the cases of four out of five rabbits the
rigidity was continued at the time of death and after death. In the
other the animal was flaccid at the time of death.”
Question.—“Are you acquainted with this opinion of Dr.
Christison, that in these cases rigidity does not come on at the time
of death, but comes on shortly afterwards?”
Answer.—“Dr. Christison speaks from his experience, and I
from mine.”
Question.—“Did you hear that Dr. Bamford said that when he
arrived he found the body of Cook quite straight in bed?”
Page 185
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Can that have been a case of ophisthotonos?”
Answer.—“It may have been.”
Question.—“Are not the colour tests of strychnia so uncertain
and fallacious that they cannot be depended upon?”
Answer.—“Yes, unless you first get the strychnia in a visible and
tangible form.”
Question.—“Is it not impossible to get it so from the stomach?”
Answer.—“It is not impossible; it depends upon the quantity
which remains there.”
Question.—“You do not agree that the fiftieth part of a grain
might be discovered?”
Answer.—“I think not.”
Question.—“Nor even half a grain?”
Answer.—“That might be. It would depend upon the quantity of
food in the stomach with which it was mixed.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“In cases of death from
strychnia the heart is sometimes found empty after death. That is the
case of human subjects. There are three such cases on record. I think
that emptiness results from spasmodic affection of the heart. I know
of no reason why that should rather occur in the case of man than in
that of a small animal like a rabbit. The heart is generally more
filled when the paroxysms are frequent. When the paroxysm is short
and violent, and causes death in a few moments, I should expect to
find the heart empty. The rigidity after death always affects the same
muscles; those of the limbs and back. In the case of the rabbit, in
which the rigidity was relaxed at the time of death, it returned while
the body was warm. In ordinary death it only occurs when the body
is cold, or nearly so. I never knew a case of tetanus in which the
rigidity lasted two months after death; but such a fact would give
me the impression that there were very violent spasms. It would
indicate great violence of the spasms from which the person died.
The time which elapses between the taking of strychnia and the
commencement of the paroxysms depends on the constitution and
Question.—“Can that have been a case of ophisthotonos?”
Answer.—“It may have been.”
Question.—“Are not the colour tests of strychnia so uncertain
and fallacious that they cannot be depended upon?”
Answer.—“Yes, unless you first get the strychnia in a visible and
tangible form.”
Question.—“Is it not impossible to get it so from the stomach?”
Answer.—“It is not impossible; it depends upon the quantity
which remains there.”
Question.—“You do not agree that the fiftieth part of a grain
might be discovered?”
Answer.—“I think not.”
Question.—“Nor even half a grain?”
Answer.—“That might be. It would depend upon the quantity of
food in the stomach with which it was mixed.”
Re-examined by the Attorney-General.—“In cases of death from
strychnia the heart is sometimes found empty after death. That is the
case of human subjects. There are three such cases on record. I think
that emptiness results from spasmodic affection of the heart. I know
of no reason why that should rather occur in the case of man than in
that of a small animal like a rabbit. The heart is generally more
filled when the paroxysms are frequent. When the paroxysm is short
and violent, and causes death in a few moments, I should expect to
find the heart empty. The rigidity after death always affects the same
muscles; those of the limbs and back. In the case of the rabbit, in
which the rigidity was relaxed at the time of death, it returned while
the body was warm. In ordinary death it only occurs when the body
is cold, or nearly so. I never knew a case of tetanus in which the
rigidity lasted two months after death; but such a fact would give
me the impression that there were very violent spasms. It would
indicate great violence of the spasms from which the person died.
The time which elapses between the taking of strychnia and the
commencement of the paroxysms depends on the constitution and
Page 186
strength of the individual. A feeling of suffocation is one of the
earliest symptoms of poisoning by strychnia, and that would lead
the patient to beat the bedclothes. I have no doubt that the
substances I used for the purpose of analysis were pure. I had tested
them. The fact that three distinct processes each gave the same
result was strong confirmation of each. I have no doubt that what we
found was antimony. The quantity found does not enable me to say
how much was taken. It might be the residue of either large or small
doses. Sickness would throw off some portion of the antimony
which had been administered. We did not analyse the bones and
tissues. I suggested questions to the coroner because he did not put
such as enabled me to form an opinion. I think that arose rather
from want of knowledge than intention. There was an omission to
take down the answers. At the time I wrote to Mr. Gardiner I had not
learnt the symptoms which attended the attack and death of Cook. I
had only the information that he was well seven days before he died,
and had died in convulsions. I had not information to lead me to
suppose that strychnia had been the cause of death, except that
Palmer had purchased strychnia. Failing to find opium, prussic acid,
or strychnia, I referred to antimony as the only substance found in
the body. Before writing to the Lancet, I had been made the subject
of a great many attacks. What I had said as to the possibility or
impossibility of discovering strychnia after death had been
misrepresented. In various newspapers it had been represented that I
had said strychnia could never be detected—that it was destroyed by
putrefaction. What I had said was, that when absorbed in the blood
it could not be separated as strychnia. I wrote the letter in my own
vindication.”
Dr. Rees and Professor Brande briefly but decidedly confirmed
the statements, and coincided with the opinions expressed by Dr.
Taylor, the latter witness speaking as to an experiment made by
him to test the accuracy of the previous one, with reference to the
supposed presence of antimony, which enabled him to state
positively that that poison was isolated by it. Professor Christison,
earliest symptoms of poisoning by strychnia, and that would lead
the patient to beat the bedclothes. I have no doubt that the
substances I used for the purpose of analysis were pure. I had tested
them. The fact that three distinct processes each gave the same
result was strong confirmation of each. I have no doubt that what we
found was antimony. The quantity found does not enable me to say
how much was taken. It might be the residue of either large or small
doses. Sickness would throw off some portion of the antimony
which had been administered. We did not analyse the bones and
tissues. I suggested questions to the coroner because he did not put
such as enabled me to form an opinion. I think that arose rather
from want of knowledge than intention. There was an omission to
take down the answers. At the time I wrote to Mr. Gardiner I had not
learnt the symptoms which attended the attack and death of Cook. I
had only the information that he was well seven days before he died,
and had died in convulsions. I had not information to lead me to
suppose that strychnia had been the cause of death, except that
Palmer had purchased strychnia. Failing to find opium, prussic acid,
or strychnia, I referred to antimony as the only substance found in
the body. Before writing to the Lancet, I had been made the subject
of a great many attacks. What I had said as to the possibility or
impossibility of discovering strychnia after death had been
misrepresented. In various newspapers it had been represented that I
had said strychnia could never be detected—that it was destroyed by
putrefaction. What I had said was, that when absorbed in the blood
it could not be separated as strychnia. I wrote the letter in my own
vindication.”
Dr. Rees and Professor Brande briefly but decidedly confirmed
the statements, and coincided with the opinions expressed by Dr.
Taylor, the latter witness speaking as to an experiment made by
him to test the accuracy of the previous one, with reference to the
supposed presence of antimony, which enabled him to state
positively that that poison was isolated by it. Professor Christison,
Page 187
of the University of Edinburgh, author of the well-known treatise
on poisons, was then called, and gave the following evidence:—
on poisons, was then called, and gave the following evidence:—
Page 188
Professor Christison said:—“I am a fellow of the Royal College
of Physicians and Professor of Materia Medica to the University of
Edinburgh; I am also the author of a work on the subject of poisons,
and I have directed a good deal of attention to strychnia. In my
opinion it acts by absorption into the blood, and through that upon
the nervous system. I have seen its effects upon a human subject,
but not a fatal case. I have seen it tried upon pigs, rabbits, cats, and
one wild boar. (A laugh.) I first directed my attention to this poison
in 1820, in Paris. It had been discovered two years before in Paris.
In most of my experiments upon animals I gave very small doses—a
sixth of a grain; but I once administered a grain. I cannot say how
small a dose would cause the death of an animal by administration
into the stomach. I generally applied it by injection through an
incision in the cavity of the chest. A sixth part of a grain so
administered killed a dog in two minutes. I once administered to a
rabbit, through the stomach, a dose of a grain. I saw Dr. Taylor
administer three-quarters of a grain to a rabbit, and it was all
swallowed except a very small quantity. The symptoms are nearly
the same in rabbits, cats, and dogs. The first is a slight tremor and
unwillingness to move; then frequently the animal jerks its head
back slightly; soon after that all the symptoms of tetanus come on
which have been so often described by the previous witnesses.
When the poison is administered by the stomach death generally
takes place between a period of five minutes and five and twenty
minutes after the symptoms first make their appearance. I have
frequently opened the bodies of animals thus killed, and have never
been able to trace any effect of the poison upon the stomach or
intestines, or upon the spinal cord or brain, that I could attribute
satisfactorily to the poison. The heart of the animal generally
contained blood in all the cases in which I have been concerned. In
the case of the wild boar the poison was injected into the chest. A
third of a grain was all that was used, and in ten minutes the
symptoms began to show themselves. If strychnia was administered
in the form of a pill it might be mixed with other ingredients that
would protract the period of its operation. This would be the case if
of Physicians and Professor of Materia Medica to the University of
Edinburgh; I am also the author of a work on the subject of poisons,
and I have directed a good deal of attention to strychnia. In my
opinion it acts by absorption into the blood, and through that upon
the nervous system. I have seen its effects upon a human subject,
but not a fatal case. I have seen it tried upon pigs, rabbits, cats, and
one wild boar. (A laugh.) I first directed my attention to this poison
in 1820, in Paris. It had been discovered two years before in Paris.
In most of my experiments upon animals I gave very small doses—a
sixth of a grain; but I once administered a grain. I cannot say how
small a dose would cause the death of an animal by administration
into the stomach. I generally applied it by injection through an
incision in the cavity of the chest. A sixth part of a grain so
administered killed a dog in two minutes. I once administered to a
rabbit, through the stomach, a dose of a grain. I saw Dr. Taylor
administer three-quarters of a grain to a rabbit, and it was all
swallowed except a very small quantity. The symptoms are nearly
the same in rabbits, cats, and dogs. The first is a slight tremor and
unwillingness to move; then frequently the animal jerks its head
back slightly; soon after that all the symptoms of tetanus come on
which have been so often described by the previous witnesses.
When the poison is administered by the stomach death generally
takes place between a period of five minutes and five and twenty
minutes after the symptoms first make their appearance. I have
frequently opened the bodies of animals thus killed, and have never
been able to trace any effect of the poison upon the stomach or
intestines, or upon the spinal cord or brain, that I could attribute
satisfactorily to the poison. The heart of the animal generally
contained blood in all the cases in which I have been concerned. In
the case of the wild boar the poison was injected into the chest. A
third of a grain was all that was used, and in ten minutes the
symptoms began to show themselves. If strychnia was administered
in the form of a pill it might be mixed with other ingredients that
would protract the period of its operation. This would be the case if
Page 189
it were mixed with resinous materials, or any materials that were
difficult of digestion, and such materials would be within the
knowledge of any medical men, and they are frequently used for the
purpose of making ordinary pills. Absorption in such a case would
not commence until the pill was broken down by the process of
digestion. In the present state of our knowledge of the subject I do
not think it is possible to fix the precise time when the operation of
the poison commences on a human subject. In the case of an animal
we take care that it is fasting, and we mix the poison with
ingredients that are readily soluble, and in every circumstance
favourable for the development of the poison. I have seen many
cases of tetanus arising from wounds and other causes. The general
symptoms of the disorder very nearly resemble each other, and in all
the natural forms of tetanus the symptoms begin and advance much
more slowly, and they prove fatal much more slowly, and there is no
intermission in certain forms of natural tetanus. In tetanus from
strychnia there are short intermissions. I have heard the evidence of
what took place at the ‘Talbot Arms’ on the Monday and Tuesday,
and the result of my experience induces me to come to the
conclusion that the symptoms exhibited by the deceased were only
attributable to strychnia, or the four poisons containing it: namely,
nux vomica, St. Ignatius’s bean, snakewood, and a draught poison
called “exhetwick.”[52] There is no natural disease of any
description that I am acquainted with to which I could refer these
symptoms. In cases of tetanus consciousness remains to the very last
moment. When death takes place in a human subject by spasm it
tends to empty the heart of blood. When death is the consequence of
the administration of strychnia, if the quantity is small, I should not
expect to find any trace in the body after death. If there was an
excess of quantity more than was required to cause the death by
absorption, I should expect to find that excess in the stomach. The
colour tests for the detection of the presence of strychnia are
uncertain. Vegetable poisons are more difficult of detection than
mineral ones, and there is one poison with which I am acquainted
for which no known test has been discovered. The stomach of the
difficult of digestion, and such materials would be within the
knowledge of any medical men, and they are frequently used for the
purpose of making ordinary pills. Absorption in such a case would
not commence until the pill was broken down by the process of
digestion. In the present state of our knowledge of the subject I do
not think it is possible to fix the precise time when the operation of
the poison commences on a human subject. In the case of an animal
we take care that it is fasting, and we mix the poison with
ingredients that are readily soluble, and in every circumstance
favourable for the development of the poison. I have seen many
cases of tetanus arising from wounds and other causes. The general
symptoms of the disorder very nearly resemble each other, and in all
the natural forms of tetanus the symptoms begin and advance much
more slowly, and they prove fatal much more slowly, and there is no
intermission in certain forms of natural tetanus. In tetanus from
strychnia there are short intermissions. I have heard the evidence of
what took place at the ‘Talbot Arms’ on the Monday and Tuesday,
and the result of my experience induces me to come to the
conclusion that the symptoms exhibited by the deceased were only
attributable to strychnia, or the four poisons containing it: namely,
nux vomica, St. Ignatius’s bean, snakewood, and a draught poison
called “exhetwick.”[52] There is no natural disease of any
description that I am acquainted with to which I could refer these
symptoms. In cases of tetanus consciousness remains to the very last
moment. When death takes place in a human subject by spasm it
tends to empty the heart of blood. When death is the consequence of
the administration of strychnia, if the quantity is small, I should not
expect to find any trace in the body after death. If there was an
excess of quantity more than was required to cause the death by
absorption, I should expect to find that excess in the stomach. The
colour tests for the detection of the presence of strychnia are
uncertain. Vegetable poisons are more difficult of detection than
mineral ones, and there is one poison with which I am acquainted
for which no known test has been discovered. The stomach of the
Page 190
deceased was sent in a very unsatisfactory state for examination,
and there must have been a considerable quantity of strychnia in the
stomach to have enabled any one to detect its presence under such
circumstances.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove.—“The experiments I refer to
were made many years ago. In one instance I tried one of the colour
tests in the case of a man who was poisoned by strychnia, but I
failed to discover the presence of the poison in the stomach. I tried
the test for the development of the violet colour by means of
sulphuric acid and oxide of lead. From my own observation I should
say that animals destroyed by strychnia die of asphyxia, but in my
work, which has been referred to, it will be seen that I have left the
question open.”
Some further questions were put to the witness by the learned
counsel for the prisoner in reference to opinions expressed by him
in his work, and he explained that this work was written twelve
years ago, and that the experience he had since obtained had
modified some of the opinions he then entertained.
Cross-examination continued.—“I have not noticed that in cases
where a patient is suffering from strychnia the slightest touch
appears to bring on the paroxysm. It is very remarkable in the case
of animals, unless you touch them very gently indeed. Strychnia has
a most intensely bitter taste. It is said on the authority of a French
chemist that a grain will give a taste to more than a gallon of water.
If resinous substances were used in the formation of a pill it does
not follow that they would necessarily be found in the stomach; they
might be passed off.”
By the Attorney-General.—“One of the cases quoted in the work
that has been referred to was that of a gamekeeper, who was found
dead; his head was thrown back, his hands were clenched, and his
limbs were rigid. A paper containing strychnia was found in his
pocket, and upon a post-mortem examination, there were indications
which, under the circumstances, satisfied me of the existence of
and there must have been a considerable quantity of strychnia in the
stomach to have enabled any one to detect its presence under such
circumstances.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Grove.—“The experiments I refer to
were made many years ago. In one instance I tried one of the colour
tests in the case of a man who was poisoned by strychnia, but I
failed to discover the presence of the poison in the stomach. I tried
the test for the development of the violet colour by means of
sulphuric acid and oxide of lead. From my own observation I should
say that animals destroyed by strychnia die of asphyxia, but in my
work, which has been referred to, it will be seen that I have left the
question open.”
Some further questions were put to the witness by the learned
counsel for the prisoner in reference to opinions expressed by him
in his work, and he explained that this work was written twelve
years ago, and that the experience he had since obtained had
modified some of the opinions he then entertained.
Cross-examination continued.—“I have not noticed that in cases
where a patient is suffering from strychnia the slightest touch
appears to bring on the paroxysm. It is very remarkable in the case
of animals, unless you touch them very gently indeed. Strychnia has
a most intensely bitter taste. It is said on the authority of a French
chemist that a grain will give a taste to more than a gallon of water.
If resinous substances were used in the formation of a pill it does
not follow that they would necessarily be found in the stomach; they
might be passed off.”
By the Attorney-General.—“One of the cases quoted in the work
that has been referred to was that of a gamekeeper, who was found
dead; his head was thrown back, his hands were clenched, and his
limbs were rigid. A paper containing strychnia was found in his
pocket, and upon a post-mortem examination, there were indications
which, under the circumstances, satisfied me of the existence of
Page 191
strychnia. There was a substance in the body of an intensely bitter
taste, which was tested by the colour test, and it succeeded in one
instance, but failed in another. It appears that colour tests are not to
be relied upon in the case of strychnia in an impure condition: in the
first place, you may not find indication of strychnia: and, secondly,
they are subject to fallacy even if the strychnia is pure from other
substances not containing strychnia presenting similar appearances.”
With the examination of this witness, the medical and scientific
evidence for the prosecution was closed.
MEDICO-SCIENTIFIC EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
The conflict in the testimony given by scientific experts in this
case, will be more clearly shown if, instead of deferring it to its
original position, after the speech for the defence, the evidence of
the eminent medical men and analysts is at once contrasted with
that of those called for the prosecution. The two points mainly in
contest were, (1.) Were the symptoms in Cook’s case such as could
only be produced by strychnia, or could they have arisen from
other diseases, and especially from one of the forms of ordinary
tetanus? (2.) If strychnia had been given, could it not have been
discovered by chemical analysis?[53] Under the first head came the
consideration of Cook’s mode of life and general state of health,
and his excitement at the victory of his horse at such a critical
period of his fortunes, as predisposing causes to one or other of the
various diseases to which the witnesses for the defence were
prepared to attribute the symptoms and the result. Under the
second, the success that uniformly attended such analysts as Mr.
Herapath in detecting, even twenty times less than the fiftieth part
of a grain of strychnia, and the inference that as it was not
discovered by such eminent analysts as Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees,
taste, which was tested by the colour test, and it succeeded in one
instance, but failed in another. It appears that colour tests are not to
be relied upon in the case of strychnia in an impure condition: in the
first place, you may not find indication of strychnia: and, secondly,
they are subject to fallacy even if the strychnia is pure from other
substances not containing strychnia presenting similar appearances.”
With the examination of this witness, the medical and scientific
evidence for the prosecution was closed.
MEDICO-SCIENTIFIC EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
The conflict in the testimony given by scientific experts in this
case, will be more clearly shown if, instead of deferring it to its
original position, after the speech for the defence, the evidence of
the eminent medical men and analysts is at once contrasted with
that of those called for the prosecution. The two points mainly in
contest were, (1.) Were the symptoms in Cook’s case such as could
only be produced by strychnia, or could they have arisen from
other diseases, and especially from one of the forms of ordinary
tetanus? (2.) If strychnia had been given, could it not have been
discovered by chemical analysis?[53] Under the first head came the
consideration of Cook’s mode of life and general state of health,
and his excitement at the victory of his horse at such a critical
period of his fortunes, as predisposing causes to one or other of the
various diseases to which the witnesses for the defence were
prepared to attribute the symptoms and the result. Under the
second, the success that uniformly attended such analysts as Mr.
Herapath in detecting, even twenty times less than the fiftieth part
of a grain of strychnia, and the inference that as it was not
discovered by such eminent analysts as Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees,
Page 192
that none had been given. If this inference was fair, it would follow
that, however mysterious the causes of the death of Cook might
have been, and the symptoms of his attacks difficult of being
referred to any known form of disease, yet it was not proved that he
died of strychnia, and that therefore Palmer was entitled to an
acquittal. “According to the witnesses for the Crown,” said Serjeant
Shee, “the poison of strychnia is of that nature, that when it has
done its fatal work, and become absorbed into the system, it ceases
to be the thing it was when it was taken into the system; it becomes
decomposed, its elements separated from each other, and, therefore,
no longer capable of responding to the tests which, according to
Taylor, would certainly detect the presence of undecomposed
strychnia. They account for the fact that it is not detected, and for
their still believing that it destroyed Mr. Cook, by this hypothesis.
Now it is only an hypothesis: there is no foundation for it in
experiment: it is not supported by the evidence of any eminent
toxicologists but themselves; it was the theory of Dr. Taylor, which
he propounds in his book—but he propounds it as a theory of his
own; he does not vouch, as I remember, any eminent toxicologist in
support of it.”
Against this theory, among other eminent men, the defence
called Mr. Nunneley, of Leeds, who had assisted Mr. Morley
(previously called for the prosecution) in the case of Mrs. Dove,
Dr. Letheby, the medical officer of health of the city of London,
and Mr. William Herapath. Of these three experts it will be
advisable to give the evidence at some length, contenting oneself
with summarising that of the other scientific witnesses who agreed
with them in rejecting, as a scientific heresy, the hypothesis of Dr.
Taylor.
The evidence of Mr. Nunneley covered both points—the
character of Cook’s symptoms and the discovery of strychnia. “He
that, however mysterious the causes of the death of Cook might
have been, and the symptoms of his attacks difficult of being
referred to any known form of disease, yet it was not proved that he
died of strychnia, and that therefore Palmer was entitled to an
acquittal. “According to the witnesses for the Crown,” said Serjeant
Shee, “the poison of strychnia is of that nature, that when it has
done its fatal work, and become absorbed into the system, it ceases
to be the thing it was when it was taken into the system; it becomes
decomposed, its elements separated from each other, and, therefore,
no longer capable of responding to the tests which, according to
Taylor, would certainly detect the presence of undecomposed
strychnia. They account for the fact that it is not detected, and for
their still believing that it destroyed Mr. Cook, by this hypothesis.
Now it is only an hypothesis: there is no foundation for it in
experiment: it is not supported by the evidence of any eminent
toxicologists but themselves; it was the theory of Dr. Taylor, which
he propounds in his book—but he propounds it as a theory of his
own; he does not vouch, as I remember, any eminent toxicologist in
support of it.”
Against this theory, among other eminent men, the defence
called Mr. Nunneley, of Leeds, who had assisted Mr. Morley
(previously called for the prosecution) in the case of Mrs. Dove,
Dr. Letheby, the medical officer of health of the city of London,
and Mr. William Herapath. Of these three experts it will be
advisable to give the evidence at some length, contenting oneself
with summarising that of the other scientific witnesses who agreed
with them in rejecting, as a scientific heresy, the hypothesis of Dr.
Taylor.
The evidence of Mr. Nunneley covered both points—the
character of Cook’s symptoms and the discovery of strychnia. “He
Page 193
had been, he said, in large practice for more than twenty-five years,
and had seen four cases of idiopathic tetanus, all of which did not
commence with lockjaw; in one of them lockjaw not becoming so
marked as to prevent the person from swallowing once during the
disease.”
“I assume,” said the witness, “that Cook was a man of very
delicate constitution; that for a long time he had felt himself ailing,
for which indisposition he had been under medical treatment; that
he had suffered from syphilis; that he had disease of the lungs, and
an old standing disease of the throat; that he led an irregular life;
that he was subject to mental depression and excitement, and that
after death appearances were found in his body to show this to have
been the case. There was an unusual appearance in the stomach. The
throat was in an unnatural condition. The back of the tongue showed
similar indications. The air vessels of the lungs were dilated. In the
lining of the aorta there was an unnatural deposit, and there was an
unusual appearance in the membranes of the spinal marrow. One of
the witnesses also said there was a loss of substance from the penis.
That scar on it could only have resulted from an ulcer. A chancre is
an ulcer, but an ulcer is not necessarily a chancre. The symptoms at
the root of the tongue and throat I should ascribe to syphilitic
inflammation of the throat. Supposing these symptoms to be correct”
(which they were not), “I should infer that Cook’s health had not for
a long time been good, and that his constitution was delicate. His
father and mother died young. Supposing that to have been his state
of health, it would make him liable to nervous irritation. That might
be excited by moral causes. Any excitement or depression might
produce that effect. A person of such health and constitution would
be more susceptible of the injurious influence of wet and cold than
one of a stronger one. Upon such a constitution convulsive disease
is more likely to supervene. I understand he had three attacks on
succeeding nights, occurring about the same hour. As a medical man
I should infer from this that they were of a convulsive character—in
the absence of other causes to account for them. Convulsive attacks
and had seen four cases of idiopathic tetanus, all of which did not
commence with lockjaw; in one of them lockjaw not becoming so
marked as to prevent the person from swallowing once during the
disease.”
“I assume,” said the witness, “that Cook was a man of very
delicate constitution; that for a long time he had felt himself ailing,
for which indisposition he had been under medical treatment; that
he had suffered from syphilis; that he had disease of the lungs, and
an old standing disease of the throat; that he led an irregular life;
that he was subject to mental depression and excitement, and that
after death appearances were found in his body to show this to have
been the case. There was an unusual appearance in the stomach. The
throat was in an unnatural condition. The back of the tongue showed
similar indications. The air vessels of the lungs were dilated. In the
lining of the aorta there was an unnatural deposit, and there was an
unusual appearance in the membranes of the spinal marrow. One of
the witnesses also said there was a loss of substance from the penis.
That scar on it could only have resulted from an ulcer. A chancre is
an ulcer, but an ulcer is not necessarily a chancre. The symptoms at
the root of the tongue and throat I should ascribe to syphilitic
inflammation of the throat. Supposing these symptoms to be correct”
(which they were not), “I should infer that Cook’s health had not for
a long time been good, and that his constitution was delicate. His
father and mother died young. Supposing that to have been his state
of health, it would make him liable to nervous irritation. That might
be excited by moral causes. Any excitement or depression might
produce that effect. A person of such health and constitution would
be more susceptible of the injurious influence of wet and cold than
one of a stronger one. Upon such a constitution convulsive disease
is more likely to supervene. I understand he had three attacks on
succeeding nights, occurring about the same hour. As a medical man
I should infer from this that they were of a convulsive character—in
the absence of other causes to account for them. Convulsive attacks
Page 194
are as various as possible in their forms and degrees of violence: it
is not possible to give a definite name to every convulsive symptom.
There are some forms of convulsion in which the patient retains
consciousness. Those are forms of hysteria, sometimes found in the
male sex. It is also stated that there are forms of epilepsy in which
the patient retains consciousness.”
To Lord Campbell.—“I cannot mention a case in which
consciousness has been retained during the fit. No such case has
come under my notice.”
Examination continued.—“I know from reading that, though
rarely, it does sometimes occur. The degree of consciousness in
epilepsy varies very much. In some attacks it is wholly lost for a
long time. Convulsive attacks are sometimes accompanied by
violent spasms and rigidity of the limbs—they sometimes assume
tetanic complexion. I agree with Dr. Copland that convulsions arise
from almost any cause. Affections of the spinal cord, or eating
indigestible food, will produce them. I know of no case in which
they resulted from retching and vomiting. I agree with Dr. Copland
that they sometimes end immediately in death. The immediate
proximate cause of death is frequently asphyxia. Death from spasm
of the heart is often described as death by asphyxia. I have seen
convulsions recurring—in various cases. The time at which a patient
recovers his ease after a violent attack of convulsions varies very
much. It may be a few minutes, it may be hours. From an interval
between one convulsion and another I should infer that the
convulsions arose from slight irritation in the brain or the spinal
cord. When death takes place in such paroxysms there is sometimes
no trace of organic disease to be found by a post-mortem
examination. Granules between the DURA MATER and the
ARACHNOID are not common at any age. I should not draw any
particular inference from their appearance. They might or might not
lead to a conjecture as to their cause and effect. I do not form any
opinion upon these points. They might produce an effect upon the
spinal cord. There are three preparations in museums where
granules are exhibited in the spinal cord, in which the patients are
is not possible to give a definite name to every convulsive symptom.
There are some forms of convulsion in which the patient retains
consciousness. Those are forms of hysteria, sometimes found in the
male sex. It is also stated that there are forms of epilepsy in which
the patient retains consciousness.”
To Lord Campbell.—“I cannot mention a case in which
consciousness has been retained during the fit. No such case has
come under my notice.”
Examination continued.—“I know from reading that, though
rarely, it does sometimes occur. The degree of consciousness in
epilepsy varies very much. In some attacks it is wholly lost for a
long time. Convulsive attacks are sometimes accompanied by
violent spasms and rigidity of the limbs—they sometimes assume
tetanic complexion. I agree with Dr. Copland that convulsions arise
from almost any cause. Affections of the spinal cord, or eating
indigestible food, will produce them. I know of no case in which
they resulted from retching and vomiting. I agree with Dr. Copland
that they sometimes end immediately in death. The immediate
proximate cause of death is frequently asphyxia. Death from spasm
of the heart is often described as death by asphyxia. I have seen
convulsions recurring—in various cases. The time at which a patient
recovers his ease after a violent attack of convulsions varies very
much. It may be a few minutes, it may be hours. From an interval
between one convulsion and another I should infer that the
convulsions arose from slight irritation in the brain or the spinal
cord. When death takes place in such paroxysms there is sometimes
no trace of organic disease to be found by a post-mortem
examination. Granules between the DURA MATER and the
ARACHNOID are not common at any age. I should not draw any
particular inference from their appearance. They might or might not
lead to a conjecture as to their cause and effect. I do not form any
opinion upon these points. They might produce an effect upon the
spinal cord. There are three preparations in museums where
granules are exhibited in the spinal cord, in which the patients are
Page 195
said to have died from tetanus. Those are at St. Thomas’s Hospital.
[54]
To ascertain the nature and effect of such granules the spinal
cord ought to be examined immediately after death. Not the most
remote opinion could be formed upon an examination made two
months after death, more especially if the brain had been previously
opened. Independently of the appearance of granules, it would not
after that period be possible to form a satisfactory opinion upon the
general condition of the spinal cord. If there were a large tumour, or
some similar change, it might be exhibited; but neither softening nor
induration of the structure could be perceived. The nervous structure
changes within two days of death. To ascertain minutely its
condition it is necessary to use a lens or microscope. That is
required in an examination made immediately after death. I have
attended cases of traumatic tetanus. That disease commonly begins
with an attack upon the jaw. One of the cases of idiopathic tetanus
that I have seen was my own child. In three of those cases the
disease began with lockjaw. The fourth case commenced in the
body, the facility of swallowing remaining. I have within the last
twelve months made post-mortem examinations of two persons who
had died from strychnia. I did not see the patients before death. In
both cases I ascertained by chemical analysis that death had been
caused by strychnia. In both I found the strychnia. In one case—that
of a lady aged twenty-eight years—I made my examination forty-
two hours after death, and in the other thirty hours. In the former
case the body had not been opened before I commenced my
examination.” [The witness read a report of this examination, in
which it was stated that the eyelids were partially open, the globes
flaccid, and the pupils dilated. The muscles of the trunk were not in
the least rigid; indeed, they were so soft that the body might be bent
in any direction. The muscles at the hip and shoulder joints were not
quite so flaccid, but they allowed these joints to be easily moved;
while those of the head and neck, forearms, &c., were rigid. The
fingers were curved, and the feet somewhat arched. All the muscles,
when cut into, were found soft and dark in colour. The membranes
of the liver were exceedingly vascular. The membrane of the spinal
[54]
To ascertain the nature and effect of such granules the spinal
cord ought to be examined immediately after death. Not the most
remote opinion could be formed upon an examination made two
months after death, more especially if the brain had been previously
opened. Independently of the appearance of granules, it would not
after that period be possible to form a satisfactory opinion upon the
general condition of the spinal cord. If there were a large tumour, or
some similar change, it might be exhibited; but neither softening nor
induration of the structure could be perceived. The nervous structure
changes within two days of death. To ascertain minutely its
condition it is necessary to use a lens or microscope. That is
required in an examination made immediately after death. I have
attended cases of traumatic tetanus. That disease commonly begins
with an attack upon the jaw. One of the cases of idiopathic tetanus
that I have seen was my own child. In three of those cases the
disease began with lockjaw. The fourth case commenced in the
body, the facility of swallowing remaining. I have within the last
twelve months made post-mortem examinations of two persons who
had died from strychnia. I did not see the patients before death. In
both cases I ascertained by chemical analysis that death had been
caused by strychnia. In both I found the strychnia. In one case—that
of a lady aged twenty-eight years—I made my examination forty-
two hours after death, and in the other thirty hours. In the former
case the body had not been opened before I commenced my
examination.” [The witness read a report of this examination, in
which it was stated that the eyelids were partially open, the globes
flaccid, and the pupils dilated. The muscles of the trunk were not in
the least rigid; indeed, they were so soft that the body might be bent
in any direction. The muscles at the hip and shoulder joints were not
quite so flaccid, but they allowed these joints to be easily moved;
while those of the head and neck, forearms, &c., were rigid. The
fingers were curved, and the feet somewhat arched. All the muscles,
when cut into, were found soft and dark in colour. The membranes
of the liver were exceedingly vascular. The membrane of the spinal
Page 196
cord was much congested. There was bloody serum in the
pericardium; the lungs were distended, and some of the air cells
were ruptured. The lining membrane of the trachea and bronchial
tubes was covered with a layer of dark bloody mucus of a dark
chocolate colour. The thoracic vessels and membranes were much
congested, and the blood was everywhere dark and fluid.] After
reading this report the witness continued:—“In the second case I
made my examination thirty hours after death. I first saw the body
about twelve hours after death. It was a woman somewhere near
twenty years of age.” [The witness also read the report of the
examination in this case. The appearances of the body were
substantially similar to those presented in the previous case.] “In
two other cases I have seen a patient suffering from over doses of
strychnia. Neither of those cases was fatal. In one case I had
prescribed the twelfth of a grain, and the patient took one-sixth.
That was for a man of middle age. Strychnia had been given in
solution. In a few minutes the symptoms appeared. They were a
want of power to control the muscles, manifested by twitchings,
rigidity, and cramp, more violent in the legs than in any other part of
the body. The spasms were not very violent. They continued six
hours before they entirely disappeared. During that time they were
intermittent at various intervals. As the attack passed off the length
of the intervals increased. At first their length was but a few
seconds. The spasms were not combated by medical treatment. The
other case was a very similar one. The quantity taken was the same
—double what I had prescribed. I have experimented upon upwards
of sixty animals with strychnia. Those animals were dogs, cats, rats,
mice, guinea pigs, frogs, and toads. The symptoms of the attack in
all animals present great resemblances. Some animals are, however,
much more susceptible of its influence than others are. The period
elapsing between the injection of the poison and the commencement
of the symptoms has been from two minutes to thirty,—more
generally five or six. I administered the poison occasionally in
solution, but more generally in its solid state. It was sometimes
placed dry upon the back of the tongue, and some fluid poured
down the throat; sometimes it was enclosed between two portions of
pericardium; the lungs were distended, and some of the air cells
were ruptured. The lining membrane of the trachea and bronchial
tubes was covered with a layer of dark bloody mucus of a dark
chocolate colour. The thoracic vessels and membranes were much
congested, and the blood was everywhere dark and fluid.] After
reading this report the witness continued:—“In the second case I
made my examination thirty hours after death. I first saw the body
about twelve hours after death. It was a woman somewhere near
twenty years of age.” [The witness also read the report of the
examination in this case. The appearances of the body were
substantially similar to those presented in the previous case.] “In
two other cases I have seen a patient suffering from over doses of
strychnia. Neither of those cases was fatal. In one case I had
prescribed the twelfth of a grain, and the patient took one-sixth.
That was for a man of middle age. Strychnia had been given in
solution. In a few minutes the symptoms appeared. They were a
want of power to control the muscles, manifested by twitchings,
rigidity, and cramp, more violent in the legs than in any other part of
the body. The spasms were not very violent. They continued six
hours before they entirely disappeared. During that time they were
intermittent at various intervals. As the attack passed off the length
of the intervals increased. At first their length was but a few
seconds. The spasms were not combated by medical treatment. The
other case was a very similar one. The quantity taken was the same
—double what I had prescribed. I have experimented upon upwards
of sixty animals with strychnia. Those animals were dogs, cats, rats,
mice, guinea pigs, frogs, and toads. The symptoms of the attack in
all animals present great resemblances. Some animals are, however,
much more susceptible of its influence than others are. The period
elapsing between the injection of the poison and the commencement
of the symptoms has been from two minutes to thirty,—more
generally five or six. I administered the poison occasionally in
solution, but more generally in its solid state. It was sometimes
placed dry upon the back of the tongue, and some fluid poured
down the throat; sometimes it was enclosed between two portions of
Page 197
meat; sometimes mixed up with butter or suet, and sometimes rolled
up in a small piece of gut. To frogs and toads it was administered by
putting them into a solution of strychnia. I have also applied it direct
to the spinal cord, and in other cases to the brain. The first symptom
has been a desire to be quite still; then hurried breathing; then
slavering at the mouth (when the poison had been given through that
organ); then twitching of the ears, trembling of the muscles,
inability to walk, convulsions of all the muscles of the body, the
jaws being generally firmly closed; the convulsions attended by a
total want of power in the muscles, which on the least touch were
thrown into violent spasms with a galvanic-like shock. Spasms also
come on if the animal voluntarily attempts to move; that is usually
the case, but occasionally the animal is able to move without
inducing a recurrence of the spasms. These spasms recur at various
periods, but do not always increase in violence. The animals die
after periods varying from three hours to three hours and a half. In
the cases where the animals live longest, the paroxysms occur at the
longest intervals. In all cases in the interval before death the rigidity
ceases (I know no exception to this) and the muscles become quite
soft, powerless, and flaccid. The limbs may be put in any position
whatever. There is but little difference from ordinary cases of
convulsive death in the time at which the rigor mortis comes on. I
have destroyed animals with other poisons, and there is very little
difference between the rigidity in their cases and that in the cases of
death from strychnia. In the two women I have mentioned the rigor
mortis was much less than is usual in cases of death from natural
disease. I have known fatal cases of poisoning animals by strychnia
in which there has between the first and the second paroxysm been
an interval of about half-an-hour, but that is not common. I have
examined the bodies of upwards of forty animals killed by
strychnia. I have invariably found the heart full on the right side;
very generally the left ventricle firmly contracted, and the blood
usually dark, and often fluid. There is no particular appearance
about the spine. I have experimented with other poisons upon
upwards of 3000 animals, and have written upon this subject. It very
often happens that in the case of animals dying suddenly from
up in a small piece of gut. To frogs and toads it was administered by
putting them into a solution of strychnia. I have also applied it direct
to the spinal cord, and in other cases to the brain. The first symptom
has been a desire to be quite still; then hurried breathing; then
slavering at the mouth (when the poison had been given through that
organ); then twitching of the ears, trembling of the muscles,
inability to walk, convulsions of all the muscles of the body, the
jaws being generally firmly closed; the convulsions attended by a
total want of power in the muscles, which on the least touch were
thrown into violent spasms with a galvanic-like shock. Spasms also
come on if the animal voluntarily attempts to move; that is usually
the case, but occasionally the animal is able to move without
inducing a recurrence of the spasms. These spasms recur at various
periods, but do not always increase in violence. The animals die
after periods varying from three hours to three hours and a half. In
the cases where the animals live longest, the paroxysms occur at the
longest intervals. In all cases in the interval before death the rigidity
ceases (I know no exception to this) and the muscles become quite
soft, powerless, and flaccid. The limbs may be put in any position
whatever. There is but little difference from ordinary cases of
convulsive death in the time at which the rigor mortis comes on. I
have destroyed animals with other poisons, and there is very little
difference between the rigidity in their cases and that in the cases of
death from strychnia. In the two women I have mentioned the rigor
mortis was much less than is usual in cases of death from natural
disease. I have known fatal cases of poisoning animals by strychnia
in which there has between the first and the second paroxysm been
an interval of about half-an-hour, but that is not common. I have
examined the bodies of upwards of forty animals killed by
strychnia. I have invariably found the heart full on the right side;
very generally the left ventricle firmly contracted, and the blood
usually dark, and often fluid. There is no particular appearance
about the spine. I have experimented with other poisons upon
upwards of 3000 animals, and have written upon this subject. It very
often happens that in the case of animals dying suddenly from
Page 198
poisoning the blood is fluid after death. That also happens in cases
of sudden death from other causes. I have attended to the evidence
as to the symptoms exhibited by Cook on the Sunday, Monday, and
Tuesday nights. The symptoms on Sunday night I assume to have
been from great excitement. Cook described himself as having been
very ill, and in such a state that he considered himself mad for a few
minutes. He stated that the cause of this was a noise in the street.
These symptoms in the three nights I have mentioned, do not
resemble those which I have seen follow the administration of
strychnia. Cook had more power of voluntary motion than I have
observed in animals under the influence of this poison. He sat up in
bed, and moved his hands about freely, swallowed, talked, and
asked to be rubbed and moved, none of which, if poisoned by
strychnia, could he have done. The sudden accession of the
convulsions is another reason for believing that they were not
produced by strychnia. Other reasons for believing that the
convulsions were not produced by strychnia are their sudden
accession without the usual premonitory symptoms, the length of
time which had elapsed between their commencement and the
taking of the pills which are supposed to have contained poison, and
the screaming and vomiting. I never knew an animal which had
been poisoned with strychnia to vomit or scream voluntarily. I
apprehend that where there is so much spasm of the heart there must
be inability to vomit. In the cases related in which attempts were
made to produce vomiting they did not succeed. There is such a case
in the 10th volume of the Journal de Pharmacie, in which an emetic
was given without success. The symptoms exhibited after death by
animals poisoned by strychnia differ materially from those
presented by the body of Cook. In his case the heart is stated to have
been empty and uncontracted.”
Lord Campbell.—“I do not remember that. I think it was said
that it was contracted.”
Mr. Baron Alderson.-”According to my note, Dr. Harland said
that the heart was contracted, and contained no blood.”
of sudden death from other causes. I have attended to the evidence
as to the symptoms exhibited by Cook on the Sunday, Monday, and
Tuesday nights. The symptoms on Sunday night I assume to have
been from great excitement. Cook described himself as having been
very ill, and in such a state that he considered himself mad for a few
minutes. He stated that the cause of this was a noise in the street.
These symptoms in the three nights I have mentioned, do not
resemble those which I have seen follow the administration of
strychnia. Cook had more power of voluntary motion than I have
observed in animals under the influence of this poison. He sat up in
bed, and moved his hands about freely, swallowed, talked, and
asked to be rubbed and moved, none of which, if poisoned by
strychnia, could he have done. The sudden accession of the
convulsions is another reason for believing that they were not
produced by strychnia. Other reasons for believing that the
convulsions were not produced by strychnia are their sudden
accession without the usual premonitory symptoms, the length of
time which had elapsed between their commencement and the
taking of the pills which are supposed to have contained poison, and
the screaming and vomiting. I never knew an animal which had
been poisoned with strychnia to vomit or scream voluntarily. I
apprehend that where there is so much spasm of the heart there must
be inability to vomit. In the cases related in which attempts were
made to produce vomiting they did not succeed. There is such a case
in the 10th volume of the Journal de Pharmacie, in which an emetic
was given without success. The symptoms exhibited after death by
animals poisoned by strychnia differ materially from those
presented by the body of Cook. In his case the heart is stated to have
been empty and uncontracted.”
Lord Campbell.—“I do not remember that. I think it was said
that it was contracted.”
Mr. Baron Alderson.-”According to my note, Dr. Harland said
that the heart was contracted, and contained no blood.”
Page 199
Examination continued.—“The lungs were not congested, nor
was the brain. In the case of animals which have recovered the
paroxysms have subsided gradually. I never knew a severe
paroxysm followed by a long interval of repose. I have
experimented upon the discovery of strychnia in the bodies of
animals in various stages of decomposition, from a few hours after
death up to the forty-third day, in which latter case the body was
quite putrid. It has never happened to me to fail to discover the
poison. I have experimented in about fifteen cases.”
Question.—“Supposing a person to have died under the
influence of strychnia poison in the first paroxysm, and his stomach
to have been taken out and put into a jar on the sixth day after death,
must strychnia have, by a proper analysis, been found in the body?”
Answer.—“Yes. If the strychnia be pure, such as is almost
invariably found among medical men and druggists, the test is nitric
acid, which gives a red colour, which in a great measure disappears
on the addition of protochloride of tin.[55] If the strychnia be pure, it
does not undergo any change on the addition of sulphuric acid, but
on the addition of a mixture of bichromate of potash, with several
other substances it produces a beautiful purple, which changes to
varying shades until it gets to be a dirty red. There are several other
tests. In this case the stomach was not, in my opinion, in an
unfavourable condition for examination. The circumstances
attending its position in the jar and its removal to London would
give a little more trouble, but would not otherwise affect the result.
If the deceased had died from strychnia poison it ought to have been
found in the liver, spleen, and kidneys. I have seen this poison found
in similar portions of animals which had been killed by it. I have
also seen it found in the blood; that was by Mr. Herapath, of
Bristol.”
Question.—“Could the analyses be defeated or confused by the
existence in the stomach of any other substance which would
produce the same colours?”
Answer.—“No. Supposing that pyroxanthine and salicine were
in the parts examined, their existence would not defeat the analysis.
was the brain. In the case of animals which have recovered the
paroxysms have subsided gradually. I never knew a severe
paroxysm followed by a long interval of repose. I have
experimented upon the discovery of strychnia in the bodies of
animals in various stages of decomposition, from a few hours after
death up to the forty-third day, in which latter case the body was
quite putrid. It has never happened to me to fail to discover the
poison. I have experimented in about fifteen cases.”
Question.—“Supposing a person to have died under the
influence of strychnia poison in the first paroxysm, and his stomach
to have been taken out and put into a jar on the sixth day after death,
must strychnia have, by a proper analysis, been found in the body?”
Answer.—“Yes. If the strychnia be pure, such as is almost
invariably found among medical men and druggists, the test is nitric
acid, which gives a red colour, which in a great measure disappears
on the addition of protochloride of tin.[55] If the strychnia be pure, it
does not undergo any change on the addition of sulphuric acid, but
on the addition of a mixture of bichromate of potash, with several
other substances it produces a beautiful purple, which changes to
varying shades until it gets to be a dirty red. There are several other
tests. In this case the stomach was not, in my opinion, in an
unfavourable condition for examination. The circumstances
attending its position in the jar and its removal to London would
give a little more trouble, but would not otherwise affect the result.
If the deceased had died from strychnia poison it ought to have been
found in the liver, spleen, and kidneys. I have seen this poison found
in similar portions of animals which had been killed by it. I have
also seen it found in the blood; that was by Mr. Herapath, of
Bristol.”
Question.—“Could the analyses be defeated or confused by the
existence in the stomach of any other substance which would
produce the same colours?”
Answer.—“No. Supposing that pyroxanthine and salicine were
in the parts examined, their existence would not defeat the analysis.
Page 200
Pyroxanthine is very unlikely to be found in the stomach. It is one
of the rarest and most difficult to be obtained. The distinction
between pyroxanthine and strychnia is quite evident. Pyroxanthine
changes to a deep purple on the addition of sulphuric acid alone, and
the bichromate of potash spoils the colour. In strychnia no change is
produced by sulphuric acid. It requires the addition of the
bichromate to produce the colour.”
Question.—“Supposing the death to have been caused by a dose
of strychnia, not more than sufficient to destroy the animal, would it
be so diffused by the process of absorption that you would not be
able by these tests to detect it in any portion of the system?”
Answer.—“No; I believe it would not. That question had
occupied my attention before I was called upon to give evidence in
this trial. My reason for stating that strychnia when it has done its
work continues as strychnia in the system is, that those who say
some change takes place, argue, that as food undergoes a change, so
does poison; it becomes decomposed. But the change in food takes
place in digestion; consequently its traces are not found in the
blood. Substances like strychnia are absorbed without digestion, and
may be obtained unchanged from the blood. They may be
administered in various ways.”
Question.—“In your judgment, will any amount of putrefaction
prevent the discovery of strychnia?”
Answer.—“To say that it is absolutely indestructible would be
absurd, but within ordinary limits, no. I have found it at the end of
forty days. The emptier the stomach, the quicker the action of
strychnia.”
On cross-examination by the Attorney-General, the witness,
who, to judge from the expressions that passed between them,
assumed an antagonistic position to the prosecution, after admitting
that perhaps half of his sixty experiments had been made in
conjunction with Mr. Morley, and spread over thirty years; that
some had been made after the Leeds case, and some in reference to
of the rarest and most difficult to be obtained. The distinction
between pyroxanthine and strychnia is quite evident. Pyroxanthine
changes to a deep purple on the addition of sulphuric acid alone, and
the bichromate of potash spoils the colour. In strychnia no change is
produced by sulphuric acid. It requires the addition of the
bichromate to produce the colour.”
Question.—“Supposing the death to have been caused by a dose
of strychnia, not more than sufficient to destroy the animal, would it
be so diffused by the process of absorption that you would not be
able by these tests to detect it in any portion of the system?”
Answer.—“No; I believe it would not. That question had
occupied my attention before I was called upon to give evidence in
this trial. My reason for stating that strychnia when it has done its
work continues as strychnia in the system is, that those who say
some change takes place, argue, that as food undergoes a change, so
does poison; it becomes decomposed. But the change in food takes
place in digestion; consequently its traces are not found in the
blood. Substances like strychnia are absorbed without digestion, and
may be obtained unchanged from the blood. They may be
administered in various ways.”
Question.—“In your judgment, will any amount of putrefaction
prevent the discovery of strychnia?”
Answer.—“To say that it is absolutely indestructible would be
absurd, but within ordinary limits, no. I have found it at the end of
forty days. The emptier the stomach, the quicker the action of
strychnia.”
On cross-examination by the Attorney-General, the witness,
who, to judge from the expressions that passed between them,
assumed an antagonistic position to the prosecution, after admitting
that perhaps half of his sixty experiments had been made in
conjunction with Mr. Morley, and spread over thirty years; that
some had been made after the Leeds case, and some in reference to
Page 201
the present, and that he had been in consultation with the prisoner’s
attorney since the case at Leeds, to whom he had transmitted its
details, he thus continued:—
“The general dose in these experiments was from half a grain to
two grains; half a grain is sufficient to destroy life in larger animals.
I have seen both a dog and a cat die of this dose, but not always.
Some animals as a species are more susceptible than those of a
different species, and among animals of the same species some are
more susceptible than others. The symptoms in the experiments I
have mentioned did not occur after so long a period as an hour. We
have had to repeat the dose in some instances when half a grain was
given. In the case of a cat, symptoms of spasm were produced, but
the cat did not die; she had not swallowed the whole dose. I think I
have known animals of the cat species killed with half a grain.”
Question.—“Have you any doubt of it?”
Answer.—“Yes. I think it would be the minimum dose in an old
strong cat. If given in a fluid state I think a smaller dose would
suffice. Hurried breathing is one of the first symptoms, afterwards
there are twitchings and trembling of the muscles and then
convulsions.”
Question.—“Is there any diversity in the intervals and order of
the symptoms in animals of the same species?”
Answer.—“They certainly do not occur after the same intervals
of time, but I should say they generally occur in the order I have
described. There is some difference in the periods at which the
convulsions take place. Some will die after less convulsions than
others, but generally after four or five. In one or two instances an
animal has died after one convulsion. In those instances a dose has
been given equal in amount to another which has not produced the
same effect. The order in which the muscles are convulsed varies to
some extent. The muscles of the limbs are generally affected first.
The convulsions generally occur simultaneously.”
attorney since the case at Leeds, to whom he had transmitted its
details, he thus continued:—
“The general dose in these experiments was from half a grain to
two grains; half a grain is sufficient to destroy life in larger animals.
I have seen both a dog and a cat die of this dose, but not always.
Some animals as a species are more susceptible than those of a
different species, and among animals of the same species some are
more susceptible than others. The symptoms in the experiments I
have mentioned did not occur after so long a period as an hour. We
have had to repeat the dose in some instances when half a grain was
given. In the case of a cat, symptoms of spasm were produced, but
the cat did not die; she had not swallowed the whole dose. I think I
have known animals of the cat species killed with half a grain.”
Question.—“Have you any doubt of it?”
Answer.—“Yes. I think it would be the minimum dose in an old
strong cat. If given in a fluid state I think a smaller dose would
suffice. Hurried breathing is one of the first symptoms, afterwards
there are twitchings and trembling of the muscles and then
convulsions.”
Question.—“Is there any diversity in the intervals and order of
the symptoms in animals of the same species?”
Answer.—“They certainly do not occur after the same intervals
of time, but I should say they generally occur in the order I have
described. There is some difference in the periods at which the
convulsions take place. Some will die after less convulsions than
others, but generally after four or five. In one or two instances an
animal has died after one convulsion. In those instances a dose has
been given equal in amount to another which has not produced the
same effect. The order in which the muscles are convulsed varies to
some extent. The muscles of the limbs are generally affected first.
The convulsions generally occur simultaneously.”
Page 202
Question.—“Do you know of any case of strychnia in which
rigidity after death was greater than the usual rigor mortis?”
Answer.—“I think not. I don’t think there is any peculiar rigidity
produced by strychnia.”
Question.—“Have you never found undue rigidity in a human
subject after death by strychnia?”
Answer.—“Considerably less.”
Question.-”In the anonymous case (the Leeds), were not the
hands curved and the feet arched by muscular contraction?”
Answer.—“Not more than is usual in cases of death from
ordinary causes. The limbs were rigid, but not more than usual.”
Question.—“In the face of the medical profession I ask you
whether you signed a report stating that ‘the hands were curved and
the feet decidedly arched by muscular contraction,’ and whether you
meant by those words that there was no more than the ordinary
rigidity of death?”
Answer.—“Certainly; I stated so at the time.”
Question.—“Where? In the report?”
Answer.—“No; in conversation. Allow me to explain that a
distinction was drawn between the muscles of the different parts of
the body. I heard Mr. Morley’s evidence with regard to experiments
on animals, and his statement that ‘after death there was an interval
of flaccidity, after which rigidity commenced more than if it had
been occasioned by the usual rigor mortis.’”
Question.—“You don’t agree with that statement?”
Answer.—“I do not. I generally found the right side of the heart
full.”
Question.—“Does the fact of the heart in Cook’s case having
been found empty lead you to the conclusion that death was not
caused by strychnia?”
Answer.—“Among other things, it does. I heard the evidence of
Dr. Watson as to the case of Agnes Sennett, in which the heart was
found distended and empty: also of Dr. Taylor, as to the post-
rigidity after death was greater than the usual rigor mortis?”
Answer.—“I think not. I don’t think there is any peculiar rigidity
produced by strychnia.”
Question.—“Have you never found undue rigidity in a human
subject after death by strychnia?”
Answer.—“Considerably less.”
Question.-”In the anonymous case (the Leeds), were not the
hands curved and the feet arched by muscular contraction?”
Answer.—“Not more than is usual in cases of death from
ordinary causes. The limbs were rigid, but not more than usual.”
Question.—“In the face of the medical profession I ask you
whether you signed a report stating that ‘the hands were curved and
the feet decidedly arched by muscular contraction,’ and whether you
meant by those words that there was no more than the ordinary
rigidity of death?”
Answer.—“Certainly; I stated so at the time.”
Question.—“Where? In the report?”
Answer.—“No; in conversation. Allow me to explain that a
distinction was drawn between the muscles of the different parts of
the body. I heard Mr. Morley’s evidence with regard to experiments
on animals, and his statement that ‘after death there was an interval
of flaccidity, after which rigidity commenced more than if it had
been occasioned by the usual rigor mortis.’”
Question.—“You don’t agree with that statement?”
Answer.—“I do not. I generally found the right side of the heart
full.”
Question.—“Does the fact of the heart in Cook’s case having
been found empty lead you to the conclusion that death was not
caused by strychnia?”
Answer.—“Among other things, it does. I heard the evidence of
Dr. Watson as to the case of Agnes Sennett, in which the heart was
found distended and empty: also of Dr. Taylor, as to the post-
Page 203
mortem of Mrs. Smyth. No doubt he stated that the heart in that case
was also empty.”
Question.—“And do those facts exercise no influence on your
judgment?”
Answer.—“They would not unless I knew how the post-mortem
examination had been made. If it was commenced at the head, the
blood being fluid, the large drains would be opened, and the blood,
from natural causes, would drain away.”
Question.—“Do you know how the post-mortem examination
was made in this case?”
Answer.—“No. Excuse me, I do. The chest and the abdomen, not
the head, were first opened.”
Question.—“The heart, then, was not emptied in the first
instance?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Then what occasioned the contraction of the
heart?”
Answer.—“When the heart is emptied it is usually contracted.”
Question.—“But how do you account for its contraction and
emptiness?”
Answer.—“I cannot account for it.”
Lord Campbell.—“ Would the heart contract if there was blood
in it?”
Answer.—“No.”
Lord Campbell.—“When you find the heart contracted, you
know, then, that it was contracted at the moment of death?”
Answer.—“It is necessary to draw a distinction between the two
cavities. It is very common to find the left ventricle contracted and
hard, while the right is uncontracted.”
Lord Campbell.—“That is death by asphyxia?”
Answer.—“Precisely.”[56]
By the Attorney-General.—“In Cook’s case the lungs were
described as not congested. Entosthema is of two kinds; one of them
was also empty.”
Question.—“And do those facts exercise no influence on your
judgment?”
Answer.—“They would not unless I knew how the post-mortem
examination had been made. If it was commenced at the head, the
blood being fluid, the large drains would be opened, and the blood,
from natural causes, would drain away.”
Question.—“Do you know how the post-mortem examination
was made in this case?”
Answer.—“No. Excuse me, I do. The chest and the abdomen, not
the head, were first opened.”
Question.—“The heart, then, was not emptied in the first
instance?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Then what occasioned the contraction of the
heart?”
Answer.—“When the heart is emptied it is usually contracted.”
Question.—“But how do you account for its contraction and
emptiness?”
Answer.—“I cannot account for it.”
Lord Campbell.—“ Would the heart contract if there was blood
in it?”
Answer.—“No.”
Lord Campbell.—“When you find the heart contracted, you
know, then, that it was contracted at the moment of death?”
Answer.—“It is necessary to draw a distinction between the two
cavities. It is very common to find the left ventricle contracted and
hard, while the right is uncontracted.”
Lord Campbell.—“That is death by asphyxia?”
Answer.—“Precisely.”[56]
By the Attorney-General.—“In Cook’s case the lungs were
described as not congested. Entosthema is of two kinds; one of them
Page 204
consists of dilation of the cells, the other of a rupture of the cells.
When animals die from strychnine, entosthema occurs. I do not
know the character of the entosthema in Cook’s case. It did not
occur to me to have the question put to the witnesses who described
the post-mortem examination.”
Question.—“To what constitutional symptoms about Cook do
you ascribe the convulsions from which he died?”
Answer.—“Not to any.”
Question.—“Was not the fact of his having syphilis an important
ingredient in your judgment upon his case?”
Answer.—“It was. I judge that he died from convulsions, by the
combination of symptoms.”
Question.—“What evidence have you to suppose that he was
liable to excitement and depression of spirits?”
Answer.—“The fact that after winning the race he could not
speak for three minutes.”
Question.—“Anything else?”
Answer.—“Mr. Jones stated that he was subject to mental
depression. Excitement will produce a state of brain which will be
followed, at some distance, by convulsions. I think Dr. Bamford
made a mistake when he said the brain was perfectly healthy.”
Question.—“Do you mean to set up that opinion against that of
Dr. Devonshire and Dr. Harland, who were present at the post-
mortem?”
Answer.—“My opinion is founded in part on the evidence taken
at the inquest, in part on the depositions. With the brain and the
system in the condition in which Cook’s were, I believe it is quite
possible for convulsions to come on and destroy a person. I do not
believe that he died from apoplexy. He was under the influence of
morphia. I don’t ascribe his death to morphia, except that it might
assist in producing a convulsive attack. I should think morphia was
not very good treatment, considering the state of excitement he was
in.”
When animals die from strychnine, entosthema occurs. I do not
know the character of the entosthema in Cook’s case. It did not
occur to me to have the question put to the witnesses who described
the post-mortem examination.”
Question.—“To what constitutional symptoms about Cook do
you ascribe the convulsions from which he died?”
Answer.—“Not to any.”
Question.—“Was not the fact of his having syphilis an important
ingredient in your judgment upon his case?”
Answer.—“It was. I judge that he died from convulsions, by the
combination of symptoms.”
Question.—“What evidence have you to suppose that he was
liable to excitement and depression of spirits?”
Answer.—“The fact that after winning the race he could not
speak for three minutes.”
Question.—“Anything else?”
Answer.—“Mr. Jones stated that he was subject to mental
depression. Excitement will produce a state of brain which will be
followed, at some distance, by convulsions. I think Dr. Bamford
made a mistake when he said the brain was perfectly healthy.”
Question.—“Do you mean to set up that opinion against that of
Dr. Devonshire and Dr. Harland, who were present at the post-
mortem?”
Answer.—“My opinion is founded in part on the evidence taken
at the inquest, in part on the depositions. With the brain and the
system in the condition in which Cook’s were, I believe it is quite
possible for convulsions to come on and destroy a person. I do not
believe that he died from apoplexy. He was under the influence of
morphia. I don’t ascribe his death to morphia, except that it might
assist in producing a convulsive attack. I should think morphia was
not very good treatment, considering the state of excitement he was
in.”
Page 205
Question.—“Do you mean to say, on your oath, that you think
he was in a state of excitement at Rugeley?”
Answer.—“I wish to give my evidence honestly. Morphia, when
given in an injured state of the brain, often disagrees with the
patient.”
Question.—“But what evidence have you as to the injured state
of the brain?”
Answer.—“Sickness often indicates it. I can’t say whether the
attack of Sunday night was an attack of convulsions. I think that the
Sunday attack was one of a similar character, but not so intense, as
the attack of Tuesday, in which he died. I don’t think he had
convulsions on the Sunday, but he was in that condition which often
precedes convulsions. I think he was mistaken when he stated that
he was awoke by a noise. I believe he was delirious. That is one of
the symptoms on which I found my opinion. Any intestinal irritation
will produce convulsions in a tetanic form. I have known instances
in children. I have not seen an instance in an animal. Medical
writers state that such cases do occur. I know no name for
convulsions of that kind.”
Question.—“Have you ever known a case of convulsions of that
kind, terminating in death, in which the patient remained conscious
to the last?”
Answer.—“I have not. Where epilepsy terminates in death
consciousness is gone. I have known four cases of traumatic, and
five or six of idiopathic tetanus.”
Question.—“You heard Mr. Jones make this statement of the
symptoms of Cook after the commencement of the paroxysms:
—‘After he swallowed the pills he uttered loud screams, threw
himself back in the bed, and was dreadfully convulsed. He said,
“Raise me up! I shall be suffocated.” The convulsions affected every
muscle of the body, and were accompanied by stiffening of the
limbs. I endeavoured to raise Cook with the assistance of Palmer,
but found it quite impossible owing to the rigidity of the limbs.
When Cook found we could not raise him up, he asked me to turn
him over. He was then quite sensible. I turned him on to his side. I
he was in a state of excitement at Rugeley?”
Answer.—“I wish to give my evidence honestly. Morphia, when
given in an injured state of the brain, often disagrees with the
patient.”
Question.—“But what evidence have you as to the injured state
of the brain?”
Answer.—“Sickness often indicates it. I can’t say whether the
attack of Sunday night was an attack of convulsions. I think that the
Sunday attack was one of a similar character, but not so intense, as
the attack of Tuesday, in which he died. I don’t think he had
convulsions on the Sunday, but he was in that condition which often
precedes convulsions. I think he was mistaken when he stated that
he was awoke by a noise. I believe he was delirious. That is one of
the symptoms on which I found my opinion. Any intestinal irritation
will produce convulsions in a tetanic form. I have known instances
in children. I have not seen an instance in an animal. Medical
writers state that such cases do occur. I know no name for
convulsions of that kind.”
Question.—“Have you ever known a case of convulsions of that
kind, terminating in death, in which the patient remained conscious
to the last?”
Answer.—“I have not. Where epilepsy terminates in death
consciousness is gone. I have known four cases of traumatic, and
five or six of idiopathic tetanus.”
Question.—“You heard Mr. Jones make this statement of the
symptoms of Cook after the commencement of the paroxysms:
—‘After he swallowed the pills he uttered loud screams, threw
himself back in the bed, and was dreadfully convulsed. He said,
“Raise me up! I shall be suffocated.” The convulsions affected every
muscle of the body, and were accompanied by stiffening of the
limbs. I endeavoured to raise Cook with the assistance of Palmer,
but found it quite impossible owing to the rigidity of the limbs.
When Cook found we could not raise him up, he asked me to turn
him over. He was then quite sensible. I turned him on to his side. I
Page 206
listened to the action of his heart. I found that it gradually
weakened, and asked Palmer to fetch some spirits of ammonia, to be
used as a stimulant. When he returned, the pulsations of the heart
were gradually ceasing, and life was almost extinct. Cook died very
quietly a very short time afterwards. When he threw himself back in
bed he clinched his hands, and they remained clinched after death.
When I was rubbing his neck, his head and neck were unnaturally
bent back by the spasmodic action of the muscles. After death his
body was so twisted or bowed that if I had placed it upon the back it
would have rested upon the head and feet!’ Now, I ask you to
distinguish in any one particular between those symptoms and the
symptoms of tetanic convulsions.”
Answer.—“It is not tetanus at all; not idiopathic tetanus.”
Question.—“I quite agree with you that it was not idiopathic
tetanus. But point out any distinction that you can see between these
symptoms and real tetanus?”
Answer.—“I do not know that there is any distinction, except
that in a case of tetanus I never saw rigidity continue till death and
afterwards.”
Question.—“Can you tell me of any case of death from
convulsions in which the patient was conscious to the last?”
Answer.—“I do not know any. Convulsions occurring after
poison has been taken are properly called tetanic.”
Question.—“Sir B. Brodie tells us that while paroxysms of
tetanic convulsion last there is no difference between those that arise
from strychnia and those from tetanus properly so called, but only
in the course the symptoms take. What do you say is the
difference?”
Answer.—“The hands are less violently contracted; the effect of
the spasm is less in ordinary tetanus; the convulsion, too, never
entirely passes away. I have stated that tetanus is a disease of days,
strychnia of hours and minutes; that convulsive twitchings are in
strychnia the first symptoms, the last in tetanus; that in tetanus the
hands, feet, and legs are usually the last affected, while in strychnia
weakened, and asked Palmer to fetch some spirits of ammonia, to be
used as a stimulant. When he returned, the pulsations of the heart
were gradually ceasing, and life was almost extinct. Cook died very
quietly a very short time afterwards. When he threw himself back in
bed he clinched his hands, and they remained clinched after death.
When I was rubbing his neck, his head and neck were unnaturally
bent back by the spasmodic action of the muscles. After death his
body was so twisted or bowed that if I had placed it upon the back it
would have rested upon the head and feet!’ Now, I ask you to
distinguish in any one particular between those symptoms and the
symptoms of tetanic convulsions.”
Answer.—“It is not tetanus at all; not idiopathic tetanus.”
Question.—“I quite agree with you that it was not idiopathic
tetanus. But point out any distinction that you can see between these
symptoms and real tetanus?”
Answer.—“I do not know that there is any distinction, except
that in a case of tetanus I never saw rigidity continue till death and
afterwards.”
Question.—“Can you tell me of any case of death from
convulsions in which the patient was conscious to the last?”
Answer.—“I do not know any. Convulsions occurring after
poison has been taken are properly called tetanic.”
Question.—“Sir B. Brodie tells us that while paroxysms of
tetanic convulsion last there is no difference between those that arise
from strychnia and those from tetanus properly so called, but only
in the course the symptoms take. What do you say is the
difference?”
Answer.—“The hands are less violently contracted; the effect of
the spasm is less in ordinary tetanus; the convulsion, too, never
entirely passes away. I have stated that tetanus is a disease of days,
strychnia of hours and minutes; that convulsive twitchings are in
strychnia the first symptoms, the last in tetanus; that in tetanus the
hands, feet, and legs are usually the last affected, while in strychnia
Page 207
they are the first. I gave that opinion after the symptoms in the case
of the lady at Leeds which were described by the witness Witham,
and I still adhere to it. I never said that Cook’s was a case of
idiopathic tetanus in any sense of the word. It differed from the
course of tetanus from strychnine in the particulars I have already
mentioned.”
The Attorney-General.—“Repeat them.”
Answer.—“There was a sudden accession of the convulsions.”
Question.—“Sudden—after what?”
Answer.—“After the rousing by Jones. There was also the power
of talking.”
Question.—“Don’t you know that Mrs. Smyth talked and
retained her consciousness to the end: that her last words were,
‘Turn me over’?”
Answer.—“She did say something of that kind. No doubt those
were the words she used. I believe that in poison tetanus the
symptoms are first observed in the legs and feet. In the animals
upon which I have experimented twitchings in the ears and
difficulty of breathing have been premonitory symptoms.”
Question.—“When Cook felt a stiffness and difficulty of
breathing, and said that he should be suffocated on the first night,
what were they but premonitory symptoms?” (question evaded).
Answer.—“Well, he asked to be rubbed; but as far as my
experience goes with regard to animals——.”
The Attorney-General.—“They can’t ask to have their ears
rubbed, of course.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“The witness was about to explain the
effect of being rubbed upon animals.”
Witness.—“In no single instance could the animals bear to be
touched.”
Question.—“Did not Mrs. Smyth ask to have her arms and legs
rubbed?”
of the lady at Leeds which were described by the witness Witham,
and I still adhere to it. I never said that Cook’s was a case of
idiopathic tetanus in any sense of the word. It differed from the
course of tetanus from strychnine in the particulars I have already
mentioned.”
The Attorney-General.—“Repeat them.”
Answer.—“There was a sudden accession of the convulsions.”
Question.—“Sudden—after what?”
Answer.—“After the rousing by Jones. There was also the power
of talking.”
Question.—“Don’t you know that Mrs. Smyth talked and
retained her consciousness to the end: that her last words were,
‘Turn me over’?”
Answer.—“She did say something of that kind. No doubt those
were the words she used. I believe that in poison tetanus the
symptoms are first observed in the legs and feet. In the animals
upon which I have experimented twitchings in the ears and
difficulty of breathing have been premonitory symptoms.”
Question.—“When Cook felt a stiffness and difficulty of
breathing, and said that he should be suffocated on the first night,
what were they but premonitory symptoms?” (question evaded).
Answer.—“Well, he asked to be rubbed; but as far as my
experience goes with regard to animals——.”
The Attorney-General.—“They can’t ask to have their ears
rubbed, of course.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“The witness was about to explain the
effect of being rubbed upon animals.”
Witness.—“In no single instance could the animals bear to be
touched.”
Question.—“Did not Mrs. Smyth ask to have her arms and legs
rubbed?”
Page 208
Answer.—“In the Leeds case the lady asked to be rubbed before
the convulsions came on, but afterwards she could not bear it, and
begged not to be touched.”
Question.—“Can you point out any one point, after the
premonitory symptoms, in which the symptoms in this case differ
from those of strychnia tetanus?”
Answer.—“There is the power of swallowing, which is taken
away by inability to move the jaw.”
Question.—“But have you not stated that lockjaw is the last
symptom in strychnia tetanus?”
Answer.—“I have. I don’t deny that it may be. I am speaking of
the general rule. In the Leeds case it came on very early, more than
two hours before death, the paroxysms having continued for two
and a half hours. In that case we believed the dose was four times
repeated. Poison might probably be extracted by chemical process
from the tissues, but I never tried it except in the case of one animal.
I am not sure whether poison was in that case given through the
mouth. We killed four animals in reference to the Leeds case, and in
every instance we found strychnia in the contents of the stomach. In
one case we administered it by two processes—one failed, and the
other succeeded.”
Re-examined.—“In making reports on cases such as that referred
to (Leeds) we state ordinary appearances as well as extraordinary—
facts without anything more.”
Mr. William Herapath, examined by Mr. Grove, Q. C.—“I am a
professor of chemistry and toxicology at the Bristol Medical School
—have studied chemistry for more than forty years—toxicology for
thirty. Have experimented on strychnia; have seen no case of a
human subject during life, but have examined a human body after
death. In one case I examined the contents of the stomach, and
found strychnia three days after death. I obtained evidence of
strychnia by the colour tests in that case. I have experimented on
animals for strychnia in eight or nine cases, and analysed the bodies
in two cases where I destroyed the animals myself—both cats. I
gave the first one grain of strychnia in a solid form. The animal took
the convulsions came on, but afterwards she could not bear it, and
begged not to be touched.”
Question.—“Can you point out any one point, after the
premonitory symptoms, in which the symptoms in this case differ
from those of strychnia tetanus?”
Answer.—“There is the power of swallowing, which is taken
away by inability to move the jaw.”
Question.—“But have you not stated that lockjaw is the last
symptom in strychnia tetanus?”
Answer.—“I have. I don’t deny that it may be. I am speaking of
the general rule. In the Leeds case it came on very early, more than
two hours before death, the paroxysms having continued for two
and a half hours. In that case we believed the dose was four times
repeated. Poison might probably be extracted by chemical process
from the tissues, but I never tried it except in the case of one animal.
I am not sure whether poison was in that case given through the
mouth. We killed four animals in reference to the Leeds case, and in
every instance we found strychnia in the contents of the stomach. In
one case we administered it by two processes—one failed, and the
other succeeded.”
Re-examined.—“In making reports on cases such as that referred
to (Leeds) we state ordinary appearances as well as extraordinary—
facts without anything more.”
Mr. William Herapath, examined by Mr. Grove, Q. C.—“I am a
professor of chemistry and toxicology at the Bristol Medical School
—have studied chemistry for more than forty years—toxicology for
thirty. Have experimented on strychnia; have seen no case of a
human subject during life, but have examined a human body after
death. In one case I examined the contents of the stomach, and
found strychnia three days after death. I obtained evidence of
strychnia by the colour tests in that case. I have experimented on
animals for strychnia in eight or nine cases, and analysed the bodies
in two cases where I destroyed the animals myself—both cats. I
gave the first one grain of strychnia in a solid form. The animal took
Page 209
the poison at night, and I found it dead in the morning. It was
dreadfully contorted and rigid, the limbs extended, the head turned
round—not to the back, to the side—the eyes protruding and
staring, the iris expanded so as to be almost invisible. I found
strychnia in the urine which had been ejected, and also in the
stomach, by the test I mentioned. I administered the same quantity
of strychnia in a solid form to another cat. It remained very quiet for
fifteen or twenty minutes, but seemed a little restless in the eyes and
its breathing. In thirty-five minutes it had a terrible spasm, the
extremities and the head being drawn together and the feet
extended. I watched it for three hours. The first spasm lasted a
minute or two. The saliva dropped from its mouth, and it forcibly
ejected its urine. It had a second spasm a few minutes afterwards. It
soon recovered and remained still, with the exception of a trembling
all over. It continued in that state three hours. During two hours and
a half it was in a very peculiar state. It appeared to be electrified all
through; blowing upon it or touching the basket in which it was
placed produced a kind of electric jump like a galvanic shock. I left
it in three hours, thinking it would recover, but in the morning I
found it dead, in the same indurated and contorted condition as the
former animal. I examined the body thirty-six hours after death and
found strychnia in the urine, in the stomach and in the upper
intestine, in the liver, and in the blood of the heart. I have
discovered strychnia in all other cases by the same tests, but I took
extraordinary means to get rid of organic matter. In all cases in
which strychnia has been given I have been able to find it, but not
only strychnia, but the nux vomica from which it is taken. I have
found nux vomica in a fox and other animals. The detection of nux
vomica is more complicated than that of strychnia. In one case the
animal had been buried two months. I have experimented with
strychnia mixed purposely with organic putrefying matter. I have
found it in all cases, whatever was the state of decomposition of the
matter.”
Question.—“Are you of opinion that where strychnia has been
taken in a sufficient dose to poison it can and ought to be
dreadfully contorted and rigid, the limbs extended, the head turned
round—not to the back, to the side—the eyes protruding and
staring, the iris expanded so as to be almost invisible. I found
strychnia in the urine which had been ejected, and also in the
stomach, by the test I mentioned. I administered the same quantity
of strychnia in a solid form to another cat. It remained very quiet for
fifteen or twenty minutes, but seemed a little restless in the eyes and
its breathing. In thirty-five minutes it had a terrible spasm, the
extremities and the head being drawn together and the feet
extended. I watched it for three hours. The first spasm lasted a
minute or two. The saliva dropped from its mouth, and it forcibly
ejected its urine. It had a second spasm a few minutes afterwards. It
soon recovered and remained still, with the exception of a trembling
all over. It continued in that state three hours. During two hours and
a half it was in a very peculiar state. It appeared to be electrified all
through; blowing upon it or touching the basket in which it was
placed produced a kind of electric jump like a galvanic shock. I left
it in three hours, thinking it would recover, but in the morning I
found it dead, in the same indurated and contorted condition as the
former animal. I examined the body thirty-six hours after death and
found strychnia in the urine, in the stomach and in the upper
intestine, in the liver, and in the blood of the heart. I have
discovered strychnia in all other cases by the same tests, but I took
extraordinary means to get rid of organic matter. In all cases in
which strychnia has been given I have been able to find it, but not
only strychnia, but the nux vomica from which it is taken. I have
found nux vomica in a fox and other animals. The detection of nux
vomica is more complicated than that of strychnia. In one case the
animal had been buried two months. I have experimented with
strychnia mixed purposely with organic putrefying matter. I have
found it in all cases, whatever was the state of decomposition of the
matter.”
Question.—“Are you of opinion that where strychnia has been
taken in a sufficient dose to poison it can and ought to be
Page 210
discovered?”
Answer.—“Yes; unless the body has been completely
decomposed—that is, unless decomposition had reduced it to a dry
powder. I am of opinion, from the accounts given by Dr. Taylor and
the other witnesses, that if it had existed in the body of Cook it ought
to have been discovered. I am aware of no cause of error in the
analysis, if the organic matter had been properly got rid of. The
experiments I made were in Bristol. I have made experiments in
London, and found strychnia in the stomach, liver, and blood of an
animal.”
Cross-examined by the Attorney-General.—“I don’t profess to
be a toxicologist. I have principally experimented on the stomach
till lately. I tried my chemical process on the 8th of this month with
a view to the present case. The experiment here was on a dog. I
experimented on the tissues of a cat at Bristol, and a dog in London.
I found strychnia in the blood, the heart, and the urine of the cat,
besides the stomach. One grain was given to the dog. It was a large
dog. I have seen a cat killed with a quarter of a grain.”
Question.—“Have you not said, that you had no doubt strychnia
had been taken, but that Dr. Taylor had not gone the right way to
find it?”
Answer.—“No; certainly not.”
Question.—“Have you not said it to the present Mayor of
Bristol?”
Answer.—“I have said, if it was there Dr. Taylor ought to have
found it.”
Question.—“Have you not said several times in his presence
that you had no doubt strychnia had been given, but that Dr. Taylor
had not found it?”
Answer.—“I had a strong opinion from the reports in the
newspapers; it is very likely I might. I don’t deny it.”
To Lord Campbell.—“From the statements I saw in the
newspapers: I was not engaged in the case, and I conceived I had a
right to express an opinion, the same as others. I dare say I have
Answer.—“Yes; unless the body has been completely
decomposed—that is, unless decomposition had reduced it to a dry
powder. I am of opinion, from the accounts given by Dr. Taylor and
the other witnesses, that if it had existed in the body of Cook it ought
to have been discovered. I am aware of no cause of error in the
analysis, if the organic matter had been properly got rid of. The
experiments I made were in Bristol. I have made experiments in
London, and found strychnia in the stomach, liver, and blood of an
animal.”
Cross-examined by the Attorney-General.—“I don’t profess to
be a toxicologist. I have principally experimented on the stomach
till lately. I tried my chemical process on the 8th of this month with
a view to the present case. The experiment here was on a dog. I
experimented on the tissues of a cat at Bristol, and a dog in London.
I found strychnia in the blood, the heart, and the urine of the cat,
besides the stomach. One grain was given to the dog. It was a large
dog. I have seen a cat killed with a quarter of a grain.”
Question.—“Have you not said, that you had no doubt strychnia
had been taken, but that Dr. Taylor had not gone the right way to
find it?”
Answer.—“No; certainly not.”
Question.—“Have you not said it to the present Mayor of
Bristol?”
Answer.—“I have said, if it was there Dr. Taylor ought to have
found it.”
Question.—“Have you not said several times in his presence
that you had no doubt strychnia had been given, but that Dr. Taylor
had not found it?”
Answer.—“I had a strong opinion from the reports in the
newspapers; it is very likely I might. I don’t deny it.”
To Lord Campbell.—“From the statements I saw in the
newspapers: I was not engaged in the case, and I conceived I had a
right to express an opinion, the same as others. I dare say I have
Page 211
frequently said so in conversation. Hundreds of persons spoke to
me, knowing I had made toxicology a study, and it is possible I may
have said something like what you ask me about.”[57]
Re-examined by Mr. Grove.—“What is the smallest quantity of
strychnia that your process is capable of detecting?”
Answer.—“I am perfectly sure I could detect the 50,000th part of
a grain if it was unmixed with organic matter. If I put ten grains in a
gallon, or 70,000 grains of water, I could discover its presence in
the tenth part of a grain of that water. It is more difficult to detect
when mixed with organic matter. If a person had taken a grain, a
very small quantity would be found in the heart, but no doubt it
could be found. I made four experiments with a large dog to which I
had given the one-eighth part of a grain. I have discovered it by
change of colour in the thirty-second part of the liver of a dog.”
In reply to a request by Mr. Grove, Lord Campbell intimated
that in the opinion of the Court experiments could not now be
shown. This defect of evidence has been cured by the Vivisection
Act, before referred to.
Dr. Henry Letheby, examined by Mr. Kenealy.—“I am a bachelor
of medicine, professor of chemistry and toxicology in the London
Hospital of Medicine, and Medical Officer of Health to the City of
London. I have been engaged for a considerable time in the study of
poisons and their action on the living animal economy. I have also
been frequently engaged on behalf of the Crown in prosecutions in
cases of this nature during the last fourteen years. I have been
present during the examination of the medical witnesses, and have
attended to the evidence as to the symptoms which have been
described as attending the death of Cook. I have witnessed many
cases of animals poisoned by strychnia, and many cases of
poisoning by nux vomica in the human body, one of which was
fatal. The symptoms described in this case do not accord with the
symptoms I have witnessed in the case of those animals. They differ
in this respect:—In the first place I never witnessed the long interval
me, knowing I had made toxicology a study, and it is possible I may
have said something like what you ask me about.”[57]
Re-examined by Mr. Grove.—“What is the smallest quantity of
strychnia that your process is capable of detecting?”
Answer.—“I am perfectly sure I could detect the 50,000th part of
a grain if it was unmixed with organic matter. If I put ten grains in a
gallon, or 70,000 grains of water, I could discover its presence in
the tenth part of a grain of that water. It is more difficult to detect
when mixed with organic matter. If a person had taken a grain, a
very small quantity would be found in the heart, but no doubt it
could be found. I made four experiments with a large dog to which I
had given the one-eighth part of a grain. I have discovered it by
change of colour in the thirty-second part of the liver of a dog.”
In reply to a request by Mr. Grove, Lord Campbell intimated
that in the opinion of the Court experiments could not now be
shown. This defect of evidence has been cured by the Vivisection
Act, before referred to.
Dr. Henry Letheby, examined by Mr. Kenealy.—“I am a bachelor
of medicine, professor of chemistry and toxicology in the London
Hospital of Medicine, and Medical Officer of Health to the City of
London. I have been engaged for a considerable time in the study of
poisons and their action on the living animal economy. I have also
been frequently engaged on behalf of the Crown in prosecutions in
cases of this nature during the last fourteen years. I have been
present during the examination of the medical witnesses, and have
attended to the evidence as to the symptoms which have been
described as attending the death of Cook. I have witnessed many
cases of animals poisoned by strychnia, and many cases of
poisoning by nux vomica in the human body, one of which was
fatal. The symptoms described in this case do not accord with the
symptoms I have witnessed in the case of those animals. They differ
in this respect:—In the first place I never witnessed the long interval
Page 212
between the administration of the poison and the commencement of
the symptoms which is said to have elapsed in this case. The longest
interval I have known has been three-quarters of an hour, and then
the poison was administered under most disadvantageous
circumstances. It was given on a very full stomach and in a form
uneasy of solution. I have seen the symptoms begin in five minutes.
The average time in which they begin is a quarter of an hour. In all
cases I have seen the system has been in that irritable state that the
very lightest excitement, such as an effort to move, a touch, a noise,
a breath of air, would send the patient off in convulsions. It is not at
all probable that a person, after taking strychnia, could pull a bell
violently. Any movement would excite the nervous system, and
bring on spasms. It is not likely that a person in that state could bear
to have his neck rubbed. When a case of strychnia does not end
fatally, the first paroxysm is succeeded by others, gradually shaded
off, the paroxysms becoming less violent every time, and I agree
with Dr. Christison that they would subside in twelve or sixteen
hours. I have no hesitation in saying that strychnia is, of all poisons,
either mineral or vegetable, the most easy of detection. I have
detected it in the stomach of animals in numerous instances, also in
the blood and in the tissues. The longest period after death in which
I have detected it is about a month. The animal was then in a state of
decomposition. I have detected very minute portions of strychnia.
When it is pure, the 20,000th part of a grain can be detected. I can
detect the tenth part of a grain most easily in a pint of any liquid,
whether pure or putrid. I gave one animal half a grain, and I have
the strychnia here now within a very small trifle. I never failed to
detect strychnia where it had been administered. I have made post-
mortem examinations on various animals killed by it. I have always
found the right side of the heart full. The reason is that the death
takes place from the fixing of the muscles of the chest by spasms, so
that the blood is unable to pass through the lungs, and the heart
cannot relieve itself from the blood flowing to it, and therefore
becomes gorged. The lungs are congested and filled with blood. I
have administered strychnia in a liquid and a solid form; I agree
with Dr. Taylor that it may kill in six or eleven minutes when taken
the symptoms which is said to have elapsed in this case. The longest
interval I have known has been three-quarters of an hour, and then
the poison was administered under most disadvantageous
circumstances. It was given on a very full stomach and in a form
uneasy of solution. I have seen the symptoms begin in five minutes.
The average time in which they begin is a quarter of an hour. In all
cases I have seen the system has been in that irritable state that the
very lightest excitement, such as an effort to move, a touch, a noise,
a breath of air, would send the patient off in convulsions. It is not at
all probable that a person, after taking strychnia, could pull a bell
violently. Any movement would excite the nervous system, and
bring on spasms. It is not likely that a person in that state could bear
to have his neck rubbed. When a case of strychnia does not end
fatally, the first paroxysm is succeeded by others, gradually shaded
off, the paroxysms becoming less violent every time, and I agree
with Dr. Christison that they would subside in twelve or sixteen
hours. I have no hesitation in saying that strychnia is, of all poisons,
either mineral or vegetable, the most easy of detection. I have
detected it in the stomach of animals in numerous instances, also in
the blood and in the tissues. The longest period after death in which
I have detected it is about a month. The animal was then in a state of
decomposition. I have detected very minute portions of strychnia.
When it is pure, the 20,000th part of a grain can be detected. I can
detect the tenth part of a grain most easily in a pint of any liquid,
whether pure or putrid. I gave one animal half a grain, and I have
the strychnia here now within a very small trifle. I never failed to
detect strychnia where it had been administered. I have made post-
mortem examinations on various animals killed by it. I have always
found the right side of the heart full. The reason is that the death
takes place from the fixing of the muscles of the chest by spasms, so
that the blood is unable to pass through the lungs, and the heart
cannot relieve itself from the blood flowing to it, and therefore
becomes gorged. The lungs are congested and filled with blood. I
have administered strychnia in a liquid and a solid form; I agree
with Dr. Taylor that it may kill in six or eleven minutes when taken
Page 213
in a solid state in the form of a pill or bolus. I also agree with him
that the first symptom is that the animal falls on its side, the jaws are
spasmodically closed, and the slightest touch produces another
paroxysm. But I do not agree with him that the colour tests are
fallacious. I do not agree that it is changed when it is absorbed into
the blood, but I agree with its absorption. I think it is not changed
when the body is decomposed. The shaking about of the contents of
the stomach with the intestines in a jar, would not prevent the
discovery of strychnia, if it had been administered. Even if the
contents of the stomach were lost, the mucous membrane would, in
the ordinary course of things, exhibit traces of strychnia. I have
studied the poison of antimony. If a quantity had been introduced
into brandy-and-water, and swallowed at a gulp, the effect would
not be to burn the throat. Antimony does not possess any such
quality as that of immediate burning. I have turned my attention to
the subject of poison for seventeen or eighteen years.”
Cross-examined by the Attorney-General.—“I am not a member
of the College of Physicians or of Surgeons. I do not now practise. I
have been in general practice for two or three years. I gave evidence
in the last case of this sort, tried in this court in 1850” (the case of
Ann Merritt). “I gave evidence of the presence of arsenic. The
woman was convicted. I stated that it had been administered within
four hours of death. I was the cause of her being respited, and the
sentence was not carried into effect, in consequence of a letter I
wrote to the Home Office. Other scientific gentlemen interfered, and
challenged the soundness of my conclusions before I wrote that
letter. I have not since been employed by the Crown. There has not
been a case that I know of. I have been employed in prosecutions.”
By Mr. Justice Cresswell.—“I was present at the trial. I perfectly
remember it.” (See the report of this case, post.)
Cross-examination continued.—“I detected the poison. I said in
my letter that I could not speak as to possibilities, but merely as to
probabilities. I have experimented on animals for a great number of
years. On five recently. I have never given more than a grain, and it
has always been in a solid form—in pills or bread. In the case where
that the first symptom is that the animal falls on its side, the jaws are
spasmodically closed, and the slightest touch produces another
paroxysm. But I do not agree with him that the colour tests are
fallacious. I do not agree that it is changed when it is absorbed into
the blood, but I agree with its absorption. I think it is not changed
when the body is decomposed. The shaking about of the contents of
the stomach with the intestines in a jar, would not prevent the
discovery of strychnia, if it had been administered. Even if the
contents of the stomach were lost, the mucous membrane would, in
the ordinary course of things, exhibit traces of strychnia. I have
studied the poison of antimony. If a quantity had been introduced
into brandy-and-water, and swallowed at a gulp, the effect would
not be to burn the throat. Antimony does not possess any such
quality as that of immediate burning. I have turned my attention to
the subject of poison for seventeen or eighteen years.”
Cross-examined by the Attorney-General.—“I am not a member
of the College of Physicians or of Surgeons. I do not now practise. I
have been in general practice for two or three years. I gave evidence
in the last case of this sort, tried in this court in 1850” (the case of
Ann Merritt). “I gave evidence of the presence of arsenic. The
woman was convicted. I stated that it had been administered within
four hours of death. I was the cause of her being respited, and the
sentence was not carried into effect, in consequence of a letter I
wrote to the Home Office. Other scientific gentlemen interfered, and
challenged the soundness of my conclusions before I wrote that
letter. I have not since been employed by the Crown. There has not
been a case that I know of. I have been employed in prosecutions.”
By Mr. Justice Cresswell.—“I was present at the trial. I perfectly
remember it.” (See the report of this case, post.)
Cross-examination continued.—“I detected the poison. I said in
my letter that I could not speak as to possibilities, but merely as to
probabilities. I have experimented on animals for a great number of
years. On five recently. I have never given more than a grain, and it
has always been in a solid form—in pills or bread. In the case where
Page 214
poison was administered under disadvantageous circumstances it
was kneaded up into a hard mass of bread.”
Mr. Baron Alderson.—“Did the animal bolt it or bite it?”
Witness.—“I opened the mouth and put it into the throat. About
half an hour elapsed before the symptoms appeared in one case in
which half a grain had been given. In another case death took place
within thirteen minutes. I have noticed twitching of the ears,
difficulty of breathing, and other premonitory symptoms. There are
little variations in the order in which the symptoms occur. I have
known frequent instances in which an animal has died in the first
paroxysm. I heard the evidence of Mrs. Smyth’s death, and I was
surprised at her having got out of bed when the servant answered
the bell. It is not consistent with the cases I have seen. That fact
does not shake my opinion. I have no doubt that Mrs. Smyth died
from strychnia. Cook’s sitting up in bed and asking Jones to ring the
bell is inconsistent with what I have observed in strychnia cases.”
Question.—“If a man’s breath is hurried, is it not natural for him
to sit up?”
Answer.—“It is. I have seen cases of recovery of human subjects
after taking strychnia. There is a great uniformity in its effects; that
is, in their main features, but there is a small variation as to the time
in which they are produced.”
Question.—“What do you attribute Cook’s death to?”
Answer.—“It is irreconcileable with everything with which I am
acquainted.”
Question.—“Is it reconcileable with any known disease you
have ever seen or heard of?”
Answer.—“No.”[58]
Re-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“We are learning new facts
every day, and I do not at present conceive it to be impossible that
some peculiarity of the spinal cord, unrecognisable at the
examination after death, may have produced symptoms like those
which have been described. I, of course, include strychnia in my
answer, but it is irreconcileable with everything I have seen or heard
was kneaded up into a hard mass of bread.”
Mr. Baron Alderson.—“Did the animal bolt it or bite it?”
Witness.—“I opened the mouth and put it into the throat. About
half an hour elapsed before the symptoms appeared in one case in
which half a grain had been given. In another case death took place
within thirteen minutes. I have noticed twitching of the ears,
difficulty of breathing, and other premonitory symptoms. There are
little variations in the order in which the symptoms occur. I have
known frequent instances in which an animal has died in the first
paroxysm. I heard the evidence of Mrs. Smyth’s death, and I was
surprised at her having got out of bed when the servant answered
the bell. It is not consistent with the cases I have seen. That fact
does not shake my opinion. I have no doubt that Mrs. Smyth died
from strychnia. Cook’s sitting up in bed and asking Jones to ring the
bell is inconsistent with what I have observed in strychnia cases.”
Question.—“If a man’s breath is hurried, is it not natural for him
to sit up?”
Answer.—“It is. I have seen cases of recovery of human subjects
after taking strychnia. There is a great uniformity in its effects; that
is, in their main features, but there is a small variation as to the time
in which they are produced.”
Question.—“What do you attribute Cook’s death to?”
Answer.—“It is irreconcileable with everything with which I am
acquainted.”
Question.—“Is it reconcileable with any known disease you
have ever seen or heard of?”
Answer.—“No.”[58]
Re-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“We are learning new facts
every day, and I do not at present conceive it to be impossible that
some peculiarity of the spinal cord, unrecognisable at the
examination after death, may have produced symptoms like those
which have been described. I, of course, include strychnia in my
answer, but it is irreconcileable with everything I have seen or heard
Page 215
of. It is as irreconcileable with everything else; it is irreconcileable
with every disease that I am acquainted with, natural or artificial.
Touching an animal during the premonitory symptoms will bring on
a paroxysm. Vomiting is inconsistent with strychnia. The Romsey
case was an exceptional one, from the quantity of the dose. The
ringing of the bell would have produced a paroxysm. I am still of
opinion that the evidence I gave on the trial in 1851 is correct. I am
not aware that there is any ground for an imputation upon me in
respect of that evidence. I have no reason to think Government was
dissatisfied with me. I have been since employed in prosecutions,
where I very much think the Crown was the prosecutor. After that
case Dr. Pereira came to my laboratory, and asked me, as an act of
mercy, to write a letter to him to show to the Home Office, admitting
the possibility of the poison which I found in the stomach having
been administered longer than four hours before death. I wrote the
letter, drawing a distinction between what was possible and
probable, and the woman was transported for life.”
In addition to these analytical chemists, Professor Rogers, of
the St. George’s Medical School, London, described an experiment
he had lately made on a dog to which he had given two grains of
strychnia. He had not taken out its stomach and its contents,
together with some of the blood, until three days after death, and
had put off the analysis of the latter for ten days, when it had
become putrid, and that of the stomach and its contents for a month
or five weeks, yet found in both portions strychnia in large
quantities. This witness maintained that unless the contents of the
stomach in Cook’s case had been lost, their being shaken would
only make the process of detection more difficult, but admitted that
if strychnia had been in his stomach it would be found smeared
over its mucous membrane, which, it may be remembered, was not
sent to Dr. Taylor.
with every disease that I am acquainted with, natural or artificial.
Touching an animal during the premonitory symptoms will bring on
a paroxysm. Vomiting is inconsistent with strychnia. The Romsey
case was an exceptional one, from the quantity of the dose. The
ringing of the bell would have produced a paroxysm. I am still of
opinion that the evidence I gave on the trial in 1851 is correct. I am
not aware that there is any ground for an imputation upon me in
respect of that evidence. I have no reason to think Government was
dissatisfied with me. I have been since employed in prosecutions,
where I very much think the Crown was the prosecutor. After that
case Dr. Pereira came to my laboratory, and asked me, as an act of
mercy, to write a letter to him to show to the Home Office, admitting
the possibility of the poison which I found in the stomach having
been administered longer than four hours before death. I wrote the
letter, drawing a distinction between what was possible and
probable, and the woman was transported for life.”
In addition to these analytical chemists, Professor Rogers, of
the St. George’s Medical School, London, described an experiment
he had lately made on a dog to which he had given two grains of
strychnia. He had not taken out its stomach and its contents,
together with some of the blood, until three days after death, and
had put off the analysis of the latter for ten days, when it had
become putrid, and that of the stomach and its contents for a month
or five weeks, yet found in both portions strychnia in large
quantities. This witness maintained that unless the contents of the
stomach in Cook’s case had been lost, their being shaken would
only make the process of detection more difficult, but admitted that
if strychnia had been in his stomach it would be found smeared
over its mucous membrane, which, it may be remembered, was not
sent to Dr. Taylor.
Page 216
Dr. Francis Wrightson, a pupil of Liebig, of Giessen, a teacher
of chemistry at a school in Birmingham, described two similar
experiments on animals, with the same results as Professor Rogers.
He expressed his decided opinion that strychnia could be detected
in a mixture of bile, bilious matter, and putrifying blood and in the
tissues in extremely minute quantities indeed, and that five or six
days after death he should expect to find it, if it had been given—
unless the dose had been entirely absorbed. The clearness and
decision with which this witness gave his evidence elicited the
well-deserved commendation of Lord Campbell. On cross-
examination by the Attorney-General, he was asked—
Question.—“Supposing that the whole dose was absorbed into
the system, where would you expect to find it?”
Answer.—“In the blood.”
Question.—“Does it pass from the blood into the solids of the
body?”
Answer.—“It does, or I should rather say it is left in the solids of
the body. In its progress towards its final destination, the destruction
of life, it passes from the blood, or is left by the blood in the solid
tissues of the body.”
Question.—“If it be present in the stomach, you find it in the
stomach; if it be present in the blood, you find it there; if left by the
blood in the tissues, you find it there?”
Answer.—“Precisely so.”
Question.—“Suppose the whole had been absorbed.”
Answer.—“Then I would not undertake to find it.”
Question.—“Suppose the whole had been eliminated from the
blood, and had passed into the urine, should you expect to find it in
the blood?”
Answer.—“Certainly not.”
Question.—“Suppose the minimum dose which will destroy life
had been taken, and absorbed into the circulation, then deposited in
of chemistry at a school in Birmingham, described two similar
experiments on animals, with the same results as Professor Rogers.
He expressed his decided opinion that strychnia could be detected
in a mixture of bile, bilious matter, and putrifying blood and in the
tissues in extremely minute quantities indeed, and that five or six
days after death he should expect to find it, if it had been given—
unless the dose had been entirely absorbed. The clearness and
decision with which this witness gave his evidence elicited the
well-deserved commendation of Lord Campbell. On cross-
examination by the Attorney-General, he was asked—
Question.—“Supposing that the whole dose was absorbed into
the system, where would you expect to find it?”
Answer.—“In the blood.”
Question.—“Does it pass from the blood into the solids of the
body?”
Answer.—“It does, or I should rather say it is left in the solids of
the body. In its progress towards its final destination, the destruction
of life, it passes from the blood, or is left by the blood in the solid
tissues of the body.”
Question.—“If it be present in the stomach, you find it in the
stomach; if it be present in the blood, you find it there; if left by the
blood in the tissues, you find it there?”
Answer.—“Precisely so.”
Question.—“Suppose the whole had been absorbed.”
Answer.—“Then I would not undertake to find it.”
Question.—“Suppose the whole had been eliminated from the
blood, and had passed into the urine, should you expect to find it in
the blood?”
Answer.—“Certainly not.”
Question.—“Suppose the minimum dose which will destroy life
had been taken, and absorbed into the circulation, then deposited in
Page 217
the tissues, and then a part eliminated by the action of the kidneys;
where would you search for it?”
Answer.—“In the blood, in the tissues, and in the ejections; and I
would undertake to discover it in each of them.”
Mr. Partridge, the professor of Anatomy at King’s College,
gave the following evidence, attributing the death of Cook to the
granules found on his spine at the post-mortem examination:—
“These granules,” said the witness, “would be likely to cause
inflammation, and no doubt that inflammation would have been
discovered if the spinal cord or its membranes had been examined
shortly after death. It would not be likely to be discovered if the
spinal cord was not examined until nine weeks after death. I have
not seen cases in which this inflammation has produced tetanic form
of convulsions, but such cases are on record. It sometimes does, and
sometimes does not produce convulsions and death.”
Question.—“Can you form any judgment as to the cause of
death in Cook’s case?”
Answer.—“I cannot. No conclusion or inference can be drawn
from the degree or kind of the contractions of the body after death.”
Lord Campbell.—“Can you not say from the symptoms you
heard whether death was produced by tetanus, without saying what
was the cause of tetanus?”
Answer.—“Hypothetically I should infer that he died of the form
of tetanus which convulses the muscles. Great varieties of rigidity
arise after death from natural causes. The half-bent hands and
fingers are not uncommon after natural death. The arching of the
feet in this case seemed to me rather greater than usual.”
Cross-examined by the Attorney-General.—“Granules are
sometimes, but not commonly, found about the spine of a healthy
subject,—not on the cord itself; they may exist consistently with
health. No satisfactory cases of the inflammation I have described
have come under my notice without producing convulsions. It is a
where would you search for it?”
Answer.—“In the blood, in the tissues, and in the ejections; and I
would undertake to discover it in each of them.”
Mr. Partridge, the professor of Anatomy at King’s College,
gave the following evidence, attributing the death of Cook to the
granules found on his spine at the post-mortem examination:—
“These granules,” said the witness, “would be likely to cause
inflammation, and no doubt that inflammation would have been
discovered if the spinal cord or its membranes had been examined
shortly after death. It would not be likely to be discovered if the
spinal cord was not examined until nine weeks after death. I have
not seen cases in which this inflammation has produced tetanic form
of convulsions, but such cases are on record. It sometimes does, and
sometimes does not produce convulsions and death.”
Question.—“Can you form any judgment as to the cause of
death in Cook’s case?”
Answer.—“I cannot. No conclusion or inference can be drawn
from the degree or kind of the contractions of the body after death.”
Lord Campbell.—“Can you not say from the symptoms you
heard whether death was produced by tetanus, without saying what
was the cause of tetanus?”
Answer.—“Hypothetically I should infer that he died of the form
of tetanus which convulses the muscles. Great varieties of rigidity
arise after death from natural causes. The half-bent hands and
fingers are not uncommon after natural death. The arching of the
feet in this case seemed to me rather greater than usual.”
Cross-examined by the Attorney-General.—“Granules are
sometimes, but not commonly, found about the spine of a healthy
subject,—not on the cord itself; they may exist consistently with
health. No satisfactory cases of the inflammation I have described
have come under my notice without producing convulsions. It is a
Page 218
very rare disease. I cannot state from the recorded cases the course
of the symptoms of that disease. It varies in duration, sometimes
lasting only for days, sometimes much longer. If the patient lives it
is accompanied with paralysis. It produces no effect on the brain
which is recognisable after death. It would not affect the brain prior
to death. I do not know whether it is attended with loss of sensibility
before death. The size of the granules which will produce it varies.
This disease is not a matter of months, unless it terminates in palsy.
I never heard of a case in which the patient died after a single
convulsion. Between the intervals of the convulsions I don’t believe
a man could have twenty-four hours’ repose. Pain and spasms would
accompany the convulsions. I cannot form a judgment as to whether
the general health would be affected in the intervals between them.”
Question.—“You have heard it stated that from the midnight of
Monday till Tuesday Cook had complete repose. Now, I ask you, in
the face of the medical profession, whether you think the symptoms
which have been described proceeded from that disease?”
Answer.—“I should think not.”
Question.—“Did you ever know the hands completely clinched
after death except in case of tetanus?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Have you ever known it even in idiopathic or
traumatic tetanus?”
Answer.—“I have never seen idiopathic tetanus. I have seen the
hands completely clinched in traumatic tetanus. A great deal of
force is often required to separate them.”
Question.—“Have you ever known the feet so distorted as to
assume the form of a club foot?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“You heard Mr. Jones state that if he had turned the
body upon the back it would have rested on the head and the heels.
Have you any doubt that that is an indication of death from
tetanus?”
of the symptoms of that disease. It varies in duration, sometimes
lasting only for days, sometimes much longer. If the patient lives it
is accompanied with paralysis. It produces no effect on the brain
which is recognisable after death. It would not affect the brain prior
to death. I do not know whether it is attended with loss of sensibility
before death. The size of the granules which will produce it varies.
This disease is not a matter of months, unless it terminates in palsy.
I never heard of a case in which the patient died after a single
convulsion. Between the intervals of the convulsions I don’t believe
a man could have twenty-four hours’ repose. Pain and spasms would
accompany the convulsions. I cannot form a judgment as to whether
the general health would be affected in the intervals between them.”
Question.—“You have heard it stated that from the midnight of
Monday till Tuesday Cook had complete repose. Now, I ask you, in
the face of the medical profession, whether you think the symptoms
which have been described proceeded from that disease?”
Answer.—“I should think not.”
Question.—“Did you ever know the hands completely clinched
after death except in case of tetanus?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Have you ever known it even in idiopathic or
traumatic tetanus?”
Answer.—“I have never seen idiopathic tetanus. I have seen the
hands completely clinched in traumatic tetanus. A great deal of
force is often required to separate them.”
Question.—“Have you ever known the feet so distorted as to
assume the form of a club foot?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“You heard Mr. Jones state that if he had turned the
body upon the back it would have rested on the head and the heels.
Have you any doubt that that is an indication of death from
tetanus?”
Page 219
Answer.—“No; it is a form of tetanic spasm. I am only
acquainted with tetanus resulting from strychnia by reading. Some
of the symptoms in Cook’s case are consistent, some are
inconsistent with strychnia tetanus. The first inconsistent symptom
is the intervals that occurred between the taking of the supposed
poison and the attacks.”
Question.—“Are not symptoms of bending of the body,
difficulty of respiration, convulsions in the throat, legs, and arms,
perfectly consistent with what you know of the symptoms of death
from strychnia?”
Answer.—“Perfectly consistent. I have known cases of traumatic
tetanus. The symptoms in those cases had been occasionally
remitted, never wholly terminated. I never knew traumatic tetanus
run its course to death in less than three or four days. I never knew a
complete case of the operation of strychnia upon a human subject.”
Question.—“Bearing in mind the distinction between traumatic
and idiopathic tetanus, did you ever know of such a death as that of
Cook according to the symptoms you have heard described?”
Answer.—“No.”
Re-examined by Mr. Grove.—“Besides the symptom which I
have mentioned as being inconsistent with the theory of death by
strychnia, there are others—namely, sickness, beating the bed
clothes, want of sensitiveness to external impressions, and sudden
cessation of the convulsions and apparent complete recovery. There
was apparently an absence of the usual muscular agitation.
Symptoms of convulsive character arising from an injury to the
spine vary considerably in their degrees of violence, in their periods
of intermission, and in the muscles which are attacked. Intermission
of the disease occurs, but is not frequent in traumatic tetanus. I
don’t remember that death has ever taken place in fifteen hours; it
may take place in forty-eight hours during convulsions. Granules
about the spine are more unusual in young people than in old. I
don’t know of any case in which the spine can preserve its integrity,
so as to be properly examined, for a period of nine weeks. I should
not feel justified in inferring that there was no disease from not
acquainted with tetanus resulting from strychnia by reading. Some
of the symptoms in Cook’s case are consistent, some are
inconsistent with strychnia tetanus. The first inconsistent symptom
is the intervals that occurred between the taking of the supposed
poison and the attacks.”
Question.—“Are not symptoms of bending of the body,
difficulty of respiration, convulsions in the throat, legs, and arms,
perfectly consistent with what you know of the symptoms of death
from strychnia?”
Answer.—“Perfectly consistent. I have known cases of traumatic
tetanus. The symptoms in those cases had been occasionally
remitted, never wholly terminated. I never knew traumatic tetanus
run its course to death in less than three or four days. I never knew a
complete case of the operation of strychnia upon a human subject.”
Question.—“Bearing in mind the distinction between traumatic
and idiopathic tetanus, did you ever know of such a death as that of
Cook according to the symptoms you have heard described?”
Answer.—“No.”
Re-examined by Mr. Grove.—“Besides the symptom which I
have mentioned as being inconsistent with the theory of death by
strychnia, there are others—namely, sickness, beating the bed
clothes, want of sensitiveness to external impressions, and sudden
cessation of the convulsions and apparent complete recovery. There
was apparently an absence of the usual muscular agitation.
Symptoms of convulsive character arising from an injury to the
spine vary considerably in their degrees of violence, in their periods
of intermission, and in the muscles which are attacked. Intermission
of the disease occurs, but is not frequent in traumatic tetanus. I
don’t remember that death has ever taken place in fifteen hours; it
may take place in forty-eight hours during convulsions. Granules
about the spine are more unusual in young people than in old. I
don’t know of any case in which the spine can preserve its integrity,
so as to be properly examined, for a period of nine weeks. I should
not feel justified in inferring that there was no disease from not
Page 220
finding any at the end of that time. The period of decomposition
varies from a few hours to a few days. It is not in the least probable
that it could be delayed for nine weeks.”
By the Attorney-General.—“Supposing the stomach were acted
on by other causes, I do not think sickness would be inconsistent
with tetanus.”
With reference to the existence of these granules, Mr. Oliver
Pemberton, anatomical lecturer at Queen’s College, Birmingham,
who was present with Professor Bolton when Cook’s body was
exhumed, in January, for the special purpose of arriving at a more
satisfactory decision on this point than had been effected at the first
post-mortem examination, was called for the defence. He gave it as
his opinion, in which Professor Bolton agreed, that the spinal cord
was not then in a condition to enable him to judge as to what was
its state immediately after death; the upper part, where it separated
from the brain, being green from decomposition, and the other part,
though better preserved, not soft enough for that purpose. This
point was, therefore, left in a far from satisfactory position.
A Dr. G. Robinson, of the Newcastle-on-Tyne Dispensary, also
supported the spinal granules theory, and considered that from his
habits of life Cook was predisposed to epilepsy. He admitted,
however, on cross-examination, that “he had never seen symptoms
of epilepsy proceed to anything like the extent as in Cook’s case;
never saw a body so stiff in epilepsy as to rest on its head and
heels; nor such symptoms, except in tetanus, and that the extreme
form of epilepsy was always accompanied by unconsciousness.”
“The granules,” he thought, “were likely to have irritated the spinal
cord, and yet no indications remain after death; they might have
produced Cook’s death.”
Attorney-General.—“But do you think so?”
varies from a few hours to a few days. It is not in the least probable
that it could be delayed for nine weeks.”
By the Attorney-General.—“Supposing the stomach were acted
on by other causes, I do not think sickness would be inconsistent
with tetanus.”
With reference to the existence of these granules, Mr. Oliver
Pemberton, anatomical lecturer at Queen’s College, Birmingham,
who was present with Professor Bolton when Cook’s body was
exhumed, in January, for the special purpose of arriving at a more
satisfactory decision on this point than had been effected at the first
post-mortem examination, was called for the defence. He gave it as
his opinion, in which Professor Bolton agreed, that the spinal cord
was not then in a condition to enable him to judge as to what was
its state immediately after death; the upper part, where it separated
from the brain, being green from decomposition, and the other part,
though better preserved, not soft enough for that purpose. This
point was, therefore, left in a far from satisfactory position.
A Dr. G. Robinson, of the Newcastle-on-Tyne Dispensary, also
supported the spinal granules theory, and considered that from his
habits of life Cook was predisposed to epilepsy. He admitted,
however, on cross-examination, that “he had never seen symptoms
of epilepsy proceed to anything like the extent as in Cook’s case;
never saw a body so stiff in epilepsy as to rest on its head and
heels; nor such symptoms, except in tetanus, and that the extreme
form of epilepsy was always accompanied by unconsciousness.”
“The granules,” he thought, “were likely to have irritated the spinal
cord, and yet no indications remain after death; they might have
produced Cook’s death.”
Attorney-General.—“But do you think so?”
Page 221
Witness.—“Putting aside the assumption of strychnia, I should
say so.”
Attorney-General.—“Are not all the symptoms reported by Mr.
Jones indicative of death by strychnia?”
Witness.—“They certainly are.”
Attorney-General.—“Then it comes to this, that if there were no
other cause of death suggested, you should say it arose from
epilepsy?”
Witness.—“Yes. Epilepsy is a well-known disease which
includes many others, and the convulsions of that disease sometimes
assume tetanic appearances.”
The last important medical witness called for the defence, Dr.
Benjamin Ward Richardson, physician, of London, took the
prosecution somewhat by surprise by attributing Cook’s death to
Angina pectoris, a cause not as yet hinted at. As the counsel for the
Crown were not prepared with information requisite for an
effective cross-examination on this point, at the close of the
prisoner’s case the Attorney-General asked leave to recall this
witness, as he was then prepared with the books required for that
purpose. The Court, however, refused the application, and the
evidence therefore must be accepted with caution.
Dr. Richardson said:—“I am a physician, practising in London. I
have never seen a case of tetanus, properly so called, but I have seen
many cases of death by convulsions. In many instances they have
presented tetanic appearances without being strictly tetanus. I have
seen the muscles fixed, especially those of the upper part of the
body. I have observed the arms stiffened out, and the hands closely
and firmly clinched until death. I have also observed a sense of
suffocation in the patient. In some forms of convulsions I have seen
contortions both of the legs and the feet, and the patient generally
expresses a wish to sit up. I have known persons die of a disease
called angina pectoris. The symptoms of that disease, I consider,
say so.”
Attorney-General.—“Are not all the symptoms reported by Mr.
Jones indicative of death by strychnia?”
Witness.—“They certainly are.”
Attorney-General.—“Then it comes to this, that if there were no
other cause of death suggested, you should say it arose from
epilepsy?”
Witness.—“Yes. Epilepsy is a well-known disease which
includes many others, and the convulsions of that disease sometimes
assume tetanic appearances.”
The last important medical witness called for the defence, Dr.
Benjamin Ward Richardson, physician, of London, took the
prosecution somewhat by surprise by attributing Cook’s death to
Angina pectoris, a cause not as yet hinted at. As the counsel for the
Crown were not prepared with information requisite for an
effective cross-examination on this point, at the close of the
prisoner’s case the Attorney-General asked leave to recall this
witness, as he was then prepared with the books required for that
purpose. The Court, however, refused the application, and the
evidence therefore must be accepted with caution.
Dr. Richardson said:—“I am a physician, practising in London. I
have never seen a case of tetanus, properly so called, but I have seen
many cases of death by convulsions. In many instances they have
presented tetanic appearances without being strictly tetanus. I have
seen the muscles fixed, especially those of the upper part of the
body. I have observed the arms stiffened out, and the hands closely
and firmly clinched until death. I have also observed a sense of
suffocation in the patient. In some forms of convulsions I have seen
contortions both of the legs and the feet, and the patient generally
expresses a wish to sit up. I have known persons die of a disease
called angina pectoris. The symptoms of that disease, I consider,
Page 222
resemble closely those of Mr. Cook. Angina pectoris comes under
the denomination of spasmodic diseases. In some cases the disease
is detectable upon post-mortem examination; in others it is not. I
attended one case. A girl ten years old was under my care in 1850. I
supposed she had suffered from scarlet fever. She recovered so far
that my visits ceased. I left her amused and merry in the morning; at
half-past ten in the evening I was called in to see her, and I found
her dying. She was supported upright at her own request, her face
was pale, the muscles of the face rigid, the arms rigid, the fingers
clinched, the respiratory muscles completely fixed and rigid, and
with all this there was combined intense agony and restlessness,
such as I have never witnessed. There was perfect consciousness.
The child knew me, described her agony, and eagerly took some
brandy and water from a spoon. I left for the purpose of obtaining
some chloroform from my own house, which was thirty yards
distant. When I returned her head was drawn back, and I could
detect no respiration; the eyes were then fixed open, and the body
just resembled a statue; she was dead. On the following day I made
a post-mortem examination. The brain was slightly congested; the
upper part of the spinal cord seemed healthy; the lungs were
collapsed; the heart was in such a state of firm spasm and solidity,
and so emptied of blood, that I remarked that it might have been
rinsed out. I could not discover any appearance of disease that
would account for the death, except a slight effusion of serum in one
pleural cavity. I never could ascertain any cause for the death. The
child went to bed well and merry, and immediately afterwards
jumped up, screamed, and exclaimed, ‘I am going to die.’”
By the Attorney-General.—“I consider that the symptoms I have
described were those of angina pectoris. It is the opinion of Dr.
Jenner that this disease is occasioned by the ossification of some of
the small vessels of the heart. I did not find that to be the case in this
instance. There have been many cases where no cause whatever was
discovered. It is called angina pectoris, from its causing such
extreme anguish to the chest. I do not think the symptoms I have
described were such as would result from taking strychnia. There is
the denomination of spasmodic diseases. In some cases the disease
is detectable upon post-mortem examination; in others it is not. I
attended one case. A girl ten years old was under my care in 1850. I
supposed she had suffered from scarlet fever. She recovered so far
that my visits ceased. I left her amused and merry in the morning; at
half-past ten in the evening I was called in to see her, and I found
her dying. She was supported upright at her own request, her face
was pale, the muscles of the face rigid, the arms rigid, the fingers
clinched, the respiratory muscles completely fixed and rigid, and
with all this there was combined intense agony and restlessness,
such as I have never witnessed. There was perfect consciousness.
The child knew me, described her agony, and eagerly took some
brandy and water from a spoon. I left for the purpose of obtaining
some chloroform from my own house, which was thirty yards
distant. When I returned her head was drawn back, and I could
detect no respiration; the eyes were then fixed open, and the body
just resembled a statue; she was dead. On the following day I made
a post-mortem examination. The brain was slightly congested; the
upper part of the spinal cord seemed healthy; the lungs were
collapsed; the heart was in such a state of firm spasm and solidity,
and so emptied of blood, that I remarked that it might have been
rinsed out. I could not discover any appearance of disease that
would account for the death, except a slight effusion of serum in one
pleural cavity. I never could ascertain any cause for the death. The
child went to bed well and merry, and immediately afterwards
jumped up, screamed, and exclaimed, ‘I am going to die.’”
By the Attorney-General.—“I consider that the symptoms I have
described were those of angina pectoris. It is the opinion of Dr.
Jenner that this disease is occasioned by the ossification of some of
the small vessels of the heart. I did not find that to be the case in this
instance. There have been many cases where no cause whatever was
discovered. It is called angina pectoris, from its causing such
extreme anguish to the chest. I do not think the symptoms I have
described were such as would result from taking strychnia. There is
Page 223
this difference,—that rubbing the hands gives ease to the patient in
cases of angina pectoris. I must say there would be great difficulty
in detecting the difference in cases of angina pectoris and strychnia.
As regards symptoms I know of no difference between the two. I am
bound to say that if I had known so much of these subjects as I do
now, in the case I have referred to I should have gone on to analysis
to endeavour to detect strychnia. In the second case I discovered
organic disease of the heart, which was quite sufficient to account
for the symptoms. The disease of angina pectoris comes on quite
suddenly, and does not give any notice of its approach. I did not
send any note of this case to any medical publication. It is not at all
an uncommon occurrence to find the hands firmly clinched after
death in cases of natural disease.”
By Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“There are cases of angina pectoris in
which the patient has recovered and appeared perfectly well for a
period of twenty-four hours, and then the attack has returned. I am
of opinion that the fact of the recurrence of the second fit in Cook’s
case is more the symptom of angina pectoris than of strychnia
poison.”[59]
Dr. Wrightson was recalled, and in answer to a question put by
Mr. Serjeant Shee he said it was his opinion that when the strychnia
poison was absorbed in the system it was diffused throughout the
entire system.
By the Attorney-General.—“The longer time that elapsed before
the death would render the absorption more complete. If a minimum
dose to destroy life were given, and a long interval elapsed to the
death, the more complete would be the absorption and the less the
chance of finding it in the stomach.”
By Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“I should expect still to find it in the
spleen and liver and blood.”
CASES OF TETANUS BROUGHT FORWARD FOR THE
DEFENCE.
cases of angina pectoris. I must say there would be great difficulty
in detecting the difference in cases of angina pectoris and strychnia.
As regards symptoms I know of no difference between the two. I am
bound to say that if I had known so much of these subjects as I do
now, in the case I have referred to I should have gone on to analysis
to endeavour to detect strychnia. In the second case I discovered
organic disease of the heart, which was quite sufficient to account
for the symptoms. The disease of angina pectoris comes on quite
suddenly, and does not give any notice of its approach. I did not
send any note of this case to any medical publication. It is not at all
an uncommon occurrence to find the hands firmly clinched after
death in cases of natural disease.”
By Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“There are cases of angina pectoris in
which the patient has recovered and appeared perfectly well for a
period of twenty-four hours, and then the attack has returned. I am
of opinion that the fact of the recurrence of the second fit in Cook’s
case is more the symptom of angina pectoris than of strychnia
poison.”[59]
Dr. Wrightson was recalled, and in answer to a question put by
Mr. Serjeant Shee he said it was his opinion that when the strychnia
poison was absorbed in the system it was diffused throughout the
entire system.
By the Attorney-General.—“The longer time that elapsed before
the death would render the absorption more complete. If a minimum
dose to destroy life were given, and a long interval elapsed to the
death, the more complete would be the absorption and the less the
chance of finding it in the stomach.”
By Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“I should expect still to find it in the
spleen and liver and blood.”
CASES OF TETANUS BROUGHT FORWARD FOR THE
DEFENCE.
Page 224
In answer to the cases of undoubted poisoning by strychnia
proved on the part of the prosecution, four cases of tetanus were
brought forward on behalf of the prisoner, with the object of
showing that the symptoms then exhibited were identical with
those in Cook’s case, and, therefore, raising the presumption that he
might have died from ordinary tetanic convulsions, and not from
those produced by strychnia.
The first of these cases was described by Mr. Robert Edward
Gay, a member of the College of Surgeons, who had attended a
patient of the name of Forster for tetanus in October, 1855.
Apparently, at first the patient was suffering only from sore throat
and its usual attendant pains in the neck and upper portion of the
spine, for which he was duly treated. On the fourth day of his
illness the muscular pains extended to the face, and particularly to
the lower jaw, and by evening lockjaw had come on, with pains of
the muscles of the bowels, legs, and arms. “He became very
convulsed throughout the entire muscular system, had frequent
involuntary contractions of the arms, hands, and legs; his difficulty
of swallowing increased, and not a particle of food, solid or liquid,
could be introduced into the mouth, the attempt to do so bringing
on violent convulsions; so strong were they, that I could compare
him to nothing but a piece of warped board.” The head was thrown
back, the abdomen thrust forward, the legs frequently drawn up and
contracted; the attempt to feed him with a spoon, the opening a
window, or placing the fingers on the pulse, brought on violent
convulsions. While the patient was suffering in this manner, he
complained of great hunger, repeatedly exclaimed that he was
hungry, and could not eat. He was kept alive to the fourteenth day
entirely by injections of a milky and farinaceous character. He was
insensible on the 12th, and continued so till he died. There was no
sore or hurt about his body, and Mr. Gay attributed his death to an
proved on the part of the prosecution, four cases of tetanus were
brought forward on behalf of the prisoner, with the object of
showing that the symptoms then exhibited were identical with
those in Cook’s case, and, therefore, raising the presumption that he
might have died from ordinary tetanic convulsions, and not from
those produced by strychnia.
The first of these cases was described by Mr. Robert Edward
Gay, a member of the College of Surgeons, who had attended a
patient of the name of Forster for tetanus in October, 1855.
Apparently, at first the patient was suffering only from sore throat
and its usual attendant pains in the neck and upper portion of the
spine, for which he was duly treated. On the fourth day of his
illness the muscular pains extended to the face, and particularly to
the lower jaw, and by evening lockjaw had come on, with pains of
the muscles of the bowels, legs, and arms. “He became very
convulsed throughout the entire muscular system, had frequent
involuntary contractions of the arms, hands, and legs; his difficulty
of swallowing increased, and not a particle of food, solid or liquid,
could be introduced into the mouth, the attempt to do so bringing
on violent convulsions; so strong were they, that I could compare
him to nothing but a piece of warped board.” The head was thrown
back, the abdomen thrust forward, the legs frequently drawn up and
contracted; the attempt to feed him with a spoon, the opening a
window, or placing the fingers on the pulse, brought on violent
convulsions. While the patient was suffering in this manner, he
complained of great hunger, repeatedly exclaimed that he was
hungry, and could not eat. He was kept alive to the fourteenth day
entirely by injections of a milky and farinaceous character. He was
insensible on the 12th, and continued so till he died. There was no
sore or hurt about his body, and Mr. Gay attributed his death to an
Page 225
inflammatory sore throat, from cold and exposure to the weather,
assuming a tetanic form, from the patient being a very nervous,
excited, and anxious person. Mr. Gay, whilst satisfied that this was
a case of idiopathic tetanus, admitted that he never met with such
another case; that it was altogether progressive from the first onset;
that although for a short time there was a remission of symptoms,
they invariably recurred, and that the locking of the jaw was the
very first symptom that made its appearance.
In another case, at the Royal Free Hospital, in 1843, on the 28th
of July, a boy was brought in with the middle toe of his left foot
smashed by a stone, which Mr. John Gay amputated. The accident
had happened a week before, and the wound became very
unhealthy. When the surgeon first saw him, his mouth was almost
closed, and continued so until the 1st of August, but a small
quantity of medicine could be introduced.
“During the first three days,” said Mr. J. Gay, “his paroxysms
were of unusual severity; he complained of a stiff neck, and during
the first night started up and was convulsed. On the following night
he was again convulsed. At times the abdominal muscles, as well as
those of the legs and back, were rigid, and the muscles of the face in
a state of great contraction. He was in the same state the next day,
but at two o’clock there was much less rigidity of the muscles,
especially those of the abdomen and back. On the following
morning the rigidity had gone, he opened his mouth and could talk;
he was thoroughly relieved. He had no return of spasms till half-past
five on the following day. He then asked the nurse to change his
linen, and as she lifted him up in bed to do so, violent convulsions
of the arms and face came on, and he died in a few minutes. About
thirty hours elapsed between the preceding convulsion and the one
which ended his life. Before the paroxysm came on the rigidity had
been completely relaxed. Tartar emetic (containing antimony),
which I gave on the second and third day, did not produce vomiting;
the rigidity of the muscles of the chest would go far to prevent it.
assuming a tetanic form, from the patient being a very nervous,
excited, and anxious person. Mr. Gay, whilst satisfied that this was
a case of idiopathic tetanus, admitted that he never met with such
another case; that it was altogether progressive from the first onset;
that although for a short time there was a remission of symptoms,
they invariably recurred, and that the locking of the jaw was the
very first symptom that made its appearance.
In another case, at the Royal Free Hospital, in 1843, on the 28th
of July, a boy was brought in with the middle toe of his left foot
smashed by a stone, which Mr. John Gay amputated. The accident
had happened a week before, and the wound became very
unhealthy. When the surgeon first saw him, his mouth was almost
closed, and continued so until the 1st of August, but a small
quantity of medicine could be introduced.
“During the first three days,” said Mr. J. Gay, “his paroxysms
were of unusual severity; he complained of a stiff neck, and during
the first night started up and was convulsed. On the following night
he was again convulsed. At times the abdominal muscles, as well as
those of the legs and back, were rigid, and the muscles of the face in
a state of great contraction. He was in the same state the next day,
but at two o’clock there was much less rigidity of the muscles,
especially those of the abdomen and back. On the following
morning the rigidity had gone, he opened his mouth and could talk;
he was thoroughly relieved. He had no return of spasms till half-past
five on the following day. He then asked the nurse to change his
linen, and as she lifted him up in bed to do so, violent convulsions
of the arms and face came on, and he died in a few minutes. About
thirty hours elapsed between the preceding convulsion and the one
which ended his life. Before the paroxysm came on the rigidity had
been completely relaxed. Tartar emetic (containing antimony),
which I gave on the second and third day, did not produce vomiting;
the rigidity of the muscles of the chest would go far to prevent it.
Page 226
The wound might have rubbed against the bed when he was raised,
but I don’t think it possible. Some peculiar irritation of the nerves
would give rise to the affection of the spinal cord. There may be
various causes for this irritation of the spinal cord, which ends in
tetanus, but it would be very difficult merely from seeing symptoms
of tetanus, and in the absence of knowledge of how it had been
occasioned, to ascribe it to any particular cause. No doubt the death
took place in consequence of something produced by the injury of
the toe.”
The seriousness of the wound in this case, in comparison with
any signs of wounds found on Cook’s body, and the severity of the
shock occasioned by such a painful accident, renders this example
almost valueless.
In a third case, at the London Hospital, on the 22nd of March of
1856, a patient, aged thirty-seven, was brought in about half-past
seven in the evening. When in the receiving room, he had one
paroxysm, and another soon after when in the ward. After the first,
his pulse was feeble and rapid, his jaws closed and fixed, an
expression of anxiety on his countenance, and his features sunken;
he was unable to swallow, and the muscles of the abdomen and the
back were somewhat tense. After the second paroxysm, his body
became arched for about a minute. He was quieter for a few
minutes, had a third attack, and died. He had some old neglected
sores of a chronic character, particularly at the right elbow, a
peculiarly sensitive spot, and Mr. Ross, the house-surgeon, who
attended the case, admitted that the disease had been coming on
since the morning, that he had felt symptoms of lockjaw at
breakfast, and had had successive attacks all the afternoon before
coming to the hospital. Here again the case had been progressive
until death, and commenced with lockjaw, the admitted signs of
ordinary tetanus as distinguished from that due to poison.
but I don’t think it possible. Some peculiar irritation of the nerves
would give rise to the affection of the spinal cord. There may be
various causes for this irritation of the spinal cord, which ends in
tetanus, but it would be very difficult merely from seeing symptoms
of tetanus, and in the absence of knowledge of how it had been
occasioned, to ascribe it to any particular cause. No doubt the death
took place in consequence of something produced by the injury of
the toe.”
The seriousness of the wound in this case, in comparison with
any signs of wounds found on Cook’s body, and the severity of the
shock occasioned by such a painful accident, renders this example
almost valueless.
In a third case, at the London Hospital, on the 22nd of March of
1856, a patient, aged thirty-seven, was brought in about half-past
seven in the evening. When in the receiving room, he had one
paroxysm, and another soon after when in the ward. After the first,
his pulse was feeble and rapid, his jaws closed and fixed, an
expression of anxiety on his countenance, and his features sunken;
he was unable to swallow, and the muscles of the abdomen and the
back were somewhat tense. After the second paroxysm, his body
became arched for about a minute. He was quieter for a few
minutes, had a third attack, and died. He had some old neglected
sores of a chronic character, particularly at the right elbow, a
peculiarly sensitive spot, and Mr. Ross, the house-surgeon, who
attended the case, admitted that the disease had been coming on
since the morning, that he had felt symptoms of lockjaw at
breakfast, and had had successive attacks all the afternoon before
coming to the hospital. Here again the case had been progressive
until death, and commenced with lockjaw, the admitted signs of
ordinary tetanus as distinguished from that due to poison.
Page 227
The last case proved was that of Catherine Wilson, of Garnkirk,
near Glasgow, who “was attacked with a fit,” as she deposed, “in
October last year at night, felt heavy all the day from the morning,
but had no pain till night. My first pain,” she said, “was in the
stomach, and then I had cramp in the arm, and became quite
insensible.” By the administration of chloroform the spasms were
relieved, and she recovered.
Dr. William Macdonald, of Edinburgh, who saw the case about
an hour after the attack, admitted that lockjaw came on in about an
hour or two after he was called in.
This witness was also put forward as a medical expert in cases
of strychnia, and attributed Cook’s death to “epileptic convulsions
with tetanic complications,” and was subjected to the following
cross-examination by the Attorney-General:—
“I believe,” said Dr. Macdonald, “that all convulsive diseases,
including the epileptic forms and the various tetanic complications,
arise from the decomposition of the blood acting upon the nerves.
Any mental excitement might have caused Cook’s death. Cook was
excited at Shrewsbury, and whenever there is excitement there is a
consequent depression. I think Cook was afterwards depressed.
When a man is lying in bed and vomiting he must be depressed.”
Attorney-General.—“This gentleman was much overjoyed at his
horse winning, and you think he vomited in consequence?”
Witness.—“It might predispose him to vomit.”
Attorney-General.—“I am not speaking of ‘mights.’ Do you
think that the excitement of three minutes on the course on Tuesday
accounts for the vomiting on Wednesday night.?”
Witness.—“I do not. I find no symptoms of excitement or
depression reported between that time and his death. The white
spots found in the stomach of the deceased might, by producing an
inflammatory condition of the stomach, have brought on the
convulsions that caused death.”
near Glasgow, who “was attacked with a fit,” as she deposed, “in
October last year at night, felt heavy all the day from the morning,
but had no pain till night. My first pain,” she said, “was in the
stomach, and then I had cramp in the arm, and became quite
insensible.” By the administration of chloroform the spasms were
relieved, and she recovered.
Dr. William Macdonald, of Edinburgh, who saw the case about
an hour after the attack, admitted that lockjaw came on in about an
hour or two after he was called in.
This witness was also put forward as a medical expert in cases
of strychnia, and attributed Cook’s death to “epileptic convulsions
with tetanic complications,” and was subjected to the following
cross-examination by the Attorney-General:—
“I believe,” said Dr. Macdonald, “that all convulsive diseases,
including the epileptic forms and the various tetanic complications,
arise from the decomposition of the blood acting upon the nerves.
Any mental excitement might have caused Cook’s death. Cook was
excited at Shrewsbury, and whenever there is excitement there is a
consequent depression. I think Cook was afterwards depressed.
When a man is lying in bed and vomiting he must be depressed.”
Attorney-General.—“This gentleman was much overjoyed at his
horse winning, and you think he vomited in consequence?”
Witness.—“It might predispose him to vomit.”
Attorney-General.—“I am not speaking of ‘mights.’ Do you
think that the excitement of three minutes on the course on Tuesday
accounts for the vomiting on Wednesday night.?”
Witness.—“I do not. I find no symptoms of excitement or
depression reported between that time and his death. The white
spots found in the stomach of the deceased might, by producing an
inflammatory condition of the stomach, have brought on the
convulsions that caused death.”
Page 228
Attorney-General.—“But the gentlemen who made the post-
mortem examination say that the stomach was not inflamed.”
Witness.—“There were white spots, which cannot exist without
inflammation. There must have been inflammation.”
Attorney-General.—“But these gentlemen say there was not.”
Witness.—“I do not believe them. Sexual excitement might
cause epileptic convulsions with tetanic complications. The chancre
and syphilitic sores were evidence that Cook had undergone such
excitement. That might have occurred before he was at
Shrewsbury.”
Attorney-General.—“Might sexual excitement produce epilepsy
a fortnight after it occurred?”
Witness.—“There is an instance on record in which epilepsy
supervened upon the very act of intercourse.”
Attorney-General.—“Have you any instance in which epilepsy
came on a fortnight afterwards?”
Witness.—“It is within the range of possibility.”
Attorney-General.—“Do you mean as a serious man of science
to say so?”
Witness.—“The results might.”
Attorney-General.—“What results were there in this case?”
Witness.—“The chancre and the syphilitic sores.”
Attorney-General.—“Did you ever hear of a chancre causing
epilepsy?”
Witness.—“No.”
Attorney-General.—“Did you ever dream of such a thing.”
Witness.—“I never heard of it.”
Attorney-General.—“Did you ever hear of any other form of
syphilitic disease producing epilepsy?”
Witness.—“No; but tetanus.”
Attorney-General.—“But you say that this was epilepsy. We are
not talking of tetanus.”
mortem examination say that the stomach was not inflamed.”
Witness.—“There were white spots, which cannot exist without
inflammation. There must have been inflammation.”
Attorney-General.—“But these gentlemen say there was not.”
Witness.—“I do not believe them. Sexual excitement might
cause epileptic convulsions with tetanic complications. The chancre
and syphilitic sores were evidence that Cook had undergone such
excitement. That might have occurred before he was at
Shrewsbury.”
Attorney-General.—“Might sexual excitement produce epilepsy
a fortnight after it occurred?”
Witness.—“There is an instance on record in which epilepsy
supervened upon the very act of intercourse.”
Attorney-General.—“Have you any instance in which epilepsy
came on a fortnight afterwards?”
Witness.—“It is within the range of possibility.”
Attorney-General.—“Do you mean as a serious man of science
to say so?”
Witness.—“The results might.”
Attorney-General.—“What results were there in this case?”
Witness.—“The chancre and the syphilitic sores.”
Attorney-General.—“Did you ever hear of a chancre causing
epilepsy?”
Witness.—“No.”
Attorney-General.—“Did you ever dream of such a thing.”
Witness.—“I never heard of it.”
Attorney-General.—“Did you ever hear of any other form of
syphilitic disease producing epilepsy?”
Witness.—“No; but tetanus.”
Attorney-General.—“But you say that this was epilepsy. We are
not talking of tetanus.”
Page 229
Witness.—“You forget the tetanic complication.”
Attorney-General.—“If I understand it right then, the sexual
excitement produces epilepsy, and the chancre superadds tetanic
complications.”
Witness.—“I say the results of sexual excitement produce
epilepsy.”
Attorney-General.—“What would be the effect of morphia given
a day or two previously; would it not retard the action of the
poison?”
Witness.—“No. I have seen opium bring on convulsions very
nearly similar.”
Attorney-General.—“What quantity?”
Witness.—“A grain and a half. From my experience, I think if
morphia had been given a day or two before, it would have
accelerated the action of the strychnia. If this were a case of
poisoning by strychnia, I should suppose that as both opium and
strychnia produce congestion of the brain, they would act together
and have a more speedy effect. If congestion of the brain was
coming on when morphia was given to Cook on the Sunday and
Monday nights it might have increased rather than allayed it.”
Attorney-General.—“But the gentlemen who examined the body
say there was no congestion after death.”
Witness.—“But Dr. Bamford says there was.”
Attorney-General.—“You stick to Dr. Bamford.”
Witness.—“Yes; because he was a man of experience and could
judge much better than younger men, and was not so likely to be
mistaken.”
Attorney-General.—“But Dr. Bamford says that Cook died of
apoplexy. Do you think it was apoplexy?”
Witness.—“No; it was not.”
Attorney-General.—“What then do you think of Dr. Bamford,
who certified that it was?”
Attorney-General.—“If I understand it right then, the sexual
excitement produces epilepsy, and the chancre superadds tetanic
complications.”
Witness.—“I say the results of sexual excitement produce
epilepsy.”
Attorney-General.—“What would be the effect of morphia given
a day or two previously; would it not retard the action of the
poison?”
Witness.—“No. I have seen opium bring on convulsions very
nearly similar.”
Attorney-General.—“What quantity?”
Witness.—“A grain and a half. From my experience, I think if
morphia had been given a day or two before, it would have
accelerated the action of the strychnia. If this were a case of
poisoning by strychnia, I should suppose that as both opium and
strychnia produce congestion of the brain, they would act together
and have a more speedy effect. If congestion of the brain was
coming on when morphia was given to Cook on the Sunday and
Monday nights it might have increased rather than allayed it.”
Attorney-General.—“But the gentlemen who examined the body
say there was no congestion after death.”
Witness.—“But Dr. Bamford says there was.”
Attorney-General.—“You stick to Dr. Bamford.”
Witness.—“Yes; because he was a man of experience and could
judge much better than younger men, and was not so likely to be
mistaken.”
Attorney-General.—“But Dr. Bamford says that Cook died of
apoplexy. Do you think it was apoplexy?”
Witness.—“No; it was not.”
Attorney-General.—“What then do you think of Dr. Bamford,
who certified that it was?”
Page 230
Witness.—“That was a matter of opinion, but the existence of
congestion on the brain he saw.”
Attorney-General.—“The other medical men said there was
none.”
Lord Campbell.—“That is rather a matter of reasoning than of
evidence.”
Having thus reported the medico-scientific evidence pro and
con, we pass on to the moral evidence—the purchase of poison by
the prisoner, and his acts during Cook’s illness and subsequent to
his death.
PURCHASE OF POISON BY PALMER.
The proof that Palmer purchased strychnia on two separate
occasions immediately before the convulsive attacks of which
Cook died rested on the evidence of two druggists’ assistants at
Rugeley. One of these, Charles Newton, assistant to Mr. Salt, swore
that about nine o’clock on the Monday evening, the 19th of
November, Palmer came to his master’s shop, asked for three
grains of strychnia, which he gave him, without charge, as he knew
him as a medical practitioner of the town. Next morning, between
eleven and twelve, Roberts, the assistant of Hawkins, another
druggist in Rugeley, was asked by Palmer for two drachms of
prussic acid, for which he brought a bottle with him. Whilst
Roberts was preparing this, Newton, the former witness, came into
the shop, and Palmer, putting his hand on Newton’s shoulder, said
he wished to speak with him, and together they stepped out into the
street, when Palmer asked some questions about Mr. Edwin Salt
going to a farm about fourteen miles from Rugeley. Whilst they
were talking, a Mr. Brassington joined them, and began to speak to
Newton about some accounts for Mr. Salt, on which Palmer went
congestion on the brain he saw.”
Attorney-General.—“The other medical men said there was
none.”
Lord Campbell.—“That is rather a matter of reasoning than of
evidence.”
Having thus reported the medico-scientific evidence pro and
con, we pass on to the moral evidence—the purchase of poison by
the prisoner, and his acts during Cook’s illness and subsequent to
his death.
PURCHASE OF POISON BY PALMER.
The proof that Palmer purchased strychnia on two separate
occasions immediately before the convulsive attacks of which
Cook died rested on the evidence of two druggists’ assistants at
Rugeley. One of these, Charles Newton, assistant to Mr. Salt, swore
that about nine o’clock on the Monday evening, the 19th of
November, Palmer came to his master’s shop, asked for three
grains of strychnia, which he gave him, without charge, as he knew
him as a medical practitioner of the town. Next morning, between
eleven and twelve, Roberts, the assistant of Hawkins, another
druggist in Rugeley, was asked by Palmer for two drachms of
prussic acid, for which he brought a bottle with him. Whilst
Roberts was preparing this, Newton, the former witness, came into
the shop, and Palmer, putting his hand on Newton’s shoulder, said
he wished to speak with him, and together they stepped out into the
street, when Palmer asked some questions about Mr. Edwin Salt
going to a farm about fourteen miles from Rugeley. Whilst they
were talking, a Mr. Brassington joined them, and began to speak to
Newton about some accounts for Mr. Salt, on which Palmer went
Page 231
back into Hawkins’s shop and asked for six grains of strychnia and
two drachms of Batley’s solution of opium.
“Whilst I was preparing them,” said Roberts, “Palmer stood at
the shop door with his back to me, looking into the street. I was
about five minutes preparing them. He stood at the door till they
were ready, when I delivered them to him—the prussic acid in the
bottle he had brought, the strychnia in a paper, and the opium in a
bottle. He paid, and took them away. No one else was in the shop.”
As soon as Palmer had left, Newton came in, and spoke to
Roberts about Palmer’s visit, and no doubt was struck with the
information he received. At that time he did not mention to his
master Palmer’s purchase of the strychnia because, he said, Palmer
and Salt were not friends, and he was afraid that the latter might
blame him for having given Palmer the strychnia. “I first
mentioned it,” said Newton, “to Boycott, the clerk to Mr. Gardner,
the solicitor, at the Rugeley station, when I and a number of
witnesses were assembled for the purpose of going to London. He
took me to Mr. Gardner’s. I told him what I had to say, and he took
me to the solicitor of the Treasury.” Counsel for the defence tried to
elicit from him that he had given as his reason for not mentioning it
before that he was afraid of being prosecuted for perjury. “No,” he
replied; “I did not give that as a reason, but I stated to a gentleman
that a young man at Wolverhampton had been threatened by
George Palmer because he had said at the inquest on Walter Palmer
that he had sold the prisoner prussic acid, and he had not entered it
in the book, and could not prove it. I stated at the same time that
George Palmer said he could be transported for it. The inquest on
Walter Palmer did not take place until five or six weeks after that
on Cook.”
two drachms of Batley’s solution of opium.
“Whilst I was preparing them,” said Roberts, “Palmer stood at
the shop door with his back to me, looking into the street. I was
about five minutes preparing them. He stood at the door till they
were ready, when I delivered them to him—the prussic acid in the
bottle he had brought, the strychnia in a paper, and the opium in a
bottle. He paid, and took them away. No one else was in the shop.”
As soon as Palmer had left, Newton came in, and spoke to
Roberts about Palmer’s visit, and no doubt was struck with the
information he received. At that time he did not mention to his
master Palmer’s purchase of the strychnia because, he said, Palmer
and Salt were not friends, and he was afraid that the latter might
blame him for having given Palmer the strychnia. “I first
mentioned it,” said Newton, “to Boycott, the clerk to Mr. Gardner,
the solicitor, at the Rugeley station, when I and a number of
witnesses were assembled for the purpose of going to London. He
took me to Mr. Gardner’s. I told him what I had to say, and he took
me to the solicitor of the Treasury.” Counsel for the defence tried to
elicit from him that he had given as his reason for not mentioning it
before that he was afraid of being prosecuted for perjury. “No,” he
replied; “I did not give that as a reason, but I stated to a gentleman
that a young man at Wolverhampton had been threatened by
George Palmer because he had said at the inquest on Walter Palmer
that he had sold the prisoner prussic acid, and he had not entered it
in the book, and could not prove it. I stated at the same time that
George Palmer said he could be transported for it. The inquest on
Walter Palmer did not take place until five or six weeks after that
on Cook.”
Page 232
Not only, however, did Newton[60] not mention this purchase of
strychnia when before the coroner, but he did not state that on the
25th of November he was sent for about seven in the evening to
Palmer’s house, where he found the prisoner in his kitchen, sitting
by the fire reading.
“He asked me,” he now said, “how I was, and to have some
brandy and water. No one else was there. He asked me what was the
dose of strychnia to kill a dog. I told him a grain. He asked me what
would be the appearance after death. I told him that there would be
no inflammation, and that I did not think it could be found. Upon
that he snapped his finger and thumb in a quiet way and exclaimed,
as if communing with himself, ‘That’s all right.’ He made some
other commonplace remark, which I do not recollect. I was with him
altogether about five minutes.”
Though he appears to have related the story of the dog at an
earlier date, it was not until the Tuesday before the trial that he said
a word to anyone about the purchase of the strychnia.
To contradict the evidence of Newton, the inspector of police at
the Euston station was called to prove that the last train for Rugeley
left at 2P.M., and that if Palmer went by the five o’clock express he
would not get to Stafford until 8.45, and would then have nine
miles to travel to reach Rugeley. It was, however, remarked by the
Attorney-General that Newton’s words were “about nine o’clock,”
and “that everyone knows how easy it is to make a mistake of half
an hour or three quarters of an hour, or even an hour, if your
attention is not called to the circumstances within a week or a
fortnight, or three weeks afterwards.” Not content with this
evidence, counsel for the defence called one Jeremiah Smith, an
attorney, of Rugeley, and intimate friend of the prisoner’s mother,
who swore that on the night in question he saw Palmer get out of a
car coming in the direction from Stafford at ten minutes past ten,
strychnia when before the coroner, but he did not state that on the
25th of November he was sent for about seven in the evening to
Palmer’s house, where he found the prisoner in his kitchen, sitting
by the fire reading.
“He asked me,” he now said, “how I was, and to have some
brandy and water. No one else was there. He asked me what was the
dose of strychnia to kill a dog. I told him a grain. He asked me what
would be the appearance after death. I told him that there would be
no inflammation, and that I did not think it could be found. Upon
that he snapped his finger and thumb in a quiet way and exclaimed,
as if communing with himself, ‘That’s all right.’ He made some
other commonplace remark, which I do not recollect. I was with him
altogether about five minutes.”
Though he appears to have related the story of the dog at an
earlier date, it was not until the Tuesday before the trial that he said
a word to anyone about the purchase of the strychnia.
To contradict the evidence of Newton, the inspector of police at
the Euston station was called to prove that the last train for Rugeley
left at 2P.M., and that if Palmer went by the five o’clock express he
would not get to Stafford until 8.45, and would then have nine
miles to travel to reach Rugeley. It was, however, remarked by the
Attorney-General that Newton’s words were “about nine o’clock,”
and “that everyone knows how easy it is to make a mistake of half
an hour or three quarters of an hour, or even an hour, if your
attention is not called to the circumstances within a week or a
fortnight, or three weeks afterwards.” Not content with this
evidence, counsel for the defence called one Jeremiah Smith, an
attorney, of Rugeley, and intimate friend of the prisoner’s mother,
who swore that on the night in question he saw Palmer get out of a
car coming in the direction from Stafford at ten minutes past ten,
Page 233
and went with him to Cook’s room. The exhibition made by this
fellow in the box was disgusting. For some time he declared that he
had never had anything to do with the applications for the
enormous insurances on Walter Palmer’s life; would not
acknowledge his signature to them as a witness, and only after a
most vigorous cross-examination admitted that he witnessed them
on the application of the prisoner. He it was who made the
application to the Midland Insurance Company for the policy of
£10,000 on the life of Bate, the person whom Palmer represented as
a gentleman of property with a fine cellar of wine, but whom the
insurance agent found hoeing turnips in a field of Palmer’s, and
with six months’ rent in arrear for the room in the farm-house
which he occupied. The credit of Newton was set up by the
desperate attempt of Mr. Jeremiah Smith.[61]
ACTS OF THE PRISONER DURING COOK’S ILLNESS AND
AFTER HIS DEATH.
On Thursday, the 15th of November, Cook returned from
Shrewsbury with Palmer to the “Talbot,” at Rugeley, complaining
of being poorly. It will be remembered that he had been sick at
Shrewsbury after partaking of the brandy and water in Palmer’s
company. Next day he dined with Palmer, and came back to the inn
between nine and ten at night, as the witness Barnes said, sober.
Early the next morning (Saturday) Palmer was in his bedroom, and
sent for a cup of coffee for him. Mills, who brought it up, did not
see him drink it; but when soon after she went into his room she
found he had vomited it in the chamber. Palmer was in and out
frequently, and promised to send Cook some soup; for this he sent
Ann Rowley, a charwoman to the “Albion Inn,” who brought it to
Palmer in his kitchen, left it there about five minutes with him,
fellow in the box was disgusting. For some time he declared that he
had never had anything to do with the applications for the
enormous insurances on Walter Palmer’s life; would not
acknowledge his signature to them as a witness, and only after a
most vigorous cross-examination admitted that he witnessed them
on the application of the prisoner. He it was who made the
application to the Midland Insurance Company for the policy of
£10,000 on the life of Bate, the person whom Palmer represented as
a gentleman of property with a fine cellar of wine, but whom the
insurance agent found hoeing turnips in a field of Palmer’s, and
with six months’ rent in arrear for the room in the farm-house
which he occupied. The credit of Newton was set up by the
desperate attempt of Mr. Jeremiah Smith.[61]
ACTS OF THE PRISONER DURING COOK’S ILLNESS AND
AFTER HIS DEATH.
On Thursday, the 15th of November, Cook returned from
Shrewsbury with Palmer to the “Talbot,” at Rugeley, complaining
of being poorly. It will be remembered that he had been sick at
Shrewsbury after partaking of the brandy and water in Palmer’s
company. Next day he dined with Palmer, and came back to the inn
between nine and ten at night, as the witness Barnes said, sober.
Early the next morning (Saturday) Palmer was in his bedroom, and
sent for a cup of coffee for him. Mills, who brought it up, did not
see him drink it; but when soon after she went into his room she
found he had vomited it in the chamber. Palmer was in and out
frequently, and promised to send Cook some soup; for this he sent
Ann Rowley, a charwoman to the “Albion Inn,” who brought it to
Palmer in his kitchen, left it there about five minutes with him,
Page 234
whilst she went about her other work, and then, by Palmer’s orders,
took it to the “Talbot,” with a message that Jerry Smith, a mutual
friend who had dined with them on the Friday, had sent it.[62] Cook,
seeming unwilling to take this, Palmer said he must have it. It was
taken up again; Cook drank it, and shortly after vomited. Again, on
the Sunday, Palmer sent a jobbing gardener in his employ with a
covered cup of broth to the “Talbot,” of which Mills, who took it
up to Cook’s room, tasted about two tablespoonsful, and was so
sick that she had to go to bed. Whether Cook drank this or not was
not distinctly proved, but the cup was afterwards seen empty in the
kitchen of the hotel. What followed as to the pills sent by Dr.
Bamford, and the others produced by Palmer, is already fully given
in Mills’s evidence. Immediately after Cook’s death, Palmer was
found by Barnes searching the pockets of Cook’s coat and under
his pillow, and the bank-notes which Cook had had only a few days
before, his betting-book, which had been seen on his dressing-
table, and the letters that had been on his chimney-piece, had
disappeared.[63] Previously to this time Palmer had been very short
of money, being pressed for small debts, but immediately
afterwards was in funds, paying small bills, and depositing £50 in a
local bank. On Tuesday evening (20th), when Cook was in such a
serious state, Palmer sent for Cheshire, the Rugeley postmaster, and
asked him to fill up the body of a cheque on Weatherby for £350 in
Palmer’s favour, which he said that he would take over to Cook to
sign. That cheque was sent to Weatherby’s that night, and returned
by them to Palmer, as Weatherby, not having yet received the
stakes Cook had won, was not in funds to meet it. That cheque was
called for by the prosecution, but not produced by the prisoner.
Again, on the Thursday or Friday after, between six and seven in
the evening, Palmer sent for Cheshire. “When I arrived,” said the
witness, “I found him in the kitchen, and he immediately went out,
took it to the “Talbot,” with a message that Jerry Smith, a mutual
friend who had dined with them on the Friday, had sent it.[62] Cook,
seeming unwilling to take this, Palmer said he must have it. It was
taken up again; Cook drank it, and shortly after vomited. Again, on
the Sunday, Palmer sent a jobbing gardener in his employ with a
covered cup of broth to the “Talbot,” of which Mills, who took it
up to Cook’s room, tasted about two tablespoonsful, and was so
sick that she had to go to bed. Whether Cook drank this or not was
not distinctly proved, but the cup was afterwards seen empty in the
kitchen of the hotel. What followed as to the pills sent by Dr.
Bamford, and the others produced by Palmer, is already fully given
in Mills’s evidence. Immediately after Cook’s death, Palmer was
found by Barnes searching the pockets of Cook’s coat and under
his pillow, and the bank-notes which Cook had had only a few days
before, his betting-book, which had been seen on his dressing-
table, and the letters that had been on his chimney-piece, had
disappeared.[63] Previously to this time Palmer had been very short
of money, being pressed for small debts, but immediately
afterwards was in funds, paying small bills, and depositing £50 in a
local bank. On Tuesday evening (20th), when Cook was in such a
serious state, Palmer sent for Cheshire, the Rugeley postmaster, and
asked him to fill up the body of a cheque on Weatherby for £350 in
Palmer’s favour, which he said that he would take over to Cook to
sign. That cheque was sent to Weatherby’s that night, and returned
by them to Palmer, as Weatherby, not having yet received the
stakes Cook had won, was not in funds to meet it. That cheque was
called for by the prosecution, but not produced by the prisoner.
Again, on the Thursday or Friday after, between six and seven in
the evening, Palmer sent for Cheshire. “When I arrived,” said the
witness, “I found him in the kitchen, and he immediately went out,
Page 235
and shortly after returned with a quarto sheet of paper in his hand.
He gave me a pen, and asked me to sign something. I asked what it
was, and he replied, ‘You know that Cook and I have had dealings
together, and this is a document he gave me some days ago, and I
want you to witness it.’ I said, ‘What is it about?’ He said, ‘Some
business that I have joined in with him, and which is all for his
benefit, and this is the document stating so.’” Cheshire refused, and
Palmer, saying perhaps they would not dispute Cook’s signature,
took it away. This document was also called for, and not produced.
[64]
On Friday, 23rd, Mr. Stevens, who had married the widow of
Cook’s father some years before, and was executor to his
grandfather’s will, arrived in Rugeley, saw Palmer, and asked him
about his stepson’s affairs. “There are £4000 of his bills out,” said
Palmer, “and I am sorry to say my name is to them, but I have got a
paper drawn up and signed by him to show that I never had any
money from them.” Mr. Stevens expressed great surprise, and said,
“I fear there will not be 4000 shillings to pay you.” Then, after
discussing his stepson’s affairs, Mr. Stevens said, “Well, whether
he has left anything or not, poor fellow, he must be buried,” on
which Palmer immediately said, “Oh, I will bury him myself, if
that is all.” Mr. Stevens at once refused, and expressed his intention
of removing the body to London for interment, so as not to
inconvenience the inn people. “Oh,” said Palmer, “that is of no
consequence, but the body ought to be fastened up; as long as the
body is fastened up, it is of no consequence.” Whilst Mr. Stevens
was talking with the persons in the room, Palmer went out, and on
his return, when asked by Stevens to recommend an undertaker,
said, “I have been and done this. I have ordered a shell and a strong
oak coffin.” Mr. Stevens expressed his surprise, and insisted on
giving instructions himself to the undertaker.
He gave me a pen, and asked me to sign something. I asked what it
was, and he replied, ‘You know that Cook and I have had dealings
together, and this is a document he gave me some days ago, and I
want you to witness it.’ I said, ‘What is it about?’ He said, ‘Some
business that I have joined in with him, and which is all for his
benefit, and this is the document stating so.’” Cheshire refused, and
Palmer, saying perhaps they would not dispute Cook’s signature,
took it away. This document was also called for, and not produced.
[64]
On Friday, 23rd, Mr. Stevens, who had married the widow of
Cook’s father some years before, and was executor to his
grandfather’s will, arrived in Rugeley, saw Palmer, and asked him
about his stepson’s affairs. “There are £4000 of his bills out,” said
Palmer, “and I am sorry to say my name is to them, but I have got a
paper drawn up and signed by him to show that I never had any
money from them.” Mr. Stevens expressed great surprise, and said,
“I fear there will not be 4000 shillings to pay you.” Then, after
discussing his stepson’s affairs, Mr. Stevens said, “Well, whether
he has left anything or not, poor fellow, he must be buried,” on
which Palmer immediately said, “Oh, I will bury him myself, if
that is all.” Mr. Stevens at once refused, and expressed his intention
of removing the body to London for interment, so as not to
inconvenience the inn people. “Oh,” said Palmer, “that is of no
consequence, but the body ought to be fastened up; as long as the
body is fastened up, it is of no consequence.” Whilst Mr. Stevens
was talking with the persons in the room, Palmer went out, and on
his return, when asked by Stevens to recommend an undertaker,
said, “I have been and done this. I have ordered a shell and a strong
oak coffin.” Mr. Stevens expressed his surprise, and insisted on
giving instructions himself to the undertaker.
Page 236
Later in the day, after dinner, on Mr. Jones reporting to Stevens,
who had asked him to go up to Cook’s room for that purpose, that
he could not find any betting-book or papers, Palmer said, “Oh, it’s
no manner of use if you do find it.” “No use,” replied Stevens, “I
am the best judge of that.” Again said Palmer, “It’s of no manner of
use.” “I am told it is,” was the reply; “my son won a great deal of
money at Shrewsbury, and I ought to know something about it.” “It
is of no use, I assure you,” replied Palmer; “when a man dies, his
bets are done with; and besides, Cook received the greater part of
the money on the course.” “Very well,” replied Stevens, “the book
ought to be found, and must be found,” when Palmer said, in a
quieter tone, “It will be found, no doubt.” The room was then
locked by Mr. Stevens’s order, but the book was never found.
Mr. Stevens returned to London to see his solicitor, and on his
way back met Palmer (who had been to London to pay Pratt £100,
and caution him against giving any information about Cook’s
affairs), and told him his intention of having a post-mortem
examination. Apparently agreeing with that, Palmer offered to
introduce him to a local solicitor to conduct it, which was declined;
but, added Mr. Stevens, “I said, ‘Mr. Palmer, if I should call in a
solicitor to give me advice, I suppose you will have no objection to
answer any question he may put to you.’ I altered my tone
purposely; I looked him steadily in the face, but although the moon
was shining, I could not see his features distinctly. He said, with a
spasmodic convulsion of the throat, which was perfectly apparent,
‘Oh no, certainly not.’” Later in the evening Palmer came to Mr.
Stevens and renewed his conversation about the bills, hoping that
affairs would be settled pleasantly, and was told by the stepfather
that “they could be only settled in Chancery.” Palmer, at that time,
denied that he had attended Cook in a medical capacity.
who had asked him to go up to Cook’s room for that purpose, that
he could not find any betting-book or papers, Palmer said, “Oh, it’s
no manner of use if you do find it.” “No use,” replied Stevens, “I
am the best judge of that.” Again said Palmer, “It’s of no manner of
use.” “I am told it is,” was the reply; “my son won a great deal of
money at Shrewsbury, and I ought to know something about it.” “It
is of no use, I assure you,” replied Palmer; “when a man dies, his
bets are done with; and besides, Cook received the greater part of
the money on the course.” “Very well,” replied Stevens, “the book
ought to be found, and must be found,” when Palmer said, in a
quieter tone, “It will be found, no doubt.” The room was then
locked by Mr. Stevens’s order, but the book was never found.
Mr. Stevens returned to London to see his solicitor, and on his
way back met Palmer (who had been to London to pay Pratt £100,
and caution him against giving any information about Cook’s
affairs), and told him his intention of having a post-mortem
examination. Apparently agreeing with that, Palmer offered to
introduce him to a local solicitor to conduct it, which was declined;
but, added Mr. Stevens, “I said, ‘Mr. Palmer, if I should call in a
solicitor to give me advice, I suppose you will have no objection to
answer any question he may put to you.’ I altered my tone
purposely; I looked him steadily in the face, but although the moon
was shining, I could not see his features distinctly. He said, with a
spasmodic convulsion of the throat, which was perfectly apparent,
‘Oh no, certainly not.’” Later in the evening Palmer came to Mr.
Stevens and renewed his conversation about the bills, hoping that
affairs would be settled pleasantly, and was told by the stepfather
that “they could be only settled in Chancery.” Palmer, at that time,
denied that he had attended Cook in a medical capacity.
Page 237
On the 17th of November, Ishmael Fisher, who was Cook’s
usual racing agent, received a letter from Cook requesting him to
pay Pratt £200, which he would repay him on the following
Monday, when the Shrewsbury bets would be settled at Tattersall’s.
Much to his surprise, he was not employed as usual, and in
consequence lost the money he had advanced, for on the 19th Mr.
George Herring, another betting man, got a letter from Palmer to
call on him at the latter’s lodgings, in London, at half-past two that
day. He did so.
“I found Palmer there,” said Herring. “He asked me what I
would take. I declined to take anything. I then asked him how Mr.
Cook was. He said, ‘He’s all right; his physician gave him a dose of
calomel, and advised him not to come out, it being a damp day.’ I
don’t know which term he used, ‘damp’ or ‘wet.’ He then went on to
say, in the same sentence, ‘What I want to see you about is settling
his account.’ While he was speaking he took out half a sheet of note
paper from his pocket, and it was open when he had finished the
sentence. He held it up and said, ‘This is it.’ I rose to take it. He
said, ‘You had better take its contents down; this will be a check
against you.’ At the same time he pointed to some paper lying on the
table. I wrote on that paper from his dictation. I have here the paper
which I so wrote. [The witness read the document in question,
which contained instructions as to certain payments he should make
out of moneys to be received by him at Tattersall’s on account of the
Shrewsbury races.] Palmer then said that I had better write out a
cheque for Pratt and Padwick—for the former £450, and for the
latter £350, and send them at once. I told him I had only one form of
cheque in my pocket. He said I could easily fill up a draught on half
a sheet of paper. I refused to comply with his request, as I had not as
yet received the money. He replied that it would be all right, for that
Cook would not deceive me. He wished me particularly to pay Mr.
Pratt the £450. His words, as nearly as I can remember them, were,
‘You must pay Pratt, as it is for a bill of sale on the mare.’ I don’t
know whether he said ‘a bill of sale,’ or ‘a joint bill of sale.’ He told
usual racing agent, received a letter from Cook requesting him to
pay Pratt £200, which he would repay him on the following
Monday, when the Shrewsbury bets would be settled at Tattersall’s.
Much to his surprise, he was not employed as usual, and in
consequence lost the money he had advanced, for on the 19th Mr.
George Herring, another betting man, got a letter from Palmer to
call on him at the latter’s lodgings, in London, at half-past two that
day. He did so.
“I found Palmer there,” said Herring. “He asked me what I
would take. I declined to take anything. I then asked him how Mr.
Cook was. He said, ‘He’s all right; his physician gave him a dose of
calomel, and advised him not to come out, it being a damp day.’ I
don’t know which term he used, ‘damp’ or ‘wet.’ He then went on to
say, in the same sentence, ‘What I want to see you about is settling
his account.’ While he was speaking he took out half a sheet of note
paper from his pocket, and it was open when he had finished the
sentence. He held it up and said, ‘This is it.’ I rose to take it. He
said, ‘You had better take its contents down; this will be a check
against you.’ At the same time he pointed to some paper lying on the
table. I wrote on that paper from his dictation. I have here the paper
which I so wrote. [The witness read the document in question,
which contained instructions as to certain payments he should make
out of moneys to be received by him at Tattersall’s on account of the
Shrewsbury races.] Palmer then said that I had better write out a
cheque for Pratt and Padwick—for the former £450, and for the
latter £350, and send them at once. I told him I had only one form of
cheque in my pocket. He said I could easily fill up a draught on half
a sheet of paper. I refused to comply with his request, as I had not as
yet received the money. He replied that it would be all right, for that
Cook would not deceive me. He wished me particularly to pay Mr.
Pratt the £450. His words, as nearly as I can remember them, were,
‘You must pay Pratt, as it is for a bill of sale on the mare.’ I don’t
know whether he said ‘a bill of sale,’ or ‘a joint bill of sale.’ He told
Page 238
me he was going to see both Pratt and Padwick, to tell them that I
would send on the money. Previous to his saying this, I told him that
if he would give me the address of Pratt and Padwick I would call
on them, after I had got the money from Tattersall’s, and give it to
them. He then asked me what was between us. There were only a
few pounds between us, and after we had had some conversation on
the point, he took out of his pocket a £50 Bank of England note. He
required £29 out of the note, and I was not able to give it; but he
said that if I gave him a cheque it would answer as well. I gave him
a cheque for £20 and nine sovereigns. When I was going away I do
not remember that he said anything about my paying the money to
Pratt and Padwick. He said on parting, ‘When you have settled this
account write down word to either me or Cook.’ I turned round and
said, ‘I shall certainly write to Mr. Cook.’ I said so because I thought
I was settling Mr. Cook’s account. He said, ‘It don’t much matter
which you write to.’ I said, ‘If I address Mr. Cook, Rugeley,
Stafford, it will be correct, will it not?’ He said, ‘Yes.’ After leaving
Beaufort Buildings I went to Tattersall’s. I then received all the
money I expected, except £110 from Mr. Morris, who paid me £90
instead of £200. I sent from Tattersall’s a cheque for £450 to Mr.
Pratt. I posted a letter to Cook from Tattersall’s, and directed it to
Rugeley. On Tuesday the 20th, next day, I received a telegraphic
message. I have not got it here. I gave it to Captain Hatton at the
coroner’s inquest at Rugeley. In consequence of receiving that
message I wrote again to Cook that day. I addressed my letter as
before, but I believe the letter was not posted till the Wednesday. I
have three bills of exchange with me. I know Palmer’s handwriting,
but never saw him write. I cannot prove his writing; but I knew
Cook’s writing, and I believe the drawing of two and the accepting
of the three bills to be in his writing. I got them from Fisher and
gave him cash for them.” [The witness Boycott was recalled, and
identified the signatures on the bills as those of Palmer and Cook.]
Examination continued.—“The bills are each for £200. One of
them was payable in a month, and when it fell due on October 18,
Cook paid the £100 on account. He paid me the remaining £100 at
would send on the money. Previous to his saying this, I told him that
if he would give me the address of Pratt and Padwick I would call
on them, after I had got the money from Tattersall’s, and give it to
them. He then asked me what was between us. There were only a
few pounds between us, and after we had had some conversation on
the point, he took out of his pocket a £50 Bank of England note. He
required £29 out of the note, and I was not able to give it; but he
said that if I gave him a cheque it would answer as well. I gave him
a cheque for £20 and nine sovereigns. When I was going away I do
not remember that he said anything about my paying the money to
Pratt and Padwick. He said on parting, ‘When you have settled this
account write down word to either me or Cook.’ I turned round and
said, ‘I shall certainly write to Mr. Cook.’ I said so because I thought
I was settling Mr. Cook’s account. He said, ‘It don’t much matter
which you write to.’ I said, ‘If I address Mr. Cook, Rugeley,
Stafford, it will be correct, will it not?’ He said, ‘Yes.’ After leaving
Beaufort Buildings I went to Tattersall’s. I then received all the
money I expected, except £110 from Mr. Morris, who paid me £90
instead of £200. I sent from Tattersall’s a cheque for £450 to Mr.
Pratt. I posted a letter to Cook from Tattersall’s, and directed it to
Rugeley. On Tuesday the 20th, next day, I received a telegraphic
message. I have not got it here. I gave it to Captain Hatton at the
coroner’s inquest at Rugeley. In consequence of receiving that
message I wrote again to Cook that day. I addressed my letter as
before, but I believe the letter was not posted till the Wednesday. I
have three bills of exchange with me. I know Palmer’s handwriting,
but never saw him write. I cannot prove his writing; but I knew
Cook’s writing, and I believe the drawing of two and the accepting
of the three bills to be in his writing. I got them from Fisher and
gave him cash for them.” [The witness Boycott was recalled, and
identified the signatures on the bills as those of Palmer and Cook.]
Examination continued.—“The bills are each for £200. One of
them was payable in a month, and when it fell due on October 18,
Cook paid the £100 on account. He paid me the remaining £100 at
Page 239
Shrewsbury, but I cannot tell with certainty on what day. I did not
pay the £350 to Padwick. I hold another bill for £500.” [Thomas
Strawbridge, manager of the bank at Rugeley, identified the drawing
and endorsing as in the handwriting of Palmer. The acceptance,
purporting to be in the writing of Mrs. Sarah Palmer, he did not
believe to have been written by her.]
Examination continued.—“I am sure that the endorsement on
the £500 bill is in Cook’s writing. I got the bill from Mr. Fisher. I
paid £200 on account of it to Palmer, and £275 to Mr. Fisher. The
balance was discount. It was not paid at maturity. I have taken
proceedings against Palmer to recover the amount.”
On the 26th of November, the post-mortem examination was
held, at which Palmer was present, and the incidents of the pushing
of the jar containing the contents of the stomach and the cutting of
its coverings occurred; and if the evidence of Myatt, the postboy, is
to be taken as true, Palmer tried to bribe him to upset the fly in
which Mr. Stevens and his solicitor’s clerk were to take the jar to
the Stafford station, en route to London,
James Myatt, examined by Mr. James.—“In November last I
was postboy at the ‘Talbot Arms,’ Rugeley. I know Palmer, the
prisoner, and I remember Monday, the 26th of November last. I was
ordered on that night, a little after five o’clock, to take Mr. Stevens
to the Stafford station in a fly. Before I started I went home to get
my tea, and on returning from my tea to the ‘Talbot Arms’ I met the
prisoner. He asked me if I was going to drive Mr. Stevens to
Stafford. I told him I was.”
Question.—“What did he say to you then?”
Answer.—“He asked me if I would upset them.”
Question.—“Them? Had anything been said about a jar?”
Answer.—“He said he supposed I was going to take the jar.”
Question.—“What did you say then?”
Answer.—“I said I believed I was.”
pay the £350 to Padwick. I hold another bill for £500.” [Thomas
Strawbridge, manager of the bank at Rugeley, identified the drawing
and endorsing as in the handwriting of Palmer. The acceptance,
purporting to be in the writing of Mrs. Sarah Palmer, he did not
believe to have been written by her.]
Examination continued.—“I am sure that the endorsement on
the £500 bill is in Cook’s writing. I got the bill from Mr. Fisher. I
paid £200 on account of it to Palmer, and £275 to Mr. Fisher. The
balance was discount. It was not paid at maturity. I have taken
proceedings against Palmer to recover the amount.”
On the 26th of November, the post-mortem examination was
held, at which Palmer was present, and the incidents of the pushing
of the jar containing the contents of the stomach and the cutting of
its coverings occurred; and if the evidence of Myatt, the postboy, is
to be taken as true, Palmer tried to bribe him to upset the fly in
which Mr. Stevens and his solicitor’s clerk were to take the jar to
the Stafford station, en route to London,
James Myatt, examined by Mr. James.—“In November last I
was postboy at the ‘Talbot Arms,’ Rugeley. I know Palmer, the
prisoner, and I remember Monday, the 26th of November last. I was
ordered on that night, a little after five o’clock, to take Mr. Stevens
to the Stafford station in a fly. Before I started I went home to get
my tea, and on returning from my tea to the ‘Talbot Arms’ I met the
prisoner. He asked me if I was going to drive Mr. Stevens to
Stafford. I told him I was.”
Question.—“What did he say to you then?”
Answer.—“He asked me if I would upset them.”
Question.—“Them? Had anything been said about a jar?”
Answer.—“He said he supposed I was going to take the jar.”
Question.—“What did you say then?”
Answer.—“I said I believed I was.”
Page 240
Question.—“What did he say after that?”
Answer.—“He said—‘Do you think you could upset them?’”
Question.—“What answer did you make?”
Answer.—“I told him ‘No.’”
Question.—“Did he say anything more?”
Answer.—“He said—‘If you could, there’s a £10 note for you.’”
Question.—“What did you say to that?”
Answer.—“I told him I could not. I then said, ‘I must go, the
horses are in the fly ready for us to start.’ I do not recollect that he
said anything more about the jar. I said, that if I didn’t go somebody
else would go. He told me not to be in a hurry, for if anybody else
went he would pay me. I saw him again next morning, when I was
going to breakfast. He asked me then who went with the fly. I told
him Mr. Stevens, and, I believed, one of Mr. Gardner’s clerks.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“Were not the words
that Palmer used—‘I wouldn’t mind giving £10 to break Stevens’s
neck?’”
Answer.—“I don’t recollect the words ‘break his neck.’”
Question.—“Well, ‘upset him.’ Did he say, ‘I wouldn’t mind
giving £10 to upset him?’”
Answer.—“Yes; I believe those were the words. I do not know
that Palmer appeared to have been drinking. I don’t recollect that he
had. I can’t say that he used any epithet, applied to Stevens—he said
it was a humbugging concern altogether, or something of that. I
don’t recollect that he said Stevens was a troublesome fellow, and
very inquisitive. I don’t remember anything more than I have said. I
do not know whether there was more than one jar.”
Whilst the analysis of the contents of the jar was being
conducted in London, the coroner opened an inquest at Rugeley.
Palmer, now fully aware of his danger, determined to use his
influence over the postmaster to get the earliest information of the
results of the analysis, and to make a friend of Ward, the coroner.
Answer.—“He said—‘Do you think you could upset them?’”
Question.—“What answer did you make?”
Answer.—“I told him ‘No.’”
Question.—“Did he say anything more?”
Answer.—“He said—‘If you could, there’s a £10 note for you.’”
Question.—“What did you say to that?”
Answer.—“I told him I could not. I then said, ‘I must go, the
horses are in the fly ready for us to start.’ I do not recollect that he
said anything more about the jar. I said, that if I didn’t go somebody
else would go. He told me not to be in a hurry, for if anybody else
went he would pay me. I saw him again next morning, when I was
going to breakfast. He asked me then who went with the fly. I told
him Mr. Stevens, and, I believed, one of Mr. Gardner’s clerks.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—“Were not the words
that Palmer used—‘I wouldn’t mind giving £10 to break Stevens’s
neck?’”
Answer.—“I don’t recollect the words ‘break his neck.’”
Question.—“Well, ‘upset him.’ Did he say, ‘I wouldn’t mind
giving £10 to upset him?’”
Answer.—“Yes; I believe those were the words. I do not know
that Palmer appeared to have been drinking. I don’t recollect that he
had. I can’t say that he used any epithet, applied to Stevens—he said
it was a humbugging concern altogether, or something of that. I
don’t recollect that he said Stevens was a troublesome fellow, and
very inquisitive. I don’t remember anything more than I have said. I
do not know whether there was more than one jar.”
Whilst the analysis of the contents of the jar was being
conducted in London, the coroner opened an inquest at Rugeley.
Palmer, now fully aware of his danger, determined to use his
influence over the postmaster to get the earliest information of the
results of the analysis, and to make a friend of Ward, the coroner.
Page 241
With the latter object, he sent a hamper of fish and game to the
coroner from London on the 1st of December, writing the direction
himself, but not otherwise letting Ward know from whom they
came, which he professed to wish to be kept secret. To Cheshire,
the postmaster, with whom he had long been on very friendly
terms, receiving from him his mother’s and Cook’s letters, on the
2nd of December he hinted the importance of his knowing anything
that might pass through the post between Dr. Taylor and the local
solicitor. In consequence, on the Wednesday following, he is told
by Cheshire the substance of the letter, already quoted, written by
the analyst to Mr. Gardner on the previous day. On this Palmer, on
the 8th, writes to a poulterer at Stafford to have some game ready
for his messenger, and sends Bate over for it, to take it, with the
following note, to the coroner:—
“My dear Sir,—I am sorry to tell you that I am still confined to
my bed. I don’t think it was mentioned at the inquest yesterday that
Cook was taken ill on Sunday and Monday night, in the same way
as he was on the Tuesday, when he died. The chambermaid at the
‘Crown’ Hotel (Masters’s) can prove this. I also believe that a man
by the name of Fisher is coming down to prove he received some
money at Shrewsbury. Now, here he could only pay Smith £10 out
of £41 he owed him. Had you not better call Smith to prove this?
And, again, whatever Professor Taylor may say to-morrow, he wrote
from London last Tuesday night to Gardner to say, ‘We (and Dr.
Rees) have this day finished our analysis, and find no traces of
either strychnia, prussic acid, or opium.’ What can beat this from a
man like Taylor, if he says what he has already said, and Dr.
Harlands’s evidence? Mind you, I know and saw it in black and
white what Taylor said to Gardner; but this is strictly private and
confidential, but it is true. As regards his betting-book, I know
nothing of it, and it is of no good to anyone. I hope the verdict to-
morrow will be that he died of natural causes, and thus end it.
“Ever yours, “W. P.”
coroner from London on the 1st of December, writing the direction
himself, but not otherwise letting Ward know from whom they
came, which he professed to wish to be kept secret. To Cheshire,
the postmaster, with whom he had long been on very friendly
terms, receiving from him his mother’s and Cook’s letters, on the
2nd of December he hinted the importance of his knowing anything
that might pass through the post between Dr. Taylor and the local
solicitor. In consequence, on the Wednesday following, he is told
by Cheshire the substance of the letter, already quoted, written by
the analyst to Mr. Gardner on the previous day. On this Palmer, on
the 8th, writes to a poulterer at Stafford to have some game ready
for his messenger, and sends Bate over for it, to take it, with the
following note, to the coroner:—
“My dear Sir,—I am sorry to tell you that I am still confined to
my bed. I don’t think it was mentioned at the inquest yesterday that
Cook was taken ill on Sunday and Monday night, in the same way
as he was on the Tuesday, when he died. The chambermaid at the
‘Crown’ Hotel (Masters’s) can prove this. I also believe that a man
by the name of Fisher is coming down to prove he received some
money at Shrewsbury. Now, here he could only pay Smith £10 out
of £41 he owed him. Had you not better call Smith to prove this?
And, again, whatever Professor Taylor may say to-morrow, he wrote
from London last Tuesday night to Gardner to say, ‘We (and Dr.
Rees) have this day finished our analysis, and find no traces of
either strychnia, prussic acid, or opium.’ What can beat this from a
man like Taylor, if he says what he has already said, and Dr.
Harlands’s evidence? Mind you, I know and saw it in black and
white what Taylor said to Gardner; but this is strictly private and
confidential, but it is true. As regards his betting-book, I know
nothing of it, and it is of no good to anyone. I hope the verdict to-
morrow will be that he died of natural causes, and thus end it.
“Ever yours, “W. P.”
Page 242
Bate goes to the poulterer, re-directs, and sends the game by a
lad, and then finds his way to the inn, where the coroner is
smoking, calls him out of the billiard-room, and privately gives
him the letter.
On the 14th of December the adjourned inquest is to be held,
and Dr. Taylor’s evidence taken. On the previous day, therefore,
Bate is again summoned by Palmer, and sent to borrow a £5 note of
Thirlby, and on his return, Palmer being still ill in bed, is told by
him to look in a drawer for another, but can only find one for £50.
At this juncture the sheriff’s officer arrives to arrest him on one of
the overdue bills, Bate is sent out of the room, and on his return
commissioned to take a note to the coroner, and to be sure that no
one sees him deliver it. This he succeeds in doing between the
“station” and the “Junction Hotel,” where he slips it slily into
Ward’s hand. Not liking all this secrecy, Bate had hesitated at
accepting the mission, and asked that some one else should be sent,
when Palmer replied, “Why, George, as to this poor fellow Cook,
he was the best pal I ever had in my life; and why should I have
poisoned him?” and then added, “I am as innocent as you, George.”
The inquest proceeded, and in addition to the evidence of the
symptoms attendant on Cook’s death, Dr. Taylor gave his, and
Roberts proved the purchase of strychnia only a day before Cook’s
death. Palmer was summoned, but professed to be too ill to come,
and on the next day a verdict of wilful murder against him was
returned, and a warrant issued for his transfer to Stafford jail. After
a few days’ detention in his own house, Palmer was conveyed to
jail, in such a state of despondency that he appears to have
determined to starve himself to death, and would probably have
done so, but for the threat of compulsory measures by the
Governor. Soon afterwards all his property was seized under a bill
lad, and then finds his way to the inn, where the coroner is
smoking, calls him out of the billiard-room, and privately gives
him the letter.
On the 14th of December the adjourned inquest is to be held,
and Dr. Taylor’s evidence taken. On the previous day, therefore,
Bate is again summoned by Palmer, and sent to borrow a £5 note of
Thirlby, and on his return, Palmer being still ill in bed, is told by
him to look in a drawer for another, but can only find one for £50.
At this juncture the sheriff’s officer arrives to arrest him on one of
the overdue bills, Bate is sent out of the room, and on his return
commissioned to take a note to the coroner, and to be sure that no
one sees him deliver it. This he succeeds in doing between the
“station” and the “Junction Hotel,” where he slips it slily into
Ward’s hand. Not liking all this secrecy, Bate had hesitated at
accepting the mission, and asked that some one else should be sent,
when Palmer replied, “Why, George, as to this poor fellow Cook,
he was the best pal I ever had in my life; and why should I have
poisoned him?” and then added, “I am as innocent as you, George.”
The inquest proceeded, and in addition to the evidence of the
symptoms attendant on Cook’s death, Dr. Taylor gave his, and
Roberts proved the purchase of strychnia only a day before Cook’s
death. Palmer was summoned, but professed to be too ill to come,
and on the next day a verdict of wilful murder against him was
returned, and a warrant issued for his transfer to Stafford jail. After
a few days’ detention in his own house, Palmer was conveyed to
jail, in such a state of despondency that he appears to have
determined to starve himself to death, and would probably have
done so, but for the threat of compulsory measures by the
Governor. Soon afterwards all his property was seized under a bill
Page 243
of sale and sold, his racehorses alone realising four thousand
guineas.[65]
THE DEFENCE.
Of Mr. Serjeant Shee’s address to the jury in the defence of the
prisoner, which occupied, without wearying, the attention of the
Court during eight hours on the seventh day, only a brief analysis
can be given. The main points on which he insisted were—First,
the erroneous nature of the medico-scientific evidence in referring
the symptoms exhibited in Cook’s case to tetanus from strychnia,
on which he was prepared to contradict it by witnesses of equal
character and credit in the profession. Secondly, the probability,
amounting as near as possible to a certainty, that if the death had
been occasioned by strychnia, the presence of that poison should
have been detected by the analysts. Thirdly, the similarity of the
symptoms in the case to those of cases of traumatic or idiopathic
tetanus of late occurrence, to be described by the doctors who had
attended them. As the mass of evidence by which he sought to
support these propositions has been already reported, it is needless
to recur to it. We may therefore pass on to the moral evidence, only
pausing to extract the noble passage descriptive of the mechanism
of the human frame, with which he introduced the former subject,
and his picture of Cook’s state of mind from before his victory at
Shrewsbury until his death.
“‘A little learning is a dangerous thing.’
“It appears to me there never was a case in which the adage was
so applicable as it is in this. Of all the works of God, the one best
calculated to fill us with wonder and admiration, and convince us of
our dependence on our Maker, and the utter nothingness of
ourselves, is the mortal coil in which we live, and breathe, and
guineas.[65]
THE DEFENCE.
Of Mr. Serjeant Shee’s address to the jury in the defence of the
prisoner, which occupied, without wearying, the attention of the
Court during eight hours on the seventh day, only a brief analysis
can be given. The main points on which he insisted were—First,
the erroneous nature of the medico-scientific evidence in referring
the symptoms exhibited in Cook’s case to tetanus from strychnia,
on which he was prepared to contradict it by witnesses of equal
character and credit in the profession. Secondly, the probability,
amounting as near as possible to a certainty, that if the death had
been occasioned by strychnia, the presence of that poison should
have been detected by the analysts. Thirdly, the similarity of the
symptoms in the case to those of cases of traumatic or idiopathic
tetanus of late occurrence, to be described by the doctors who had
attended them. As the mass of evidence by which he sought to
support these propositions has been already reported, it is needless
to recur to it. We may therefore pass on to the moral evidence, only
pausing to extract the noble passage descriptive of the mechanism
of the human frame, with which he introduced the former subject,
and his picture of Cook’s state of mind from before his victory at
Shrewsbury until his death.
“‘A little learning is a dangerous thing.’
“It appears to me there never was a case in which the adage was
so applicable as it is in this. Of all the works of God, the one best
calculated to fill us with wonder and admiration, and convince us of
our dependence on our Maker, and the utter nothingness of
ourselves, is the mortal coil in which we live, and breathe, and
Page 244
think, and have our being. Every minute of our lives, functions are
performed at our will, the unerring accuracy of which nothing but
omniscience and omnipotence could have secured. We feel and see
exactly what takes place, and yet the moment we attempt to explain
what takes place, the instant we endeavour to get a reason for what
we know, and see, and do, the mystery of creation—‘God created
man in his own image, in the image of God created he them’—
arrests our course, and we are flung back on conjecture and doubt.
We know in a sense—we suppose—that the soft medullary
substance which is within the cavity of the head is the seat of
thought, of sensation, and of will. We know that that soft medullary
substance is continued down the middle of the back, protected by a
bony duct or canal, within which it lies embedded, and we know
that from the sides of that bony duct and from this medullary
substance proceed an infinite variety of nerves (the conduits of
sensation from all parts of the body to the soul) and of muscles
connected and dependent on them, the instruments of voluntary
motion. This we know; and we know that by that process all the
ordinary actions of ourselves, at our will, are effected with the most
wonderful precision. Sometimes, however, these nerves and muscles
depart from their normal character, and instead of being the mere
instruments of the soul, become irregular, convulsive, tumultuary,
vindicating to themselves a sort of independent vitality, totally
regardless of the authority to which they are ordinarily subject.
When thrown into this state of excitement, their effects are known
by the general name of convulsions. It is remarkable, unlike most
other fine names, they are not of modern adaptation. The ancients
had them to express the very same thing. The spasmodic and tetanic
affections were known then, and as much about them hundreds and
thousands of years ago as is known now. Tetanic convulsions have
been divided in later times into two specific branches of tetanus—
idiopathic and traumatic.”
In opening the portion of his case that Cook’s death was
attributable to causes other than strychnia, Serjeant Shee adroitly
performed at our will, the unerring accuracy of which nothing but
omniscience and omnipotence could have secured. We feel and see
exactly what takes place, and yet the moment we attempt to explain
what takes place, the instant we endeavour to get a reason for what
we know, and see, and do, the mystery of creation—‘God created
man in his own image, in the image of God created he them’—
arrests our course, and we are flung back on conjecture and doubt.
We know in a sense—we suppose—that the soft medullary
substance which is within the cavity of the head is the seat of
thought, of sensation, and of will. We know that that soft medullary
substance is continued down the middle of the back, protected by a
bony duct or canal, within which it lies embedded, and we know
that from the sides of that bony duct and from this medullary
substance proceed an infinite variety of nerves (the conduits of
sensation from all parts of the body to the soul) and of muscles
connected and dependent on them, the instruments of voluntary
motion. This we know; and we know that by that process all the
ordinary actions of ourselves, at our will, are effected with the most
wonderful precision. Sometimes, however, these nerves and muscles
depart from their normal character, and instead of being the mere
instruments of the soul, become irregular, convulsive, tumultuary,
vindicating to themselves a sort of independent vitality, totally
regardless of the authority to which they are ordinarily subject.
When thrown into this state of excitement, their effects are known
by the general name of convulsions. It is remarkable, unlike most
other fine names, they are not of modern adaptation. The ancients
had them to express the very same thing. The spasmodic and tetanic
affections were known then, and as much about them hundreds and
thousands of years ago as is known now. Tetanic convulsions have
been divided in later times into two specific branches of tetanus—
idiopathic and traumatic.”
In opening the portion of his case that Cook’s death was
attributable to causes other than strychnia, Serjeant Shee adroitly
Page 245
concealed the names of the diseases to which his witnesses were
prepared to attribute it. Until, therefore, his cloud of witnesses had
been passed through, the prosecution did not know, except from the
cross-examination of their own medico-scientific witnesses, to
what technical points they had to shape their reply.
In support of his contention that Cook’s death could be fairly
attributed to ordinary convulsions, the learned Serjeant gave the
following graphic sketch of the state of his mind at the period of
Shrewsbury races, and from then to his death:—
“He went there in the imminent peril of returning from them a
ruined man. His stepfather assured Palmer that there would not be
4000 shillings for those who had claims on his estate. From the
necessity he was under of raising money at an enormous discount
we may easily infer that he was in desperate difficulties, and that
unless some sudden success on the turf should retrieve his fortunes,
they were hopeless. His health was shattered, his mind distracted; he
had long been cherishing hopes that Polestar would win, and so put
him in possession of something like a thousand guineas. The mare,
it was true, was hardly his own, for she had been mortgaged; and if
she should lose, she would become the property of another person.
Picture to yourselves what must have been the condition, mental and
bodily, of that young man when he rose from his bed on the
morning of the races. It is scarcely possible, as he went down to
breakfast, that this thought must not have crossed his mind, ‘My fate
is trembling in the balance; this is the crisis of my destiny. Unless
my horse shall win, to-night I am a beggar.’ With these feelings he
repairs to the course. Another race is run before Polestar is brought
out. His impatience is extreme. He looks on in a state of agonising
excitement. Will the minutes never fly? At last arrives the decisive
moment; the time has come for his race. The flag is dropped; the
horses start; his mare wins easily, and he, her master, has won a
thousand guineas! For three minutes he is not able to speak, so
intense is his emotion. Slowly he recovers his utterance, and then
prepared to attribute it. Until, therefore, his cloud of witnesses had
been passed through, the prosecution did not know, except from the
cross-examination of their own medico-scientific witnesses, to
what technical points they had to shape their reply.
In support of his contention that Cook’s death could be fairly
attributed to ordinary convulsions, the learned Serjeant gave the
following graphic sketch of the state of his mind at the period of
Shrewsbury races, and from then to his death:—
“He went there in the imminent peril of returning from them a
ruined man. His stepfather assured Palmer that there would not be
4000 shillings for those who had claims on his estate. From the
necessity he was under of raising money at an enormous discount
we may easily infer that he was in desperate difficulties, and that
unless some sudden success on the turf should retrieve his fortunes,
they were hopeless. His health was shattered, his mind distracted; he
had long been cherishing hopes that Polestar would win, and so put
him in possession of something like a thousand guineas. The mare,
it was true, was hardly his own, for she had been mortgaged; and if
she should lose, she would become the property of another person.
Picture to yourselves what must have been the condition, mental and
bodily, of that young man when he rose from his bed on the
morning of the races. It is scarcely possible, as he went down to
breakfast, that this thought must not have crossed his mind, ‘My fate
is trembling in the balance; this is the crisis of my destiny. Unless
my horse shall win, to-night I am a beggar.’ With these feelings he
repairs to the course. Another race is run before Polestar is brought
out. His impatience is extreme. He looks on in a state of agonising
excitement. Will the minutes never fly? At last arrives the decisive
moment; the time has come for his race. The flag is dropped; the
horses start; his mare wins easily, and he, her master, has won a
thousand guineas! For three minutes he is not able to speak, so
intense is his emotion. Slowly he recovers his utterance, and then
Page 246
how rapturous is his joy! He is saved, he is saved! Another chance
to retrieve his position—one chance more to recover his character!
As yet, at all events, he will not be a disgrace to his family and his
friends. Conceive him to be, with all his faults, an honourable young
man, and you may easily imagine what his ecstasy must have been.
He loves the memory of his dead mother—he still reverences the
name of his father—he is jealous of his sister’s honour, and it may
be that he cherishes silently in his heart the thought of some other
being dearer still than all to whom the story of his ruin would bring
bitter anguish. But he is not ruined; he will meet his engagements
like an honourable man. There is now no danger of his being an
outcast, an adventurer, a black-leg. He will live to redeem his
position, and to give joy to those who love him. With such thoughts
in his heart, he returns to his inn in a state of indescribable elation,
and with a revulsion from despair that must have convulsed—
though not in the sense of illness—every fibre of his frame. His first
idea is to entertain his friends, and he does so. The evidence does
not prove that he drank to excess, but he gave a champagne dinner;
and we all know that is a luxurious entertainment, at which there is
no stint and not much self-respect. That evening he did not spend in
the society of Palmer; indeed, it is not clear in whose company he
spent it. But we find him on the evening of Wednesday at the
‘Unicorn’ with Saunders, his trainer, and a lady. On Thursday he
walks upon the course, and Herring remonstrates with him for doing
so, as the day is damp and misty, and the ground wet. That night he
is seized with illness, and he continues ailing until his death at
Rugeley. Arrived at Rugeley, it is but natural to suppose that a
reaction of feeling may have set in. Then the dark side of the picture
may have presented itself to his imagination. The chilling thought
may have come upon him that his winnings were already forestalled
and would scarcely suffice to save him from destruction. It is when
suffering from a weakened body, and an irritated and excited mind,
that he is attacked by a sickness which clings to his system, leaves
him without any rest, incapacitates him from taking food, distracts
his nerves, and places him in imminent danger of falling a victim to
any sudden attack of convulsions to which he may have a
to retrieve his position—one chance more to recover his character!
As yet, at all events, he will not be a disgrace to his family and his
friends. Conceive him to be, with all his faults, an honourable young
man, and you may easily imagine what his ecstasy must have been.
He loves the memory of his dead mother—he still reverences the
name of his father—he is jealous of his sister’s honour, and it may
be that he cherishes silently in his heart the thought of some other
being dearer still than all to whom the story of his ruin would bring
bitter anguish. But he is not ruined; he will meet his engagements
like an honourable man. There is now no danger of his being an
outcast, an adventurer, a black-leg. He will live to redeem his
position, and to give joy to those who love him. With such thoughts
in his heart, he returns to his inn in a state of indescribable elation,
and with a revulsion from despair that must have convulsed—
though not in the sense of illness—every fibre of his frame. His first
idea is to entertain his friends, and he does so. The evidence does
not prove that he drank to excess, but he gave a champagne dinner;
and we all know that is a luxurious entertainment, at which there is
no stint and not much self-respect. That evening he did not spend in
the society of Palmer; indeed, it is not clear in whose company he
spent it. But we find him on the evening of Wednesday at the
‘Unicorn’ with Saunders, his trainer, and a lady. On Thursday he
walks upon the course, and Herring remonstrates with him for doing
so, as the day is damp and misty, and the ground wet. That night he
is seized with illness, and he continues ailing until his death at
Rugeley. Arrived at Rugeley, it is but natural to suppose that a
reaction of feeling may have set in. Then the dark side of the picture
may have presented itself to his imagination. The chilling thought
may have come upon him that his winnings were already forestalled
and would scarcely suffice to save him from destruction. It is when
suffering from a weakened body, and an irritated and excited mind,
that he is attacked by a sickness which clings to his system, leaves
him without any rest, incapacitates him from taking food, distracts
his nerves, and places him in imminent danger of falling a victim to
any sudden attack of convulsions to which he may have a
Page 247
predisposition. He relished no society so much as that of Palmer,
whose residence was immediately opposite the ‘Talbot Arms’ Inn,
where he was lying on his sick bed. For two days he had been taking
opiate pills prescribed by Dr. Bamford. On Sunday night, at twelve
o’clock, he started as from a dream in a state of the utmost
excitement and alarm. He admitted afterwards that for two minutes
he was mad, but he could not ascribe it to anything unless to his
having been awakened by a squabble in the street. But do no such
things happen to people of sound constitutions and regular habits?
Do no such people awaken in agony and delirium because there is a
noise under their windows? No; these are the afflictions of the
dissipated and anxious, whose bodies are shattered and whose
minds are distracted. Next day, Monday, he was pretty well, but not
so well as to mount his horse or to take a walk in the fields. He
could converse with his trainer and jockey, but he could take no
substantial food, and drank not a drop of brandy-and-water. You will
bear in mind that Palmer was not with him that day. In the middle of
the night he was seized with an attack similar in character to that of
the night preceding, but manifestly much milder, for he retained his
consciousness throughout it, and was not mad for a moment. The
evidence of Elizabeth Mills is conclusive on the point. At three
o’clock on the following day (Tuesday) Mr. Jones, the surgeon of
Lutterworth, arrived, and spent a considerable time—probably from
three to seven o’clock—in his company. They had abundant
opportunity for conversing confidentially, and they were likely to
have done so, for they were very intimate, and Jones appears to
have been on more familiar terms with Cook than was any other
person, not even excepting Mr. Stevens. Nothing occurred in the
entire and unbounded confidence which must have existed between
Mr. Cook and Mr. Jones, to raise any suspicions in the mind of Mr.
Jones; and at the consultation, which took place between seven and
eight o’clock on Tuesday evening between Jones, Palmer, and
Bamford, as to what the medicine for that evening should be, the fit
of the Monday night was not mentioned. That is a remarkable fact.
The Crown may say that it is remarkable, inasmuch as Palmer knew
it, and said not a word about it; but I think that it shows that the fit
whose residence was immediately opposite the ‘Talbot Arms’ Inn,
where he was lying on his sick bed. For two days he had been taking
opiate pills prescribed by Dr. Bamford. On Sunday night, at twelve
o’clock, he started as from a dream in a state of the utmost
excitement and alarm. He admitted afterwards that for two minutes
he was mad, but he could not ascribe it to anything unless to his
having been awakened by a squabble in the street. But do no such
things happen to people of sound constitutions and regular habits?
Do no such people awaken in agony and delirium because there is a
noise under their windows? No; these are the afflictions of the
dissipated and anxious, whose bodies are shattered and whose
minds are distracted. Next day, Monday, he was pretty well, but not
so well as to mount his horse or to take a walk in the fields. He
could converse with his trainer and jockey, but he could take no
substantial food, and drank not a drop of brandy-and-water. You will
bear in mind that Palmer was not with him that day. In the middle of
the night he was seized with an attack similar in character to that of
the night preceding, but manifestly much milder, for he retained his
consciousness throughout it, and was not mad for a moment. The
evidence of Elizabeth Mills is conclusive on the point. At three
o’clock on the following day (Tuesday) Mr. Jones, the surgeon of
Lutterworth, arrived, and spent a considerable time—probably from
three to seven o’clock—in his company. They had abundant
opportunity for conversing confidentially, and they were likely to
have done so, for they were very intimate, and Jones appears to
have been on more familiar terms with Cook than was any other
person, not even excepting Mr. Stevens. Nothing occurred in the
entire and unbounded confidence which must have existed between
Mr. Cook and Mr. Jones, to raise any suspicions in the mind of Mr.
Jones; and at the consultation, which took place between seven and
eight o’clock on Tuesday evening between Jones, Palmer, and
Bamford, as to what the medicine for that evening should be, the fit
of the Monday night was not mentioned. That is a remarkable fact.
The Crown may say that it is remarkable, inasmuch as Palmer knew
it, and said not a word about it; but I think that it shows that the fit
Page 248
was so little serious in the opinion of Cook that he did not think it
worth mentioning to his intimate friend.”
In dealing with the “moral evidence,” counsel first attacked the
motive imputed by the prosecution, and sought to show from the
correspondence, as well as from the conduct of the parties, that at
the moment when Palmer was charged with killing Cook, he was
his best and indeed the only friend whom he could look to to assist
him in his severe financial troubles.
“Was it,” he said, “to his interest that in the second week in
November Cook should be killed, say by a railway accident? For
some time they had been mixed up together in racing transactions,
had made heavy losses during the late sporting season, and Cook at
least—and most probably Palmer, as associated with him—was
looking forward to the success of Polestar to save them from ruin.
At that time Pratt, the bill discounter, was pressing for an extra £200
to stave off legal proceedings on the £2000 bill, to which his
mother’s name had been forged. To whom does Palmer apply? To
Cook, who at once writes to his betting agent Fisher to advance and
pay that to Pratt on the Saturday before the Monday’s settlement at
Tattersall’s of the Shrewsbury winnings. Fisher having done this,
was it not probable that Cook arranged with Palmer, that in order to
get the use of this £200 for a few days, Herring, and not Fisher,
should be authorised to collect the winnings and secure a sufficient
payment to Pratt to stave off the action?” [Cook’s letter of the 19th
of November was accordingly cited as a proof of his anxiety to
assist Palmer.] “Again, there was in Herring’s hands a bill of
Palmer’s for £500, bearing his mother’s forged acceptance. Was it
likely that with this danger staring him in the face, Palmer would
kill the only man from whom he could look for money? The
transaction as to the bill for £500, secured on Cook’s racehorses,
discounted by Pratt, for which, as Pratt wrote him at once, Palmer
would have to provide, was another reason for not killing his only
friend.”
worth mentioning to his intimate friend.”
In dealing with the “moral evidence,” counsel first attacked the
motive imputed by the prosecution, and sought to show from the
correspondence, as well as from the conduct of the parties, that at
the moment when Palmer was charged with killing Cook, he was
his best and indeed the only friend whom he could look to to assist
him in his severe financial troubles.
“Was it,” he said, “to his interest that in the second week in
November Cook should be killed, say by a railway accident? For
some time they had been mixed up together in racing transactions,
had made heavy losses during the late sporting season, and Cook at
least—and most probably Palmer, as associated with him—was
looking forward to the success of Polestar to save them from ruin.
At that time Pratt, the bill discounter, was pressing for an extra £200
to stave off legal proceedings on the £2000 bill, to which his
mother’s name had been forged. To whom does Palmer apply? To
Cook, who at once writes to his betting agent Fisher to advance and
pay that to Pratt on the Saturday before the Monday’s settlement at
Tattersall’s of the Shrewsbury winnings. Fisher having done this,
was it not probable that Cook arranged with Palmer, that in order to
get the use of this £200 for a few days, Herring, and not Fisher,
should be authorised to collect the winnings and secure a sufficient
payment to Pratt to stave off the action?” [Cook’s letter of the 19th
of November was accordingly cited as a proof of his anxiety to
assist Palmer.] “Again, there was in Herring’s hands a bill of
Palmer’s for £500, bearing his mother’s forged acceptance. Was it
likely that with this danger staring him in the face, Palmer would
kill the only man from whom he could look for money? The
transaction as to the bill for £500, secured on Cook’s racehorses,
discounted by Pratt, for which, as Pratt wrote him at once, Palmer
would have to provide, was another reason for not killing his only
friend.”
Page 249
In September Palmer had negotiated this bill with Pratt
professedly for Cook’s benefit, and had received from Pratt a
crossed cheque to Cook’s order for £385, and a wine warrant for
£65, and at the same time, on his own account, £315 in cash, and
the imputation by the Crown was that he forged Cook’s
endorsement and took the money. The improbability of his doing
this, as Cook was certain, had he done so, to have complained of it
during the months that elapsed between the giving of the bill of
sale on his horses and his death, was urged by Mr. Shee, who
ventured to offer as an explanation the suggestion that as Cook
wanted cash on that day, Palmer gave him his £315, and with his
consent endorsed Cook’s name on the cheque and paid that to his
own account. Again he dealt with the circumstance of Cook’s
cheque for £350, the body of which was drawn by Cheshire, and, as
Palmer said, taken by him on the 20th November to Cook for him
to sign in his sick room. That cheque, it will be remembered, was
not produced, but
“Weatherby, on whom it was drawn,” said Serjeant Shee, “was
under the impression that the signature was Cook’s.[66] As it was not
certain that Frail would have sent up to Weatherby the stakes against
which it was drawn by the Monday, was it likely that, had Palmer
meditated Cook’s death at the time, he would have risked its being
returned—as it was—and passing into the hands of Cook’s
executors, who would be certain to enquire into the matter, on
Cook’s sudden death? From the enquiries that had been instituted as
to his brother’s life policy, he knew himself to be an object of
suspicion, and, if any foul play happened to Cook, all hope of
recovering that would be gone. ‘Their refusal,’ wrote Pratt to him,
‘altered the whole state of affairs, and Palmer must be prepared to
pay his mother’s acceptances for £4,000 due at the end of the
month.’ There was the pinch; the office would not pay; the £4,000
was becoming due; the holder of the bills saw that he was without
professedly for Cook’s benefit, and had received from Pratt a
crossed cheque to Cook’s order for £385, and a wine warrant for
£65, and at the same time, on his own account, £315 in cash, and
the imputation by the Crown was that he forged Cook’s
endorsement and took the money. The improbability of his doing
this, as Cook was certain, had he done so, to have complained of it
during the months that elapsed between the giving of the bill of
sale on his horses and his death, was urged by Mr. Shee, who
ventured to offer as an explanation the suggestion that as Cook
wanted cash on that day, Palmer gave him his £315, and with his
consent endorsed Cook’s name on the cheque and paid that to his
own account. Again he dealt with the circumstance of Cook’s
cheque for £350, the body of which was drawn by Cheshire, and, as
Palmer said, taken by him on the 20th November to Cook for him
to sign in his sick room. That cheque, it will be remembered, was
not produced, but
“Weatherby, on whom it was drawn,” said Serjeant Shee, “was
under the impression that the signature was Cook’s.[66] As it was not
certain that Frail would have sent up to Weatherby the stakes against
which it was drawn by the Monday, was it likely that, had Palmer
meditated Cook’s death at the time, he would have risked its being
returned—as it was—and passing into the hands of Cook’s
executors, who would be certain to enquire into the matter, on
Cook’s sudden death? From the enquiries that had been instituted as
to his brother’s life policy, he knew himself to be an object of
suspicion, and, if any foul play happened to Cook, all hope of
recovering that would be gone. ‘Their refusal,’ wrote Pratt to him,
‘altered the whole state of affairs, and Palmer must be prepared to
pay his mother’s acceptances for £4,000 due at the end of the
month.’ There was the pinch; the office would not pay; the £4,000
was becoming due; the holder of the bills saw that he was without
Page 250
security, and, if anything occurred to increase the suspicions of the
insurance office, which was very reluctant to pay, the £13,000 was
lost for ever, lost beyond hope. Gentlemen, that £13,000 is sure to
be paid, unless this man is convicted of murder; and that has a great
deal to do with the clamour and alarm which have been excited. So
sure as that man is saved, and saved I believe he will be, that
£13,000 is paid. There is no defence, no pretence for a defence—the
letters of the office make that plain. They took an enormous
premium; knowing that the man was only 30, they took a premium
for a man of 50—at least, the letters show that the premium was
enormous—and I say that, as sure as this man is saved, that £13,000
is good for him, and will pay his creditors. Do not these facts show
that in this October suspicions were hanging in menacing meteors
about Palmer’s head, which would come down with irresistible
momentum and crush him upon suspicion of a sudden death by
murder? Do you believe that a man who wrote what the effects of
strychnia were in his manual would risk such a scene as a death-bed
by it, in the presence of the dearest and best friend of Cook—a man
whom he could not influence; a medical man, who liked him and
loved him well enough when he knew he was ill to sleep in the same
room with him, that he might be able to attend to him in case he
wanted assistance during the night? Is that common sense? Are you
going to endorse such a theory as that upon the suggestion of Dr.
Taylor about the effects of strychnia produced upon his five rabbits?
Impossible! perfectly impossible! as I submit to you. So sure as
anything happened by foul play to Cook, he had no more chance of
getting the £13,000 than the £180,000 from the Prince of Wales
Insurance Office—none whatever. That was the only means he had
at that time of extricating himself from these encumbrances.”
Again, he tried to depreciate the evidence of Mills as to the
symptoms of Cook’s attacks, on the ground—not, indeed, that she
had been tampered with by the prosecution—because then, he said,
he was certain that she would not have been called—but “that she
had been instructed in the various symptoms by the repeated
insurance office, which was very reluctant to pay, the £13,000 was
lost for ever, lost beyond hope. Gentlemen, that £13,000 is sure to
be paid, unless this man is convicted of murder; and that has a great
deal to do with the clamour and alarm which have been excited. So
sure as that man is saved, and saved I believe he will be, that
£13,000 is paid. There is no defence, no pretence for a defence—the
letters of the office make that plain. They took an enormous
premium; knowing that the man was only 30, they took a premium
for a man of 50—at least, the letters show that the premium was
enormous—and I say that, as sure as this man is saved, that £13,000
is good for him, and will pay his creditors. Do not these facts show
that in this October suspicions were hanging in menacing meteors
about Palmer’s head, which would come down with irresistible
momentum and crush him upon suspicion of a sudden death by
murder? Do you believe that a man who wrote what the effects of
strychnia were in his manual would risk such a scene as a death-bed
by it, in the presence of the dearest and best friend of Cook—a man
whom he could not influence; a medical man, who liked him and
loved him well enough when he knew he was ill to sleep in the same
room with him, that he might be able to attend to him in case he
wanted assistance during the night? Is that common sense? Are you
going to endorse such a theory as that upon the suggestion of Dr.
Taylor about the effects of strychnia produced upon his five rabbits?
Impossible! perfectly impossible! as I submit to you. So sure as
anything happened by foul play to Cook, he had no more chance of
getting the £13,000 than the £180,000 from the Prince of Wales
Insurance Office—none whatever. That was the only means he had
at that time of extricating himself from these encumbrances.”
Again, he tried to depreciate the evidence of Mills as to the
symptoms of Cook’s attacks, on the ground—not, indeed, that she
had been tampered with by the prosecution—because then, he said,
he was certain that she would not have been called—but “that she
had been instructed in the various symptoms by the repeated
Page 251
private examinations to which she had been subjected,” dwelling
on the omission from her evidence before the coroner that she had
been so violently sick after tasting the broth, and on the other
discrepancies in, and omissions from, her description of the
symptoms when there, and when in court.
“Upon all occasions,” said the learned counsel, “I am most
reluctant to attack a witness who is examined on his or her oath, and
particularly if he be in a humble position of life. I am very reluctant
to impute perjury to such a person; and I think that a man who has
been as long in the profession as I have been must be put a little to
his wits’ end when he rushes upon the assumption that a person
whose statements have, after a considerable lapse of time, materially
varied, is, therefore, necessarily, deliberately perjured. The truth is,
we know perfectly well, that if a considerable interval of time
occurs between the first story and the second, and if the intelligent
and respectable persons who are anxious to investigate the truth, but
who have still a strong moral conviction—upon imperfect
information—of the guilt of the accused person, will talk to
witnesses and say, ‘Was there anything of this kind?’ or, ‘Anything
of that kind?’ the witnesses at last catch hold of the phrase or term
which has so often been used to them, and having in that way
adopted it, they fancy they may tell it in court.”
He also attacked the conduct of Mr. Stevens, the stepfather, for,
as he said, “goading and irritating Palmer into incautious
expressions, by insinuating that he had stolen a trumpery betting-
book that could not be of use to anyone;” and attributed Palmer’s
anxiety to nominate a local solicitor to manage affairs to the nature
of the pecuniary transactions, so much relying on honour, making
them far more easy of adjustment by a friendly than by a hostile
agent. As for Myatt, the postboy’s, story of the bribe for upsetting
the fly, he attributed that to a personal feeling against the
“meddlesome old gentleman,” as he called Stevens, and not to any
on the omission from her evidence before the coroner that she had
been so violently sick after tasting the broth, and on the other
discrepancies in, and omissions from, her description of the
symptoms when there, and when in court.
“Upon all occasions,” said the learned counsel, “I am most
reluctant to attack a witness who is examined on his or her oath, and
particularly if he be in a humble position of life. I am very reluctant
to impute perjury to such a person; and I think that a man who has
been as long in the profession as I have been must be put a little to
his wits’ end when he rushes upon the assumption that a person
whose statements have, after a considerable lapse of time, materially
varied, is, therefore, necessarily, deliberately perjured. The truth is,
we know perfectly well, that if a considerable interval of time
occurs between the first story and the second, and if the intelligent
and respectable persons who are anxious to investigate the truth, but
who have still a strong moral conviction—upon imperfect
information—of the guilt of the accused person, will talk to
witnesses and say, ‘Was there anything of this kind?’ or, ‘Anything
of that kind?’ the witnesses at last catch hold of the phrase or term
which has so often been used to them, and having in that way
adopted it, they fancy they may tell it in court.”
He also attacked the conduct of Mr. Stevens, the stepfather, for,
as he said, “goading and irritating Palmer into incautious
expressions, by insinuating that he had stolen a trumpery betting-
book that could not be of use to anyone;” and attributed Palmer’s
anxiety to nominate a local solicitor to manage affairs to the nature
of the pecuniary transactions, so much relying on honour, making
them far more easy of adjustment by a friendly than by a hostile
agent. As for Myatt, the postboy’s, story of the bribe for upsetting
the fly, he attributed that to a personal feeling against the
“meddlesome old gentleman,” as he called Stevens, and not to any
Page 252
idea of destroying the probable proofs of his delinquency. His
marked attention to Cook during his illness he attributed to the
interest he necessarily felt in his life, and the sending of broth and
other things from his own house to the wish to save expense at a
time when neither of them were too well off. “Would he,” said
Serjeant Shee, “dream of sending poisoned broth to an inn, where it
was sure to be tasted by the cook?”
In addition to the scientific witnesses which he would call to
rebut those of the prosecution’s, he would prove that Cook,
previously to the Shrewsbury meeting, was suffering severely from
a syphilitic state of throat, and applying to Palmer for remedies for
it—that Palmer could not have been in Rugeley at the time at
which Newton swore that he sold the strychnia to him, and that the
incident at the “Raven,” at Shrewsbury, of the brandy-and-water
was a fiction. To what this evidence of previous illness amounted,
and how the two witnesses who were to negative Newton and
disprove the scene at the “Raven” fared when put in the box, will
be seen in the report of their examination.[67] Great stress was of
course laid on Palmer’s not only calling in Dr. Bamford, but
sending for Mr. Jones, Cook’s firmest friend, to witness what
proved his last day of life, and on the improbability of Palmer
tampering with the medicines under such professional supervision.
“Is it conceivable that if Palmer meant to slay Cook with poison
in the dead of night, he would previously have insured the presence
in his victim’s chamber of a medical witness, who would know from
his frightful symptoms that the man was not dying a natural death?
He brings a medical man into his room, and makes him lie within a
few inches of the sick man’s bed, that he may be startled with his
terriffic shrieks, and gaze on those agonizing convulsions which
indicate the fatal potency of the poison. Can you believe it? He
might have dispatched him by means that defy detection, for Cook
was taking morphia medicinally, and a grain or two more would
marked attention to Cook during his illness he attributed to the
interest he necessarily felt in his life, and the sending of broth and
other things from his own house to the wish to save expense at a
time when neither of them were too well off. “Would he,” said
Serjeant Shee, “dream of sending poisoned broth to an inn, where it
was sure to be tasted by the cook?”
In addition to the scientific witnesses which he would call to
rebut those of the prosecution’s, he would prove that Cook,
previously to the Shrewsbury meeting, was suffering severely from
a syphilitic state of throat, and applying to Palmer for remedies for
it—that Palmer could not have been in Rugeley at the time at
which Newton swore that he sold the strychnia to him, and that the
incident at the “Raven,” at Shrewsbury, of the brandy-and-water
was a fiction. To what this evidence of previous illness amounted,
and how the two witnesses who were to negative Newton and
disprove the scene at the “Raven” fared when put in the box, will
be seen in the report of their examination.[67] Great stress was of
course laid on Palmer’s not only calling in Dr. Bamford, but
sending for Mr. Jones, Cook’s firmest friend, to witness what
proved his last day of life, and on the improbability of Palmer
tampering with the medicines under such professional supervision.
“Is it conceivable that if Palmer meant to slay Cook with poison
in the dead of night, he would previously have insured the presence
in his victim’s chamber of a medical witness, who would know from
his frightful symptoms that the man was not dying a natural death?
He brings a medical man into his room, and makes him lie within a
few inches of the sick man’s bed, that he may be startled with his
terriffic shrieks, and gaze on those agonizing convulsions which
indicate the fatal potency of the poison. Can you believe it? He
might have dispatched him by means that defy detection, for Cook
was taking morphia medicinally, and a grain or two more would
Page 253
have silently thrown him into an eternal sleep;[68] but instead of this
he sends to Lutterworth for Jones. You have been told that this was
done to cover appearances. Done to cover appearances! No, no, no!
You cannot believe it. It is not in human nature. It cannot be true.
You cannot find him guilty. You dare not find him guilty on the
supposition of its truth. The country will not stand by you if you
believe it to be true. You will be impeached before the whole world if
you say that it is true. I believe in my conscience it is false, because,
consistently with the laws that govern human nature, it cannot be
true.”
“The incident of his being found searching the clothes and
under the pillow,” said counsel, “ought not to be looked upon as
suspicious, as Mills, who came into the room at the time, thought
no suspicion of it, and there was nothing but the evidence of a kind
and considerate character in his having ordered the shell and the
coffin; nor was it possible to torture into a presumption of guilt the
few words of irritation which may have fallen from him in the
course of a conversation in which Mr. Stevens treated him with
scorn, not to say with insolence.” And then, alluding to the entry as
to the effects of strychnia in one of his medical books, the learned
Serjeant turned it most adroitly to his own purpose, as the basis of a
peroration so telling in its language and perfect in its construction
that it must be preserved intact.
“The Crown had, no doubt, originally intended to rely upon the
prisoner’s medical books as affording damning proof of his guilt;
but I will refer to those volumes for evidences that will speak
eloquently in his favour. In youth and early manhood there is no
such protection for a man as the society of an innocent and virtuous
woman to whom he is sincerely attached. If you find a young man
devoted to such a woman, loving her dearly, and marrying her for
the love he bears her, you may depend upon it that he is a man of
humane and gentle nature, little prone to deeds of violence. To such
he sends to Lutterworth for Jones. You have been told that this was
done to cover appearances. Done to cover appearances! No, no, no!
You cannot believe it. It is not in human nature. It cannot be true.
You cannot find him guilty. You dare not find him guilty on the
supposition of its truth. The country will not stand by you if you
believe it to be true. You will be impeached before the whole world if
you say that it is true. I believe in my conscience it is false, because,
consistently with the laws that govern human nature, it cannot be
true.”
“The incident of his being found searching the clothes and
under the pillow,” said counsel, “ought not to be looked upon as
suspicious, as Mills, who came into the room at the time, thought
no suspicion of it, and there was nothing but the evidence of a kind
and considerate character in his having ordered the shell and the
coffin; nor was it possible to torture into a presumption of guilt the
few words of irritation which may have fallen from him in the
course of a conversation in which Mr. Stevens treated him with
scorn, not to say with insolence.” And then, alluding to the entry as
to the effects of strychnia in one of his medical books, the learned
Serjeant turned it most adroitly to his own purpose, as the basis of a
peroration so telling in its language and perfect in its construction
that it must be preserved intact.
“The Crown had, no doubt, originally intended to rely upon the
prisoner’s medical books as affording damning proof of his guilt;
but I will refer to those volumes for evidences that will speak
eloquently in his favour. In youth and early manhood there is no
such protection for a man as the society of an innocent and virtuous
woman to whom he is sincerely attached. If you find a young man
devoted to such a woman, loving her dearly, and marrying her for
the love he bears her, you may depend upon it that he is a man of
humane and gentle nature, little prone to deeds of violence. To such
Page 254
a woman was Palmer attached in his youth, and I will bring you
proof positive to show that the volumes cited against him were the
books he used when a student, and that the manuscript passages are
in the handwriting of his wife. His was a marriage of the heart. He
loved that young and virtuous woman with a pure and generous
affection; he loved her as he now loves her first-born, who awaits
with trembling anxiety the verdict that will restore him to the arms
of his father, or drive that father to an ignominious death upon the
scaffold.” [The prisoner here covered his face with his hands and
shed tears.] “Here in this book I have conclusive evidence of the
kind of man that Palmer was seven years ago. I find in its pages the
copy of a letter addressed by him while still a student to the woman
whom he afterwards made his wife. It is as follows:—
“‘My dearest Annie,—I snatch a moment from my studies to
your dear, dear little self. I need scarcely say that the principal
inducement I have to work is the desire of getting my studies
finished, so as to be able to press your dear little form in my arms.
With best, best love, believe me, dearest Annie,
‘Your own William.’
“Now this is not the sort of letter that is generally read in courts
of justice. It was no part of my instructions to read that letter, but the
book was put in to prove that this man is a wicked, heartless, savage
desperado; and I show you what he was seven years ago—that he
was a man who loved a young woman for her own sake—loved her
with a pure and virtuous affection—such an affection as would, in
almost all natures, be a certain antidote against guilt. Such is the
man whom it has been my duty to defend upon this occasion, and
upon the evidence that is before you I cannot believe him to be
guilty. Don’t suppose, gentlemen, that he is unsupported in this
dreadful trial by his family and his friends. An aged mother, who
may have disapproved of some part of his conduct, awaits with
trembling anxiety your verdict; a dear sister can scarcely support
herself under the suspense which now presses upon her; a brave and
gallant brother stands by him to defend him, and spares neither time
proof positive to show that the volumes cited against him were the
books he used when a student, and that the manuscript passages are
in the handwriting of his wife. His was a marriage of the heart. He
loved that young and virtuous woman with a pure and generous
affection; he loved her as he now loves her first-born, who awaits
with trembling anxiety the verdict that will restore him to the arms
of his father, or drive that father to an ignominious death upon the
scaffold.” [The prisoner here covered his face with his hands and
shed tears.] “Here in this book I have conclusive evidence of the
kind of man that Palmer was seven years ago. I find in its pages the
copy of a letter addressed by him while still a student to the woman
whom he afterwards made his wife. It is as follows:—
“‘My dearest Annie,—I snatch a moment from my studies to
your dear, dear little self. I need scarcely say that the principal
inducement I have to work is the desire of getting my studies
finished, so as to be able to press your dear little form in my arms.
With best, best love, believe me, dearest Annie,
‘Your own William.’
“Now this is not the sort of letter that is generally read in courts
of justice. It was no part of my instructions to read that letter, but the
book was put in to prove that this man is a wicked, heartless, savage
desperado; and I show you what he was seven years ago—that he
was a man who loved a young woman for her own sake—loved her
with a pure and virtuous affection—such an affection as would, in
almost all natures, be a certain antidote against guilt. Such is the
man whom it has been my duty to defend upon this occasion, and
upon the evidence that is before you I cannot believe him to be
guilty. Don’t suppose, gentlemen, that he is unsupported in this
dreadful trial by his family and his friends. An aged mother, who
may have disapproved of some part of his conduct, awaits with
trembling anxiety your verdict; a dear sister can scarcely support
herself under the suspense which now presses upon her; a brave and
gallant brother stands by him to defend him, and spares neither time
Page 255
nor trouble to save him from an awful doom. I call upon you,
gentlemen, to raise your minds to a capacity to estimate the high
duty which you have to perform. You have to stem the torrent of
prejudice; you have to vindicate the honour and character of your
country; you have, with firmness and courage, to do your duty, and
to find a verdict for the Crown if you believe that guilt is proved;
but, if you have a doubt upon that point, depend upon it that the
time will come when the innocence of that man will be made
apparent, and when you will deeply regret any want of due and calm
consideration of the case which it has been my duty to lay before
you.”
THE REPLY.
The greater part of the tenth day was occupied with the reply of
the Attorney-General, dealing in the first part with the medico-
scientific evidence brought forward for the defence, and contrasting
it with that on the part of the prosecution, and in the latter part
pressing home with all his force of criticism and power of language
the suspicious acts of the prisoner before and after the death of
Cook. Between idiopathic and traumatic tetanus he drew the
distinction, “supported,” as he said, “by the evidence of men who
had seen, not here and there a stray case, but numerous instances of
that disease, that the former was a disease of days, and even weeks,
and not of hours or minutes.” He pointed out that such were really
the symptoms in the cases adduced for the defence, and ridiculed
the notion that the old ulcers of the spring of the year, with which
Dr. Savage had dealt successfully, could be assigned as the causes
of this form of disease in Cook’s case, and then criticised seriatim
the other forms of convulsive disease to which the witnesses for the
defence attributed it. After referring to the statements of Dr. Savage
and Mr. Stevens as to the state of Cook’s health prior to his
gentlemen, to raise your minds to a capacity to estimate the high
duty which you have to perform. You have to stem the torrent of
prejudice; you have to vindicate the honour and character of your
country; you have, with firmness and courage, to do your duty, and
to find a verdict for the Crown if you believe that guilt is proved;
but, if you have a doubt upon that point, depend upon it that the
time will come when the innocence of that man will be made
apparent, and when you will deeply regret any want of due and calm
consideration of the case which it has been my duty to lay before
you.”
THE REPLY.
The greater part of the tenth day was occupied with the reply of
the Attorney-General, dealing in the first part with the medico-
scientific evidence brought forward for the defence, and contrasting
it with that on the part of the prosecution, and in the latter part
pressing home with all his force of criticism and power of language
the suspicious acts of the prisoner before and after the death of
Cook. Between idiopathic and traumatic tetanus he drew the
distinction, “supported,” as he said, “by the evidence of men who
had seen, not here and there a stray case, but numerous instances of
that disease, that the former was a disease of days, and even weeks,
and not of hours or minutes.” He pointed out that such were really
the symptoms in the cases adduced for the defence, and ridiculed
the notion that the old ulcers of the spring of the year, with which
Dr. Savage had dealt successfully, could be assigned as the causes
of this form of disease in Cook’s case, and then criticised seriatim
the other forms of convulsive disease to which the witnesses for the
defence attributed it. After referring to the statements of Dr. Savage
and Mr. Stevens as to the state of Cook’s health prior to his
Page 256
departure for Shrewsbury races, he thus dealt with the evidences of
his state of health offered by the prisoner’s witnesses:—
his state of health offered by the prisoner’s witnesses:—
Page 257
“It is said that at some former time he had exhibited his throat to
some of the witnesses that were called, and had applied to Palmer
for mercurial wash to apply to it, or to some of the ulcers. The
precise period is not fixed, but it is perfectly clear that, though at
one time he had adopted that course, under the recommendation of
Dr. Savage he had got rid of it, and there is not the slightest pretence
for saying that this man was suffering under a syphilitic affection of
any kind; that fact was negatived distinctly and unequivocally by a
man of the highest authority, a medical gentleman of eminence,
under whose treatment the man got so rapidly well. It is a pretence,
gentlemen, which has not the shadow of a foundation, and which I
should be shrinking from my duty if I did not denounce as
altogether unworthy of your consideration. There was nothing about
the man, according to the statement of those who were competent to
give you an opinion, which would warrant, for a single moment, the
supposition that there was anything in any part of his body which
could justify the notion of traumatic tetanus. Even if there were, the
character which his symptoms assumed when the tetanus set in, is
utterly incompatible, according to the evidence of all the witnesses,
with a case of traumatic tetanus.”
Then, after pointing out how the two cases of this disease put
forward by the defence were cases of days and hours, and, not like
Cook’s, of minutes, he proceeded to deal with the suggestion of
idiopathic tetanus.
“Idiopathic tetanus? Proceeding from what? They say that Mr.
Cook was a man of a delicate constitution, subject to excitement;
that he had something the matter with his chest; that, in addition, he
had this diseased condition of his throat, and, putting all these things
together, they say, that if he took cold, he might get ‘idiopathic
tetanus.’ We are launched into a sea of speculation and
impossibilities. Mr. Nunneley, who came forward for the purpose of
inducing you to believe this, goes through a bead-roll of the
some of the witnesses that were called, and had applied to Palmer
for mercurial wash to apply to it, or to some of the ulcers. The
precise period is not fixed, but it is perfectly clear that, though at
one time he had adopted that course, under the recommendation of
Dr. Savage he had got rid of it, and there is not the slightest pretence
for saying that this man was suffering under a syphilitic affection of
any kind; that fact was negatived distinctly and unequivocally by a
man of the highest authority, a medical gentleman of eminence,
under whose treatment the man got so rapidly well. It is a pretence,
gentlemen, which has not the shadow of a foundation, and which I
should be shrinking from my duty if I did not denounce as
altogether unworthy of your consideration. There was nothing about
the man, according to the statement of those who were competent to
give you an opinion, which would warrant, for a single moment, the
supposition that there was anything in any part of his body which
could justify the notion of traumatic tetanus. Even if there were, the
character which his symptoms assumed when the tetanus set in, is
utterly incompatible, according to the evidence of all the witnesses,
with a case of traumatic tetanus.”
Then, after pointing out how the two cases of this disease put
forward by the defence were cases of days and hours, and, not like
Cook’s, of minutes, he proceeded to deal with the suggestion of
idiopathic tetanus.
“Idiopathic tetanus? Proceeding from what? They say that Mr.
Cook was a man of a delicate constitution, subject to excitement;
that he had something the matter with his chest; that, in addition, he
had this diseased condition of his throat, and, putting all these things
together, they say, that if he took cold, he might get ‘idiopathic
tetanus.’ We are launched into a sea of speculation and
impossibilities. Mr. Nunneley, who came forward for the purpose of
inducing you to believe this, goes through a bead-roll of the
Page 258
supposed infirmities of Mr. Cook; talks about his exciteability, about
his delicacy of chest, about the affection of his throat, goes through
these various heads, and says that these things may have
predisposed him to ‘idiopathic tetanus,’ if he took cold. What
evidence is there that he ever did take cold? Not the slightest in the
world. From beginning to end he was never treated for cold by
anybody, and never complained of it to anyone. I cannot help saying
that to me it seems a scandal upon a learned, distinguished, and
liberal profession, that men should put forward such speculations as
these, perverting facts, and drawing from them sophistical and
unwarrantable conclusions with the view of deceiving a jury. I have
the greatest respect for science, no man can have more; but I cannot
repress my indignation and abhorrence when I see it thus perverted
and prostituted to the purposes of a particular cause in a court of
justice. Do not talk to me about excitement, as Mr. Nunneley did the
other day, being the cause of idiopathic tetanus. You remember the
sort of excitement he spoke of, they are unworthy of your notice,
and they were topics discreditable to be put forward by a witness as
worthy of the attention of sensible men constituting such a tribunal
as you are.”
Again, on Mr. Nunneley’s suggestion that it might be a case of
general convulsions accompanied by tetanic symptoms, said the
Attorney-General.—
“Well, but pause a moment, Mr. Nunneley; have you ever seen
one single case in which death arising from general convulsions,
accompanied by tetanic symptoms, has not ended in the
unconsciousness of the patient before death? ‘No, I never knew such
a case—not one. But in some book or other I am told that there is
such a case reported;’ and he cites one, not for that purpose, I think,
but with reference, to general convulsions being sometimes
accompanied by tetanic symptoms and ending in death, from a very
eminent author of the present day, Dr. Copland. Dr. Copland is
living and Dr. Copland might have been called—was not called,
his delicacy of chest, about the affection of his throat, goes through
these various heads, and says that these things may have
predisposed him to ‘idiopathic tetanus,’ if he took cold. What
evidence is there that he ever did take cold? Not the slightest in the
world. From beginning to end he was never treated for cold by
anybody, and never complained of it to anyone. I cannot help saying
that to me it seems a scandal upon a learned, distinguished, and
liberal profession, that men should put forward such speculations as
these, perverting facts, and drawing from them sophistical and
unwarrantable conclusions with the view of deceiving a jury. I have
the greatest respect for science, no man can have more; but I cannot
repress my indignation and abhorrence when I see it thus perverted
and prostituted to the purposes of a particular cause in a court of
justice. Do not talk to me about excitement, as Mr. Nunneley did the
other day, being the cause of idiopathic tetanus. You remember the
sort of excitement he spoke of, they are unworthy of your notice,
and they were topics discreditable to be put forward by a witness as
worthy of the attention of sensible men constituting such a tribunal
as you are.”
Again, on Mr. Nunneley’s suggestion that it might be a case of
general convulsions accompanied by tetanic symptoms, said the
Attorney-General.—
“Well, but pause a moment, Mr. Nunneley; have you ever seen
one single case in which death arising from general convulsions,
accompanied by tetanic symptoms, has not ended in the
unconsciousness of the patient before death? ‘No, I never knew such
a case—not one. But in some book or other I am told that there is
such a case reported;’ and he cites one, not for that purpose, I think,
but with reference, to general convulsions being sometimes
accompanied by tetanic symptoms and ending in death, from a very
eminent author of the present day, Dr. Copland. Dr. Copland is
living and Dr. Copland might have been called—was not called,
Page 259
notwithstanding the challenge which I threw out. Why? Because it
is infinitely better in such a case to call together from the east and
west practitioners of more or less obscurity, instead of bringing to
bear upon the subject the light of science which is treasured in the
breasts of the eminent practitioners with which this city abounds.”
Again, on Mr. Partridge’s evidence of the probable effect of the
granules on the spinal marrow,
“I called his attention,” he said, “to what had evidently not been
done before, namely, the symptoms of Mr. Cook’s case, and asked
him in simple, straightforward terms whether, looking at these, he
would pledge his opinion, in the face of the medical world and the
Court, that this was a case of arachnitis, and he candidly admitted
that he would not assert it.”
Against Dr. Macdonald’s epileptic convulsions with tetanic
complications, he cited the following from that gentleman’s cross-
examination:—
“Did you ever know a case of epilepsy, with or without tetanic
complications, in which consciousness was not destroyed before the
patient died? He said ‘No, I cannot say I ever did, but I have read in
some book that such a case occurred.’ Is there anything to make you
think this was epilepsy? ‘Well, it may have been epilepsy, because I
do not know what else to ascribe it to, but I must admit that epilepsy
is characterised generally by unconsciousness.’ Well, then, what
difference would tetanic complications make? That he is unable to
explain.”
With the final suggestion of Angina pectoris, he could not deal
so minutely as with the four preceding ones.
“The gentleman,” he said, “who was called at the last moment
would not have escaped quite so easily if I had had the books to
is infinitely better in such a case to call together from the east and
west practitioners of more or less obscurity, instead of bringing to
bear upon the subject the light of science which is treasured in the
breasts of the eminent practitioners with which this city abounds.”
Again, on Mr. Partridge’s evidence of the probable effect of the
granules on the spinal marrow,
“I called his attention,” he said, “to what had evidently not been
done before, namely, the symptoms of Mr. Cook’s case, and asked
him in simple, straightforward terms whether, looking at these, he
would pledge his opinion, in the face of the medical world and the
Court, that this was a case of arachnitis, and he candidly admitted
that he would not assert it.”
Against Dr. Macdonald’s epileptic convulsions with tetanic
complications, he cited the following from that gentleman’s cross-
examination:—
“Did you ever know a case of epilepsy, with or without tetanic
complications, in which consciousness was not destroyed before the
patient died? He said ‘No, I cannot say I ever did, but I have read in
some book that such a case occurred.’ Is there anything to make you
think this was epilepsy? ‘Well, it may have been epilepsy, because I
do not know what else to ascribe it to, but I must admit that epilepsy
is characterised generally by unconsciousness.’ Well, then, what
difference would tetanic complications make? That he is unable to
explain.”
With the final suggestion of Angina pectoris, he could not deal
so minutely as with the four preceding ones.
“The gentleman,” he said, “who was called at the last moment
would not have escaped quite so easily if I had had the books to
Page 260
which he referred under my hand, and been able to expose, as I
would have done, the ignorance or presumption of the assertion he
dared to make. I say ignorance or presumption; or, what is worse,
an intention to deceive. I assert it in the face of the whole medical
profession, and I am satisfied I shall have a verdict in my favour.”
He then concluded this part of his speech by calling attention to
the fact, that three of the witnesses for the prisoner, Mr. Partridge,
Dr. Robinson, and even Dr. Letheby, strongly as he was biased for
the defence, agreed with Sir B. Brodie and the other medical
witnesses for the Crown, that, “in the whole of their experience,
learning, and information, they knew of no known disease to which
the symptoms of Mr. Cook could possibly be referred—a fact the
importance of which it was impossible to exaggerate.”
Assuming, then, that all were agreed, that from the time that the
final paroxysm set in, the symptoms were similar to those of
strychnia tetanus, he dealt with the point which the defence had
raised—which he admitted deserved their most attentive
consideration—that there were points of difference, which had led
some of the witnesses to the conclusion that they could not have
resulted from that cause.
“Let us see,” he said, “what they are. In the first place, they
showed that the period which elapsed between the supposed
administration of the poison, and the first symptoms, was longer
than they have ever observed in animals upon which they have
experimented. The first observation which arises is this: that there is
a known difference between animal and human life, in the power
with which certain specific things act upon their organization. It
may well be that poison administered to a rabbit will produce its
effect in a given time. It by no means follows that it will produce the
same effect in the same time on an animal of a different description.
Still less does it follow that it will exercise its baneful influence in
the same time on a human subject. The whole of the evidence on
would have done, the ignorance or presumption of the assertion he
dared to make. I say ignorance or presumption; or, what is worse,
an intention to deceive. I assert it in the face of the whole medical
profession, and I am satisfied I shall have a verdict in my favour.”
He then concluded this part of his speech by calling attention to
the fact, that three of the witnesses for the prisoner, Mr. Partridge,
Dr. Robinson, and even Dr. Letheby, strongly as he was biased for
the defence, agreed with Sir B. Brodie and the other medical
witnesses for the Crown, that, “in the whole of their experience,
learning, and information, they knew of no known disease to which
the symptoms of Mr. Cook could possibly be referred—a fact the
importance of which it was impossible to exaggerate.”
Assuming, then, that all were agreed, that from the time that the
final paroxysm set in, the symptoms were similar to those of
strychnia tetanus, he dealt with the point which the defence had
raised—which he admitted deserved their most attentive
consideration—that there were points of difference, which had led
some of the witnesses to the conclusion that they could not have
resulted from that cause.
“Let us see,” he said, “what they are. In the first place, they
showed that the period which elapsed between the supposed
administration of the poison, and the first symptoms, was longer
than they have ever observed in animals upon which they have
experimented. The first observation which arises is this: that there is
a known difference between animal and human life, in the power
with which certain specific things act upon their organization. It
may well be that poison administered to a rabbit will produce its
effect in a given time. It by no means follows that it will produce the
same effect in the same time on an animal of a different description.
Still less does it follow that it will exercise its baneful influence in
the same time on a human subject. The whole of the evidence on
Page 261
both sides leads to establish this fact, that not only in individuals of
different species, but in individuals of the same species, the same
poison and the same influence will produce effects different in
degree, different in duration, different in power. But again, it is
perfectly notorious that the rapidity with which the poison begins to
work depends mainly upon the mode of its administration. If it is
administered in a fluid state it acts with great rapidity. If it is given
in a solid state its effects come on more slowly. If it is given in an
indurated substance it will act with still greater tardiness. Then what
was the period at which this poison began to act after its
administration, assuming it to have been poison? It seems, from Mr.
Jones’s statement, that Palmer came to administer the pills
somewhere about 11 o’clock, but they were not administered on his
first arrival, for the patient, as if with an intuitive sense of the death
that awaited him, strongly resisted the attempts to make him take
them; and no doubt these remonstrances, and the endeavours to
overcome them, occupied some period of time. The pills were at last
given. Assuming—which I only do for the sake of argument—that
the pills contained strychnia, how soon did they begin to operate?
Mr. Jones says he went down to his supper, and came back again
about 12 o’clock. Upon his return to the room, after a word or two
of conversation with Cook, he proceeded to undress and go to bed,
and had not been in bed ten minutes before a warning came that
another of the paroxysms was about to take place. The maidservant
puts it still earlier, and it appears that as early as ten minutes before
twelve the first alarm was given, which would make the interval
little more than three-quarters of an hour. When these witnesses tell
us that it would take an hour and a half, or two hours, we see here
another of those exaggerated determinations to see the facts only in
the way that will be most favourable to the prisoner. I find in some
of the experiments that have been made that the duration of time,
before the poison begins to work, has been little, if anything, less
than an hour. In the case of a girl at Glasgow it was stated that it was
three-quarters of an hour before the pills began to work. There may
have been some reason for the pills not taking effect within a certain
period after their administration. It would be easy to mix them up
different species, but in individuals of the same species, the same
poison and the same influence will produce effects different in
degree, different in duration, different in power. But again, it is
perfectly notorious that the rapidity with which the poison begins to
work depends mainly upon the mode of its administration. If it is
administered in a fluid state it acts with great rapidity. If it is given
in a solid state its effects come on more slowly. If it is given in an
indurated substance it will act with still greater tardiness. Then what
was the period at which this poison began to act after its
administration, assuming it to have been poison? It seems, from Mr.
Jones’s statement, that Palmer came to administer the pills
somewhere about 11 o’clock, but they were not administered on his
first arrival, for the patient, as if with an intuitive sense of the death
that awaited him, strongly resisted the attempts to make him take
them; and no doubt these remonstrances, and the endeavours to
overcome them, occupied some period of time. The pills were at last
given. Assuming—which I only do for the sake of argument—that
the pills contained strychnia, how soon did they begin to operate?
Mr. Jones says he went down to his supper, and came back again
about 12 o’clock. Upon his return to the room, after a word or two
of conversation with Cook, he proceeded to undress and go to bed,
and had not been in bed ten minutes before a warning came that
another of the paroxysms was about to take place. The maidservant
puts it still earlier, and it appears that as early as ten minutes before
twelve the first alarm was given, which would make the interval
little more than three-quarters of an hour. When these witnesses tell
us that it would take an hour and a half, or two hours, we see here
another of those exaggerated determinations to see the facts only in
the way that will be most favourable to the prisoner. I find in some
of the experiments that have been made that the duration of time,
before the poison begins to work, has been little, if anything, less
than an hour. In the case of a girl at Glasgow it was stated that it was
three-quarters of an hour before the pills began to work. There may
have been some reason for the pills not taking effect within a certain
period after their administration. It would be easy to mix them up
Page 262
with substances difficult of solution, or which might retard their
action. I cannot bring myself to believe that if in all other respects
you are perfectly satisfied that the symptoms, the consequences, the
effects, were analogous, and similar in all respects to those produced
by strychnia, you will conclude that in this case strychnia was not
administered, and found your conclusion on the simple fact that a
quarter of an hour more than usual may have elapsed before the pills
operated. But they say the premonitory symptoms were wanting.
They assert that in the case of animals the animal at first manifests
some uneasiness, shrinks, and draws itself into itself, as it were, and
avoids moving; that certain involuntary twitchings about the head
come on, and that there were no such premonitory symptoms in
Cook’s case. I utterly deny the proposition. I say there were
premonitory symptoms of the most marked character. He is lying in
his bed; he suddenly starts up in an agony of alarm. What made him
do that? Was there nothing premonitory there—nothing that warned
him the paroxysm was coming on? He jumps up, says, ‘Go and
fetch Palmer—fetch me help! I am going to be ill as I was last
night!’ What was that but a knowledge that the symptoms of the
previous night were returning, and a warning of what he might
expect unless some relief were obtained? He sits up and prays to
have his neck rubbed. What was the feeling about his neck but a
premonitory symptom, which was to precede the paroxysms that
were to supervene? He begs to have his neck rubbed, and that gives
him some comfort. But here they say this could not have been
tetanus from strychnia, because animals cannot bear to be touched,
for a touch brings on a paroxysm—not only a touch, but a breath of
air, a sound, a word, a movement of any one near will bring on a
return of the paroxysm. Now, in three cases of death from strychnia
we have shown that the patient has endured rubbing of the limbs,
and received satisfaction from that rubbing. In Mrs. Smyth’s case,
when her legs were distorted, she prayed and entreated that she
might have them straightened. The lady at Leeds, in the case which
Dr. Nunneley himself attended, implored her husband between the
spasms to rub her legs and arms in order to overcome the rigidity.
That case was within his own knowledge, and yet in spite of it,
action. I cannot bring myself to believe that if in all other respects
you are perfectly satisfied that the symptoms, the consequences, the
effects, were analogous, and similar in all respects to those produced
by strychnia, you will conclude that in this case strychnia was not
administered, and found your conclusion on the simple fact that a
quarter of an hour more than usual may have elapsed before the pills
operated. But they say the premonitory symptoms were wanting.
They assert that in the case of animals the animal at first manifests
some uneasiness, shrinks, and draws itself into itself, as it were, and
avoids moving; that certain involuntary twitchings about the head
come on, and that there were no such premonitory symptoms in
Cook’s case. I utterly deny the proposition. I say there were
premonitory symptoms of the most marked character. He is lying in
his bed; he suddenly starts up in an agony of alarm. What made him
do that? Was there nothing premonitory there—nothing that warned
him the paroxysm was coming on? He jumps up, says, ‘Go and
fetch Palmer—fetch me help! I am going to be ill as I was last
night!’ What was that but a knowledge that the symptoms of the
previous night were returning, and a warning of what he might
expect unless some relief were obtained? He sits up and prays to
have his neck rubbed. What was the feeling about his neck but a
premonitory symptom, which was to precede the paroxysms that
were to supervene? He begs to have his neck rubbed, and that gives
him some comfort. But here they say this could not have been
tetanus from strychnia, because animals cannot bear to be touched,
for a touch brings on a paroxysm—not only a touch, but a breath of
air, a sound, a word, a movement of any one near will bring on a
return of the paroxysm. Now, in three cases of death from strychnia
we have shown that the patient has endured rubbing of the limbs,
and received satisfaction from that rubbing. In Mrs. Smyth’s case,
when her legs were distorted, she prayed and entreated that she
might have them straightened. The lady at Leeds, in the case which
Dr. Nunneley himself attended, implored her husband between the
spasms to rub her legs and arms in order to overcome the rigidity.
That case was within his own knowledge, and yet in spite of it,
Page 263
although he detected strychnia in the body of the unhappy woman,
he dares to say that Cook’s having tolerated the rubbing between the
paroxysms is a proof that he had not taken strychnia. Then there is
the case of Clutterbuck. He had taken an overdose of strychnia, and
suffered from the reappearance of tetanus, and his only comfort was
to have his legs rubbed. Therefore, I say that the continued
endeavour to persuade a jury that the fact of Cook’s having had his
neck rubbed proves that this is not tetanus by strychnia, shows
nothing but the dishonesty and insincerity of the witnesses who
have so dared to pervert the facts. But they go further, and contend
that Cook was able to swallow. So he was before the paroxysms
came on. But nobody has ever pretended that he could swallow
afterwards. He swallowed the pills, and what is very curious, and
illustrates part of the theory, is this, that it was the act of swallowing
the pills, a sort of movement in raising his head, which brought on
the paroxysm of which he died.”
Having thus called attention to the fact, that against the three
cases of undoubted poisoning by strychnia (those of Mrs. Smyth,
Mrs. Dove, and Mr. Clutterbuck), the sufferers in which begged to
be rubbed, all that could be set up was, that animals when thus
poisoned could not bear to be touched, the Attorney-General dealt
with the fact of the rigidity of Cook’s body after death, on which
Mr. Nunneley relied as a proof that it could not be a case of
strychnia poisoning. He cited the evidence of Mr. Herapath, the
very next analyst called by the defence, that in two of his
experiments on animals “the bodies had been indurated and
contorted,” as well that of Dr. Taylor that one of the animals in his
experiments was so rigid after death that it could be held out in an
horizontal position in the air as though it were on its four legs on a
plane surface. “What,” he said, “are you to think of the honesty of
this sort of evidence? “Again, on the question of the fulness or
he dares to say that Cook’s having tolerated the rubbing between the
paroxysms is a proof that he had not taken strychnia. Then there is
the case of Clutterbuck. He had taken an overdose of strychnia, and
suffered from the reappearance of tetanus, and his only comfort was
to have his legs rubbed. Therefore, I say that the continued
endeavour to persuade a jury that the fact of Cook’s having had his
neck rubbed proves that this is not tetanus by strychnia, shows
nothing but the dishonesty and insincerity of the witnesses who
have so dared to pervert the facts. But they go further, and contend
that Cook was able to swallow. So he was before the paroxysms
came on. But nobody has ever pretended that he could swallow
afterwards. He swallowed the pills, and what is very curious, and
illustrates part of the theory, is this, that it was the act of swallowing
the pills, a sort of movement in raising his head, which brought on
the paroxysm of which he died.”
Having thus called attention to the fact, that against the three
cases of undoubted poisoning by strychnia (those of Mrs. Smyth,
Mrs. Dove, and Mr. Clutterbuck), the sufferers in which begged to
be rubbed, all that could be set up was, that animals when thus
poisoned could not bear to be touched, the Attorney-General dealt
with the fact of the rigidity of Cook’s body after death, on which
Mr. Nunneley relied as a proof that it could not be a case of
strychnia poisoning. He cited the evidence of Mr. Herapath, the
very next analyst called by the defence, that in two of his
experiments on animals “the bodies had been indurated and
contorted,” as well that of Dr. Taylor that one of the animals in his
experiments was so rigid after death that it could be held out in an
horizontal position in the air as though it were on its four legs on a
plane surface. “What,” he said, “are you to think of the honesty of
this sort of evidence? “Again, on the question of the fulness or
Page 264
emptiness of the heart, he thus accounted for the variation of the
symptoms:—
“It is obvious to any one who reflects for a single moment that
the question whether the heart shall be found compressed, or the
lungs congested must depend upon the immediate cause of death,
and we know that in cases of tetanus death may result from more
than one cause. All the muscles of the body are subject to the
exciting action of this powerful poison, but no one can tell in what
order those muscles will be affected, or where the poisonous
influence will put forth the fulness of its power. If it acts on the
respiratory muscles, and arrests the play of the lungs, and with it the
breathing of the atmospheric air, the result will be that the heart will
be left full. But if some spasm seizes on the heart, contracting it and
expelling from it the blood that it contains, and so produces death,
the result will be that the heart will be found empty. So that you
never have perfect certainty as to how these symptoms will manifest
themselves after death; but that is again put forward as if the fact of
the heart being empty is a conclusive fact of the death not having
taken place from strychnia. Yet those men who come here as
witnesses under the sanction of scientific authority, must have heard
both these cases spoken to by medical gentlemen who had examined
those two unfortunate patients after death, and who told us that in
both cases they found the heart empty. That gets rid of that matter.
As death takes place from one or other of these causes, so will be
the appearance of the heart, the brain, and the body after death.
There is nothing in this for a single moment to negative the
conclusion which you would otherwise arrive at from the other
symptoms.”
For the difficulty which he admitted arose from the non-
discovery of strychnia by the analyst, he assigned another reason
besides that of the condition of the stomach and other parts from
the negligence imputed to those who had conducted the post
mortem examination—namely, the probable smallness of the fatal
symptoms:—
“It is obvious to any one who reflects for a single moment that
the question whether the heart shall be found compressed, or the
lungs congested must depend upon the immediate cause of death,
and we know that in cases of tetanus death may result from more
than one cause. All the muscles of the body are subject to the
exciting action of this powerful poison, but no one can tell in what
order those muscles will be affected, or where the poisonous
influence will put forth the fulness of its power. If it acts on the
respiratory muscles, and arrests the play of the lungs, and with it the
breathing of the atmospheric air, the result will be that the heart will
be left full. But if some spasm seizes on the heart, contracting it and
expelling from it the blood that it contains, and so produces death,
the result will be that the heart will be found empty. So that you
never have perfect certainty as to how these symptoms will manifest
themselves after death; but that is again put forward as if the fact of
the heart being empty is a conclusive fact of the death not having
taken place from strychnia. Yet those men who come here as
witnesses under the sanction of scientific authority, must have heard
both these cases spoken to by medical gentlemen who had examined
those two unfortunate patients after death, and who told us that in
both cases they found the heart empty. That gets rid of that matter.
As death takes place from one or other of these causes, so will be
the appearance of the heart, the brain, and the body after death.
There is nothing in this for a single moment to negative the
conclusion which you would otherwise arrive at from the other
symptoms.”
For the difficulty which he admitted arose from the non-
discovery of strychnia by the analyst, he assigned another reason
besides that of the condition of the stomach and other parts from
the negligence imputed to those who had conducted the post
mortem examination—namely, the probable smallness of the fatal
Page 265
dose. In all the cases of experiments on animals in which the
poison had been detected, the doses had been one or even two
grains, yet half a grain would prove fatal; and where so little as that
had been given in experiments, Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees had failed
to detect it. On the partisanship of Mr. Herapath, sitting by the side
of the prisoner’s counsel, prompting questions, and on his assertion
that he believed that Cook had been killed by strychnia and that
Taylor could and ought to have detected it, his remarks were those
rather of a French Public Prosecutor than an Attorney-General.
“I do not say that alters the fact; but I do say that it induces one
to look at the credit of those witnesses with a very great amount of
suspicion. I reverence a man who, from a sense of justice and a love
of truth—from those high considerations which form the noblest
character of man—comes forward in favour of a man against whom
the world may turn in a torrent of prejudice and aversion, and who
stands and states what he believes to be the truth. But I abhor the
traffic in testimony to which, I regret to say, men of science
sometimes permit themselves to condescend.”
Whether Newton was believed or not—and he showed how his
statement was confirmed by Roberts’s account of Palmer’s conduct
at the time of the second purchase of poison, he urged that of the
latter fact there could be no doubt, and asked what was done with
that strychnia. That Palmer obtained this strychnia was not
controverted, and what he did with it was not attempted to be
satisfactorily accounted for.
“Purchased for whom? for what? If for a patient why is he not
produced? If for any other purpose, let us at least have it explained.
Has there been a shadow of an explanation? Alas, I grieve to say,
none at all. Something was said, in the outset of the case, about dogs
that had been troublesome in the paddocks, but that was in
September. If there was any recurrence of this, why are not the
poison had been detected, the doses had been one or even two
grains, yet half a grain would prove fatal; and where so little as that
had been given in experiments, Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees had failed
to detect it. On the partisanship of Mr. Herapath, sitting by the side
of the prisoner’s counsel, prompting questions, and on his assertion
that he believed that Cook had been killed by strychnia and that
Taylor could and ought to have detected it, his remarks were those
rather of a French Public Prosecutor than an Attorney-General.
“I do not say that alters the fact; but I do say that it induces one
to look at the credit of those witnesses with a very great amount of
suspicion. I reverence a man who, from a sense of justice and a love
of truth—from those high considerations which form the noblest
character of man—comes forward in favour of a man against whom
the world may turn in a torrent of prejudice and aversion, and who
stands and states what he believes to be the truth. But I abhor the
traffic in testimony to which, I regret to say, men of science
sometimes permit themselves to condescend.”
Whether Newton was believed or not—and he showed how his
statement was confirmed by Roberts’s account of Palmer’s conduct
at the time of the second purchase of poison, he urged that of the
latter fact there could be no doubt, and asked what was done with
that strychnia. That Palmer obtained this strychnia was not
controverted, and what he did with it was not attempted to be
satisfactorily accounted for.
“Purchased for whom? for what? If for a patient why is he not
produced? If for any other purpose, let us at least have it explained.
Has there been a shadow of an explanation? Alas, I grieve to say,
none at all. Something was said, in the outset of the case, about dogs
that had been troublesome in the paddocks, but that was in
September. If there was any recurrence of this, why are not the
Page 266
grooms here to prove this? Some one must have assisted Palmer to
destroy these dogs. Where are those persons? Why are they not
called? Not only are they not called, they are not even named. My
learned friend does not venture to breathe even a suggestion.”[69]
As for the witness called to disprove the incident of the brandy
and water at Shrewsbury, his solitary evidence, that of one of the
prisoner’s associates, he urged, would not stand for a moment
against those of the witnesses who had spoken for the prosecution.
As for the attempt to prove that Palmer could not have been in
Rugeley at the time when Newton swore that he purchased the
strychnia, Mr. Jeremiah Smith’s antecedents, the disgraceful part he
had played in the insurance transactions, let alone his exhibition in
the witness-box, he added, deprived his evidence of credit.
Again, antimony was undoubtedly discovered in the body, and
yet no one is known to have given it to Cook, unless Palmer did so
in the broth, the toast and water, and the coffee that he pressed him
to take, and provided for him. On the question of motive so
anxiously laboured by the defence, it was enough simply to repeat,
the amounts of the debts pressing on Palmer, and to bear in mind
how drowning men will catch at a straw. Cook’s bets, which
Palmer had collected, staved off immediate pressure; and had not
Mr. Stevens, whose conduct as Cook’s relative the Attorney-
General earnestly defended, insisted on the post-mortem, and thus
brought about the inquest and this inquiry, it was possible that the
insurance office might have paid the policy on Walter’s life, and the
forged bills been thus redeemed in time to save exposure. Cook
also was valueless to help Palmer to keep these bills alive; even
Pratt, the 60 per cent. money-lender, would not discount his
acceptance for £500 without the security of a bill of sale on his
horses.
destroy these dogs. Where are those persons? Why are they not
called? Not only are they not called, they are not even named. My
learned friend does not venture to breathe even a suggestion.”[69]
As for the witness called to disprove the incident of the brandy
and water at Shrewsbury, his solitary evidence, that of one of the
prisoner’s associates, he urged, would not stand for a moment
against those of the witnesses who had spoken for the prosecution.
As for the attempt to prove that Palmer could not have been in
Rugeley at the time when Newton swore that he purchased the
strychnia, Mr. Jeremiah Smith’s antecedents, the disgraceful part he
had played in the insurance transactions, let alone his exhibition in
the witness-box, he added, deprived his evidence of credit.
Again, antimony was undoubtedly discovered in the body, and
yet no one is known to have given it to Cook, unless Palmer did so
in the broth, the toast and water, and the coffee that he pressed him
to take, and provided for him. On the question of motive so
anxiously laboured by the defence, it was enough simply to repeat,
the amounts of the debts pressing on Palmer, and to bear in mind
how drowning men will catch at a straw. Cook’s bets, which
Palmer had collected, staved off immediate pressure; and had not
Mr. Stevens, whose conduct as Cook’s relative the Attorney-
General earnestly defended, insisted on the post-mortem, and thus
brought about the inquest and this inquiry, it was possible that the
insurance office might have paid the policy on Walter’s life, and the
forged bills been thus redeemed in time to save exposure. Cook
also was valueless to help Palmer to keep these bills alive; even
Pratt, the 60 per cent. money-lender, would not discount his
acceptance for £500 without the security of a bill of sale on his
horses.
Page 267
Better acquainted with turf doings than his opponent, the
Attorney-General smiled at the idea, that because a man was
another’s confederate on the turf therefore he made himself
responsible for his debts, or that Cook, with all his friendship for
Palmer, would beggar himself for his sake.
“Joint engagement they had but one, the £500 bill secured on
Sirius and Polestar, and it was to meet this, and free his horses, that
Cook gave £300 out of his receipts at Shrewsbury to Palmer to send
up to Pratt, and wrote to Fisher to advance the other £200. No £300
was sent up, and the £200, with the bets collected by Herring, went
not to free this bill, but to stop Pratt’s action on the forged bill of
£2000 of Palmer’s. It was no doubt true that after a man’s death, his
bets were irrecoverable and his betting-book useless. It was,
however, useful to enable Palmer to give a list of bets to Herring to
collect, the proceeds of which were turned to his own use, and the
previous collection of which Palmer withheld from Stevens. In the
same way would have gone the cheque for £350 for the stakes—
whether a forgery or not—but for the accident of their not having
paid over in time. Had Cook lived, the closely approaching claim on
his £500 acceptance, which he believed to have been settled, would
have revealed the whole transaction.” [Again, the Attorney-General
pressed for the production of the £350 cheque filled up by
Cheshire.] “Why should Cheshire be asked to fill it up? Just about
this time Palmer was to meet Dr. Bamford and Jones in consultation
—why not ask Mr. Jones, the trusted friend of Cook, tell him the
same story as he did Cheshire, and not send for the latter? From the
day that this cheque was drawn till he was arrested on the bill,
Palmer had undisturbed possession of his own papers—from the day
of his arrest till his trial the papers had been in safe custody. Why,
then, is it not produced? Can you help drawing the inference that the
transaction will not bear the light? Look, again, at the claim of
£3000 or £4000 of bills on Cook’s estate, the document Cheshire
refused to witness, which is also not produced—the letter to Pratt
that he must have Polestar, and the instructions not to give any
Attorney-General smiled at the idea, that because a man was
another’s confederate on the turf therefore he made himself
responsible for his debts, or that Cook, with all his friendship for
Palmer, would beggar himself for his sake.
“Joint engagement they had but one, the £500 bill secured on
Sirius and Polestar, and it was to meet this, and free his horses, that
Cook gave £300 out of his receipts at Shrewsbury to Palmer to send
up to Pratt, and wrote to Fisher to advance the other £200. No £300
was sent up, and the £200, with the bets collected by Herring, went
not to free this bill, but to stop Pratt’s action on the forged bill of
£2000 of Palmer’s. It was no doubt true that after a man’s death, his
bets were irrecoverable and his betting-book useless. It was,
however, useful to enable Palmer to give a list of bets to Herring to
collect, the proceeds of which were turned to his own use, and the
previous collection of which Palmer withheld from Stevens. In the
same way would have gone the cheque for £350 for the stakes—
whether a forgery or not—but for the accident of their not having
paid over in time. Had Cook lived, the closely approaching claim on
his £500 acceptance, which he believed to have been settled, would
have revealed the whole transaction.” [Again, the Attorney-General
pressed for the production of the £350 cheque filled up by
Cheshire.] “Why should Cheshire be asked to fill it up? Just about
this time Palmer was to meet Dr. Bamford and Jones in consultation
—why not ask Mr. Jones, the trusted friend of Cook, tell him the
same story as he did Cheshire, and not send for the latter? From the
day that this cheque was drawn till he was arrested on the bill,
Palmer had undisturbed possession of his own papers—from the day
of his arrest till his trial the papers had been in safe custody. Why,
then, is it not produced? Can you help drawing the inference that the
transaction will not bear the light? Look, again, at the claim of
£3000 or £4000 of bills on Cook’s estate, the document Cheshire
refused to witness, which is also not produced—the letter to Pratt
that he must have Polestar, and the instructions not to give any
Page 268
information on Cook’s affairs. Can you doubt that they were all part
of one fraudulent and flagitious design, for the full completion of
which the death of Cook was a necessary thing?”
Palmer’s conduct at the post-mortem, the tampering with the
cover of the jar—by whom?—his anxiety to upset Mr. Stevens
when in charge of it, because, it had been urged, of “his prying
meddlesome curiosity;” his presents and letters to the coroner; his
prompting Cheshire to tamper with the letter from Dr. Taylor; his
anxiety to know, and to let the coroner know, that strychnia had not
been found; his suggestion to call Smith (what a witness Jeremiah
would have made!); his assertions of previous epileptic fits, and his
hope “that the verdict to-morrow would be that he died of natural
causes, and thus end it,” were all dwelt upon: “little things, if taken
individually, but taken as a whole,” said the Attorney-General, “as I
submit to you, leading irresistibly to the conclusion of the guilt of
this man.”
In concluding this masterly speech, though in some parts too
like fighting for a verdict, the Attorney-General criticised the
assertion by Serjeant Shee of his belief of the prisoner’s innocence:
—
“You have, indeed, had introduced into this case one other
element, which I own, I think, had better have been omitted. You
have had from my learned friend the unusual, I think I may say the
unprecedented, assurance of his conviction of the innocence of his
client. I can only say upon that point that I think it would have been
better if my learned friend had abstained from giving such an
assurance. What would he think of me if, imitating his example, I
should at this moment declare to you, on my honour, as he did, what
is the intimate conviction which has followed from my own
conscientious consideration of this case? My learned friend also, in
his address, of which all admired the power and ability, adopting a
of one fraudulent and flagitious design, for the full completion of
which the death of Cook was a necessary thing?”
Palmer’s conduct at the post-mortem, the tampering with the
cover of the jar—by whom?—his anxiety to upset Mr. Stevens
when in charge of it, because, it had been urged, of “his prying
meddlesome curiosity;” his presents and letters to the coroner; his
prompting Cheshire to tamper with the letter from Dr. Taylor; his
anxiety to know, and to let the coroner know, that strychnia had not
been found; his suggestion to call Smith (what a witness Jeremiah
would have made!); his assertions of previous epileptic fits, and his
hope “that the verdict to-morrow would be that he died of natural
causes, and thus end it,” were all dwelt upon: “little things, if taken
individually, but taken as a whole,” said the Attorney-General, “as I
submit to you, leading irresistibly to the conclusion of the guilt of
this man.”
In concluding this masterly speech, though in some parts too
like fighting for a verdict, the Attorney-General criticised the
assertion by Serjeant Shee of his belief of the prisoner’s innocence:
—
“You have, indeed, had introduced into this case one other
element, which I own, I think, had better have been omitted. You
have had from my learned friend the unusual, I think I may say the
unprecedented, assurance of his conviction of the innocence of his
client. I can only say upon that point that I think it would have been
better if my learned friend had abstained from giving such an
assurance. What would he think of me if, imitating his example, I
should at this moment declare to you, on my honour, as he did, what
is the intimate conviction which has followed from my own
conscientious consideration of this case? My learned friend also, in
his address, of which all admired the power and ability, adopting a
Page 269
course which is sometimes resorted to by advocates, but which, in
my mind, involves more or less a species of insult to the good sense
or good feeling of the jury—endeavoured to intimidate you, by an
appeal to your consciences, from discharging firmly and honestly
the great and solemn duty which you are called upon to perform.
My learned friend told you that, if your verdict in this case should
be ‘guilty,’ the innocence of the prisoner would one day be made
manifest, and that you would never cease to regret the verdict which
you had given. If my learned friend were sincere in that—and I
know that he was, for there is no man in whom the spirit of truth
and honour is more keenly alive—if he said what he believed, I can
only answer that it shows how, when a man enters upon the
consideration of a case with a strong bias on his mind, he is liable to
err. I think then that my learned friend had better have abstained
from making any assurance which involved his conviction of the
prisoner’s innocence. I think, further—in justice and consideration
to you—that he should have abstained from representing to you that
the voice of the country would not sanction the verdict which you
might give. I say nothing of the inconsistency which is involved in
such a statement, coming from one who but a short hour before had
complained in eloquent terms of the universal torrent of passion and
of prejudice by which he said that his client would be borne down;
but in answer to my learned friend I say this to you:—Pay no regard
to the voice of the country, whether it be for condemnation or for
acquittal; pay no regard to anything but to the internal voice of your
own consciences, and to that sense of duty which you owe to God
and man upon this occasion, seeking no reward except the
comforting assurance that when you look back to the proceedings of
this day you will feel that you have discharged to the utmost of your
ability and to the best of your power the duty which it was yours to
perform. If on a review of this whole case, comparing the evidence
on one side and on the other, and weighing it in the even scales of
justice, you can come to the conclusion of innocence, or can even
entertain that fair and reasonable amount of doubt of which the
accused is entitled to the benefit, in God’s name acquit him; but if,
on the other hand, all the facts and all the evidence lead your minds,
my mind, involves more or less a species of insult to the good sense
or good feeling of the jury—endeavoured to intimidate you, by an
appeal to your consciences, from discharging firmly and honestly
the great and solemn duty which you are called upon to perform.
My learned friend told you that, if your verdict in this case should
be ‘guilty,’ the innocence of the prisoner would one day be made
manifest, and that you would never cease to regret the verdict which
you had given. If my learned friend were sincere in that—and I
know that he was, for there is no man in whom the spirit of truth
and honour is more keenly alive—if he said what he believed, I can
only answer that it shows how, when a man enters upon the
consideration of a case with a strong bias on his mind, he is liable to
err. I think then that my learned friend had better have abstained
from making any assurance which involved his conviction of the
prisoner’s innocence. I think, further—in justice and consideration
to you—that he should have abstained from representing to you that
the voice of the country would not sanction the verdict which you
might give. I say nothing of the inconsistency which is involved in
such a statement, coming from one who but a short hour before had
complained in eloquent terms of the universal torrent of passion and
of prejudice by which he said that his client would be borne down;
but in answer to my learned friend I say this to you:—Pay no regard
to the voice of the country, whether it be for condemnation or for
acquittal; pay no regard to anything but to the internal voice of your
own consciences, and to that sense of duty which you owe to God
and man upon this occasion, seeking no reward except the
comforting assurance that when you look back to the proceedings of
this day you will feel that you have discharged to the utmost of your
ability and to the best of your power the duty which it was yours to
perform. If on a review of this whole case, comparing the evidence
on one side and on the other, and weighing it in the even scales of
justice, you can come to the conclusion of innocence, or can even
entertain that fair and reasonable amount of doubt of which the
accused is entitled to the benefit, in God’s name acquit him; but if,
on the other hand, all the facts and all the evidence lead your minds,
Page 270
with satisfaction to yourselves, to the conclusion of his guilt, then—
but then only—I ask for a verdict of ‘guilty’ at your hands. For the
protection of the good, for the repression of the wicked, I ask for
that verdict by which alone—as it seems to me—the safety of
society can be secured, and the demands, the imperious demands of
public justice, can be satisfied.”
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
As the learned Judge’s charge occupied the whole of the
eleventh and until half-past four on the twelfth day, and was
necessarily protracted by his reading in detail nearly all the
voluminous evidence to the jury, it would be impossible to give it
in full. I shall, therefore, limit this report to such of his
observations, as have not already been given in the notes to the
evidence of the various witnesses to whom they applied.
Contrasting the practice in foreign countries of raising the
probability of guilt, from the fact of the previous commission by a
prisoner of other crimes against other persons, and even of a totally
different character to that with which he then stands charged, Lord
Campbell warned the jury that they must deal with him now as if
he were an entirely innocent man, and confine their attention solely
to the evidence bearing on the crime itself. He warned them also
that the expression of his counsel’s opinion, that the prisoner was
innocent, meant no more than the plea of “Not Guilty,” and that the
most inconvenient consequences would follow from regarding it in
any other light. Neither was it necessary, as a point of law, that the
poison by which it was charged that the murder was effected,
should be found in the body, or seen to be administered. They must
look to the medical evidence to see whether the death was from
that poison, or from natural causes, and to the moral evidence,
whether that showed that the prisoner not only had the opportunity,
but then only—I ask for a verdict of ‘guilty’ at your hands. For the
protection of the good, for the repression of the wicked, I ask for
that verdict by which alone—as it seems to me—the safety of
society can be secured, and the demands, the imperious demands of
public justice, can be satisfied.”
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
As the learned Judge’s charge occupied the whole of the
eleventh and until half-past four on the twelfth day, and was
necessarily protracted by his reading in detail nearly all the
voluminous evidence to the jury, it would be impossible to give it
in full. I shall, therefore, limit this report to such of his
observations, as have not already been given in the notes to the
evidence of the various witnesses to whom they applied.
Contrasting the practice in foreign countries of raising the
probability of guilt, from the fact of the previous commission by a
prisoner of other crimes against other persons, and even of a totally
different character to that with which he then stands charged, Lord
Campbell warned the jury that they must deal with him now as if
he were an entirely innocent man, and confine their attention solely
to the evidence bearing on the crime itself. He warned them also
that the expression of his counsel’s opinion, that the prisoner was
innocent, meant no more than the plea of “Not Guilty,” and that the
most inconvenient consequences would follow from regarding it in
any other light. Neither was it necessary, as a point of law, that the
poison by which it was charged that the murder was effected,
should be found in the body, or seen to be administered. They must
look to the medical evidence to see whether the death was from
that poison, or from natural causes, and to the moral evidence,
whether that showed that the prisoner not only had the opportunity,
Page 271
but that he actually availed himself of that opportunity, and
administered the poison. He then proceeded to read over the
evidence, commencing with that showing the indebtedness of
Palmer to Pratt, in which Cook had no liability, and then taking up
the joint liability of Palmer and Cook to the same person in
connection with the loan secured on Cook’s horses. With reference
to the former transactions he called attention to Palmer’s letter to
Pratt, “not to let Cook’s friends know what money Cook had ever
had from him,” remarking, “that it was written at a time when the
stepfather was making inquiries of a nature certainly very
disagreeable to Palmer.” On the latter correspondence he called
attention to the cheque for £375, sent by Pratt for Cook, on which
Palmer wrote the endorsement, and admitted “that it was very
properly argued for the defence, that it was possible that Cook had
authorised some one else to write it;” but coupled with it the
circumstance that on the 13th of November Palmer was in a state of
embarrassment, and that on the 20th he could pay Armshaw two
£50 notes, and that on the 22nd he could pay a further £50.
After next reading the evidence of Wright, the attorney of
Birmingham, to show how heavily Palmer was indebted to his
brother, besides to Pratt, and alluding to the bill of sale of all his
property, he laid great stress on the non-production of the cheque
on Weatherby for £350, the production of which would have settled
the question whether or not it was forged with the intention of
appropriating it to his own use. Mr. Serjeant Shee here interposing
with the remark that Weatherby thought the signature genuine,
Lord Campbell replied:—
“Mr. Weatherby said the body of the cheque was not in Cook’s
handwriting, and he had paid no attention to the signature. You,
gentlemen, must consider the evidence with regard to this part of the
case. The cheque is not produced, though it was sent back by
administered the poison. He then proceeded to read over the
evidence, commencing with that showing the indebtedness of
Palmer to Pratt, in which Cook had no liability, and then taking up
the joint liability of Palmer and Cook to the same person in
connection with the loan secured on Cook’s horses. With reference
to the former transactions he called attention to Palmer’s letter to
Pratt, “not to let Cook’s friends know what money Cook had ever
had from him,” remarking, “that it was written at a time when the
stepfather was making inquiries of a nature certainly very
disagreeable to Palmer.” On the latter correspondence he called
attention to the cheque for £375, sent by Pratt for Cook, on which
Palmer wrote the endorsement, and admitted “that it was very
properly argued for the defence, that it was possible that Cook had
authorised some one else to write it;” but coupled with it the
circumstance that on the 13th of November Palmer was in a state of
embarrassment, and that on the 20th he could pay Armshaw two
£50 notes, and that on the 22nd he could pay a further £50.
After next reading the evidence of Wright, the attorney of
Birmingham, to show how heavily Palmer was indebted to his
brother, besides to Pratt, and alluding to the bill of sale of all his
property, he laid great stress on the non-production of the cheque
on Weatherby for £350, the production of which would have settled
the question whether or not it was forged with the intention of
appropriating it to his own use. Mr. Serjeant Shee here interposing
with the remark that Weatherby thought the signature genuine,
Lord Campbell replied:—
“Mr. Weatherby said the body of the cheque was not in Cook’s
handwriting, and he had paid no attention to the signature. You,
gentlemen, must consider the evidence with regard to this part of the
case. The cheque is not produced, though it was sent back by
Page 272
Weatherby to Palmer. It is not produced” [here the judge read the
evidence of the search for papers at Palmer’s]. “It might have been
expected that the cheque so returned to Palmer, who professed to set
store upon it, and to have given value for it, would have been found,
but it is not forthcoming. It is for you to draw whatever inference
may suggest itself to you from this circumstance.”
The judge then alluded to the fact of Palmer remaining in the
neighbourhood after suspicion had been excited against him, as of
importance, and worthy of being taken into consideration, though,
as he added, “he might have done so, perhaps, thinking that from
the care he had taken nothing would be discovered against him,”
and that neither the bills nor the document by which Cook was said
to have admitted his liability on them were produced, and closed
this portion of the evidence.
On the incident of the brandy-and-water at Shrewsbury, the
learned judge remarked, “What a mysterious circumstance it was,
that Cook, after he had stated his suspicions, still retained his
confidence in Palmer—was still constantly in his company—during
the few remaining days of his life, still sent for him whenever in
distress; and, in fact, seemed to a great extent to be under his
influence.” In a subsequent part of his charge, when dealing with
the evidence for the defence, he contrasted the evidence of Myatt in
contradiction to that of Brooks and Fisher, and left the jury to draw
their own conclusion which they would believe. Cook’s letter to
Fisher to pay Pratt the £200 was also here read and commented on,
and the jury left to infer why he did not go to London as he
proposed, and why he put the collection of his bets in Herring’s
hands instead of Fisher’s—“if he did so.”
Coming now to the illness at Rugeley, he said, “he was bound
to declare that not one fact had been adduced to prove that Mills
had been bribed, or that Mr. Stevens had read over the newspaper
evidence of the search for papers at Palmer’s]. “It might have been
expected that the cheque so returned to Palmer, who professed to set
store upon it, and to have given value for it, would have been found,
but it is not forthcoming. It is for you to draw whatever inference
may suggest itself to you from this circumstance.”
The judge then alluded to the fact of Palmer remaining in the
neighbourhood after suspicion had been excited against him, as of
importance, and worthy of being taken into consideration, though,
as he added, “he might have done so, perhaps, thinking that from
the care he had taken nothing would be discovered against him,”
and that neither the bills nor the document by which Cook was said
to have admitted his liability on them were produced, and closed
this portion of the evidence.
On the incident of the brandy-and-water at Shrewsbury, the
learned judge remarked, “What a mysterious circumstance it was,
that Cook, after he had stated his suspicions, still retained his
confidence in Palmer—was still constantly in his company—during
the few remaining days of his life, still sent for him whenever in
distress; and, in fact, seemed to a great extent to be under his
influence.” In a subsequent part of his charge, when dealing with
the evidence for the defence, he contrasted the evidence of Myatt in
contradiction to that of Brooks and Fisher, and left the jury to draw
their own conclusion which they would believe. Cook’s letter to
Fisher to pay Pratt the £200 was also here read and commented on,
and the jury left to infer why he did not go to London as he
proposed, and why he put the collection of his bets in Herring’s
hands instead of Fisher’s—“if he did so.”
Coming now to the illness at Rugeley, he said, “he was bound
to declare that not one fact had been adduced to prove that Mills
had been bribed, or that Mr. Stevens had read over the newspaper
Page 273
to her, to influence her evidence in a particular direction: it was a
gratuitous assertion, unsupported by evidence, and distinctly
denied.” Whether the difference of Palmer’s dress when he ran
over, as described by Mills or Barnes, was of sufficient importance,
was a question for the jury, and also whether Mills’s deposition
before the coroner, and her evidence in Court (the deposition was
read) was not substantially the same. On the letter from Palmer
calling in Jones, cited by the defence as a proof of innocence, he
said:—
“It is important, however, to consider at what period of Cook’s
illness Jones was sent for, and in what condition he was when Jones
arrived. Palmer’s assertion in the letter was, that Cook had been
suffering from diarrhœa, and of this statement we have not the
slightest confirmation in the evidence. When Jones, looking at
Cook’s tongue, observed it was not the tongue of a bilious attack,
Palmer’s reply was, ‘You should have seen it before.’ What reason
could Palmer have for using these words, when there is not the
slightest evidence of Cook having suffered from such an illness?”
Then, having had Jones’s deposition before the coroner read, he
added, “It is for you to say whether in your opinion this deposition
at all varies from his evidence given here: I confess that I see no
variation, and no reason to suppose that his evidence is not the
evidence of sincerity and truth.”
After observing that the evidence of Dr. Savage showed that
previous to his departure for Shrewsbury Cook was in better health
than he had been for a long time, the learned judge read the
evidence of Newton, and his deposition before the coroner.
Remarking on his omitting to mention the first purchase of
strychnia until the Tuesday morning, when coming to London, he
said:—
gratuitous assertion, unsupported by evidence, and distinctly
denied.” Whether the difference of Palmer’s dress when he ran
over, as described by Mills or Barnes, was of sufficient importance,
was a question for the jury, and also whether Mills’s deposition
before the coroner, and her evidence in Court (the deposition was
read) was not substantially the same. On the letter from Palmer
calling in Jones, cited by the defence as a proof of innocence, he
said:—
“It is important, however, to consider at what period of Cook’s
illness Jones was sent for, and in what condition he was when Jones
arrived. Palmer’s assertion in the letter was, that Cook had been
suffering from diarrhœa, and of this statement we have not the
slightest confirmation in the evidence. When Jones, looking at
Cook’s tongue, observed it was not the tongue of a bilious attack,
Palmer’s reply was, ‘You should have seen it before.’ What reason
could Palmer have for using these words, when there is not the
slightest evidence of Cook having suffered from such an illness?”
Then, having had Jones’s deposition before the coroner read, he
added, “It is for you to say whether in your opinion this deposition
at all varies from his evidence given here: I confess that I see no
variation, and no reason to suppose that his evidence is not the
evidence of sincerity and truth.”
After observing that the evidence of Dr. Savage showed that
previous to his departure for Shrewsbury Cook was in better health
than he had been for a long time, the learned judge read the
evidence of Newton, and his deposition before the coroner.
Remarking on his omitting to mention the first purchase of
strychnia until the Tuesday morning, when coming to London, he
said:—
Page 274
“You will observe that though there has been an omission, there
is no contradiction. You are then to consider what is the probability
of his inventing this wicked lie—a most important lie, if lie it be. He
had no ill will towards the prisoner at the bar, he had never
quarrelled with him, and had nothing to get by injuring him. I
cannot see any motive for his inventing a lie to take away the life of
the prisoner. No inducement was held out to him by the Crown. He
says himself that no inducement was held out to him, and that at last
he disclosed this circumstance from a sense of duty. If you believe
his evidence, it is very strong against the prisoner.” And then,
reading the evidence of Roberts and remarking that he was not
cross-examined or in any way contradicted, he added—“If you
couple that with the statement of Newton—believing that statement
—you have evidence of strychnia having been procured by the
prisoner on the Monday night before the symptoms of strychnia
were exhibited by Cook; and by the evidence of Roberts, undenied
and unquestioned, that on Tuesday six grains of strychnia were
supplied to him. Supposing you should come to the conclusion that
the symptoms of Cook were consistent with strychnia, then a case is
made out for the Crown. The learned counsel did not favour us with
the theory he had formed in his own mind with respect to that
strychnia. There is no evidence—there is no suggestion—how it was
applied; what became of it.[70] That must not influence your verdict,
unless you come to the conclusion that Cook’s symptoms were
consistent with death by strychnia. But if you come to that
conclusion, I should shrink from my duty—I should be unworthy to
sit here—if I did not call your attention to the inference, that if he
purchased that strychnia, he purchased it for the purpose of
administering it to Cook.”
Then, after vindicating the conduct of Mr. Stevens in relation to
the loss of the betting-book, Lord Campbell alluded to the pushing
of the jar, at the post-mortem, as probably an accident, and its
removal as “nothing more than the pushing, were it not coupled
with evidence afterwards given, which might lead to the inference
is no contradiction. You are then to consider what is the probability
of his inventing this wicked lie—a most important lie, if lie it be. He
had no ill will towards the prisoner at the bar, he had never
quarrelled with him, and had nothing to get by injuring him. I
cannot see any motive for his inventing a lie to take away the life of
the prisoner. No inducement was held out to him by the Crown. He
says himself that no inducement was held out to him, and that at last
he disclosed this circumstance from a sense of duty. If you believe
his evidence, it is very strong against the prisoner.” And then,
reading the evidence of Roberts and remarking that he was not
cross-examined or in any way contradicted, he added—“If you
couple that with the statement of Newton—believing that statement
—you have evidence of strychnia having been procured by the
prisoner on the Monday night before the symptoms of strychnia
were exhibited by Cook; and by the evidence of Roberts, undenied
and unquestioned, that on Tuesday six grains of strychnia were
supplied to him. Supposing you should come to the conclusion that
the symptoms of Cook were consistent with strychnia, then a case is
made out for the Crown. The learned counsel did not favour us with
the theory he had formed in his own mind with respect to that
strychnia. There is no evidence—there is no suggestion—how it was
applied; what became of it.[70] That must not influence your verdict,
unless you come to the conclusion that Cook’s symptoms were
consistent with death by strychnia. But if you come to that
conclusion, I should shrink from my duty—I should be unworthy to
sit here—if I did not call your attention to the inference, that if he
purchased that strychnia, he purchased it for the purpose of
administering it to Cook.”
Then, after vindicating the conduct of Mr. Stevens in relation to
the loss of the betting-book, Lord Campbell alluded to the pushing
of the jar, at the post-mortem, as probably an accident, and its
removal as “nothing more than the pushing, were it not coupled
with evidence afterwards given, which might lead to the inference
Page 275
that there was a plan to destroy it and prevent the analysis of its
contents.” He saw no reason to doubt the evidence of the postboy,
and did not believe that Stevens had given Palmer such provocation
as to induce him to offer Myatt a bribe to upset him. “That is not
indeed a decisive proof of guilt, but it is for you to say whether the
prisoner did not enter on that contrivance to prevent an opportunity
of examining the jar, which might contain evidence against him.”
Cheshire’s evidence as to filling up the cheque, and being asked
to witness Cook’s signature, as if he was present, to the document
professing to admit his liability on Palmer’s bills; his subsequent
dealing with Dr. Taylor’s letter to Mr. Gardner; Palmer’s letter to
the coroner stating the result of the analysis; his presents to the
coroner; and his instructions to Bate not to let anyone see him
deliver his letter to Mr. Ward, together with the instructions to
Herring about Cook’s bets, were then carefully reviewed before
entering on the medico-scientific evidence offered on the part of
the prosecution.
The evidence of this class of witnesses has been so fully
reported, that it is needless to repeat the Judge’s passing comments
on their descriptions of the symptoms of tetanus as consistent with
those in Cook’s case, and with those exhibited in the cases of
undoubted poisoning by strychnia, detailed by the medical men
who had attended the several patients. With reference to the results
of the analysis by Drs. Taylor and Rees, and of the effect of their
evidence, the learned Judge made the following comment on their
experiments on animals:—
“There is here a most important question for your consideration.
Great reliance is placed by the prisoner’s counsel, and very naturally
so, upon the fact that no trace of strychnia was detected in the
stomach of Cook by Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees, who alone analysed it
and experimented upon it. But, on the other hand, you must bear in
contents.” He saw no reason to doubt the evidence of the postboy,
and did not believe that Stevens had given Palmer such provocation
as to induce him to offer Myatt a bribe to upset him. “That is not
indeed a decisive proof of guilt, but it is for you to say whether the
prisoner did not enter on that contrivance to prevent an opportunity
of examining the jar, which might contain evidence against him.”
Cheshire’s evidence as to filling up the cheque, and being asked
to witness Cook’s signature, as if he was present, to the document
professing to admit his liability on Palmer’s bills; his subsequent
dealing with Dr. Taylor’s letter to Mr. Gardner; Palmer’s letter to
the coroner stating the result of the analysis; his presents to the
coroner; and his instructions to Bate not to let anyone see him
deliver his letter to Mr. Ward, together with the instructions to
Herring about Cook’s bets, were then carefully reviewed before
entering on the medico-scientific evidence offered on the part of
the prosecution.
The evidence of this class of witnesses has been so fully
reported, that it is needless to repeat the Judge’s passing comments
on their descriptions of the symptoms of tetanus as consistent with
those in Cook’s case, and with those exhibited in the cases of
undoubted poisoning by strychnia, detailed by the medical men
who had attended the several patients. With reference to the results
of the analysis by Drs. Taylor and Rees, and of the effect of their
evidence, the learned Judge made the following comment on their
experiments on animals:—
“There is here a most important question for your consideration.
Great reliance is placed by the prisoner’s counsel, and very naturally
so, upon the fact that no trace of strychnia was detected in the
stomach of Cook by Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees, who alone analysed it
and experimented upon it. But, on the other hand, you must bear in
Page 276
mind that we have their own evidence to show that there may be and
have been cases of death by strychnia in which the united skill of
these two individuals has failed to detect the presence of the
strychnia after death. Both Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees have stated upon
their oaths that in two cases where they knew death to have been
occasioned by strychnia—the poison having, in fact, been
administered with their own hands—they failed to discover the
slightest trace of the poison in the dead bodies of the animals on
which they had experimented. It is possible that other chemists
might have succeeded in detecting strychnia in those animals and
strychnia also in the jar containing the stomach and intestines of
Cook; but, however this may be, it is beyond all question that Dr.
Taylor and Dr. Rees failed to discover the faintest indications of
strychnia in the bodies of two animals which they had themselves
poisoned with that deadly drug. Whatever may be the nature of the
different theories propounded for the explanation of this fact, the
fact itself is deposed to on oath; and, if we believe the witnesses,
does not admit of doubt.” With regard to the letter from Dr. Taylor
to Mr. Gardner, stating that neither strychnia, prussic acid, nor
opium had been found in the body, his lordship said, “this letter was
written before Cook’s symptoms had been communicated to them;
but they had been informed that prussic acid, strychnia, and opium
had been bought by Palmer on the Tuesday. They searched for all
these poisons, and found none. The only poison they found was
antimony, and they did not, therefore, in the absence of symptoms,
attribute death to strychnia, as they could not at that time; but they
say it might have been produced by antimony, as they say that the
quantity found in the body was no test of the quantity taken into the
system.”—“For the discovery of strychnia Dr. Taylor experimented
upon the bodies of animals which he had himself killed by this
poison, but in them no strychnia could be found. I do not know what
interest Dr. Taylor could be supposed to have to give evidence
against the prisoner. He was regularly employed by the Crown, and
knew nothing of Palmer until he was called upon by Mr. Stevens,
and the jar was given to him. He could have no enmity against the
prisoner and no interest whatever to misrepresent facts.” [On being
have been cases of death by strychnia in which the united skill of
these two individuals has failed to detect the presence of the
strychnia after death. Both Dr. Taylor and Dr. Rees have stated upon
their oaths that in two cases where they knew death to have been
occasioned by strychnia—the poison having, in fact, been
administered with their own hands—they failed to discover the
slightest trace of the poison in the dead bodies of the animals on
which they had experimented. It is possible that other chemists
might have succeeded in detecting strychnia in those animals and
strychnia also in the jar containing the stomach and intestines of
Cook; but, however this may be, it is beyond all question that Dr.
Taylor and Dr. Rees failed to discover the faintest indications of
strychnia in the bodies of two animals which they had themselves
poisoned with that deadly drug. Whatever may be the nature of the
different theories propounded for the explanation of this fact, the
fact itself is deposed to on oath; and, if we believe the witnesses,
does not admit of doubt.” With regard to the letter from Dr. Taylor
to Mr. Gardner, stating that neither strychnia, prussic acid, nor
opium had been found in the body, his lordship said, “this letter was
written before Cook’s symptoms had been communicated to them;
but they had been informed that prussic acid, strychnia, and opium
had been bought by Palmer on the Tuesday. They searched for all
these poisons, and found none. The only poison they found was
antimony, and they did not, therefore, in the absence of symptoms,
attribute death to strychnia, as they could not at that time; but they
say it might have been produced by antimony, as they say that the
quantity found in the body was no test of the quantity taken into the
system.”—“For the discovery of strychnia Dr. Taylor experimented
upon the bodies of animals which he had himself killed by this
poison, but in them no strychnia could be found. I do not know what
interest Dr. Taylor could be supposed to have to give evidence
against the prisoner. He was regularly employed by the Crown, and
knew nothing of Palmer until he was called upon by Mr. Stevens,
and the jar was given to him. He could have no enmity against the
prisoner and no interest whatever to misrepresent facts.” [On being
Page 277
reminded that Dr. Taylor’s experiments on the two rabbits were not
made until after the inquest,] “that,” said Lord Campbell, “makes no
difference. If that experiment was made this morning the fact would
be the same. Against Dr. Rees there is not even the imputation of
having written an indiscreet letter to a newspaper. Yet Dr. Rees
concurs with Dr. Taylor, that these rabbits were killed by strychnia;
that they did whatever was in their power, according to their skill
and knowledge, to discover strychnia, as they did with the contents
of the jar, and that no strychnia could be discovered. As to antimony,
he corroborates the testimony of Dr. Taylor. Antimony is a
component of tartar emetic; tartar emetic produces vomiting, and
you will judge from the vomiting at Shrewsbury and Rugeley
whether antimony may have been administered to Cook at those
places. Antimony may not have produced death, but the question of
its administration is a part of the case which you must most
seriously consider.”
Having then read the evidence of Professor Brande, Dr.
Christison, and Dr. John Jackson, Lord Campbell, at eight o’clock,
reserved the evidence for the defence to the next day.
On resuming his charge the next morning, Lord Campbell
commenced by a brief summary of his previous remarks.
“The evidence for the prosecution certainly did present a serious
case against the prisoner. It appeared that in November last he was
most seriously embarrassed, and that he had to make payments for
which he was entirely unprepared. There were actions against
himself and his mother, and he had no credit left in any quarter.
Cook by the races at Shrewsbury became master of £1000, and the
inference had been drawn that Palmer formed a design of
appropriating it to his own purposes, in order to relieve himself
from his embarrassments. Again, it was proved that the prisoner
drew a cheque in the name of Cook which was a forgery, for the
purpose of appropriating to himself Cook’s property. What would
have been the effect of the survival of Cook under those
made until after the inquest,] “that,” said Lord Campbell, “makes no
difference. If that experiment was made this morning the fact would
be the same. Against Dr. Rees there is not even the imputation of
having written an indiscreet letter to a newspaper. Yet Dr. Rees
concurs with Dr. Taylor, that these rabbits were killed by strychnia;
that they did whatever was in their power, according to their skill
and knowledge, to discover strychnia, as they did with the contents
of the jar, and that no strychnia could be discovered. As to antimony,
he corroborates the testimony of Dr. Taylor. Antimony is a
component of tartar emetic; tartar emetic produces vomiting, and
you will judge from the vomiting at Shrewsbury and Rugeley
whether antimony may have been administered to Cook at those
places. Antimony may not have produced death, but the question of
its administration is a part of the case which you must most
seriously consider.”
Having then read the evidence of Professor Brande, Dr.
Christison, and Dr. John Jackson, Lord Campbell, at eight o’clock,
reserved the evidence for the defence to the next day.
On resuming his charge the next morning, Lord Campbell
commenced by a brief summary of his previous remarks.
“The evidence for the prosecution certainly did present a serious
case against the prisoner. It appeared that in November last he was
most seriously embarrassed, and that he had to make payments for
which he was entirely unprepared. There were actions against
himself and his mother, and he had no credit left in any quarter.
Cook by the races at Shrewsbury became master of £1000, and the
inference had been drawn that Palmer formed a design of
appropriating it to his own purposes, in order to relieve himself
from his embarrassments. Again, it was proved that the prisoner
drew a cheque in the name of Cook which was a forgery, for the
purpose of appropriating to himself Cook’s property. What would
have been the effect of the survival of Cook under those
Page 278
circumstances it would be for the jury to consider. No doubt, if
Cook had lived, that cheque would have been brought forward, and
would have led to an exposure of all Palmer’s delinquencies. With
respect to the joint liability of Cook and Palmer, it was said that it
was disadvantageous to Palmer that Cook should die; but there
seemed to be some doubt whether it was not the intention of Palmer
to possess himself of the whole of Cook’s property, and in that case
he had a direct interest in his death. Then as to the medical evidence
which had been adduced for the prosecution. The jury had heard the
evidence of able and honourable men, who said that the deceased
did not die a natural death, and that the symptoms were consistent
with death by strychnia, and not consistent with death by ordinary
tetanus. There was no point of law which required that the strychnia
should be found in the body of the deceased, and it would therefore
be for the jury on this point to consider whether the evidence of the
prosecution was sufficient, or whether they could rely upon the
answer which had been put in by the defence. There was direct
evidence that the prisoner procured the poison of strychnia on
Monday and Tuesday. What he did with it was not for him in that
place to affirm. It was impossible for the jury not to pay attention to
the conduct of the prisoner before and after the death of Cook, and
they would not fail to consider, as part of those circumstances, his
very remarkable proceedings in reference to the betting-book, which
had never been discovered.”
He then proceeded to consider the evidence tendered by
medical and scientific experts for the defence.
“Then as to the evidence which had been put in for the defence,
the jury had had before them gentlemen of great ability and high
honour, who had given in detail the results of their experience. With
that evidence he would now proceed to deal.” [The learned judge
read in extenso the voluminous evidence of Mr. Nunneley, the
surgeon, of Leeds.] “The jury had heard the manner in which Mr.
Nunneley had given his evidence, and they must form their own
Cook had lived, that cheque would have been brought forward, and
would have led to an exposure of all Palmer’s delinquencies. With
respect to the joint liability of Cook and Palmer, it was said that it
was disadvantageous to Palmer that Cook should die; but there
seemed to be some doubt whether it was not the intention of Palmer
to possess himself of the whole of Cook’s property, and in that case
he had a direct interest in his death. Then as to the medical evidence
which had been adduced for the prosecution. The jury had heard the
evidence of able and honourable men, who said that the deceased
did not die a natural death, and that the symptoms were consistent
with death by strychnia, and not consistent with death by ordinary
tetanus. There was no point of law which required that the strychnia
should be found in the body of the deceased, and it would therefore
be for the jury on this point to consider whether the evidence of the
prosecution was sufficient, or whether they could rely upon the
answer which had been put in by the defence. There was direct
evidence that the prisoner procured the poison of strychnia on
Monday and Tuesday. What he did with it was not for him in that
place to affirm. It was impossible for the jury not to pay attention to
the conduct of the prisoner before and after the death of Cook, and
they would not fail to consider, as part of those circumstances, his
very remarkable proceedings in reference to the betting-book, which
had never been discovered.”
He then proceeded to consider the evidence tendered by
medical and scientific experts for the defence.
“Then as to the evidence which had been put in for the defence,
the jury had had before them gentlemen of great ability and high
honour, who had given in detail the results of their experience. With
that evidence he would now proceed to deal.” [The learned judge
read in extenso the voluminous evidence of Mr. Nunneley, the
surgeon, of Leeds.] “The jury had heard the manner in which Mr.
Nunneley had given his evidence, and they must form their own
Page 279
opinion of it. Certainly he seemed to display an interest in the case
not altogether consistent with the character of a witness. He differed
very much from several witnesses who were examined for the
prosecution, and particularly in reference to rigidity being produced
by strychnia after death. These and similar questions were for the
jury. The next witness who was examined was Mr. Herapath, of
Bristol, a very eminent analytical chemist, who had paid great
attention to the subject of poisons. That gentleman said that where
there had been death by strychnia it ought to be discovered. But it
appeared, on cross-examination, that he had expressed an opinion,
on another occasion, that Cook died from strychnia, but that Dr.
Taylor had not taken the proper means to find it. After adverting to
the evidence of Mr. Rogers, his lordship read that of Dr. Letheby, of
the London Hospital, the medical officer of the City of London, of
whom he said that he seemed to prove that cases of this sort were
very variable, and that he admitted that the Romsey case was an
exception. Now, while these exceptional cases existed, it could
hardly be said that the principles laid down by Dr. Letheby were
sufficient to rebut the evidence in chief. His lordship next referred to
Mr. Gay’s case of the omnibus conductor. This, he said, was a case
of idiopathic tetanus. The jury would say, on comparing it with the
symptoms in Cook’s case, whether his was also a case of idiopathic
tetanus. The great weight of evidence seemed to show that Cook’s
was not a case of idiopathic any more than it was a case of traumatic
tetanus. Mr. Gay’s case differed altogether from that of Cook, and as
far as he could see there was no analogy between them. Passing next
to the evidence of Mr. Ross, and to his case of a man, who died
from ulcers, his lordship remarked that he did not see why this case
was brought before the Court unless to prove that Cook’s was of the
same sort. This was a case, whether of idiopathic or traumatic
tetanus, in which it was sought to prove that death was caused by
bruises on the body. But there were no bruises of any sort about
Cook, and therefore the analogy failed. In reference to the important
evidence of Dr. Wrightson, who said he had detected strychnia in
putrifying blood and decomposed matter, and that strychnia did not
under such circumstances decompose, he must say that this witness
not altogether consistent with the character of a witness. He differed
very much from several witnesses who were examined for the
prosecution, and particularly in reference to rigidity being produced
by strychnia after death. These and similar questions were for the
jury. The next witness who was examined was Mr. Herapath, of
Bristol, a very eminent analytical chemist, who had paid great
attention to the subject of poisons. That gentleman said that where
there had been death by strychnia it ought to be discovered. But it
appeared, on cross-examination, that he had expressed an opinion,
on another occasion, that Cook died from strychnia, but that Dr.
Taylor had not taken the proper means to find it. After adverting to
the evidence of Mr. Rogers, his lordship read that of Dr. Letheby, of
the London Hospital, the medical officer of the City of London, of
whom he said that he seemed to prove that cases of this sort were
very variable, and that he admitted that the Romsey case was an
exception. Now, while these exceptional cases existed, it could
hardly be said that the principles laid down by Dr. Letheby were
sufficient to rebut the evidence in chief. His lordship next referred to
Mr. Gay’s case of the omnibus conductor. This, he said, was a case
of idiopathic tetanus. The jury would say, on comparing it with the
symptoms in Cook’s case, whether his was also a case of idiopathic
tetanus. The great weight of evidence seemed to show that Cook’s
was not a case of idiopathic any more than it was a case of traumatic
tetanus. Mr. Gay’s case differed altogether from that of Cook, and as
far as he could see there was no analogy between them. Passing next
to the evidence of Mr. Ross, and to his case of a man, who died
from ulcers, his lordship remarked that he did not see why this case
was brought before the Court unless to prove that Cook’s was of the
same sort. This was a case, whether of idiopathic or traumatic
tetanus, in which it was sought to prove that death was caused by
bruises on the body. But there were no bruises of any sort about
Cook, and therefore the analogy failed. In reference to the important
evidence of Dr. Wrightson, who said he had detected strychnia in
putrifying blood and decomposed matter, and that strychnia did not
under such circumstances decompose, he must say that this witness
Page 280
was a scientific and honourable man, and had spoken throughout
with proper caution. According to Dr. Wrightson, the discovery of
the poison should have been proved, but at the same time his
evidence did not overthrow the case for the prosecution; and it
would be for the jury to say whether, in the event of poison actually
being in the body, the tests employed to detect it were sufficient.
Referring to the evidence of Mr. Partridge, his lordship said that the
witness had stated that the symptoms in Cook’s case did not
correspond with what he should have expected to have found from
strychnia, but he spoke from his own experience, and he admitted
that the symptoms were very variable; and he did not seem,
therefore, to speak with any degree of certainty upon the subject.
Mr. Gay’s case of a boy who suffered from tetanus from an injury to
his toe was, his lordship thought, not at all analogous to that of
Cook; nor was that of the young woman who had an attack of
tetanus without any apparent cause, and recovered, as deposed to by
Dr. McDonald. The last witness had given his opinion that Cook
died from epileptic convulsions, accompanied with tetanic
complications, and this he thought might have been produced by
mental or sensual excitement. The jury would see to what length this
witness went, and it would be for the jury to say what weight they
attached to his evidence. Having adverted to several cases adduced
by the defence, and which his lordship considered bore no analogy
to Cook’s, he read the evidence of Dr. Robinson, of Newcastle-on-
Tyne, who ascribed the death to epilepsy. He then passed on to Dr.
Richardson, who narrated the particulars of a remarkable case of
angina pectoris, to the symptoms of which disease he said Cook’s
bore a remarkable resemblance. The witness, his lordship said,
seemed a most respectable man, and he said that the symptoms in
this case were consistent with those arising from strychnia, and that
if he had known as much of strychnia at that time as he did now, he
should have searched for it in that case. It would be for the jury to
consider whether Cook’s symptoms were consistent with strychnia,
and if so, that ought to lead them as to the opinion they should form
on the case. His lordship having adverted to the evidence of
Catharine Watson, the girl who was attacked with tetanus in
with proper caution. According to Dr. Wrightson, the discovery of
the poison should have been proved, but at the same time his
evidence did not overthrow the case for the prosecution; and it
would be for the jury to say whether, in the event of poison actually
being in the body, the tests employed to detect it were sufficient.
Referring to the evidence of Mr. Partridge, his lordship said that the
witness had stated that the symptoms in Cook’s case did not
correspond with what he should have expected to have found from
strychnia, but he spoke from his own experience, and he admitted
that the symptoms were very variable; and he did not seem,
therefore, to speak with any degree of certainty upon the subject.
Mr. Gay’s case of a boy who suffered from tetanus from an injury to
his toe was, his lordship thought, not at all analogous to that of
Cook; nor was that of the young woman who had an attack of
tetanus without any apparent cause, and recovered, as deposed to by
Dr. McDonald. The last witness had given his opinion that Cook
died from epileptic convulsions, accompanied with tetanic
complications, and this he thought might have been produced by
mental or sensual excitement. The jury would see to what length this
witness went, and it would be for the jury to say what weight they
attached to his evidence. Having adverted to several cases adduced
by the defence, and which his lordship considered bore no analogy
to Cook’s, he read the evidence of Dr. Robinson, of Newcastle-on-
Tyne, who ascribed the death to epilepsy. He then passed on to Dr.
Richardson, who narrated the particulars of a remarkable case of
angina pectoris, to the symptoms of which disease he said Cook’s
bore a remarkable resemblance. The witness, his lordship said,
seemed a most respectable man, and he said that the symptoms in
this case were consistent with those arising from strychnia, and that
if he had known as much of strychnia at that time as he did now, he
should have searched for it in that case. It would be for the jury to
consider whether Cook’s symptoms were consistent with strychnia,
and if so, that ought to lead them as to the opinion they should form
on the case. His lordship having adverted to the evidence of
Catharine Watson, the girl who was attacked with tetanus in
Page 281
Scotland, and to other witnesses who were recalled, said this was all
the medical evidence that had been adduced by the counsel for the
defence of the prisoner. But then, gentlemen, said Lord Campbell,
comes that most important question, whether the symptoms of the
deceased were consistent with death by poisoning with strychnia.
You will say whether your opinion upon that subject is altered by
the evidence given on the part of the prisoner. Several of the
witnesses called by the prisoner seem to admit (although, of course,
you will form your own judgment upon it) that those symptoms
were consistent with strychnia, although, in the absence of evidence
to show that strychnia was administered, they could not come to
such a conclusion.”
Lord Campbell’s subsequent remarks on the witnesses who
were called to contradict those for the prosecution as to the state of
Cook’s health, the incident of the brandy and water at Shrewsbury,
and the possibility of Palmer arriving in Rugeley from London at
the time spoken to by Newton, have already been given in previous
notes. In conclusion, he said,
“The conduct of the prisoner in requesting to have the body
fastened up, with respect to the betting book, and the tampering with
the coroner, remained unanswered, as did also the bribe offered to
the postboy. No explanation was offered as to the strychnia
purchased by the prisoner on the Tuesday morning, the proof of
which stands uncontradicted; no evidence has been given of any
purpose to which it was to be applied, and no explanation of what
became of that poison. The case was now before the jury. They must
not act upon suspicion, or even strong suspicion, and they must only
pronounce a verdict of guilty if their minds were made up. If,
however, they could come to the conclusion that he was guilty, they
would return such a verdict unfettered and undeterred by any
intimidation.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee objected to the question put to the jury by the
judge. He submitted that the question, whether the symptoms of
the medical evidence that had been adduced by the counsel for the
defence of the prisoner. But then, gentlemen, said Lord Campbell,
comes that most important question, whether the symptoms of the
deceased were consistent with death by poisoning with strychnia.
You will say whether your opinion upon that subject is altered by
the evidence given on the part of the prisoner. Several of the
witnesses called by the prisoner seem to admit (although, of course,
you will form your own judgment upon it) that those symptoms
were consistent with strychnia, although, in the absence of evidence
to show that strychnia was administered, they could not come to
such a conclusion.”
Lord Campbell’s subsequent remarks on the witnesses who
were called to contradict those for the prosecution as to the state of
Cook’s health, the incident of the brandy and water at Shrewsbury,
and the possibility of Palmer arriving in Rugeley from London at
the time spoken to by Newton, have already been given in previous
notes. In conclusion, he said,
“The conduct of the prisoner in requesting to have the body
fastened up, with respect to the betting book, and the tampering with
the coroner, remained unanswered, as did also the bribe offered to
the postboy. No explanation was offered as to the strychnia
purchased by the prisoner on the Tuesday morning, the proof of
which stands uncontradicted; no evidence has been given of any
purpose to which it was to be applied, and no explanation of what
became of that poison. The case was now before the jury. They must
not act upon suspicion, or even strong suspicion, and they must only
pronounce a verdict of guilty if their minds were made up. If,
however, they could come to the conclusion that he was guilty, they
would return such a verdict unfettered and undeterred by any
intimidation.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee objected to the question put to the jury by the
judge. He submitted that the question, whether the symptoms of
Page 282
Cook’s death were consistent with death by strychnia was a wrong
one, unless coupled with the words “and inconsistent with death
from natural causes,” and that the question should then be “whether
the medical evidence established beyond all reasonable doubt that
the death of Cook was attributable to strychnia.”
Baron Alderson.—“That is the question that has been put.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee submitted that the question whether the
symptoms were consistent with strychnia ought not to have been
put.
Lord Campbell.—“ I have told the jury that, unless they think
the symptoms described agree with the supposition that the
deceased died from strychnia, they must acquit the prisoner.”
Baron Alderson.—“That has been stated in the speech.”
After some further remarks from Mr. Serjeant Shee, Lord
Campbell told the jury that not only must they be satisfied that the
symptoms described agreed with the supposition that the deceased
died from strychnia, but that it was administered by the prisoner.
The jury retired at 2.20, and at 3.45 returned a verdict of guilty,
and Lord Campbell passed sentence of death, to be carried out at
Stafford jail.
The prisoner heard the sentence perfectly unmoved. At one
time he drew himself up, as if about to make some remark, but did
not attempt to speak. He stood quite calm, and when his Lordship
had concluded, turned round and walked from the dock with the
same coolness as he had shown during the whole of his protracted
trial.
Contrasting the procedure in this memorable trial with what it
might and no doubt would have been in a criminal court in France,
Mr. Justice Stephen makes the following remarks:—“Not less
remarkable than the careful way in which all topics of prejudice
were avoided was the extreme fulness and completeness of the
one, unless coupled with the words “and inconsistent with death
from natural causes,” and that the question should then be “whether
the medical evidence established beyond all reasonable doubt that
the death of Cook was attributable to strychnia.”
Baron Alderson.—“That is the question that has been put.”
Mr. Serjeant Shee submitted that the question whether the
symptoms were consistent with strychnia ought not to have been
put.
Lord Campbell.—“ I have told the jury that, unless they think
the symptoms described agree with the supposition that the
deceased died from strychnia, they must acquit the prisoner.”
Baron Alderson.—“That has been stated in the speech.”
After some further remarks from Mr. Serjeant Shee, Lord
Campbell told the jury that not only must they be satisfied that the
symptoms described agreed with the supposition that the deceased
died from strychnia, but that it was administered by the prisoner.
The jury retired at 2.20, and at 3.45 returned a verdict of guilty,
and Lord Campbell passed sentence of death, to be carried out at
Stafford jail.
The prisoner heard the sentence perfectly unmoved. At one
time he drew himself up, as if about to make some remark, but did
not attempt to speak. He stood quite calm, and when his Lordship
had concluded, turned round and walked from the dock with the
same coolness as he had shown during the whole of his protracted
trial.
Contrasting the procedure in this memorable trial with what it
might and no doubt would have been in a criminal court in France,
Mr. Justice Stephen makes the following remarks:—“Not less
remarkable than the careful way in which all topics of prejudice
were avoided was the extreme fulness and completeness of the
Page 283
evidence as to facts really relevant to the case. Nothing was
omitted which the jury could properly want to know, nor anything
which the prisoner could possibly wish to say. No case could set in
a clearer light the characteristic features of English Criminal Law
—namely, its essentially litigious character, and the way in which it
deals with scientific evidence. A study of the case will show, first,
that evidence could not be more condensed, more complete, more
clearly directed to the point at issue; secondly, that the subjection
of all the witnesses, and especially the scientific witnesses, to the
most rigorous cross-examination is absolutely essential to the
trustworthiness of their evidence. The clearness and skill with
which the various witnesses, especially those for the defence, were
cross-examined, and forced to admit that they could not really
distinguish the symptoms of Cook from those of poisoning by
strychnia, was such an illustration of the efficiency of cross-
examination as is rarely indeed afforded.”
“The defence was by far the least impressive part of the trial,
but that was mainly because there was nothing to say. It was
impossible to suggest any innocent explanation of Palmer’s
conduct. It was proved to demonstration that he was in dire need of
money in order to avoid a prosecution for forgery; that he robbed
his friend of all he had by a series of devices which he must
instantly have discovered if he had lived; that he provided himself
with the means of committing the murder just before Cook’s death;
and that he could neither produce the poison he had bought, nor
suggest any innocent reason for buying it. There must have been
some mystery in the case which has never been discovered. Palmer,
at and before his death, was repeatedly pressed to say whether he
was guilty or not, and told that everyone would believe him guilty
if he did not emphatically deny it. He could only say Cook was not
poisoned by strychnia, and I have reason to know that he was
omitted which the jury could properly want to know, nor anything
which the prisoner could possibly wish to say. No case could set in
a clearer light the characteristic features of English Criminal Law
—namely, its essentially litigious character, and the way in which it
deals with scientific evidence. A study of the case will show, first,
that evidence could not be more condensed, more complete, more
clearly directed to the point at issue; secondly, that the subjection
of all the witnesses, and especially the scientific witnesses, to the
most rigorous cross-examination is absolutely essential to the
trustworthiness of their evidence. The clearness and skill with
which the various witnesses, especially those for the defence, were
cross-examined, and forced to admit that they could not really
distinguish the symptoms of Cook from those of poisoning by
strychnia, was such an illustration of the efficiency of cross-
examination as is rarely indeed afforded.”
“The defence was by far the least impressive part of the trial,
but that was mainly because there was nothing to say. It was
impossible to suggest any innocent explanation of Palmer’s
conduct. It was proved to demonstration that he was in dire need of
money in order to avoid a prosecution for forgery; that he robbed
his friend of all he had by a series of devices which he must
instantly have discovered if he had lived; that he provided himself
with the means of committing the murder just before Cook’s death;
and that he could neither produce the poison he had bought, nor
suggest any innocent reason for buying it. There must have been
some mystery in the case which has never been discovered. Palmer,
at and before his death, was repeatedly pressed to say whether he
was guilty or not, and told that everyone would believe him guilty
if he did not emphatically deny it. He could only say Cook was not
poisoned by strychnia, and I have reason to know that he was
Page 284
anxious that Mr. Herapath should examine the body for strychnia,
though aware that he could detect the 1-50,000th part of a grain. He
may have discovered some way of administering it which would
render detection impossible, but it is difficult to doubt that he used
it; for if not, why buy it?”[71]
THE LEEDS POISONING CASE.
Before Baron Bramwell, Northern Circuit, York, July 16, 17, and
18, 1856.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Overend, Q.C., Mr. G. Hardy, and Mr.
L. H. Bayly.
For the Defence: Mr. Bliss, Q.C., Mr. Serjeant Wilkins, and Mr.
Middleton.[72]
William Dove, aged 30, was indicted for the murder of his wife,
on the 1st of March, 1856, at Leeds.
EARLY LIFE OF THE PRISONER.
The prisoner, the son of a respectable leather manufacturer at
Leeds, had been, from his childhood to his seventh year, more than
usually fractious, mischievous, ill-natured, and irrational in his
tricks: putting lighted candles more than once in a basket and
locking them in a cupboard: pouring some kind of spirits on his
bedroom curtains and setting them on fire: chasing his sisters with
a red-hot poker and threatening to burn them: hanging a cat by its
tail out of window: cutting himself with knives and writing his
name with his blood: an irregular and inapt scholar, especially in
his religion.[73] The usher at his first school, where he was from the
though aware that he could detect the 1-50,000th part of a grain. He
may have discovered some way of administering it which would
render detection impossible, but it is difficult to doubt that he used
it; for if not, why buy it?”[71]
THE LEEDS POISONING CASE.
Before Baron Bramwell, Northern Circuit, York, July 16, 17, and
18, 1856.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Overend, Q.C., Mr. G. Hardy, and Mr.
L. H. Bayly.
For the Defence: Mr. Bliss, Q.C., Mr. Serjeant Wilkins, and Mr.
Middleton.[72]
William Dove, aged 30, was indicted for the murder of his wife,
on the 1st of March, 1856, at Leeds.
EARLY LIFE OF THE PRISONER.
The prisoner, the son of a respectable leather manufacturer at
Leeds, had been, from his childhood to his seventh year, more than
usually fractious, mischievous, ill-natured, and irrational in his
tricks: putting lighted candles more than once in a basket and
locking them in a cupboard: pouring some kind of spirits on his
bedroom curtains and setting them on fire: chasing his sisters with
a red-hot poker and threatening to burn them: hanging a cat by its
tail out of window: cutting himself with knives and writing his
name with his blood: an irregular and inapt scholar, especially in
his religion.[73] The usher at his first school, where he was from the
Page 285
age of ten to thirteen years, regarded him “as a boy of very low
intellect, great inability of mind, great want of moral power, evil
and vicious propensities. Once, when he had got a pistol, he told
his schoolfellows he was going to shoot his father—a dull boy, and
a had boy. I then thought him insane, but did not feel myself in a
position to object to his being flogged.”[74] Mr. Highley, the master
of this school, spoke strongly of Dove’s bad conduct, which he
attributed to his reasoning powers being very limited. “He
appeared,” said the witness, “to have no idea of any consequences;
to be deprived of reason. I am satisfied he was labouring under an
aberration of intellect.”[75] Having been expelled from his school,
his father took the opinion of a Mr. Lord, a schoolmaster, as to
what was best to be done with the boy. “I could make no
impression on his heart or his head,” said Mr. Lord. “He could not
appreciate what I said. He listened, but I could make no impression
—get no rational answers. When I heard of his engagement I told
his future wife’s brother-in-law that inquiry ought to be made about
Dove on account of his unaccountable irrational conduct.” By Mr.
Lord’s advice, he was sent to learn farming, for more than five
years, with a Mr. Frankish. Here again his mischievous and cruel
propensities were exhibited—putting vitriol on the tails of some
cows, burning half-grown kittens with it, putting it into the horse-
trough, and setting fire to the gorse. He was as unapt a scholar at
farming as at religion and grammar. Again, when he went to
another farmer for a year, he was the same dull unpractical pupil.
He was now sent to America for a short visit, returning with
travellers’ stories of his adventures of unusual wildness and
incredibility. Still, however, he was deemed by his father capable of
being trusted with a farm, where his mischievous and extravagant
conduct astonished his servants, and made them regard him as “not
of a sound mind.”[76] At this time, 1852, he married, quarrelling or
intellect, great inability of mind, great want of moral power, evil
and vicious propensities. Once, when he had got a pistol, he told
his schoolfellows he was going to shoot his father—a dull boy, and
a had boy. I then thought him insane, but did not feel myself in a
position to object to his being flogged.”[74] Mr. Highley, the master
of this school, spoke strongly of Dove’s bad conduct, which he
attributed to his reasoning powers being very limited. “He
appeared,” said the witness, “to have no idea of any consequences;
to be deprived of reason. I am satisfied he was labouring under an
aberration of intellect.”[75] Having been expelled from his school,
his father took the opinion of a Mr. Lord, a schoolmaster, as to
what was best to be done with the boy. “I could make no
impression on his heart or his head,” said Mr. Lord. “He could not
appreciate what I said. He listened, but I could make no impression
—get no rational answers. When I heard of his engagement I told
his future wife’s brother-in-law that inquiry ought to be made about
Dove on account of his unaccountable irrational conduct.” By Mr.
Lord’s advice, he was sent to learn farming, for more than five
years, with a Mr. Frankish. Here again his mischievous and cruel
propensities were exhibited—putting vitriol on the tails of some
cows, burning half-grown kittens with it, putting it into the horse-
trough, and setting fire to the gorse. He was as unapt a scholar at
farming as at religion and grammar. Again, when he went to
another farmer for a year, he was the same dull unpractical pupil.
He was now sent to America for a short visit, returning with
travellers’ stories of his adventures of unusual wildness and
incredibility. Still, however, he was deemed by his father capable of
being trusted with a farm, where his mischievous and extravagant
conduct astonished his servants, and made them regard him as “not
of a sound mind.”[76] At this time, 1852, he married, quarrelling or
Page 286
playing with his wife like a child, and changed his farm more than
once, without apparent reason. Other witnesses spoke to the
incoherence of his conversation: of his lying on the ground and
crying without a cause; complaining of noises in his house; trying
to reap his own corn in a green state; exhibiting conjuring tricks,
and talking of having put a spell on the steward of the proprietor of
one of his farms. Eventually, in consequence of his intemperate
habits, he had to give up farming and remove into the outskirts of
Leeds, where he lived on an annuity of £90 a year, left to him by
his father, who died in 1854. With nothing to do, he became an
habitual drunkard, aggravating his eccentricities, stimulating his
mischievous propensities, and stupefying himself as to the
consequences of his actions to himself.[77] With such propensities, it
may be conceived that his wife led a wretched life; that quarrels
were frequent; that at one time he threatened her with a pistol; and
that eventually, after a very few years, they occupied separate beds,
and rarely met, except at meals. Unfortunately for both of them, an
arrangement for a separation was broken off by the interposition of
injudicious friends, and until the beginning of 1856 they endured
their miserable life together.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
It was at this time that the enquiries into the death of Cook at
Rugeley were filling the newspapers, and the evidence on the
inquest became matter of popular discussion. Among Dove’s
friends was one Harrison, known as the Witchman of Leeds, who,
according to his own account, was “a dentist, a water caster, a
caster of nativities, and a believer in the stars.” On hearing this man
read, in a public-house, the results of the analytical examination of
Cook’s body by Dr. Taylor, as related at the inquest, and that
once, without apparent reason. Other witnesses spoke to the
incoherence of his conversation: of his lying on the ground and
crying without a cause; complaining of noises in his house; trying
to reap his own corn in a green state; exhibiting conjuring tricks,
and talking of having put a spell on the steward of the proprietor of
one of his farms. Eventually, in consequence of his intemperate
habits, he had to give up farming and remove into the outskirts of
Leeds, where he lived on an annuity of £90 a year, left to him by
his father, who died in 1854. With nothing to do, he became an
habitual drunkard, aggravating his eccentricities, stimulating his
mischievous propensities, and stupefying himself as to the
consequences of his actions to himself.[77] With such propensities, it
may be conceived that his wife led a wretched life; that quarrels
were frequent; that at one time he threatened her with a pistol; and
that eventually, after a very few years, they occupied separate beds,
and rarely met, except at meals. Unfortunately for both of them, an
arrangement for a separation was broken off by the interposition of
injudicious friends, and until the beginning of 1856 they endured
their miserable life together.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
It was at this time that the enquiries into the death of Cook at
Rugeley were filling the newspapers, and the evidence on the
inquest became matter of popular discussion. Among Dove’s
friends was one Harrison, known as the Witchman of Leeds, who,
according to his own account, was “a dentist, a water caster, a
caster of nativities, and a believer in the stars.” On hearing this man
read, in a public-house, the results of the analytical examination of
Cook’s body by Dr. Taylor, as related at the inquest, and that
Page 287
gentleman’s statement of the difficulty, if not impossibility, of
discovering strychnia by chemical analysis, Dove appears to have
been forcibly struck by the revelation. He asked Harrison either to
make or get him some strychnia, and, when he refused, said he
could get it elsewhere. Probably at that time the idea of poisoning
his wife was first entertained by him. Unfortunately he had no
difficulty in obtaining the necessary poison, as he was intimately
acquainted with Mr. Morley, the surgeon of Leeds, who had
attended the Dove family for many years, and was a constant
visitor to his surgery. Subsequently, therefore, to his acquiring
knowledge of what had happened in Palmer’s case, he had repeated
conversations with one of Mr. Morley’s pupils about strychnia; and
on the 10th of February, on the plea that his house was infested by
rats, and that he was worried by his neighbour’s cats, he obtained
from him ten grains of this deadly poison. This he placed about the
house in a careless way, and destroyed a cat, the body of which he
buried in the midden. Again on the 17th he got four or five grains
more of strychnia, promising the pupil who gave it to him the skin
of a grey cat which he professed to be about to poison with it. At
this time, the pupil was of opinion that Dove noted whereabouts on
the shelf the bottle of strychnia was placed. A few days after he was
seen by Mr. Morley’s coachman in the surgery alone, with the gas
turned up, which, as the coachman came near, he turned down, and
in an apparent flurry, meeting him at the door, gave as his excuse
that he had come to light his pipe.[78] The suggestion of the
prosecution was that at this time, knowing where the bottle of
strychnia was kept, he took the opportunity of helping himself to
some more of the poison. During all this time it was evident, from
his conversations on strychnia and the impossibility of its
detection, that he had studied Palmer’s case.
discovering strychnia by chemical analysis, Dove appears to have
been forcibly struck by the revelation. He asked Harrison either to
make or get him some strychnia, and, when he refused, said he
could get it elsewhere. Probably at that time the idea of poisoning
his wife was first entertained by him. Unfortunately he had no
difficulty in obtaining the necessary poison, as he was intimately
acquainted with Mr. Morley, the surgeon of Leeds, who had
attended the Dove family for many years, and was a constant
visitor to his surgery. Subsequently, therefore, to his acquiring
knowledge of what had happened in Palmer’s case, he had repeated
conversations with one of Mr. Morley’s pupils about strychnia; and
on the 10th of February, on the plea that his house was infested by
rats, and that he was worried by his neighbour’s cats, he obtained
from him ten grains of this deadly poison. This he placed about the
house in a careless way, and destroyed a cat, the body of which he
buried in the midden. Again on the 17th he got four or five grains
more of strychnia, promising the pupil who gave it to him the skin
of a grey cat which he professed to be about to poison with it. At
this time, the pupil was of opinion that Dove noted whereabouts on
the shelf the bottle of strychnia was placed. A few days after he was
seen by Mr. Morley’s coachman in the surgery alone, with the gas
turned up, which, as the coachman came near, he turned down, and
in an apparent flurry, meeting him at the door, gave as his excuse
that he had come to light his pipe.[78] The suggestion of the
prosecution was that at this time, knowing where the bottle of
strychnia was kept, he took the opportunity of helping himself to
some more of the poison. During all this time it was evident, from
his conversations on strychnia and the impossibility of its
detection, that he had studied Palmer’s case.
Page 288
Previously to Sunday, the 24th of February, Mrs. Dove had not
been well, but on that day appeared quite recovered. On the
Monday, however, when she went upstairs with her servant to make
the beds, she was suddenly taken ill, staggered, became paralysed,
twitched and jumped, and when put on the bed, on the slightest
touch either of her body or the bedclothes, had renewed
convulsions. Dove, who was downstairs, was sent for, and went for
the doctor, to whom he said that his wife had been ill all night, and
asked if his wife died would there be a coroner’s inquest?[79] After
two or three hours the convulsions passed away, and the patient
remained free from pain. Dove’s attention to his wife was
suspiciously marked. He gave her medicine with his own hands;
called in a neighbour to attend to her, and seemed greatly distressed
at her condition. Three days after, a second attack of the same
nature occurred, and again he told the doctor he was sure his wife
would die. She was seen to cry bitterly, and heard to say that she
was sure the medicine, of the bitter taste of which she complained,
was killing her. Next evening a third attack came on, with the same
symptoms. And on the 28th Dove predicted that she would have
another attack about ten that evening; at that hour he gave her the
medicine, and in half an hour afterwards another and more severe
attack came on, so severe that she said, “Oh dear, I thought it was
all over.” In all these attacks after a time the spasms and
convulsions passed away, and she was apparently only suffering
from exhaustion after them, and otherwise quite well. On Saturday
Dove, who had gone out, returned much in liquor, and at 8 P.M.
gave her her medicine. “It is very disagreeable,” she said, “hot and
bitter.” He washed out the glass and wiped it as usual, saying, “I
always wash it out; medicine is always such nasty stuff.” Within
half an hour of taking this dose an attack more than usually violent
been well, but on that day appeared quite recovered. On the
Monday, however, when she went upstairs with her servant to make
the beds, she was suddenly taken ill, staggered, became paralysed,
twitched and jumped, and when put on the bed, on the slightest
touch either of her body or the bedclothes, had renewed
convulsions. Dove, who was downstairs, was sent for, and went for
the doctor, to whom he said that his wife had been ill all night, and
asked if his wife died would there be a coroner’s inquest?[79] After
two or three hours the convulsions passed away, and the patient
remained free from pain. Dove’s attention to his wife was
suspiciously marked. He gave her medicine with his own hands;
called in a neighbour to attend to her, and seemed greatly distressed
at her condition. Three days after, a second attack of the same
nature occurred, and again he told the doctor he was sure his wife
would die. She was seen to cry bitterly, and heard to say that she
was sure the medicine, of the bitter taste of which she complained,
was killing her. Next evening a third attack came on, with the same
symptoms. And on the 28th Dove predicted that she would have
another attack about ten that evening; at that hour he gave her the
medicine, and in half an hour afterwards another and more severe
attack came on, so severe that she said, “Oh dear, I thought it was
all over.” In all these attacks after a time the spasms and
convulsions passed away, and she was apparently only suffering
from exhaustion after them, and otherwise quite well. On Saturday
Dove, who had gone out, returned much in liquor, and at 8 P.M.
gave her her medicine. “It is very disagreeable,” she said, “hot and
bitter.” He washed out the glass and wiped it as usual, saying, “I
always wash it out; medicine is always such nasty stuff.” Within
half an hour of taking this dose an attack more than usually violent
Page 289
came on, and after a series of spasms and convulsions the poor
creature died about twenty minutes to eleven that night.
Struck with the resemblance of the symptoms of Mrs. Dove’s
attacks to those due to poisoning by strychnia, and hearing from his
pupil of the purchase of that drug by the prisoner, Mr. Morley, who
had attended her, decided on having a post-mortem examination.
This Dove, who had on her first attack asked Morley’s pupil
whether Mr. Morley would have a post-mortem examination if his
wife died, tried to prevent, on the plea of his having promised his
wife that it should not be allowed, and his horror at the desecration
of her body. Mr. Morley, however, obtained the consent of Dove’s
mother, and persevered. On the examination of the body by himself
and Mr. Nunneley, the surgeon, and the subsequent chemical
analysis of its different parts, every test proved the presence of
strychnia in large quantities. During the examination of the body,
blood to the extent of a crown piece fell on the floor of the room,
and a week after the spaniel of a woman who was cleaning the
room was supposed to have licked it, and as she left on the
completion of her work, was attacked with violent spasms, fell on
its back, and died at once. On the examination of its body strychnia
was also detected. The prisoner, who after his wife’s funeral had
wandered about, asking Harrison and other persons whether it was
safe to go back, and talking about the possibility of the wife having
taken the strychnia by accident, as he had carelessly placed it in his
razor case, and put it about in the house, was subsequently arrested
and put upon his trial. It is needless to give in detail the evidence of
the persons by whom the above facts were proved, which were
hardly traversed by counsel for the defence. The testimony with
reference to the symptoms and the results of the post-mortem
examination cannot, however, with safety be abridged, seeing the
importance attached to this case in Palmer’s trial.
creature died about twenty minutes to eleven that night.
Struck with the resemblance of the symptoms of Mrs. Dove’s
attacks to those due to poisoning by strychnia, and hearing from his
pupil of the purchase of that drug by the prisoner, Mr. Morley, who
had attended her, decided on having a post-mortem examination.
This Dove, who had on her first attack asked Morley’s pupil
whether Mr. Morley would have a post-mortem examination if his
wife died, tried to prevent, on the plea of his having promised his
wife that it should not be allowed, and his horror at the desecration
of her body. Mr. Morley, however, obtained the consent of Dove’s
mother, and persevered. On the examination of the body by himself
and Mr. Nunneley, the surgeon, and the subsequent chemical
analysis of its different parts, every test proved the presence of
strychnia in large quantities. During the examination of the body,
blood to the extent of a crown piece fell on the floor of the room,
and a week after the spaniel of a woman who was cleaning the
room was supposed to have licked it, and as she left on the
completion of her work, was attacked with violent spasms, fell on
its back, and died at once. On the examination of its body strychnia
was also detected. The prisoner, who after his wife’s funeral had
wandered about, asking Harrison and other persons whether it was
safe to go back, and talking about the possibility of the wife having
taken the strychnia by accident, as he had carelessly placed it in his
razor case, and put it about in the house, was subsequently arrested
and put upon his trial. It is needless to give in detail the evidence of
the persons by whom the above facts were proved, which were
hardly traversed by counsel for the defence. The testimony with
reference to the symptoms and the results of the post-mortem
examination cannot, however, with safety be abridged, seeing the
importance attached to this case in Palmer’s trial.
Page 290
THE SYMPTOMS.
Ann Fisher, who took her daughter’s place in the house in
consequence of the latter’s illness, said—
“On Saturday and Sunday Mrs. Dove appeared pretty well, and
on the latter day went to church. On Monday, February 25, after
breakfast, she complained of her legs, and said she felt curious, and
fell in the bedroom whilst helping witness to make the beds.
Witness caught her in her arms, and called up Dove, who went for
Mrs. Witham (next door neighbour), and witness put Mrs. Dove to
bed. She started, and twitched, and jumped, and, even if witness
touched the bedclothes, or walked across the room, complained that
it made her worse. Mr. Scarth (Morley’s assistant) came and gave
some medicine, and she felt better. The jerkings continued from two
to two and a half hours. She lay on her right side, and her breathing
was rather difficult: she was quite sensible the whole time. She
seemed better in the afternoon, and pretty well the next morning. On
Wednesday, the 27th, she had another attack, beating, jumping, and
starting; complained about her legs and back being very bad: said
there was a stiffness in them; they seemed paralysed, and she could
not move them about. She lay on her side, and her breathing was
very bad when she had these attacks on her. She was better after the
medicines on the two occasions on which I gave them to her myself.
I cannot recollect Thursday, but on Friday night, about 10 P.M., I
was called up into the bedroom. Dove was dressed, standing by the
bedside holding her hand. Her back was quite arched, and she was
making a great noise in her inside. She said, ‘Oh dear, I thought it
had been my last.’ Her breathing was very difficult. She complained
about her jaws being stiff. I stayed with her till about 2 A.M., and
she was better, and I went to bed. Next morning she said she was
very poorly, and could not take any coffee. She had had no rest all
night. She took some coffee afterwards, and had a little rest. In the
afternoon Mrs. Witham was with her. She appeared much better
then, washed herself and rubbed her legs, which seemed to ease her.
Ann Fisher, who took her daughter’s place in the house in
consequence of the latter’s illness, said—
“On Saturday and Sunday Mrs. Dove appeared pretty well, and
on the latter day went to church. On Monday, February 25, after
breakfast, she complained of her legs, and said she felt curious, and
fell in the bedroom whilst helping witness to make the beds.
Witness caught her in her arms, and called up Dove, who went for
Mrs. Witham (next door neighbour), and witness put Mrs. Dove to
bed. She started, and twitched, and jumped, and, even if witness
touched the bedclothes, or walked across the room, complained that
it made her worse. Mr. Scarth (Morley’s assistant) came and gave
some medicine, and she felt better. The jerkings continued from two
to two and a half hours. She lay on her right side, and her breathing
was rather difficult: she was quite sensible the whole time. She
seemed better in the afternoon, and pretty well the next morning. On
Wednesday, the 27th, she had another attack, beating, jumping, and
starting; complained about her legs and back being very bad: said
there was a stiffness in them; they seemed paralysed, and she could
not move them about. She lay on her side, and her breathing was
very bad when she had these attacks on her. She was better after the
medicines on the two occasions on which I gave them to her myself.
I cannot recollect Thursday, but on Friday night, about 10 P.M., I
was called up into the bedroom. Dove was dressed, standing by the
bedside holding her hand. Her back was quite arched, and she was
making a great noise in her inside. She said, ‘Oh dear, I thought it
had been my last.’ Her breathing was very difficult. She complained
about her jaws being stiff. I stayed with her till about 2 A.M., and
she was better, and I went to bed. Next morning she said she was
very poorly, and could not take any coffee. She had had no rest all
night. She took some coffee afterwards, and had a little rest. In the
afternoon Mrs. Witham was with her. She appeared much better
then, washed herself and rubbed her legs, which seemed to ease her.
Page 291
She became worse at 8.30 P.M. The bell was rung: Mrs. Wood and
Mrs. Witham were with her. Dove was out—had gone out about a
quarter to half an hour. She then moaned and screamed; her body
was quite arched and her feet projected right from her body, and she
was in that state till twenty minutes to eleven, when she died. Before
she died she grasped the hands of Mrs. Wood and Mrs. Witham,
who were holding hers, so hard that it hurt them. Dove came back at
about ten: she was then in great agony. As soon as he saw me, he
told me he was going to Mr. Morley’s for medicine, and that if Mrs.
Wood wanted to go home, I was to go up and take her place. When
he returned with the doctors, she was dead.”
Mrs. Witham,[80] the next door neighbour who attended the
deceased almost daily, confirmed Mrs. Fisher’s account of the
earlier symptoms, and gave the following details of the night of her
death:—
“On Saturday, March the 1st, I saw her again about 2.30 P.M.
She seemed better, and I remained with her till about six. At 3.30
P.M. I gave her her medicine. Mr. Morley came at four, when she
seemed well. I got the food he ordered for her, and she seemed
better than I had seen her before. Dove was there, and when I told
him I had given her the medicine, he said she ought not to have it
until about five. I was sent for again later to sit with her until Mrs.
Fisher came, as Dove was going for medicine. He was rubbing her
legs, and asked her to kiss him, which she did. Shortly after, he gave
her her medicine. He went to the washstand, and came back with a
glass in one hand, with the medicine and water in the other. He was
at the washstand time enough to pour out the medicine. Mrs. Wood
was present. After she had taken it, Mrs. Dove complained that it
was very hot, and asked for a lozenge. Dove took the glass to the
washstand, and said he always washed it out after giving the
medicine. He then left, as he said, to get more medicine. In about a
quarter of an hour she complained of her back: her head was thrown
back. I took hold of her hand, and she grasped it so tightly I could
Mrs. Witham were with her. Dove was out—had gone out about a
quarter to half an hour. She then moaned and screamed; her body
was quite arched and her feet projected right from her body, and she
was in that state till twenty minutes to eleven, when she died. Before
she died she grasped the hands of Mrs. Wood and Mrs. Witham,
who were holding hers, so hard that it hurt them. Dove came back at
about ten: she was then in great agony. As soon as he saw me, he
told me he was going to Mr. Morley’s for medicine, and that if Mrs.
Wood wanted to go home, I was to go up and take her place. When
he returned with the doctors, she was dead.”
Mrs. Witham,[80] the next door neighbour who attended the
deceased almost daily, confirmed Mrs. Fisher’s account of the
earlier symptoms, and gave the following details of the night of her
death:—
“On Saturday, March the 1st, I saw her again about 2.30 P.M.
She seemed better, and I remained with her till about six. At 3.30
P.M. I gave her her medicine. Mr. Morley came at four, when she
seemed well. I got the food he ordered for her, and she seemed
better than I had seen her before. Dove was there, and when I told
him I had given her the medicine, he said she ought not to have it
until about five. I was sent for again later to sit with her until Mrs.
Fisher came, as Dove was going for medicine. He was rubbing her
legs, and asked her to kiss him, which she did. Shortly after, he gave
her her medicine. He went to the washstand, and came back with a
glass in one hand, with the medicine and water in the other. He was
at the washstand time enough to pour out the medicine. Mrs. Wood
was present. After she had taken it, Mrs. Dove complained that it
was very hot, and asked for a lozenge. Dove took the glass to the
washstand, and said he always washed it out after giving the
medicine. He then left, as he said, to get more medicine. In about a
quarter of an hour she complained of her back: her head was thrown
back. I took hold of her hand, and she grasped it so tightly I could
Page 292
not get it away. Her eyes looked fixed. I put my hand to them: they
did not move. Her features were very much distorted, and her teeth
clinched. We both took hold of her hands, which she grasped so
tightly that I could not bear it. Mrs. Wood was going to rub her
back. She said, ‘Oh, don’t; lift me up,’ and I and Mrs. Wood tried to
do so. Her back was arched, her body quite stiff, her legs stretched
out. I did not notice her feet. We lifted her up, and put a pillow
under her back. She rested on her shoulders, and the bottom part of
her back, until the pillow was placed under her. The symptoms grew
more violent, but she could speak. Her breathing was loud and
difficult. She shrieked several times—a sort of scream. In about half
an hour she could speak no longer. We could not be positive if she
was sensible, and at twenty minutes to eleven she died. Dove came
in after she had ceased to speak, threw off his coat, and was going to
rub her legs, when I said she could not bear it. Mrs. Wood said
something to him, and he left the house immediately. When the
doctors came she had been dead some minutes.”
On cross-examination the witness said—
“That when she gave her the medicine about three o’clock,
deceased complained that it was bitter, as witness found it was on
tasting it: (it contained aloes). That when the attack came on she
appeared to lose her senses very soon, her eyes being fixed, and not
speaking: this was in about an hour. She spoke until half an hour
after her attack, but not until forty minutes. She was in better health
and spirits on the Saturday than she had been all the week. She was
rubbed after each fit, and it seemed to relieve her. The jumpings and
twitchings went on, on the Saturday, and she was then some hours
still, and then they began again.”
Mrs. Wood added the following particulars of the last attack:—
“I went at twenty minutes to eight on the Saturday evening and
found her sitting up; her husband and Mrs. Witham were with her.
About eight she asked her husband for her medicine; he went out of
did not move. Her features were very much distorted, and her teeth
clinched. We both took hold of her hands, which she grasped so
tightly that I could not bear it. Mrs. Wood was going to rub her
back. She said, ‘Oh, don’t; lift me up,’ and I and Mrs. Wood tried to
do so. Her back was arched, her body quite stiff, her legs stretched
out. I did not notice her feet. We lifted her up, and put a pillow
under her back. She rested on her shoulders, and the bottom part of
her back, until the pillow was placed under her. The symptoms grew
more violent, but she could speak. Her breathing was loud and
difficult. She shrieked several times—a sort of scream. In about half
an hour she could speak no longer. We could not be positive if she
was sensible, and at twenty minutes to eleven she died. Dove came
in after she had ceased to speak, threw off his coat, and was going to
rub her legs, when I said she could not bear it. Mrs. Wood said
something to him, and he left the house immediately. When the
doctors came she had been dead some minutes.”
On cross-examination the witness said—
“That when she gave her the medicine about three o’clock,
deceased complained that it was bitter, as witness found it was on
tasting it: (it contained aloes). That when the attack came on she
appeared to lose her senses very soon, her eyes being fixed, and not
speaking: this was in about an hour. She spoke until half an hour
after her attack, but not until forty minutes. She was in better health
and spirits on the Saturday than she had been all the week. She was
rubbed after each fit, and it seemed to relieve her. The jumpings and
twitchings went on, on the Saturday, and she was then some hours
still, and then they began again.”
Mrs. Wood added the following particulars of the last attack:—
“I went at twenty minutes to eight on the Saturday evening and
found her sitting up; her husband and Mrs. Witham were with her.
About eight she asked her husband for her medicine; he went out of
Page 293
the room to get it, and returned in about a minute with it, and gave it
to her. She said it was very bitter, very hot, and very nasty, and that
she thought she would get better if the attack did not return. I
recommended her to try and put it off. In about a quarter of an hour
after taking the medicine she began to be ill. I asked Mrs. Witham to
go round and take her hand, saying, ‘this Gird is coming on.’ She
was propped up with pillows. In a short time she said, ‘Off the bed’
and repeated it three times. I thought at that time she wished to get
off the bed. Mrs. Witham said, ‘Oh no, we cannot.’ I do not think she
was sensible after she said ‘Off the bed’ the first time. She died at
twenty minutes to eleven. Dove went for the doctors; when he
returned she was dead.”
Mr. Scarth, Morley’s pupil, who attended on the 25th of
February, at the request of the prisoner, in Mr. Morley’s absence,
said—
“I found Mrs. Dove in bed with very minute twitchings of the
muscles of the face and arms, and her teeth closed—hands clinched
—head thrown slightly back, and the shoulders likewise, and her
feet stretched straight out with the legs. Again I saw her at seven on
the Thursday night, the symptoms were the same, but her principal
complaint was of pain in the shoulders and back. Her shoulders
were thrown back. The attack passed off whilst I was there in about
five minutes. I gave her the draught prescribed by Mr. Morley, and
the convulsions ceased and did not return, and I ordered her the
repetition of the draught.”
This witness had the cat dug out of the midden, in which the
prisoner said he had buried it, and was present when Mr. Morley
and Mr. Nunneley experimented on it.
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
to her. She said it was very bitter, very hot, and very nasty, and that
she thought she would get better if the attack did not return. I
recommended her to try and put it off. In about a quarter of an hour
after taking the medicine she began to be ill. I asked Mrs. Witham to
go round and take her hand, saying, ‘this Gird is coming on.’ She
was propped up with pillows. In a short time she said, ‘Off the bed’
and repeated it three times. I thought at that time she wished to get
off the bed. Mrs. Witham said, ‘Oh no, we cannot.’ I do not think she
was sensible after she said ‘Off the bed’ the first time. She died at
twenty minutes to eleven. Dove went for the doctors; when he
returned she was dead.”
Mr. Scarth, Morley’s pupil, who attended on the 25th of
February, at the request of the prisoner, in Mr. Morley’s absence,
said—
“I found Mrs. Dove in bed with very minute twitchings of the
muscles of the face and arms, and her teeth closed—hands clinched
—head thrown slightly back, and the shoulders likewise, and her
feet stretched straight out with the legs. Again I saw her at seven on
the Thursday night, the symptoms were the same, but her principal
complaint was of pain in the shoulders and back. Her shoulders
were thrown back. The attack passed off whilst I was there in about
five minutes. I gave her the draught prescribed by Mr. Morley, and
the convulsions ceased and did not return, and I ordered her the
repetition of the draught.”
This witness had the cat dug out of the midden, in which the
prisoner said he had buried it, and was present when Mr. Morley
and Mr. Nunneley experimented on it.
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Page 294
Mr. George Morley, a surgeon at Leeds, who had always
attended the Dove family, was called in to the deceased in
December, 1855, when he found her suffering from disordered
digestion and nervous excitement. She improved, and he
subsequently only saw her at long intervals till the 25th of
February; on that day, he said—
“I found her in bed, and only observed twitchings of the arms
twice. She told me she had had an attack in the morning with pains
in the back and limbs, and had been often before so, and that she
suffered from an excitable temperament. I thought it an hysterical
attack, as she was at the age for them. Saw her every day during the
week, and on the Wednesday and Thursday again saw slight jerking
of the arms. On the Friday and Saturday she was decidedly better,
and I did not alter my opinion of her case until the Saturday night,
as I had often seen such symptoms arise from hysteria. I made the
medicines antispasmodic and sedative: they would check the
symptoms, and for a time seemed to do so. On Wednesday I
proposed seeing another doctor, when Dove said she would not
recover, and I warned him not to say so in her hearing, and that he
had better call in a physician. Next day I received a note from him
declining the proposed consultation, as his wife had perfect
confidence in me. On Saturday I received a message that she was
worse, and that I was to bring Dr. Hobson with me. Dove came
afterwards to my house, and said he thought she would not recover,
and that he should object to a post mortem examination. I said I
thought there would be no need of one, and that she would recover.
He said his wife objected to it strongly. He seemed excited, as with
drink, but quite rational. We were too late to see Mrs. Dove alive.
From what Mr. Scarth told me I took measures for a post mortem
examination.
“I now attribute the symptoms I have heard described to the
poison of strychnia—from the symptoms and what I found in the
body—finding in the body no organic disease to account for death.
The symptoms do not correspond with those of any other disease,
attended the Dove family, was called in to the deceased in
December, 1855, when he found her suffering from disordered
digestion and nervous excitement. She improved, and he
subsequently only saw her at long intervals till the 25th of
February; on that day, he said—
“I found her in bed, and only observed twitchings of the arms
twice. She told me she had had an attack in the morning with pains
in the back and limbs, and had been often before so, and that she
suffered from an excitable temperament. I thought it an hysterical
attack, as she was at the age for them. Saw her every day during the
week, and on the Wednesday and Thursday again saw slight jerking
of the arms. On the Friday and Saturday she was decidedly better,
and I did not alter my opinion of her case until the Saturday night,
as I had often seen such symptoms arise from hysteria. I made the
medicines antispasmodic and sedative: they would check the
symptoms, and for a time seemed to do so. On Wednesday I
proposed seeing another doctor, when Dove said she would not
recover, and I warned him not to say so in her hearing, and that he
had better call in a physician. Next day I received a note from him
declining the proposed consultation, as his wife had perfect
confidence in me. On Saturday I received a message that she was
worse, and that I was to bring Dr. Hobson with me. Dove came
afterwards to my house, and said he thought she would not recover,
and that he should object to a post mortem examination. I said I
thought there would be no need of one, and that she would recover.
He said his wife objected to it strongly. He seemed excited, as with
drink, but quite rational. We were too late to see Mrs. Dove alive.
From what Mr. Scarth told me I took measures for a post mortem
examination.
“I now attribute the symptoms I have heard described to the
poison of strychnia—from the symptoms and what I found in the
body—finding in the body no organic disease to account for death.
The symptoms do not correspond with those of any other disease,
Page 295
but do with those produced by strychnia. In hysteria the symptoms
are more irregular; they do not assume a tetanic character; there is
more disturbance of the mind; and such attacks are never fatal.
Tetanic affections are stiffening of the limbs, rigidity, and stretching
out of the limbs, arching back of the trunk, stiffening of the neck
and jaw. The symptoms of hysteria might be some of those
symptoms. No one but might be found in hysteria, but not all
together. The symptoms are separately and conjointly in accordance
with poisoning by strychnia. On Monday, March 3rd, forty-two
hours after death, by authority of the prisoner’s mother, I made a
post mortem examination in conjunction with Mr. Nunneley, and
drew up the following joint report.”
It is unnecessary to give in detail the first portion of this report,
in which, from a most careful examination of all parts of the body,
it was evident that the death could not be attributed to any known
organic disease. With the exception of a slight appearance of
congestion in the intestines, every part of the body was in a healthy
state, and the stomach contained only usual food. The report then
continued:—
“No appearance of irritation from any mineral or other irritant
poison, nor any odour of any poison recognizable by smell. Hence
we searched for strychnia. We divided the stomach and its contents
into three parts:—(1.) The brown pulpy mass in the stomach; (2.)
The mucous and all other matters that could be removed from the
stomach; (3.) The stomach itself. By the usual tests we obtained
strychnia from each of these. The spirituous extracts were also
unusually bitter. In the contents of the intestines we found only faint
traces. We obtained the body of the cat, that had been poisoned
some time before, and proved that it is possible to discover
strychnia in a dead body some time after death. The result was
decidedly the same evidence as we had from the human body.”
are more irregular; they do not assume a tetanic character; there is
more disturbance of the mind; and such attacks are never fatal.
Tetanic affections are stiffening of the limbs, rigidity, and stretching
out of the limbs, arching back of the trunk, stiffening of the neck
and jaw. The symptoms of hysteria might be some of those
symptoms. No one but might be found in hysteria, but not all
together. The symptoms are separately and conjointly in accordance
with poisoning by strychnia. On Monday, March 3rd, forty-two
hours after death, by authority of the prisoner’s mother, I made a
post mortem examination in conjunction with Mr. Nunneley, and
drew up the following joint report.”
It is unnecessary to give in detail the first portion of this report,
in which, from a most careful examination of all parts of the body,
it was evident that the death could not be attributed to any known
organic disease. With the exception of a slight appearance of
congestion in the intestines, every part of the body was in a healthy
state, and the stomach contained only usual food. The report then
continued:—
“No appearance of irritation from any mineral or other irritant
poison, nor any odour of any poison recognizable by smell. Hence
we searched for strychnia. We divided the stomach and its contents
into three parts:—(1.) The brown pulpy mass in the stomach; (2.)
The mucous and all other matters that could be removed from the
stomach; (3.) The stomach itself. By the usual tests we obtained
strychnia from each of these. The spirituous extracts were also
unusually bitter. In the contents of the intestines we found only faint
traces. We obtained the body of the cat, that had been poisoned
some time before, and proved that it is possible to discover
strychnia in a dead body some time after death. The result was
decidedly the same evidence as we had from the human body.”
Page 296
The report then gave the details of the processes by which the
strychnia had been detected. (1.) Taste; (2.) Nitric acid, producing a
red colour (the test for brucia); (3.) Acetic acid and solution of
chloride of gold, producing a yellowish-white precipitate (of
doubtful value); (4.) Concentrated sulphuric acid and solution of
bichromate of potash, both in powder and in solution, producing
the purple colour; (5.) The application of the same tests to strychnia
itself with the same results, by each of them separately, and
repeated with such variations as could detect any error that might
have crept in, and the conclusion to which the analysts came that
the stomach contained strychnia enough to cause death.
The report then described the effects of administering portions
of the spirituous extracts proved to have contained strychnia to
several animals, five in number. In the cases of four of these, two
rabbits, one mouse, and a guinea-pig, the liquid was given by
inoculation through small openings either in the cellular tissues
beneath the skin, or into one of the mucous cavities of the body;
and in the case of one of the mice, by the mouth. In three cases
death followed at the respective intervals of two, twelve, and fifty
minutes after the introduction of the poison; and in one case—that
of a rabbit—although for a time it remained nearly dead, it
afterwards revived, and eventually recovered. In the case of the pig,
the effects were much more slight; the spasms were not so violent
as to throw it down and entirely disable it, but on the following day
it was found dead, with the muscles rigid, and the hind legs
extended, as if from poison. “The symptoms preceding death, in all
the cases, were, disturbed respiration, general distress, convulsive
twitchings and jerkings, tetanic spasms, a peculiar out-stretching of
the legs, and general rigidity, exactly those commonly produced by
strychnia.” The same effects, for the sake of comparison, were
produced in a parallel series of experiments on animals with
strychnia had been detected. (1.) Taste; (2.) Nitric acid, producing a
red colour (the test for brucia); (3.) Acetic acid and solution of
chloride of gold, producing a yellowish-white precipitate (of
doubtful value); (4.) Concentrated sulphuric acid and solution of
bichromate of potash, both in powder and in solution, producing
the purple colour; (5.) The application of the same tests to strychnia
itself with the same results, by each of them separately, and
repeated with such variations as could detect any error that might
have crept in, and the conclusion to which the analysts came that
the stomach contained strychnia enough to cause death.
The report then described the effects of administering portions
of the spirituous extracts proved to have contained strychnia to
several animals, five in number. In the cases of four of these, two
rabbits, one mouse, and a guinea-pig, the liquid was given by
inoculation through small openings either in the cellular tissues
beneath the skin, or into one of the mucous cavities of the body;
and in the case of one of the mice, by the mouth. In three cases
death followed at the respective intervals of two, twelve, and fifty
minutes after the introduction of the poison; and in one case—that
of a rabbit—although for a time it remained nearly dead, it
afterwards revived, and eventually recovered. In the case of the pig,
the effects were much more slight; the spasms were not so violent
as to throw it down and entirely disable it, but on the following day
it was found dead, with the muscles rigid, and the hind legs
extended, as if from poison. “The symptoms preceding death, in all
the cases, were, disturbed respiration, general distress, convulsive
twitchings and jerkings, tetanic spasms, a peculiar out-stretching of
the legs, and general rigidity, exactly those commonly produced by
strychnia.” The same effects, for the sake of comparison, were
produced in a parallel series of experiments on animals with
Page 297
ordinary strychnia, which, as a series, were not more severe, or
more rapidly fatal. “These experiments,” said the analysts, “which
add the test of physiological effect to that of the chemical reagent,
directly confirm our analysis, and taking them in connection with
the analyses and with the symptoms observed during life, and with
the appearances noted after death, they afford, in our opinion, the
most complete proof that the death of Mrs. Dove was from the
poisonous effects of strychnia, and from no other cause.”
The witness then spoke from his own personal knowledge of
cases of poisoning by strychnia, and continued:—
“I cannot refer the death to any other cause, nor the symptoms
during life, as described by the witnesses Witham, Fisher, and
Wood. There is no other substance that will produce such symptoms
and appearances. I tried similar experiments on a little dog, with the
same results. Strychnia is not a cumulative poison. The effect of of it
passes off entirely by a gradual subsidence of the spasms. In part
the strychnia is absorbed in the blood, in part it passes off by the
secretions, part remains in the stomach, its carbon, hydrogen, and
other constituents broken up. If not decomposed, it would act on
other animals. The series of symptoms produced by strychnia were
complete. I have no doubt that each of the several attacks were
produced by strychnia. Several of the medicines I sent to Mrs. Dove
were bitter, containing aloes and gentian, and hot, containing
ammonia and ether. The effects of strychnia would follow from in a
few seconds to an hour and a half, depending on the constitution of
the person, and state of the stomach, and how the strychnia was
administered. Assuming that Mrs. Dove took no food or tea, I
should refer the time at which she took the strychnia to the time at
which she took the medicine. That would be the natural time for the
attack; she would be attacked in a quarter to half an hour after
taking it. The strychnia I had in my surgery was a soft white
powder, fine, but not so fine as salt. There is a form of pure
crystallised strychnia more like salt. I should judge that she had
more rapidly fatal. “These experiments,” said the analysts, “which
add the test of physiological effect to that of the chemical reagent,
directly confirm our analysis, and taking them in connection with
the analyses and with the symptoms observed during life, and with
the appearances noted after death, they afford, in our opinion, the
most complete proof that the death of Mrs. Dove was from the
poisonous effects of strychnia, and from no other cause.”
The witness then spoke from his own personal knowledge of
cases of poisoning by strychnia, and continued:—
“I cannot refer the death to any other cause, nor the symptoms
during life, as described by the witnesses Witham, Fisher, and
Wood. There is no other substance that will produce such symptoms
and appearances. I tried similar experiments on a little dog, with the
same results. Strychnia is not a cumulative poison. The effect of of it
passes off entirely by a gradual subsidence of the spasms. In part
the strychnia is absorbed in the blood, in part it passes off by the
secretions, part remains in the stomach, its carbon, hydrogen, and
other constituents broken up. If not decomposed, it would act on
other animals. The series of symptoms produced by strychnia were
complete. I have no doubt that each of the several attacks were
produced by strychnia. Several of the medicines I sent to Mrs. Dove
were bitter, containing aloes and gentian, and hot, containing
ammonia and ether. The effects of strychnia would follow from in a
few seconds to an hour and a half, depending on the constitution of
the person, and state of the stomach, and how the strychnia was
administered. Assuming that Mrs. Dove took no food or tea, I
should refer the time at which she took the strychnia to the time at
which she took the medicine. That would be the natural time for the
attack; she would be attacked in a quarter to half an hour after
taking it. The strychnia I had in my surgery was a soft white
powder, fine, but not so fine as salt. There is a form of pure
crystallised strychnia more like salt. I should judge that she had
Page 298
taken two to three grains to produce the results of Saturday night.
You might take two or three grains between your finger and thumb:
a quarter of a grain would kill a dog. I have examined one of the
bottles of medicine which I sent to Mrs. Dove; it is the same as I
sent.”
The witness also related the following conversations with the
prisoner:—
“During the post-mortem examination, I had a conversation with
the prisoner at his mother’s. He asked me what we had found in the
analysis—had we found poison? I said the analysis was not
complete, and could not give any answer till it was. I said we had
not found any natural causes of death. He asked me, ‘If poison was
found, what would the jury say? ‘ I replied, that ‘They could only
say it was taken by accident, or intentionally, or given to her by
some one.’ He wished me to let him know before the inquest if we
had found poison. I had inquired about his getting poison, and asked
him how often. He replied, ‘Only once, and that he had it to kill
mice, as well as cats; had placed it in his razor-case, and told his
wife that it was the poison Palmer used; that it was a deadly poison,
and she must not touch it.’ I never told him there should be no
examination.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Bliss, after speaking to his having
attended the Dove family for many years, but seen but little of the
prisoner before he came to Leeds, the witness said—
“When the conversation about strychnia took place, the prisoner
asked me if I suspected him, and said, ‘Should I have done it openly
if I had intended to do it? Should I have come to your surgery for it
or have talked openly about it to other people? Could I have been so
cruel?’ That was the first time that I named strychnia to any relative.
I examined the little dog and have no doubt it died of strychnia.
They brought me a piece of carpet and the board on which was
You might take two or three grains between your finger and thumb:
a quarter of a grain would kill a dog. I have examined one of the
bottles of medicine which I sent to Mrs. Dove; it is the same as I
sent.”
The witness also related the following conversations with the
prisoner:—
“During the post-mortem examination, I had a conversation with
the prisoner at his mother’s. He asked me what we had found in the
analysis—had we found poison? I said the analysis was not
complete, and could not give any answer till it was. I said we had
not found any natural causes of death. He asked me, ‘If poison was
found, what would the jury say? ‘ I replied, that ‘They could only
say it was taken by accident, or intentionally, or given to her by
some one.’ He wished me to let him know before the inquest if we
had found poison. I had inquired about his getting poison, and asked
him how often. He replied, ‘Only once, and that he had it to kill
mice, as well as cats; had placed it in his razor-case, and told his
wife that it was the poison Palmer used; that it was a deadly poison,
and she must not touch it.’ I never told him there should be no
examination.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Bliss, after speaking to his having
attended the Dove family for many years, but seen but little of the
prisoner before he came to Leeds, the witness said—
“When the conversation about strychnia took place, the prisoner
asked me if I suspected him, and said, ‘Should I have done it openly
if I had intended to do it? Should I have come to your surgery for it
or have talked openly about it to other people? Could I have been so
cruel?’ That was the first time that I named strychnia to any relative.
I examined the little dog and have no doubt it died of strychnia.
They brought me a piece of carpet and the board on which was
Page 299
blood, but I discovered no strychnia. I could not; the quantity was
too small. I think the stains in the carpet and on the board could not
have contained strychnia enough to have poisoned the dog. I
discovered very little blood in the intestines. Strychnia is
exceedingly bitter. One part in 40,000 would be bitter, less would be
perceptibly bitter. There was a considerable quantity of fæces in the
intestines, and three or four ounces of digested food. Mrs. Dove’s
medicines were alkaline. I saw Mrs. Dove every day from Monday
to Saturday, and she told me her ailments. I found nothing in the
body to account for death but the strychnia taken on Saturday.
Strychnia is not soluble in alkali. The symptoms I have heard to-
day, prior to those on Saturday, are additional to what I saw.
Hysteria would have left no symptoms. There was nothing
inconsistent with strychnia having been administered before in the
appearances of the body. The engorged state of the lungs and the
condition of the brain favoured that view. I say this guardedly. She
might with this condition of body have been better on Saturday, as
congestion would pass away quickly. I found no symptoms on
Saturday of the brain or lungs being engorged. She was better in
health, in spirits, and in appetite. Mrs. Witham’s and Mrs. Fisher’s
statements have changed my opinion. The symptoms they describe
are all to be found separately in hysteria. Mr. Scarth’s account also
influenced me, which I did not hear until after her death. It was my
opinion at the time that she was affected with hysteria. In a
paroxysm from strychnia it is possible that a patient might wish to
be rubbed, but it is not what I should ‘à priori,’ look for. Touch
sometimes renews the spasms, but it depends upon the stage. The
desire not to be touched is a symptom of strychnia. After hearing of
her symptoms I prescribed a liniment to be rubbed. It consisted with
the dose of strychnia said to have been administered that she should
be better on Saturday. The effect of hysteria would be to gorge the
vessels of the brain and lungs. Not shrinking from touch was
consistent with strychnia, but a desire not to be touched was an
indication of it.”
too small. I think the stains in the carpet and on the board could not
have contained strychnia enough to have poisoned the dog. I
discovered very little blood in the intestines. Strychnia is
exceedingly bitter. One part in 40,000 would be bitter, less would be
perceptibly bitter. There was a considerable quantity of fæces in the
intestines, and three or four ounces of digested food. Mrs. Dove’s
medicines were alkaline. I saw Mrs. Dove every day from Monday
to Saturday, and she told me her ailments. I found nothing in the
body to account for death but the strychnia taken on Saturday.
Strychnia is not soluble in alkali. The symptoms I have heard to-
day, prior to those on Saturday, are additional to what I saw.
Hysteria would have left no symptoms. There was nothing
inconsistent with strychnia having been administered before in the
appearances of the body. The engorged state of the lungs and the
condition of the brain favoured that view. I say this guardedly. She
might with this condition of body have been better on Saturday, as
congestion would pass away quickly. I found no symptoms on
Saturday of the brain or lungs being engorged. She was better in
health, in spirits, and in appetite. Mrs. Witham’s and Mrs. Fisher’s
statements have changed my opinion. The symptoms they describe
are all to be found separately in hysteria. Mr. Scarth’s account also
influenced me, which I did not hear until after her death. It was my
opinion at the time that she was affected with hysteria. In a
paroxysm from strychnia it is possible that a patient might wish to
be rubbed, but it is not what I should ‘à priori,’ look for. Touch
sometimes renews the spasms, but it depends upon the stage. The
desire not to be touched is a symptom of strychnia. After hearing of
her symptoms I prescribed a liniment to be rubbed. It consisted with
the dose of strychnia said to have been administered that she should
be better on Saturday. The effect of hysteria would be to gorge the
vessels of the brain and lungs. Not shrinking from touch was
consistent with strychnia, but a desire not to be touched was an
indication of it.”
Page 300
On re-examination, the witness said—
“There are several cases in which persons labouring under
strychnia had desired to be rubbed. Parts of the body might fall on
the floor as well as the blood.
“By a Juror.—If strychnia were put in the medicine it would not
alter the colour of it, it might have left a powdery deposit. I never
knew a case of hysteria cause death with such external appearances
as in Mrs. Dove’s case.”
Mr. Thomas Nunneley, professor of surgery in the Leeds
College of Medicine, who was examined in Palmer’s case on
behalf of that prisoner, and then maintained that if Cook had been
poisoned by strychnia it would have been found in his body by the
chemical and other tests as late as the sixth day after his death,
confirmed the statements in the joint report, and the opinion of Mr.
Morley, that Mrs. Dove had died from the effects of strychnia. His
experiments on strychnia in the cases of animals had been carried
on for over thirty years, and he was of opinion that, “though he
should not have anticipated the improvement spoken of on the
Saturday, yet that it was not inconsistent with her having taken
strychnia on the Friday.” On cross-examination by Mr. Bliss, he
gave the following evidence:—
“I found nothing on dissection that could not be referred to the
strychnia taken on the Saturday night—the intensity of that attack
might have produced the appearances in the brain and lungs.
Hysteria will simulate the appearances of other diseases, and among
them of tetanus. I did not examine the fæces and tissues of the body,
but I should expect to find strychnia in the tissues if taken six days
before. My attention was not called to its having been taken before
Saturday, but even if it had I think I should have found it. This case
and the one in London (Palmer’s) have advanced our knowledge in
the discovery of this poison far beyond what it was before. It
“There are several cases in which persons labouring under
strychnia had desired to be rubbed. Parts of the body might fall on
the floor as well as the blood.
“By a Juror.—If strychnia were put in the medicine it would not
alter the colour of it, it might have left a powdery deposit. I never
knew a case of hysteria cause death with such external appearances
as in Mrs. Dove’s case.”
Mr. Thomas Nunneley, professor of surgery in the Leeds
College of Medicine, who was examined in Palmer’s case on
behalf of that prisoner, and then maintained that if Cook had been
poisoned by strychnia it would have been found in his body by the
chemical and other tests as late as the sixth day after his death,
confirmed the statements in the joint report, and the opinion of Mr.
Morley, that Mrs. Dove had died from the effects of strychnia. His
experiments on strychnia in the cases of animals had been carried
on for over thirty years, and he was of opinion that, “though he
should not have anticipated the improvement spoken of on the
Saturday, yet that it was not inconsistent with her having taken
strychnia on the Friday.” On cross-examination by Mr. Bliss, he
gave the following evidence:—
“I found nothing on dissection that could not be referred to the
strychnia taken on the Saturday night—the intensity of that attack
might have produced the appearances in the brain and lungs.
Hysteria will simulate the appearances of other diseases, and among
them of tetanus. I did not examine the fæces and tissues of the body,
but I should expect to find strychnia in the tissues if taken six days
before. My attention was not called to its having been taken before
Saturday, but even if it had I think I should have found it. This case
and the one in London (Palmer’s) have advanced our knowledge in
the discovery of this poison far beyond what it was before. It
Page 301
accords with my experience that a person suffering from strychnia
would not bear to be rubbed.”
Re-examined.—“I attribute the symptoms exhibited before
Saturday to strychnia. They are not so in accordance with any
disease as with strychnia.”
Dr. Christison, the eminent writer on poisons, also agreed with
Mr. Morley and Mr. Nunneley as to the cause of the symptoms. He
admitted that “it was just possible to attribute them to hysteria, but
had never seen such a combination of symptoms in an hysteric
case. He thought it was unusual for a person to be insensible before
death in a case of strychnia, but he had seen it lately in the case of
an animal killed by that poison—the symptoms were exactly those
which would be produced by an overdose of strychnia in the prior
attacks.”
Dr. Hobson, who had seen the deceased with Mr. Morley a few
minutes after her death, “saw nothing either in her countenance or
position that he thought particular, and admitted that all the
symptoms described before those of Saturday might be accounted
for in an aggravated form of hysteria, but would not expect a
person who suffered under such a form of hysteria to be conscious,
nor did he attribute these symptoms to that disease.”
Mr. Teal, who had been in practice in Leeds for thirty-four
years, agreed “in the symptoms being entirely in accord with
strychnia, and though he had seen hysteria simulate strychnism, he
had never seen it entirely resemble the entire group of symptoms
represented in this case; had he heard only of the symptoms before
Saturday, he should have considered them in strict accordance with
the effects of that poison; and even if he had heard of hysteric
symptoms before, he should have suspected strychnia, but would
not deny the possibility of their being consistent with hysteria.” In
would not bear to be rubbed.”
Re-examined.—“I attribute the symptoms exhibited before
Saturday to strychnia. They are not so in accordance with any
disease as with strychnia.”
Dr. Christison, the eminent writer on poisons, also agreed with
Mr. Morley and Mr. Nunneley as to the cause of the symptoms. He
admitted that “it was just possible to attribute them to hysteria, but
had never seen such a combination of symptoms in an hysteric
case. He thought it was unusual for a person to be insensible before
death in a case of strychnia, but he had seen it lately in the case of
an animal killed by that poison—the symptoms were exactly those
which would be produced by an overdose of strychnia in the prior
attacks.”
Dr. Hobson, who had seen the deceased with Mr. Morley a few
minutes after her death, “saw nothing either in her countenance or
position that he thought particular, and admitted that all the
symptoms described before those of Saturday might be accounted
for in an aggravated form of hysteria, but would not expect a
person who suffered under such a form of hysteria to be conscious,
nor did he attribute these symptoms to that disease.”
Mr. Teal, who had been in practice in Leeds for thirty-four
years, agreed “in the symptoms being entirely in accord with
strychnia, and though he had seen hysteria simulate strychnism, he
had never seen it entirely resemble the entire group of symptoms
represented in this case; had he heard only of the symptoms before
Saturday, he should have considered them in strict accordance with
the effects of that poison; and even if he had heard of hysteric
symptoms before, he should have suspected strychnia, but would
not deny the possibility of their being consistent with hysteria.” In
Page 302
reply to a juryman, he added the following evidence on the
probable reason for the state of the prisoner’s mind:—
“Excessive drinking without producing delirium tremens might
cause the conduct of the prisoner, described by Harrison,[81] as to
spirits and noises. He might have any delusions when under the
influence of drink, but when sober such a man might be sound in
mind and without delusions, and when partially drunk might have
delusions without suffering under delirium tremens.”
Mr. Richard Hey, who had been in practice in York for twenty-
seven years, and concurred with the other medical men, on cross-
examination, said—
“I have had experience in hysteria, and have seen cases in which
many of the symptoms would be the same as those described. The
freedom from affection of the brain would lead me to suspect it to
be strychnia. I think the violent twitchings and spasms, and the
extreme pain they produced, would make a very marked distinction
from the effects of hysteria. I have never seen instances of
screaming out from pain in hysteria. I have heard of screaming out.
They complain of pain, but not violent pain. The spasm consequent
on strychnia would, I imagine, induce a patient to be rubbed as in
ordinary spasms and cramp, but I never saw spasms so intense as in
those spoken of in strychnia. One of the most marked symptoms in
strychnia, in aggravated cases, is not being able to bear to be
touched, but it is not so in slight attacks.” Re-examined.—“I never
knew touching or walking across a room not bearable in hysteria, or
pain in the jaws, or all these things combined in hysteria.”
The last witness called by the prosecution, Mr. William Hey,
who had been in practice in Leeds for thirty-seven years, was
equally of opinion that the symptoms were inconsistent with any
known disease, but consistent with the effects of strychnia, and
with nothing else. “Had he heard only the evidence of the
probable reason for the state of the prisoner’s mind:—
“Excessive drinking without producing delirium tremens might
cause the conduct of the prisoner, described by Harrison,[81] as to
spirits and noises. He might have any delusions when under the
influence of drink, but when sober such a man might be sound in
mind and without delusions, and when partially drunk might have
delusions without suffering under delirium tremens.”
Mr. Richard Hey, who had been in practice in York for twenty-
seven years, and concurred with the other medical men, on cross-
examination, said—
“I have had experience in hysteria, and have seen cases in which
many of the symptoms would be the same as those described. The
freedom from affection of the brain would lead me to suspect it to
be strychnia. I think the violent twitchings and spasms, and the
extreme pain they produced, would make a very marked distinction
from the effects of hysteria. I have never seen instances of
screaming out from pain in hysteria. I have heard of screaming out.
They complain of pain, but not violent pain. The spasm consequent
on strychnia would, I imagine, induce a patient to be rubbed as in
ordinary spasms and cramp, but I never saw spasms so intense as in
those spoken of in strychnia. One of the most marked symptoms in
strychnia, in aggravated cases, is not being able to bear to be
touched, but it is not so in slight attacks.” Re-examined.—“I never
knew touching or walking across a room not bearable in hysteria, or
pain in the jaws, or all these things combined in hysteria.”
The last witness called by the prosecution, Mr. William Hey,
who had been in practice in Leeds for thirty-seven years, was
equally of opinion that the symptoms were inconsistent with any
known disease, but consistent with the effects of strychnia, and
with nothing else. “Had he heard only the evidence of the
Page 303
symptoms down to Friday night, her hysterical temperament, and
her recovery on the Saturday, he should not have attributed them to
hysteria, but he should have thought it a most extraordinary case.”
THE PRISONER’S ACTIONS AND STATEMENTS.
In addition to the acts and statements of the prisoner reported in
the “Early Life of the Prisoner” and the evidence already given,
Miss Fisher deposed to his very violent threats against his wife,
especially when in liquor; his telling her on one occasion “to mind
her own business, or he would do her job for her”; his threatening
her with a knife and striking her, and telling her “he would give her
a pill”; and to his wife saying, in his presence, “If I should die, it is
my wish, Elizabeth, that you should tell my friends to have my
body examined”; to his writing a letter to the witchman Harrison,
asking him “to torment his wife when at Manchester, as she was
not a right woman”; and telling the witness that Harrison had told
him that his wife’s days would end in February. He also told
another witness (Elizabeth Thornhill, a charwoman) that Harrison
had told him that his wife would not live long, and that he would
marry the lady next door (Mrs. Witham).
Whilst the inquest was proceeding he asked Mrs. Witham how
it was going on, and when she said to him, “It is a very suspicious
thing that you gave her the medicine at eight o’clock and that she
became ill a quarter of an hour after,” he replied, “If they ask me if
I gave the medicine, I shall say I did not; and if they ask if she took
it herself, I shall say I do not know.”
To Margaret Gray, another witness, he stated on the Friday that
his wife was ill of spasms, and he did not think she would live over
Saturday night.
her recovery on the Saturday, he should not have attributed them to
hysteria, but he should have thought it a most extraordinary case.”
THE PRISONER’S ACTIONS AND STATEMENTS.
In addition to the acts and statements of the prisoner reported in
the “Early Life of the Prisoner” and the evidence already given,
Miss Fisher deposed to his very violent threats against his wife,
especially when in liquor; his telling her on one occasion “to mind
her own business, or he would do her job for her”; his threatening
her with a knife and striking her, and telling her “he would give her
a pill”; and to his wife saying, in his presence, “If I should die, it is
my wish, Elizabeth, that you should tell my friends to have my
body examined”; to his writing a letter to the witchman Harrison,
asking him “to torment his wife when at Manchester, as she was
not a right woman”; and telling the witness that Harrison had told
him that his wife’s days would end in February. He also told
another witness (Elizabeth Thornhill, a charwoman) that Harrison
had told him that his wife would not live long, and that he would
marry the lady next door (Mrs. Witham).
Whilst the inquest was proceeding he asked Mrs. Witham how
it was going on, and when she said to him, “It is a very suspicious
thing that you gave her the medicine at eight o’clock and that she
became ill a quarter of an hour after,” he replied, “If they ask me if
I gave the medicine, I shall say I did not; and if they ask if she took
it herself, I shall say I do not know.”
To Margaret Gray, another witness, he stated on the Friday that
his wife was ill of spasms, and he did not think she would live over
Saturday night.
Page 304
To Mary Hicks he more than once stated that he was sure his
wife would die, and that Mr. Morley would want a post mortem
examination, as he did in his father’s case, but that he would object
to it, as he had promised his wife to do; that he should probably
soon marry again; and when Mrs. Hicks told him to go back, as his
wife might have another attack, he said she would not until half-
past ten or eleven, and made no reply when again asked if the
attacks were periodical. On the Sunday morning after his wife’s
death, he told this witness that there was to be an inquest, and when
she asked why, said, “Oh, we live in a bad neighbourhood, and
have not lived happily together. It is all nonsense.” To the Rev. H.
T. Sturgeon, the clergyman of Burley, whom he asked to visit his
wife, and to whom he professed to be very anxious about her
spiritual welfare, he assigned as his reason for not calling in further
advice (as recommended by Mr. Morley) his fear of offending that
gentleman. To a man of the name of Rose, a baker, whose name
even he did not know, and whom he met by accident in a dram
shop on the Thursday before his wife’s death, he said that he
thought his wife would die, and told him “not to come to him till he
saw her death in the paper, and then, if he lighted on a woman that
would suit him, to bring her down to his house, as he could not do
without one if his wife died.”
To Harrison, the watchman, on the Thursday after his wife’s
death, when giving him a card for her funeral, he said there was an
inquest on her. When Harrison asked why, the prisoner said, “Can
they detect a grain or a grain and a half of strychnia?” “Why,”
replied Harrison, “have you given her any?” “No,” replied Dove;
“but I got some of Morley’s man to kill cats, and some might have
been spilt and she have got it.” Again Harrison saw him the next
day, when he said, “Mr. Morley has told me they have found poison
in my wife. Could they take me if I go back?” “I should,” replied
wife would die, and that Mr. Morley would want a post mortem
examination, as he did in his father’s case, but that he would object
to it, as he had promised his wife to do; that he should probably
soon marry again; and when Mrs. Hicks told him to go back, as his
wife might have another attack, he said she would not until half-
past ten or eleven, and made no reply when again asked if the
attacks were periodical. On the Sunday morning after his wife’s
death, he told this witness that there was to be an inquest, and when
she asked why, said, “Oh, we live in a bad neighbourhood, and
have not lived happily together. It is all nonsense.” To the Rev. H.
T. Sturgeon, the clergyman of Burley, whom he asked to visit his
wife, and to whom he professed to be very anxious about her
spiritual welfare, he assigned as his reason for not calling in further
advice (as recommended by Mr. Morley) his fear of offending that
gentleman. To a man of the name of Rose, a baker, whose name
even he did not know, and whom he met by accident in a dram
shop on the Thursday before his wife’s death, he said that he
thought his wife would die, and told him “not to come to him till he
saw her death in the paper, and then, if he lighted on a woman that
would suit him, to bring her down to his house, as he could not do
without one if his wife died.”
To Harrison, the watchman, on the Thursday after his wife’s
death, when giving him a card for her funeral, he said there was an
inquest on her. When Harrison asked why, the prisoner said, “Can
they detect a grain or a grain and a half of strychnia?” “Why,”
replied Harrison, “have you given her any?” “No,” replied Dove;
“but I got some of Morley’s man to kill cats, and some might have
been spilt and she have got it.” Again Harrison saw him the next
day, when he said, “Mr. Morley has told me they have found poison
in my wife. Could they take me if I go back?” “I should,” replied
Page 305
Harrison. “If you are innocent, go back; what occasion have you to
be frightened? They will not take you if you are innocent,” and
Dove then went away.
To his wife’s mother, Mrs. Jenkins, who came to his house after
her daughter’s death, he said at breakfast on the Friday, the day of
the adjourned inquest, “Do you know that a sprinkle of oil of
almonds will kill a person? Arsenic you can detect in a body after
20 years. Belladonna you cannot; one is a mineral, the other a
vegetable. There is a poison like this”—taking up a piece of salt
—“in a man you can detect it, in a woman you cannot.” He told her
also that he could not think but that he should marry again. When
he talked about the poisons another person, a Mrs. Risdon, was
present.
To Mr. Scarth, a pupil of Mr. Morley’s, who, in consequence of
the latter’s engagement, was the first to see her on the 25th of
February, he put the question whether Mr. Morley would require a
post mortem examination if his wife died. Scarth replied that Mr.
Morley generally did on all his patients who died suddenly, when
the prisoner said, “I will not consent.” “Probably,” said Scarth, “as
you did when your father died.” “His wife,” replied Dove, “would
not consent.”
On the close of the case for the prosecution, Mr. Bliss called on
the counsel to put into the box the remainder of the witnesses
whose names were on the back of the bill, and Mr. Hardy, in the
absence of his leader, declining to take this responsibility, Baron
Bramwell, on the authority of the case of R. v. Woodhead, ruled
that the prosecutor need not do so, but was bound to have the
witnesses in Court so that they might, if required, be called by the
defence.[82]
THE DEFENCE.
be frightened? They will not take you if you are innocent,” and
Dove then went away.
To his wife’s mother, Mrs. Jenkins, who came to his house after
her daughter’s death, he said at breakfast on the Friday, the day of
the adjourned inquest, “Do you know that a sprinkle of oil of
almonds will kill a person? Arsenic you can detect in a body after
20 years. Belladonna you cannot; one is a mineral, the other a
vegetable. There is a poison like this”—taking up a piece of salt
—“in a man you can detect it, in a woman you cannot.” He told her
also that he could not think but that he should marry again. When
he talked about the poisons another person, a Mrs. Risdon, was
present.
To Mr. Scarth, a pupil of Mr. Morley’s, who, in consequence of
the latter’s engagement, was the first to see her on the 25th of
February, he put the question whether Mr. Morley would require a
post mortem examination if his wife died. Scarth replied that Mr.
Morley generally did on all his patients who died suddenly, when
the prisoner said, “I will not consent.” “Probably,” said Scarth, “as
you did when your father died.” “His wife,” replied Dove, “would
not consent.”
On the close of the case for the prosecution, Mr. Bliss called on
the counsel to put into the box the remainder of the witnesses
whose names were on the back of the bill, and Mr. Hardy, in the
absence of his leader, declining to take this responsibility, Baron
Bramwell, on the authority of the case of R. v. Woodhead, ruled
that the prosecutor need not do so, but was bound to have the
witnesses in Court so that they might, if required, be called by the
defence.[82]
THE DEFENCE.
Page 306
Though the defence of the prisoner was mainly rested on the
question of his sanity, Mr. Bliss urged on the jury that the
circumstantial evidence against him was inconclusive, turning the
openness of the prisoner’s acts and conversations, and his attention
to his wife during her attacks, to the best advantage. On the
question of his sanity, in addition to the mischievous and cruel acts
that had been elicited in cross-examination, he cited as further
proof his belief in witchcraft and his frequent consultations with
the witchman Harrison, and his request to that person to torment
his wife, professedly to force her to return to his bed. The
witchman, said counsel, not contemplating the murderous result,
encouraged him, and held out such promises of future happiness
that the desire ripened into practice, and the wife was murdered.
Even after detection was inevitable, the confidence of the dupe
remained unimpaired, and he firmly believed that the witchman
could rescue him from his doom. As a proof of this insane belief
the following letter written in his own blood, which had been found
in his pocket when in jail, was read:—
“Dear Devil,—If you will get me clear at the assizes, and let me
have the enjoyment of life, wealth, tobacco, more food and better,
and my wishes granted till I am sixty, come to me to-night. I remain,
your faithful subject,
“William Dove.”
MEDICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
In support of the plea of insanity, in addition to the witnesses
already referred to in the introduction to this case, three medical
witnesses of tried experience in lunacy, Dr. Caleb Williams (for 30
years the medical attendant at the York Asylum), Dr. Pyeman Smith
(of the Leeds Lunatic Asylum), and Mr. John Kitchen (of The
question of his sanity, Mr. Bliss urged on the jury that the
circumstantial evidence against him was inconclusive, turning the
openness of the prisoner’s acts and conversations, and his attention
to his wife during her attacks, to the best advantage. On the
question of his sanity, in addition to the mischievous and cruel acts
that had been elicited in cross-examination, he cited as further
proof his belief in witchcraft and his frequent consultations with
the witchman Harrison, and his request to that person to torment
his wife, professedly to force her to return to his bed. The
witchman, said counsel, not contemplating the murderous result,
encouraged him, and held out such promises of future happiness
that the desire ripened into practice, and the wife was murdered.
Even after detection was inevitable, the confidence of the dupe
remained unimpaired, and he firmly believed that the witchman
could rescue him from his doom. As a proof of this insane belief
the following letter written in his own blood, which had been found
in his pocket when in jail, was read:—
“Dear Devil,—If you will get me clear at the assizes, and let me
have the enjoyment of life, wealth, tobacco, more food and better,
and my wishes granted till I am sixty, come to me to-night. I remain,
your faithful subject,
“William Dove.”
MEDICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
In support of the plea of insanity, in addition to the witnesses
already referred to in the introduction to this case, three medical
witnesses of tried experience in lunacy, Dr. Caleb Williams (for 30
years the medical attendant at the York Asylum), Dr. Pyeman Smith
(of the Leeds Lunatic Asylum), and Mr. John Kitchen (of The
Page 307
Retreat, at York), were called for the defence, whose evidence, it is
only fair, should be given in some detail.
Dr. Williams, who had been in Court during the whole trial, and
had also examined the prisoner with Mr. Kitchen a few days before
the trial, was decidedly of opinion, from the evidence he had heard,
that the prisoner was of unsound mind, and that his violent
emotions and his belief in supernatural agency were indications of
it.
“Taking into account,” said the witness, “that he had written and
said similar things before about selling his soul to the devil, I think
that his letter to the devil was not simulated. It appears to be written
with blood. I had conversation with him about that letter when I saw
him, and he told me it was written under satanic influence. The
result of that conversation was that, in my opinion, it was not
simulated. I have no doubt that his illusion, that he had sold himself
to the devil, was a real one. I believe his incantations spoken of
were connected with his belief in supernatural agency; and I think
his saying that he had put a spell on the steward arose from the same
belief.[83] The letter to his schoolmaster, in which he declared his
sanity, is very like what is done by insane persons—they declare
they are sane. His talking to various persons about strychnia showed
the weakness of his mind. The effect of drink on a lunatic are to
make him violent and dangerous. Persons liable to insanity would
exhibit a tendency and inclination to drink. I think from what I have
heard he has not the power of controlling his emotions and
passions. None of them at all times.[84] There would be periods
when he would have control over some. The circumstance of his
shooting the cat showed an uncontrollable impulse to injure or take
life; and seeing it was not expended in injuring the man, he shot the
cat. The effect of confining a person for several weeks on strictly
sober diet, who has before been subject to get drunk, would be to
reduce him to a calm condition. The Castle diet is sober (Dove’s
prison). From all I have heard and seen, I consider his powers of
only fair, should be given in some detail.
Dr. Williams, who had been in Court during the whole trial, and
had also examined the prisoner with Mr. Kitchen a few days before
the trial, was decidedly of opinion, from the evidence he had heard,
that the prisoner was of unsound mind, and that his violent
emotions and his belief in supernatural agency were indications of
it.
“Taking into account,” said the witness, “that he had written and
said similar things before about selling his soul to the devil, I think
that his letter to the devil was not simulated. It appears to be written
with blood. I had conversation with him about that letter when I saw
him, and he told me it was written under satanic influence. The
result of that conversation was that, in my opinion, it was not
simulated. I have no doubt that his illusion, that he had sold himself
to the devil, was a real one. I believe his incantations spoken of
were connected with his belief in supernatural agency; and I think
his saying that he had put a spell on the steward arose from the same
belief.[83] The letter to his schoolmaster, in which he declared his
sanity, is very like what is done by insane persons—they declare
they are sane. His talking to various persons about strychnia showed
the weakness of his mind. The effect of drink on a lunatic are to
make him violent and dangerous. Persons liable to insanity would
exhibit a tendency and inclination to drink. I think from what I have
heard he has not the power of controlling his emotions and
passions. None of them at all times.[84] There would be periods
when he would have control over some. The circumstance of his
shooting the cat showed an uncontrollable impulse to injure or take
life; and seeing it was not expended in injuring the man, he shot the
cat. The effect of confining a person for several weeks on strictly
sober diet, who has before been subject to get drunk, would be to
reduce him to a calm condition. The Castle diet is sober (Dove’s
prison). From all I have heard and seen, I consider his powers of
Page 308
mind, during the fatal week were probably influenced by his notions
regarding supernatural agency, and that consequently he was the
subject of a delusion. During that week, labouring under such
delusions, he might retain his power of adapting means to an end,
and of judging of the consequences. He could not under those
delusions have the power of resisting any impulse.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Overend, after repudiating the
notion that his evidence was tinged by religious objections to
capital punishment, the witness said:—
“I should not call administering poison five or six times an
impulse, but a propensity—an uncontrollable propensity to destroy
life, and give pain. For the time it would be a permanent condition
of the mind, and might select the special object, and constantly seek
opportunities of carrying out the propensity. I think a person with
such a propensity would not know that he was doing wrong. I think
he might fear the consequences, and know that punishment would
follow. He would know, probably, that he was breaking the law. I say
that, because he would have a very incorrect appreciation of right
and wrong. He would not know at the time that he would be hanged.
I found that opinion on the occupation of the mind by the insane
propensity. It is uncertain whether he would know it before he did it.
He might after he had done it. He might do a murder secretly,
because he could not otherwise do it. A propensity of that kind
generally acts without a motive. One of the peculiarities is that a
person seeks no escape: in certain cases acknowledges his crime.
The propensity may come on suddenly: an impulse comes on
suddenly—a propensity more frequently comes on slowly, and starts
from a considerable time. If a man gives way to his passions, and
commits a rape, I call that a vice, and not a propensity. Supposing a
cruel man, who wishes to get rid of his wife, quarrels with her, in
the abstract that is a vice. Supposing a man to have taken every
precaution against discovery, and pains to procure poison for his
wife, and to prepare for her death, I should think that a vice, and not
regarding supernatural agency, and that consequently he was the
subject of a delusion. During that week, labouring under such
delusions, he might retain his power of adapting means to an end,
and of judging of the consequences. He could not under those
delusions have the power of resisting any impulse.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Overend, after repudiating the
notion that his evidence was tinged by religious objections to
capital punishment, the witness said:—
“I should not call administering poison five or six times an
impulse, but a propensity—an uncontrollable propensity to destroy
life, and give pain. For the time it would be a permanent condition
of the mind, and might select the special object, and constantly seek
opportunities of carrying out the propensity. I think a person with
such a propensity would not know that he was doing wrong. I think
he might fear the consequences, and know that punishment would
follow. He would know, probably, that he was breaking the law. I say
that, because he would have a very incorrect appreciation of right
and wrong. He would not know at the time that he would be hanged.
I found that opinion on the occupation of the mind by the insane
propensity. It is uncertain whether he would know it before he did it.
He might after he had done it. He might do a murder secretly,
because he could not otherwise do it. A propensity of that kind
generally acts without a motive. One of the peculiarities is that a
person seeks no escape: in certain cases acknowledges his crime.
The propensity may come on suddenly: an impulse comes on
suddenly—a propensity more frequently comes on slowly, and starts
from a considerable time. If a man gives way to his passions, and
commits a rape, I call that a vice, and not a propensity. Supposing a
cruel man, who wishes to get rid of his wife, quarrels with her, in
the abstract that is a vice. Supposing a man to have taken every
precaution against discovery, and pains to procure poison for his
wife, and to prepare for her death, I should think that a vice, and not
Page 309
a delusion. Supposing a man of cruel disposition had formed a
dislike to his wife, and wanted to get rid of her, and had nursed that
dislike into a propensity to kill. I should call that an insane
propensity. I don’t say that every man who dislikes his wife, and
wishes to get rid of her, is insane. When he acquires the propensity
to kill, and cannot control it, he is insane.”
Question.—“If a person lived with his wife, hated her, and
determined to, and did kill her, what is the difference between that
determination which is vice, and that propensity which is insanity?”
Answer.—“The prisoner’s history would be required to
determine whether it was vice or insanity.”
Question.—“Supposing a man was determined to kill his wife,
and he nurses the thought for six months, till the desire becomes
uncontrollable, when does the desire become insanity?”
Answer.—“When by nourishing such an idea, the mind becomes
diseased, and he cannot control his acts—that applies to other
things.”
Question.—“If a man dwells on the possession of a woman till
he cannot control his desire, would that be vice or insanity?”
Answer.—“It might be insanity, and might apply to rape.[85] In
insanity there is a tendency to thieve. Theft is one of the indications
of moral insanity; and a man may desire to possess another man’s
goods, till he cannot control his acts. He is then insane. If a man
permits himself to indulge a passion till he becomes uncontrollable,
that is moral insanity, and he is not responsible. Consulting a
sorcerer, and all superstitious beliefs, are indications of a weak
mind. Belief in clairvoyance and dreams is not necessarily an
indication of insanity. A belief in spiritual rappings, I should infer,
was an indication of a weak mind. Talking to persons about
strychnia, and his wife’s death, I think indicated a feeble state of
mind.”
On re-examination, Dr. Williams said—
dislike to his wife, and wanted to get rid of her, and had nursed that
dislike into a propensity to kill. I should call that an insane
propensity. I don’t say that every man who dislikes his wife, and
wishes to get rid of her, is insane. When he acquires the propensity
to kill, and cannot control it, he is insane.”
Question.—“If a person lived with his wife, hated her, and
determined to, and did kill her, what is the difference between that
determination which is vice, and that propensity which is insanity?”
Answer.—“The prisoner’s history would be required to
determine whether it was vice or insanity.”
Question.—“Supposing a man was determined to kill his wife,
and he nurses the thought for six months, till the desire becomes
uncontrollable, when does the desire become insanity?”
Answer.—“When by nourishing such an idea, the mind becomes
diseased, and he cannot control his acts—that applies to other
things.”
Question.—“If a man dwells on the possession of a woman till
he cannot control his desire, would that be vice or insanity?”
Answer.—“It might be insanity, and might apply to rape.[85] In
insanity there is a tendency to thieve. Theft is one of the indications
of moral insanity; and a man may desire to possess another man’s
goods, till he cannot control his acts. He is then insane. If a man
permits himself to indulge a passion till he becomes uncontrollable,
that is moral insanity, and he is not responsible. Consulting a
sorcerer, and all superstitious beliefs, are indications of a weak
mind. Belief in clairvoyance and dreams is not necessarily an
indication of insanity. A belief in spiritual rappings, I should infer,
was an indication of a weak mind. Talking to persons about
strychnia, and his wife’s death, I think indicated a feeble state of
mind.”
On re-examination, Dr. Williams said—
Page 310
“Imitativeness is one of the characteristics of insanity, and
hearing strychnia and Palmer’s trial very much talked about would
be very likely, in a weak mind, to produce imitation. You must know
a man’s history before you can say whether his acts proceed from
vice or insanity. Madness very frequently developes itself in great
cunning and foresightedness when reasoning on false premises. I
have frequently known insane persons to attempt to escape from the
asylum, and to have shown great cleverness in their preparations for
it extending over several days.”
Question.—“Suppose you had heard the case of a man put to
you who wished to get rid of his wife, and had from his childhood
displayed cruelty of disposition—had threatened to shoot his father;
said he heard supernatural noises, sometimes treated his wife kindly,
and sometimes cried like no other man, would you have any doubt
that he was insane?”
Answer.—“No! and not fit to be at large. I should have no
difficulty, as a medical man, in certifying that he was a lunatic.
Lunatics have often displayed great ingenuity in committing theft
and concealing it. The passion of lust frequently becomes a disease
of the mind. When the prisoner gave his cows linseed to take one
night, to fatten them for market the next morning, that I should
deem an indication of an unsound mind.”
In reply to questions by the Judge, the witness said:—
”It would require a longer period than a month to establish
disease and an uncontrollable propensity to commit a crime. If a
man committed a crime, having thought of it for a month, I should
not say he was of unsound mind. The difference would depend on
length of time. Some men’s minds, previously weak, would take a
shorter time, and very exciting causes would shorten the time; but
there must be an appreciable period, and an interval for the mind to
pass into a morbid condition from the continual contemplation of
one object. The period is necessarily very uncertain, from the
variable effect of emotions and circumstances on the mind.”
hearing strychnia and Palmer’s trial very much talked about would
be very likely, in a weak mind, to produce imitation. You must know
a man’s history before you can say whether his acts proceed from
vice or insanity. Madness very frequently developes itself in great
cunning and foresightedness when reasoning on false premises. I
have frequently known insane persons to attempt to escape from the
asylum, and to have shown great cleverness in their preparations for
it extending over several days.”
Question.—“Suppose you had heard the case of a man put to
you who wished to get rid of his wife, and had from his childhood
displayed cruelty of disposition—had threatened to shoot his father;
said he heard supernatural noises, sometimes treated his wife kindly,
and sometimes cried like no other man, would you have any doubt
that he was insane?”
Answer.—“No! and not fit to be at large. I should have no
difficulty, as a medical man, in certifying that he was a lunatic.
Lunatics have often displayed great ingenuity in committing theft
and concealing it. The passion of lust frequently becomes a disease
of the mind. When the prisoner gave his cows linseed to take one
night, to fatten them for market the next morning, that I should
deem an indication of an unsound mind.”
In reply to questions by the Judge, the witness said:—
”It would require a longer period than a month to establish
disease and an uncontrollable propensity to commit a crime. If a
man committed a crime, having thought of it for a month, I should
not say he was of unsound mind. The difference would depend on
length of time. Some men’s minds, previously weak, would take a
shorter time, and very exciting causes would shorten the time; but
there must be an appreciable period, and an interval for the mind to
pass into a morbid condition from the continual contemplation of
one object. The period is necessarily very uncertain, from the
variable effect of emotions and circumstances on the mind.”
Page 311
The Judge.—“Suppose, at the time when he shot the cat, a
policeman had come in, would he have shot it?”[86]
Answer.—“No. The presence of the policeman would probably
have controlled him; he would probably have expended the impulse
on some person or something else. Unless the person is exceedingly
violent, the presence of a policeman would have some influence to
control him.”
Question.—“Whenever a man commits a crime, is it because he
is uncontrolled by existing circumstances?”
Answer.—“It is.”
The Judge.—“Then what is the difference between such a man
and the case you put?”
Answer.—“In the case I put the impulse is uncontrollable,
because his mind would be so occupied with his purpose.”
The Judge.—“Is it true of everybody, whether sane or insane,
that when intent on an act they forget the consequences?”
Answer.—“An insane man would be more likely to forget
consequences. Sane and insane persons would talk about
occurrences. How and what they talked about would depend on their
judgment.”
The witness wished to say with regard to the question as to
shooting the cat, that he thought the impulse of destruction was so
strong at the time, that he could not control it, and must have shot
something.[87]
Dr. Pyeman Smith, the proprietor of a private lunatic asylum at
Leeds for the past 15 years, though, from what he had heard and
seen, he was prepared to declare that Dove was of unsound mind
during the fatal week, and had been so for the last 20 years,
admitted, on cross-examination, that he did know right from wrong
during that period. He, however, on re-examination, qualified this
admission.
policeman had come in, would he have shot it?”[86]
Answer.—“No. The presence of the policeman would probably
have controlled him; he would probably have expended the impulse
on some person or something else. Unless the person is exceedingly
violent, the presence of a policeman would have some influence to
control him.”
Question.—“Whenever a man commits a crime, is it because he
is uncontrolled by existing circumstances?”
Answer.—“It is.”
The Judge.—“Then what is the difference between such a man
and the case you put?”
Answer.—“In the case I put the impulse is uncontrollable,
because his mind would be so occupied with his purpose.”
The Judge.—“Is it true of everybody, whether sane or insane,
that when intent on an act they forget the consequences?”
Answer.—“An insane man would be more likely to forget
consequences. Sane and insane persons would talk about
occurrences. How and what they talked about would depend on their
judgment.”
The witness wished to say with regard to the question as to
shooting the cat, that he thought the impulse of destruction was so
strong at the time, that he could not control it, and must have shot
something.[87]
Dr. Pyeman Smith, the proprietor of a private lunatic asylum at
Leeds for the past 15 years, though, from what he had heard and
seen, he was prepared to declare that Dove was of unsound mind
during the fatal week, and had been so for the last 20 years,
admitted, on cross-examination, that he did know right from wrong
during that period. He, however, on re-examination, qualified this
admission.
Page 312
“A decided lunatic,” said the witness, “very often knows right
from wrong, and yet may be regardless of any consequences from
his acts. He may be utterly unable to refrain from doing an act,
though he knew it was wrong. I cannot say the prisoner was utterly
unable to refrain from wrong during the fatal week. Circumstances
might enable him to refrain—other circumstances.”
To the Judge.—“Not a greater degree of punishment. I have
already said he was entirely regardless of circumstances.”
Mr. Bliss objected to this line of examination by the judge.
The Judge.—“I am entitled to, and in my opinion bound to, and I
will put the questions.”
Witness then continued—
“Not possessing the poison would be a circumstance which
would have prevented him. I believe, during the week, it was from
unsoundness of mind that he was regardless of consequences.”
Mr. John Kitchen, superintendent of The Retreat at York, where
the patients averaged a hundred, also agreed with the previous
medical witnesses, that Dove was of unsound mind during the fatal
week. He, however, admitted that “during that period he knew
right from wrong, had some knowledge of the difference—some
knowledge that he was committing murder—and that if found out
he would be punished.” This admission he sought to explain away,
on re-examination, protesting that what he meant was “that Dove
knew he was killing his wife, but did not know he was doing a
wrong act—that he would know in proportion as he knew the
difference between right and wrong.”
Question by a juryman.—“Do you adopt the theory of Dr. Smith
as to irresistible propensity in mania?”
from wrong, and yet may be regardless of any consequences from
his acts. He may be utterly unable to refrain from doing an act,
though he knew it was wrong. I cannot say the prisoner was utterly
unable to refrain from wrong during the fatal week. Circumstances
might enable him to refrain—other circumstances.”
To the Judge.—“Not a greater degree of punishment. I have
already said he was entirely regardless of circumstances.”
Mr. Bliss objected to this line of examination by the judge.
The Judge.—“I am entitled to, and in my opinion bound to, and I
will put the questions.”
Witness then continued—
“Not possessing the poison would be a circumstance which
would have prevented him. I believe, during the week, it was from
unsoundness of mind that he was regardless of consequences.”
Mr. John Kitchen, superintendent of The Retreat at York, where
the patients averaged a hundred, also agreed with the previous
medical witnesses, that Dove was of unsound mind during the fatal
week. He, however, admitted that “during that period he knew
right from wrong, had some knowledge of the difference—some
knowledge that he was committing murder—and that if found out
he would be punished.” This admission he sought to explain away,
on re-examination, protesting that what he meant was “that Dove
knew he was killing his wife, but did not know he was doing a
wrong act—that he would know in proportion as he knew the
difference between right and wrong.”
Question by a juryman.—“Do you adopt the theory of Dr. Smith
as to irresistible propensity in mania?”
Page 313
Answer.—“In general terms I do.”
Question.—“Do you adopt it in this case?”
Answer.—“I do not. I account for the murder, if he committed it,
on different principles. We have a man of deficient mental powers;
besides that he is insane; he is liable to do any absurd, cruel, or
vicious or irrational action that presented itself to his mind, as his
life shows. Supposing him to be insane, I should apply the term
vicious or malignant to him. We have heard, in evidence, that he
was brought up by pious parents, put to the best schools, and was
unable to receive the smallest amount of education. We see him
carried away to do the most foolish things. Where he loves, he loves
with a foolish intensity; and where he hates, he hates with a foolish
malignity: and if a woman puts herself into the power of such a man
as his wife, what has happened is just what might have been
expected.”
To Mr. Overend.—“I think he knew right from wrong—that it
was wrong to steal or murder. If he murdered, I should expect him
to deny it in that form of insanity. In one form of insanity, impulsive
madness, they own their crime. This case was only partly impulsive,
and I should not expect him to divulge it. If he thought of this crime
before he committed it, he would know it was wrong. He probably
would learn it was wrong in his childhood. It is impossible to say
when he committed the act he knew it was wrong. I don’t know
when he would know it was wrong. I can give no opinion about it.”
On re-examination, he said:—
“There are dangerous wards in some asylums, but I should not
expect to find the greatest number of impulsive cases in that ward.
Sometimes impulsive lunatics are dangerous. The keepers have an
influence over them—a mental influence. They formerly worked on
their fears, and thus kept patients under control. There is a madness
which consists in a propensity to kill. If a stranger was left with such
a one in a room alone, I should expect him to exercise his propensity
and kill him; and yet, probably, that patient would yield his keeper
Question.—“Do you adopt it in this case?”
Answer.—“I do not. I account for the murder, if he committed it,
on different principles. We have a man of deficient mental powers;
besides that he is insane; he is liable to do any absurd, cruel, or
vicious or irrational action that presented itself to his mind, as his
life shows. Supposing him to be insane, I should apply the term
vicious or malignant to him. We have heard, in evidence, that he
was brought up by pious parents, put to the best schools, and was
unable to receive the smallest amount of education. We see him
carried away to do the most foolish things. Where he loves, he loves
with a foolish intensity; and where he hates, he hates with a foolish
malignity: and if a woman puts herself into the power of such a man
as his wife, what has happened is just what might have been
expected.”
To Mr. Overend.—“I think he knew right from wrong—that it
was wrong to steal or murder. If he murdered, I should expect him
to deny it in that form of insanity. In one form of insanity, impulsive
madness, they own their crime. This case was only partly impulsive,
and I should not expect him to divulge it. If he thought of this crime
before he committed it, he would know it was wrong. He probably
would learn it was wrong in his childhood. It is impossible to say
when he committed the act he knew it was wrong. I don’t know
when he would know it was wrong. I can give no opinion about it.”
On re-examination, he said:—
“There are dangerous wards in some asylums, but I should not
expect to find the greatest number of impulsive cases in that ward.
Sometimes impulsive lunatics are dangerous. The keepers have an
influence over them—a mental influence. They formerly worked on
their fears, and thus kept patients under control. There is a madness
which consists in a propensity to kill. If a stranger was left with such
a one in a room alone, I should expect him to exercise his propensity
and kill him; and yet, probably, that patient would yield his keeper
Page 314
obedience. Probably the fear of some chastisement would induce
fear of his keeper.”
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
The greater portion of Baron Bramwell’s charge was
necessarily occupied by reading over and commenting on the
evidence produced by the prosecution—that the death of the wife
had been due to the administration of strychnia, and that the
prisoner had opportunities of administering it. The evidence on
these points has been already so fully reported that it is needless to
give this portion of his exhaustive summing-up. His remarks on the
rule of law on the plea of insanity, and on the nature of the insanity
suggested by the medical witnesses, are too valuable to be omitted.
“The rules of law,” said the learned Baron, “are that it must be
clearly proved that, at the time of committing the act, the party
accused was labouring under such a defect of reason, from disease
of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of the act he was
doing; or, if he did know it, that he did not know he was doing
wrong. If the accused was conscious of the act he did, he is
punishable; and what you have to consider is, had he sufficient
degree of sanity to know he was doing wrong? With respect to
delusions the law is the same. According to the law, as I lay it down
to you on the highest authority, to exempt a man from the penal
consequence of his act, the act being contrary to the law, you must
be of opinion that at the time he did the act he was not conscious
that it was one he ought not to do; for if he was conscious that it was
contrary to law, he is punishable. You must be satisfied that he had
not a sufficient degree of reason to know that he was doing an act
that was wrong—of course that means an act prohibited by law:
because a man might imagine that the thing was a right thing to do,
and it might not be contrary to law. He might think it right to take
from the rich and give to the poor. But if he did it, not knowing it
fear of his keeper.”
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
The greater portion of Baron Bramwell’s charge was
necessarily occupied by reading over and commenting on the
evidence produced by the prosecution—that the death of the wife
had been due to the administration of strychnia, and that the
prisoner had opportunities of administering it. The evidence on
these points has been already so fully reported that it is needless to
give this portion of his exhaustive summing-up. His remarks on the
rule of law on the plea of insanity, and on the nature of the insanity
suggested by the medical witnesses, are too valuable to be omitted.
“The rules of law,” said the learned Baron, “are that it must be
clearly proved that, at the time of committing the act, the party
accused was labouring under such a defect of reason, from disease
of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of the act he was
doing; or, if he did know it, that he did not know he was doing
wrong. If the accused was conscious of the act he did, he is
punishable; and what you have to consider is, had he sufficient
degree of sanity to know he was doing wrong? With respect to
delusions the law is the same. According to the law, as I lay it down
to you on the highest authority, to exempt a man from the penal
consequence of his act, the act being contrary to the law, you must
be of opinion that at the time he did the act he was not conscious
that it was one he ought not to do; for if he was conscious that it was
contrary to law, he is punishable. You must be satisfied that he had
not a sufficient degree of reason to know that he was doing an act
that was wrong—of course that means an act prohibited by law:
because a man might imagine that the thing was a right thing to do,
and it might not be contrary to law. He might think it right to take
from the rich and give to the poor. But if he did it, not knowing it
Page 315
was wrong, he must not know that the thing which he did was what
the law would punish him for. It is not necessary for me to justify
the law, or for you to approve it. We have only to administer it.
Don’t, however, suppose for a moment that I doubt the
reasonableness of it.
“Let me put a case to you. A man labours under a delusion. He
thinks I have done him wrong—have traduced his character. He
waylays and murders me. Why should he be acquitted? Suppose he
was wronged, that would not justify his taking away my life.
Suppose, again, a person imagined some part of his person to be
made of glass, or had swallowed something, or got something
wrong in his inside. Imagine that man deliberately waylaying a
person, knowing that he possessed property, to take it from him, and
afterwards to conceal what he had done, and to act in every other
respect as a rational man. Why should he be held irresponsible for
this because he was irrational in other respects?
“Why should punishment be administered at all? It was not
inflicted on a man who had committed a crime because he had
inflicted that upon others, but in order to hold out an example to
deter other people. If you punish an insane man, you hold out no
example, because you are punishing a man who thinks he is doing
right. But take the case of a man who is labouring under a delusion
—under an evil propensity. If you punish him when he does wrong,
or any other person with a similar propensity to commit that
offence, and he knows, that when he indulged in it, or that when
somebody else did, he was punished for it, that will deter him from
repeating or from doing that act. Take the case of a man who has a
strong propensity to thieve—a strong desire on him to do it; his
intellect not very strong, and he knows that he is punished if he does
such an act: do not you think, if he is punished, it will deter him
from doing it again? There cannot be a doubt that it is so; and if you
were to announce to all the world, that a man who has a strong
propensity to an evil, that a person in his condition, shall not be
punished, you take away from such persons the only thing that
would deter them from committing the evil. Take a man of a weak
the law would punish him for. It is not necessary for me to justify
the law, or for you to approve it. We have only to administer it.
Don’t, however, suppose for a moment that I doubt the
reasonableness of it.
“Let me put a case to you. A man labours under a delusion. He
thinks I have done him wrong—have traduced his character. He
waylays and murders me. Why should he be acquitted? Suppose he
was wronged, that would not justify his taking away my life.
Suppose, again, a person imagined some part of his person to be
made of glass, or had swallowed something, or got something
wrong in his inside. Imagine that man deliberately waylaying a
person, knowing that he possessed property, to take it from him, and
afterwards to conceal what he had done, and to act in every other
respect as a rational man. Why should he be held irresponsible for
this because he was irrational in other respects?
“Why should punishment be administered at all? It was not
inflicted on a man who had committed a crime because he had
inflicted that upon others, but in order to hold out an example to
deter other people. If you punish an insane man, you hold out no
example, because you are punishing a man who thinks he is doing
right. But take the case of a man who is labouring under a delusion
—under an evil propensity. If you punish him when he does wrong,
or any other person with a similar propensity to commit that
offence, and he knows, that when he indulged in it, or that when
somebody else did, he was punished for it, that will deter him from
repeating or from doing that act. Take the case of a man who has a
strong propensity to thieve—a strong desire on him to do it; his
intellect not very strong, and he knows that he is punished if he does
such an act: do not you think, if he is punished, it will deter him
from doing it again? There cannot be a doubt that it is so; and if you
were to announce to all the world, that a man who has a strong
propensity to an evil, that a person in his condition, shall not be
punished, you take away from such persons the only thing that
would deter them from committing the evil. Take a man of a weak
Page 316
mind and strong animal propensities, and it will not deter him from
committing such an act.”
Again, after going carefully through the evidence in the case,
and pointing out the application of the different classes of proofs,
the learned Baron said that “he thought none of the instances of
strange conduct adduced when the prisoner was a boy evidence of
insanity more than might be found in the conduct of a perverse, ill-
conducted boy;” and contrasted the opinions of the witnesses as to
his being almost an idiot with the letters written by him, which
exhibited no traces of mental incapacity.[88] In commenting on the
opinions of the medical men of experience in insanity, he adopted
the judgment of Dr. Lushington in the Dyce Sombre case, “that the
facts to which they depose, and not their opinions alone, were of
weight;” and added “that he sincerely believed that the jury were as
capable of judging as these mad doctors.”
“Two of them,” continued the learned judge, “were of opinion
that the contemplation of a crime constituted insanity, if it were only
contemplated enough. Then it was said that a man who had a
propensity to vice, to cruelty, to crime, was insane. Take the case of
a man found guilty at these assizes of a crime. It is found that he has
twice been convicted before and in prison half a dozen times, and
that he has a general propensity to commit crime. In such a case,
why should not Dr. Williams come forward and say, “You are
wrong. He is insane; you ought not to punish him.” If they believed
these experts you would take away protection from the community,
because they would have a check less to prevent the commission of
crime. It would be affectation in him to say that he did not set a
value on this scientific evidence. But he would rather take his own
independent opinion, than that of others, on the facts. But it was not
for him to do more than comment, and for the jury to judge of its
value—of the conduct of the prisoner, of his letters, and of the
arguments before them.”
committing such an act.”
Again, after going carefully through the evidence in the case,
and pointing out the application of the different classes of proofs,
the learned Baron said that “he thought none of the instances of
strange conduct adduced when the prisoner was a boy evidence of
insanity more than might be found in the conduct of a perverse, ill-
conducted boy;” and contrasted the opinions of the witnesses as to
his being almost an idiot with the letters written by him, which
exhibited no traces of mental incapacity.[88] In commenting on the
opinions of the medical men of experience in insanity, he adopted
the judgment of Dr. Lushington in the Dyce Sombre case, “that the
facts to which they depose, and not their opinions alone, were of
weight;” and added “that he sincerely believed that the jury were as
capable of judging as these mad doctors.”
“Two of them,” continued the learned judge, “were of opinion
that the contemplation of a crime constituted insanity, if it were only
contemplated enough. Then it was said that a man who had a
propensity to vice, to cruelty, to crime, was insane. Take the case of
a man found guilty at these assizes of a crime. It is found that he has
twice been convicted before and in prison half a dozen times, and
that he has a general propensity to commit crime. In such a case,
why should not Dr. Williams come forward and say, “You are
wrong. He is insane; you ought not to punish him.” If they believed
these experts you would take away protection from the community,
because they would have a check less to prevent the commission of
crime. It would be affectation in him to say that he did not set a
value on this scientific evidence. But he would rather take his own
independent opinion, than that of others, on the facts. But it was not
for him to do more than comment, and for the jury to judge of its
value—of the conduct of the prisoner, of his letters, and of the
arguments before them.”
Page 317
After a brief consideration the jury returned a verdict of “guilty,
but recommended him to mercy on the ground of his defective
intellect.” Sentence of death was passed on him, and he was
executed at York.
THE PRISONER’S CONFESSIONS.
A day or two before his execution Dove dictated two long and
extraordinary statements of his connection with the “Witchman,”
and the part played in the tragedy by this dangerous man, which
contrast strongly with the evidence given by Harrison himself, and
probably disclose facts which that person was glad to conceal at the
time of his examination.
In the first of these statements he details his earlier interviews
with the “Witchman” on the subjects of recovering lost cattle,
removing strange noises from his house, and the bewitching of his
live stock, in which Harrison appears to have played off on him the
common tricks of his trade. His confidence in this fellow was
unfortunately largely increased by his prophecying that Dove’s
father would die before a certain Christmas Day—he died on
Christmas Eve—and led him to consult the “Witchman” about his
wife when he first conceived his violent hatred towards her.
“About August, 1855,” he says, “I had some unpleasantness with
my wife, and went over to Harrison at Leeds, told him of it, and he
promised to make it all right. He told me I must let him know by
letter how things went on. In two days after this I wrote him that my
wife was no better, and that he must do something to make peace. I
sent this by Fisher, a porter at the railway station, to post. Mrs. Dove
knew I had written, but not what about. She therefore sent the
servant to Fisher, got back the letter, took out what I had written,
and put in a blank sheet.[89] I did not know this at the time, but,
hearing some whispering, wrote another letter, and posted it myself
but recommended him to mercy on the ground of his defective
intellect.” Sentence of death was passed on him, and he was
executed at York.
THE PRISONER’S CONFESSIONS.
A day or two before his execution Dove dictated two long and
extraordinary statements of his connection with the “Witchman,”
and the part played in the tragedy by this dangerous man, which
contrast strongly with the evidence given by Harrison himself, and
probably disclose facts which that person was glad to conceal at the
time of his examination.
In the first of these statements he details his earlier interviews
with the “Witchman” on the subjects of recovering lost cattle,
removing strange noises from his house, and the bewitching of his
live stock, in which Harrison appears to have played off on him the
common tricks of his trade. His confidence in this fellow was
unfortunately largely increased by his prophecying that Dove’s
father would die before a certain Christmas Day—he died on
Christmas Eve—and led him to consult the “Witchman” about his
wife when he first conceived his violent hatred towards her.
“About August, 1855,” he says, “I had some unpleasantness with
my wife, and went over to Harrison at Leeds, told him of it, and he
promised to make it all right. He told me I must let him know by
letter how things went on. In two days after this I wrote him that my
wife was no better, and that he must do something to make peace. I
sent this by Fisher, a porter at the railway station, to post. Mrs. Dove
knew I had written, but not what about. She therefore sent the
servant to Fisher, got back the letter, took out what I had written,
and put in a blank sheet.[89] I did not know this at the time, but,
hearing some whispering, wrote another letter, and posted it myself
Page 318
about two o’clock. At three I went myself to Harrison, who told me
he had received a blank sheet, and asked why, and I told him. I then
informed him of the unpleasantness and unhappiness with my wife,
and he said ‘You will never have happiness till she is out of the
way.’ I said ‘How do you know that.’ He said ‘Come upstairs and
I’ll tell you, for I’ve got your nativity marked out.’ [Upstairs he
showed him a paper with the signs of the Zodiac, and hieroglyphical
forms and numbers, which he describes at length.] Harrison then
read out of a book my destiny. Between twenty-seven and thirty-two
all would go against me. I should have nothing but misfortunes; that
at thirty-two the sun and moon would come into conjunction, and
then everything would be in my favour; that at thirty-two I should
lose my wife, marry again, and have a child, and an addition to my
fortune; and that for my sake he did not care how soon it was here,
for until then I should never be a happy man; that after ‘thirty-two’
everything would go well for a few years. He made other remarks as
to different periods of my life.”
Then follow the usual enquiries about the kind of person that
was to be his second wife.
“I saw Harrison again in November about my wife’s temper. He
said never mind, ‘she will die before the end of February or March,
I am not certain which.’ When he told me my wife would die soon I
said ‘You have told me before she would die at thirty-two.’ He
replied ‘Before thirty-two, but I did not say how much before.’ In a
few days afterwards (after December 21) I went to the ‘New Cross
Inn,’ and Harrison came in with a newspaper and read about
Palmer’s case. I then asked him whether strychnia could be
detected, and he said ‘No, nor any other vegetable poison.’ I then
said ‘What other vegetable poisons are there that cannot be
detected? and he said ‘Digitalis, belladonna, particularly if
crystallised; he could not remember more then.’ I then asked him to
get or make me some strychnia, as we were much annoyed in our
he had received a blank sheet, and asked why, and I told him. I then
informed him of the unpleasantness and unhappiness with my wife,
and he said ‘You will never have happiness till she is out of the
way.’ I said ‘How do you know that.’ He said ‘Come upstairs and
I’ll tell you, for I’ve got your nativity marked out.’ [Upstairs he
showed him a paper with the signs of the Zodiac, and hieroglyphical
forms and numbers, which he describes at length.] Harrison then
read out of a book my destiny. Between twenty-seven and thirty-two
all would go against me. I should have nothing but misfortunes; that
at thirty-two the sun and moon would come into conjunction, and
then everything would be in my favour; that at thirty-two I should
lose my wife, marry again, and have a child, and an addition to my
fortune; and that for my sake he did not care how soon it was here,
for until then I should never be a happy man; that after ‘thirty-two’
everything would go well for a few years. He made other remarks as
to different periods of my life.”
Then follow the usual enquiries about the kind of person that
was to be his second wife.
“I saw Harrison again in November about my wife’s temper. He
said never mind, ‘she will die before the end of February or March,
I am not certain which.’ When he told me my wife would die soon I
said ‘You have told me before she would die at thirty-two.’ He
replied ‘Before thirty-two, but I did not say how much before.’ In a
few days afterwards (after December 21) I went to the ‘New Cross
Inn,’ and Harrison came in with a newspaper and read about
Palmer’s case. I then asked him whether strychnia could be
detected, and he said ‘No, nor any other vegetable poison.’ I then
said ‘What other vegetable poisons are there that cannot be
detected? and he said ‘Digitalis, belladonna, particularly if
crystallised; he could not remember more then.’ I then asked him to
get or make me some strychnia, as we were much annoyed in our
Page 319
new house with cats, but he refused. I told him I would get some
elsewhere.
“I went to him again in January last about my wife. I told him
about my wife’s temper and her being poorly then, and he again
said, ‘She won’t live long; she will never get better. As I told you
before, she will die in February.’
“I had no further communication with Harrison until the 6th of
March, when I sent for him to the ‘New Cross Inn,’ and told him my
wife had died, and that an inquest was to be held. He asked, ‘Why?’
I said, ‘My wife died very suddenly, and Mr. Morley cannot account
for it, and it is known that I had strychnia in the house. Mr. Morley
thinks some may have been spilt, and my wife got at it accidentally.’
I then said, ‘You told me strychnia could not be detected, but I have
seen in the Materia Medica that it can;[90] what is your opinion
now? Can a grain to a grain and a half be detected, for there is a
great difference on the subject? Professor Taylor says it cannot be
detected twenty-four hours after death in the human body.’ Harrison
said, ‘What, have you poisoned your wife?’ I replied, ‘No, I should
be very sorry to.’ Nothing more passed then.
“On Friday, the 7th, whilst the inquest was going on, I went to
the back door of Harrison’s house, about 3 P.M., and said to him
‘that several witnesses had been called, and I was suspected of
poisoning my wife,’ and added, ‘How will the case go?’ He said, ‘It
will be a very difficult case, but I can get you out.’ I said, ‘You only
say you can; but tell me, will you?’ and he replied, ‘Set yourself
altogether at rest; I will.’”
In the second statement he gives details of his administration of
the strychnia, declaring that even when he got the second portion of
that poison from Mr. Morley’s pupil he had no intention of
poisoning his wife, but only intended it for the cats. His first
attempt was with the jelly his sister Jane had sent, of which, it may
be remembered, the wife, on the score of its bitterness, took only a
spoonful. He then goes on:—
elsewhere.
“I went to him again in January last about my wife. I told him
about my wife’s temper and her being poorly then, and he again
said, ‘She won’t live long; she will never get better. As I told you
before, she will die in February.’
“I had no further communication with Harrison until the 6th of
March, when I sent for him to the ‘New Cross Inn,’ and told him my
wife had died, and that an inquest was to be held. He asked, ‘Why?’
I said, ‘My wife died very suddenly, and Mr. Morley cannot account
for it, and it is known that I had strychnia in the house. Mr. Morley
thinks some may have been spilt, and my wife got at it accidentally.’
I then said, ‘You told me strychnia could not be detected, but I have
seen in the Materia Medica that it can;[90] what is your opinion
now? Can a grain to a grain and a half be detected, for there is a
great difference on the subject? Professor Taylor says it cannot be
detected twenty-four hours after death in the human body.’ Harrison
said, ‘What, have you poisoned your wife?’ I replied, ‘No, I should
be very sorry to.’ Nothing more passed then.
“On Friday, the 7th, whilst the inquest was going on, I went to
the back door of Harrison’s house, about 3 P.M., and said to him
‘that several witnesses had been called, and I was suspected of
poisoning my wife,’ and added, ‘How will the case go?’ He said, ‘It
will be a very difficult case, but I can get you out.’ I said, ‘You only
say you can; but tell me, will you?’ and he replied, ‘Set yourself
altogether at rest; I will.’”
In the second statement he gives details of his administration of
the strychnia, declaring that even when he got the second portion of
that poison from Mr. Morley’s pupil he had no intention of
poisoning his wife, but only intended it for the cats. His first
attempt was with the jelly his sister Jane had sent, of which, it may
be remembered, the wife, on the score of its bitterness, took only a
spoonful. He then goes on:—
Page 320
“On the Saturday, after Fisher left,[91] I took the paper containing
the strychnia out of my razor-case and put it in my waistcoat-pocket,
and then went to my mother’s house. In the afternoon I had
previously called at Mr. Morley’s for my wife’s medicine. It was an
effervescing draught, in two bottles. At my mother’s that evening I
took the cork out of one of the bottles and touched the wet end of it
with the strychnia. On that Saturday evening my wife took some of
the draught in Mrs. Witham’s presence. Mrs. Witham tasted it, and
said it tasted bitter. The draught was not shaken that night before
taken. My wife did not suffer from the effects at all. On my way
from my mother’s that night I threw away the remainder of the
strychnia. I cannot tell you the feelings of my mind when I put the
strychnia into the jelly and the mixture. I did not think at the
moment as to its effects and consequences. On the Sunday
following, which was the 24th of February, I went to the surgery;
and there being no person there at the time, I took perhaps ten grains
of strychnia and folded them in paper, and when I got home placed
it in the stable. On the Monday morning I gave my wife her
medicine—the effervescent mixture—about half-past nine, and at
ten she had the attack mentioned by Mrs. Fisher and Mrs. Witham.
At the time she took it she complained very much of the bitterness,
and said she would tell Mr. Morley about it. There were three or
four doses left in the bottle after that draught was taken, and I broke
the bottle in my wife’s presence, fearing Mr. Morley might taste it.
The mixture was changed on the Monday; the mixture then given
was very bitter. On Tuesday night or Wednesday morning I applied
the wet end of the cork of the medicine-bottle to the strychnia, as
before. I think there might be from half to a grain of strychnia on the
cork when I put it into the bottle. I shook the mixture up. There were
only two or three doses in the bottle. I don’t remember my wife
having an attack on the Wednesday. She took her medicine that day.
On Thursday I got another bottle of medicine from Mr. Morley, and
I again applied the wet end of the cork to the strychnia as before.
About the same quantity adhered. The last dose of that medicine
was taken on Friday night about ten, and my wife was taken
the strychnia out of my razor-case and put it in my waistcoat-pocket,
and then went to my mother’s house. In the afternoon I had
previously called at Mr. Morley’s for my wife’s medicine. It was an
effervescing draught, in two bottles. At my mother’s that evening I
took the cork out of one of the bottles and touched the wet end of it
with the strychnia. On that Saturday evening my wife took some of
the draught in Mrs. Witham’s presence. Mrs. Witham tasted it, and
said it tasted bitter. The draught was not shaken that night before
taken. My wife did not suffer from the effects at all. On my way
from my mother’s that night I threw away the remainder of the
strychnia. I cannot tell you the feelings of my mind when I put the
strychnia into the jelly and the mixture. I did not think at the
moment as to its effects and consequences. On the Sunday
following, which was the 24th of February, I went to the surgery;
and there being no person there at the time, I took perhaps ten grains
of strychnia and folded them in paper, and when I got home placed
it in the stable. On the Monday morning I gave my wife her
medicine—the effervescent mixture—about half-past nine, and at
ten she had the attack mentioned by Mrs. Fisher and Mrs. Witham.
At the time she took it she complained very much of the bitterness,
and said she would tell Mr. Morley about it. There were three or
four doses left in the bottle after that draught was taken, and I broke
the bottle in my wife’s presence, fearing Mr. Morley might taste it.
The mixture was changed on the Monday; the mixture then given
was very bitter. On Tuesday night or Wednesday morning I applied
the wet end of the cork of the medicine-bottle to the strychnia, as
before. I think there might be from half to a grain of strychnia on the
cork when I put it into the bottle. I shook the mixture up. There were
only two or three doses in the bottle. I don’t remember my wife
having an attack on the Wednesday. She took her medicine that day.
On Thursday I got another bottle of medicine from Mr. Morley, and
I again applied the wet end of the cork to the strychnia as before.
About the same quantity adhered. The last dose of that medicine
was taken on Friday night about ten, and my wife was taken
Page 321
seriously ill in half an hour, but she had no arching of the back, as
far as I can remember. Mrs. Fisher is mistaken in that point, but her
statement in other respects is true, I believe. On that Friday night I
got another bottle of medicine from Mr. Morley’s, directed to be
taken four times a day. I did not put any strychnia into that bottle, or
upon its cork. Mrs. Witham gave a dose out of that bottle in the
afternoon of Saturday.[92] The strychnia was in the stable, where I
had first placed it, and there was none in the razor-case on that day,
nor during any part of that week. I was drinking at Sadlefee’s
public-house on that Saturday, and was more or less affected with
drink all that afternoon and evening. About three in the afternoon I
went to the stable and took a grain and a half of strychnia out of the
stable and put it in another paper, which I placed in my waistcoat-
pocket. I put that strychnia into the wine-glass which contained a
little water—I believe the water left in the glass by Mrs. Witham
after giving my wife the third dose in the afternoon, but I have no
recollection as to the time I put the strychnia into the glass. I gave
the mixture in the evening, as stated by Mrs. Witham and Mrs.
Wood in their evidence. I poured the mixture into the glass which
contained the water and strychnia. I did not put the strychnia into
the wine-glass in the presence of Mrs. Witham and Mrs. Wood. I
know that I put it in before, but cannot tell how long before giving
the medicine. I did not, when I gave the medicine on the occasions
mentioned, think of the consequences; but when I saw my wife
suffering on the Saturday night, it flashed across my mind that I had
given her medicine, and that she would die from the effects. I was
muddled before this, and did not know what I was doing. When the
thoughts of her death crossed my mind, I regretted what I had done,
and believe that if Mr. Morley had come in at that moment I should
have told him what I had given her, so that he might have used
means to restore her. I cannot disguise the anguish I felt when I
returned from Mr. Morley’s and found her dead. Palmer’s case first
called my attention to strychnia, but I never should have thought of
using that or any other poison for the purpose of taking my wife’s
far as I can remember. Mrs. Fisher is mistaken in that point, but her
statement in other respects is true, I believe. On that Friday night I
got another bottle of medicine from Mr. Morley’s, directed to be
taken four times a day. I did not put any strychnia into that bottle, or
upon its cork. Mrs. Witham gave a dose out of that bottle in the
afternoon of Saturday.[92] The strychnia was in the stable, where I
had first placed it, and there was none in the razor-case on that day,
nor during any part of that week. I was drinking at Sadlefee’s
public-house on that Saturday, and was more or less affected with
drink all that afternoon and evening. About three in the afternoon I
went to the stable and took a grain and a half of strychnia out of the
stable and put it in another paper, which I placed in my waistcoat-
pocket. I put that strychnia into the wine-glass which contained a
little water—I believe the water left in the glass by Mrs. Witham
after giving my wife the third dose in the afternoon, but I have no
recollection as to the time I put the strychnia into the glass. I gave
the mixture in the evening, as stated by Mrs. Witham and Mrs.
Wood in their evidence. I poured the mixture into the glass which
contained the water and strychnia. I did not put the strychnia into
the wine-glass in the presence of Mrs. Witham and Mrs. Wood. I
know that I put it in before, but cannot tell how long before giving
the medicine. I did not, when I gave the medicine on the occasions
mentioned, think of the consequences; but when I saw my wife
suffering on the Saturday night, it flashed across my mind that I had
given her medicine, and that she would die from the effects. I was
muddled before this, and did not know what I was doing. When the
thoughts of her death crossed my mind, I regretted what I had done,
and believe that if Mr. Morley had come in at that moment I should
have told him what I had given her, so that he might have used
means to restore her. I cannot disguise the anguish I felt when I
returned from Mr. Morley’s and found her dead. Palmer’s case first
called my attention to strychnia, but I never should have thought of
using that or any other poison for the purpose of taking my wife’s
Page 322
life but for Harrison, who was always telling me that I should never
have any happiness till my wife was out of the way.”[93]
TRIAL OF SILAS BARLOW FOR THE WILFUL
MURDER OF ELIZA SOPER.
Before The Honorable Mr. Justice Denman, at the Central
Criminal Court, November 27, 1876.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Poland and Mr. Beasley.
For the Defence: Mr. Fulton and Mr. Grubbe.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
The prisoner, an engine driver on the South-Western Railway,
about a year before the trial, on being left a widower, had formed a
connection with the deceased, who, with their infant, came to lodge
at the house of a Mrs. Wilson, in Leopold Street, Vauxhall, in
August, 1876, under the name of Smith, where she was
occasionally visited by the prisoner, who passed as her husband.
Apparently they lived together on kindly terms, and were in fairly
comfortable circumstances. On the 3rd of September the prisoner
visited her about half-past eight in the evening, and stayed an hour.
Up to that day the deceased had been in good health. As soon,
however, as the prisoner had left, she came down from her room,
knocked at the landlady’s door, and complained to her that she was
very sick from the sarsaparilla which he had given her. “Her lips
were white, she was very nervous, and appeared hardly able to
stand,” said Mrs. Wilson. “I had never seen her so before. She went
upstairs, and when I went to bed I went to her. She was retching
have any happiness till my wife was out of the way.”[93]
TRIAL OF SILAS BARLOW FOR THE WILFUL
MURDER OF ELIZA SOPER.
Before The Honorable Mr. Justice Denman, at the Central
Criminal Court, November 27, 1876.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Poland and Mr. Beasley.
For the Defence: Mr. Fulton and Mr. Grubbe.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
The prisoner, an engine driver on the South-Western Railway,
about a year before the trial, on being left a widower, had formed a
connection with the deceased, who, with their infant, came to lodge
at the house of a Mrs. Wilson, in Leopold Street, Vauxhall, in
August, 1876, under the name of Smith, where she was
occasionally visited by the prisoner, who passed as her husband.
Apparently they lived together on kindly terms, and were in fairly
comfortable circumstances. On the 3rd of September the prisoner
visited her about half-past eight in the evening, and stayed an hour.
Up to that day the deceased had been in good health. As soon,
however, as the prisoner had left, she came down from her room,
knocked at the landlady’s door, and complained to her that she was
very sick from the sarsaparilla which he had given her. “Her lips
were white, she was very nervous, and appeared hardly able to
stand,” said Mrs. Wilson. “I had never seen her so before. She went
upstairs, and when I went to bed I went to her. She was retching
Page 323
very much, and sitting in a chair. I then went away. Next morning I
saw her; she came downstairs and said she was very bad—worse.
She could not stand, and had to lean against the wall. During the
day she became better.”
THE SYMPTOMS.
The prisoner came again on the Sunday following, the 10th, at
the same time as before.
“The deceased,” said Mrs. Wilson, “was at the street door, talking
to me, with her baby, and in perfect health. They went up into their
room, and in about an hour the prisoner knocked at my room door
and said his wife had had two fits. I ran upstairs and found her lying
across the bed; the prisoner was in the room. She was in a kind of fit
or convulsion. I sent the prisoner for some brandy and water. She
became a little conscious, and taking me by the hand said ‘Don’t
touch me.’ She had been unconscious, but the moment she was
touched she went into convulsions. Her feet and hands were
clenched, and she was drawn quite backwards, her back forming an
entire arch. She was not conscious then. The prisoner was holding
her all the time. About half past ten I sent him for Dr. Miller, who
came at once, and applied mustard plasters, remaining with her
about five minutes, and the prisoner going back with him for
medicine. She was slightly conscious when Dr. Miller came, and
more so afterwards. Her feet were quite white(?)[94] the toes being
drawn backwards to the soles of the feet. I did what the doctor told
me, but it did not do her any good. I tried to give her the medicine,
but she could not take it, and went off in a swoon. She had licked the
spoon. She then had dreadful convulsions, one in particular, when it
took the prisoner and me to hold her. Her neck was drawn
backwards and quite arched. After that she became quite conscious,
and said it was the nasty sarsaparilla that made her ill. The prisoner
said ‘Oh no. I have taken more of it than you.’ He also said ‘I have
saw her; she came downstairs and said she was very bad—worse.
She could not stand, and had to lean against the wall. During the
day she became better.”
THE SYMPTOMS.
The prisoner came again on the Sunday following, the 10th, at
the same time as before.
“The deceased,” said Mrs. Wilson, “was at the street door, talking
to me, with her baby, and in perfect health. They went up into their
room, and in about an hour the prisoner knocked at my room door
and said his wife had had two fits. I ran upstairs and found her lying
across the bed; the prisoner was in the room. She was in a kind of fit
or convulsion. I sent the prisoner for some brandy and water. She
became a little conscious, and taking me by the hand said ‘Don’t
touch me.’ She had been unconscious, but the moment she was
touched she went into convulsions. Her feet and hands were
clenched, and she was drawn quite backwards, her back forming an
entire arch. She was not conscious then. The prisoner was holding
her all the time. About half past ten I sent him for Dr. Miller, who
came at once, and applied mustard plasters, remaining with her
about five minutes, and the prisoner going back with him for
medicine. She was slightly conscious when Dr. Miller came, and
more so afterwards. Her feet were quite white(?)[94] the toes being
drawn backwards to the soles of the feet. I did what the doctor told
me, but it did not do her any good. I tried to give her the medicine,
but she could not take it, and went off in a swoon. She had licked the
spoon. She then had dreadful convulsions, one in particular, when it
took the prisoner and me to hold her. Her neck was drawn
backwards and quite arched. After that she became quite conscious,
and said it was the nasty sarsaparilla that made her ill. The prisoner
said ‘Oh no. I have taken more of it than you.’ He also said ‘I have
Page 324
given her two pills and taken two myself.’ She complained of a
dreadful pain in her heart, and continued unconscious, coming to
herself a little at times, but very slightly. The convulsions were
dreadful, and she died about two o’clock on the eleventh. She
seemed to drop instantly after a dreadful convulsion. I gave her two
doses of the medicine the doctor sent. I had not seen any sarsaparilla
in the room.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Fulton, after stating that she had
never heard any quarrels between the prisoner and the deceased,
she gave the following further particulars as to the symptoms:—
“In the evening, when I was called in, her eyes were partly closed
during the convulsions; her breathing very hot (hard?) and at most
suspended; her teeth entirely clenched and also her hands during the
convulsions. She wanted to be sick shortly before her death; her lips
were pale, and remained so until her death. The prisoner tried to
move her, when she became sick, and she went into convulsions. He
helped to hold her, and said he could not imagine what was the
matter with her; seemed distressed, and sat on the bed holding her.
To all appearance he was kind to her but not affectionate. She was
more unconscious than conscious during the whole time. About
twelve o’clock she appeared quite conscious. She had to move
herself so that she could be sick, and caught hold of the bed head,
and then went again into convulsions. Virtually she was unconscious
the whole time. Dr. Miller came a second time, and she told him she
had had some fearful fits, but I cannot recollect whether I said
anything about the ‘arching.’ There was none when he saw her, but
her feet were curved, and I told him about the ‘shakings,’ I mean the
‘convulsions.’ I first heard from the coroners officer that she had
died of strychnia. I had previously told him the symptoms attending
her death, but don’t remember telling him of the ‘arching.’ He said
there was every appearance of her having died from strychnia.”
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
dreadful pain in her heart, and continued unconscious, coming to
herself a little at times, but very slightly. The convulsions were
dreadful, and she died about two o’clock on the eleventh. She
seemed to drop instantly after a dreadful convulsion. I gave her two
doses of the medicine the doctor sent. I had not seen any sarsaparilla
in the room.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Fulton, after stating that she had
never heard any quarrels between the prisoner and the deceased,
she gave the following further particulars as to the symptoms:—
“In the evening, when I was called in, her eyes were partly closed
during the convulsions; her breathing very hot (hard?) and at most
suspended; her teeth entirely clenched and also her hands during the
convulsions. She wanted to be sick shortly before her death; her lips
were pale, and remained so until her death. The prisoner tried to
move her, when she became sick, and she went into convulsions. He
helped to hold her, and said he could not imagine what was the
matter with her; seemed distressed, and sat on the bed holding her.
To all appearance he was kind to her but not affectionate. She was
more unconscious than conscious during the whole time. About
twelve o’clock she appeared quite conscious. She had to move
herself so that she could be sick, and caught hold of the bed head,
and then went again into convulsions. Virtually she was unconscious
the whole time. Dr. Miller came a second time, and she told him she
had had some fearful fits, but I cannot recollect whether I said
anything about the ‘arching.’ There was none when he saw her, but
her feet were curved, and I told him about the ‘shakings,’ I mean the
‘convulsions.’ I first heard from the coroners officer that she had
died of strychnia. I had previously told him the symptoms attending
her death, but don’t remember telling him of the ‘arching.’ He said
there was every appearance of her having died from strychnia.”
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
Page 325
James Miller, medical assistant at the Vauxhall dispensary,
before that with Mr. Scott, a general practitioner, and previously an
insurance agent, gave the following account of the case:—
“About twenty minutes to eleven on the 10th of September I was
called by the prisoner to his wife, who he said had had two fainting
fits. I found her lying on the bed, dressed, and quite conscious. She
lay very quietly. She said she had severe pain in the legs, and that
she had fainted twice. I asked her if she had complained during the
week. She said only of pains in the head. I found the calves of her
legs very rigid, her feet turned slightly inwards, the toes of each foot
inclined towards the other as she lay, cramp in the lower limbs, her
arms quiet. She beat her breast at times. Her hands were partly
closed, her heart very excited, and her breathing slightly laboured.
Her heart continued excited all the time I was there, about five
minutes. I asked her what she had taken. She said a cup of tea in the
morning and a herring at tea. She said she had pain in her head all
the last week. I believed she was suffering from epilepsy. On
leaving, the prisoner returned with me; I made up a bottle of
medicine, antispasmodic, which he took away with him. I never saw
her again alive.”
On cross-examination he said—
“He did not notice any such ‘arching’ as the witness Wilson
spoke of, nor did she mention it to him as one of the symptoms. Nor
should he call what he saw of the feet ‘arching.’ He had only seen
one case of epilepsy before—that was twelve months ago—and the
symptoms in it were very similar to what he saw in the deceased. He
saw the body immediately after death; there was no ‘arching’ of it
then. If there had been he should have seen it. She was lying, with
her clothes on, on the bed. If there had been any marked rigidity of
the body he should have observed it; that was a quarter of an hour
after death.”
before that with Mr. Scott, a general practitioner, and previously an
insurance agent, gave the following account of the case:—
“About twenty minutes to eleven on the 10th of September I was
called by the prisoner to his wife, who he said had had two fainting
fits. I found her lying on the bed, dressed, and quite conscious. She
lay very quietly. She said she had severe pain in the legs, and that
she had fainted twice. I asked her if she had complained during the
week. She said only of pains in the head. I found the calves of her
legs very rigid, her feet turned slightly inwards, the toes of each foot
inclined towards the other as she lay, cramp in the lower limbs, her
arms quiet. She beat her breast at times. Her hands were partly
closed, her heart very excited, and her breathing slightly laboured.
Her heart continued excited all the time I was there, about five
minutes. I asked her what she had taken. She said a cup of tea in the
morning and a herring at tea. She said she had pain in her head all
the last week. I believed she was suffering from epilepsy. On
leaving, the prisoner returned with me; I made up a bottle of
medicine, antispasmodic, which he took away with him. I never saw
her again alive.”
On cross-examination he said—
“He did not notice any such ‘arching’ as the witness Wilson
spoke of, nor did she mention it to him as one of the symptoms. Nor
should he call what he saw of the feet ‘arching.’ He had only seen
one case of epilepsy before—that was twelve months ago—and the
symptoms in it were very similar to what he saw in the deceased. He
saw the body immediately after death; there was no ‘arching’ of it
then. If there had been he should have seen it. She was lying, with
her clothes on, on the bed. If there had been any marked rigidity of
the body he should have observed it; that was a quarter of an hour
after death.”
Page 326
Re-examined by Mr. Poland.—“She had her clothes on when he
saw her, and part of her body might have been covered with the
bedclothes. In the case of epilepsy he referred to, the person died in
six hours. He prescribed no pills, only the mixture.”
Proof was then given of the finding in the prisoner’s room of
six bottles of medicine, a box with two pills,[95] and a packet of
powder in dirty paper, and of their delivery to Dr. Lees, and
subsequently to Dr. Bernays for analysis. It was not, however, until
suspicions were aroused by other circumstances (the finding of the
body of the infant in the river) that a post-mortem examination was
held by Dr. Lees, and the contents of the stomach and other interior
parts of the body analysed by him, and subsequently handed to Dr.
Bernays for the same purpose. In one of the bottles Dr. Bernays
found a distinct sediment of Prussian blue, pointing clearly to the
use of some vermin killer. Subsequently two kinds of these
dangerous preparations were submitted to and analysed by him.
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Lees, M.D., of the Brixton Road, on the 18th of September
made a post-mortem examination of the body in conjunction with a
Dr. Lewis. They found no morbid appearances to indicate the
cause of death—the limbs were somewhat rigid, the body fairly
nourished, and the stomach showed no sign of irritant poison.
“It contained,” said the witness, “six ounces of a thin reddish
fluid. I put the stomach and contents into a jar, and the viscera into
another. I received the bottles from the constable and the paper of
powder, and saw some pills at the inquest. Among the bottles was
one of the larger ones, which appeared to have contained a few
ounces of good sarsaparilla—it was empty and rinsed out. One
bottle contained about two grains of dried powder, adhering to the
saw her, and part of her body might have been covered with the
bedclothes. In the case of epilepsy he referred to, the person died in
six hours. He prescribed no pills, only the mixture.”
Proof was then given of the finding in the prisoner’s room of
six bottles of medicine, a box with two pills,[95] and a packet of
powder in dirty paper, and of their delivery to Dr. Lees, and
subsequently to Dr. Bernays for analysis. It was not, however, until
suspicions were aroused by other circumstances (the finding of the
body of the infant in the river) that a post-mortem examination was
held by Dr. Lees, and the contents of the stomach and other interior
parts of the body analysed by him, and subsequently handed to Dr.
Bernays for the same purpose. In one of the bottles Dr. Bernays
found a distinct sediment of Prussian blue, pointing clearly to the
use of some vermin killer. Subsequently two kinds of these
dangerous preparations were submitted to and analysed by him.
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Lees, M.D., of the Brixton Road, on the 18th of September
made a post-mortem examination of the body in conjunction with a
Dr. Lewis. They found no morbid appearances to indicate the
cause of death—the limbs were somewhat rigid, the body fairly
nourished, and the stomach showed no sign of irritant poison.
“It contained,” said the witness, “six ounces of a thin reddish
fluid. I put the stomach and contents into a jar, and the viscera into
another. I received the bottles from the constable and the paper of
powder, and saw some pills at the inquest. Among the bottles was
one of the larger ones, which appeared to have contained a few
ounces of good sarsaparilla—it was empty and rinsed out. One
bottle contained about two grains of dried powder, adhering to the
Page 327
bottle. I added to the bottle a few drachms of water, two drachms of
spirits of wine, thirty drops of hydrochloric acid, and two grains of
dried powder. My purpose up to that time was to test for strychnia,
but it was frustrated. What I had done was not sufficient to enable
me to form an opinion. I had previously analysed a portion of a two-
ounce phial, containing half a drachm or thirty drops of a reddish
brown fluid—half a spoonful. I first tested five drops, and obtained
clear evidence of strychnia. I was enabled to separate from the rest a
substance that yielded strychnia. I used three separate tests; the
second time with ten drops, and obtained needle-shaped crystals. I
showed the colour to Dr. Bernays. I did not test the bottle for any
other purpose. I left the rest (five drops) in the bottle and corked it
up. Half a grain of strychnia is a fatal dose. I have been in practice
fourteen years, and am of opinion that if Mrs. Wilson’s description
of the symptoms is correct, they were consistent with death from
strychnia. They only resemble the disease known as idiopathic
tetanus. If Mrs. Wilson’s description is correct, the symptoms were
not consistent with anything I know except death by strychnia—it
came on so rapidly. If strychnia were administered in solution, the
symptoms would come on in a very few minutes. Strychnia
occasionally produces irritation of the stomach. The symptoms of
poisoning by it are the rapid occurrence of twitchings in the limbs
and rigidity of the muscles of the limbs, usually commencing in the
lower extremities; the sense of weight on the chest, the extension of
the spasms to the muscles of the trunk, the arching back of the head,
the intervals of consciousness, the absence of any great difficulty in
swallowing, and death in six hours. Mr. Miller’s evidence is
consistent with death from strychnia.”
The cross-examination was, as in Mrs. Wilson’s case, directed
to the eliciting admissions in favour of the opinion, at first adopted
by Mr. Miller, that the death was due to epilepsy.
“Leaving out the ‘arching’” (opisthotonos), said the witness, “I
should hesitate to say she died of strychnia; it is a leading symptom,
spirits of wine, thirty drops of hydrochloric acid, and two grains of
dried powder. My purpose up to that time was to test for strychnia,
but it was frustrated. What I had done was not sufficient to enable
me to form an opinion. I had previously analysed a portion of a two-
ounce phial, containing half a drachm or thirty drops of a reddish
brown fluid—half a spoonful. I first tested five drops, and obtained
clear evidence of strychnia. I was enabled to separate from the rest a
substance that yielded strychnia. I used three separate tests; the
second time with ten drops, and obtained needle-shaped crystals. I
showed the colour to Dr. Bernays. I did not test the bottle for any
other purpose. I left the rest (five drops) in the bottle and corked it
up. Half a grain of strychnia is a fatal dose. I have been in practice
fourteen years, and am of opinion that if Mrs. Wilson’s description
of the symptoms is correct, they were consistent with death from
strychnia. They only resemble the disease known as idiopathic
tetanus. If Mrs. Wilson’s description is correct, the symptoms were
not consistent with anything I know except death by strychnia—it
came on so rapidly. If strychnia were administered in solution, the
symptoms would come on in a very few minutes. Strychnia
occasionally produces irritation of the stomach. The symptoms of
poisoning by it are the rapid occurrence of twitchings in the limbs
and rigidity of the muscles of the limbs, usually commencing in the
lower extremities; the sense of weight on the chest, the extension of
the spasms to the muscles of the trunk, the arching back of the head,
the intervals of consciousness, the absence of any great difficulty in
swallowing, and death in six hours. Mr. Miller’s evidence is
consistent with death from strychnia.”
The cross-examination was, as in Mrs. Wilson’s case, directed
to the eliciting admissions in favour of the opinion, at first adopted
by Mr. Miller, that the death was due to epilepsy.
“Leaving out the ‘arching’” (opisthotonos), said the witness, “I
should hesitate to say she died of strychnia; it is a leading symptom,
Page 328
and also that the intellect was clear at intervals. Vomiting is not
usual in epilepsy. It was eight days after death that I examined the
body. There was then no rigidity beyond what I might expect in
death. The lungs were congested, the heart flabby and decomposed,
spongy from putrefaction, and containing a little coagulated blood.
Taking the appearances of the whole post-mortem examination,
there were no marked ones to account for death.”
Dr. A. J. Bernays, professor of chemistry at St. Thomas’s
Hospital, to whom the bottles and powder found in the room, the
jars with the stomach, intestines, and viscera, and a bottle supposed
to contain vomit,[96] had been handed on the 28th of October,
reported the results of his analysis of their contents.[97]
usual in epilepsy. It was eight days after death that I examined the
body. There was then no rigidity beyond what I might expect in
death. The lungs were congested, the heart flabby and decomposed,
spongy from putrefaction, and containing a little coagulated blood.
Taking the appearances of the whole post-mortem examination,
there were no marked ones to account for death.”
Dr. A. J. Bernays, professor of chemistry at St. Thomas’s
Hospital, to whom the bottles and powder found in the room, the
jars with the stomach, intestines, and viscera, and a bottle supposed
to contain vomit,[96] had been handed on the 28th of October,
reported the results of his analysis of their contents.[97]
Page 329
“In the organs (the lungs, heart, liver, kidneys, intestines, spleen,
and blood) he found no poison of any kind. The stomach was
inflamed, and there was a trace of strychnia, but of no other poison.
In one bottle of medicine, opium, myrrh, but no strychnia, were
found, and in another only peppermint and asafœtida. The powder
was innocuous, consisting of old mustard and fenugreek. In one
nearly empty bottle was found a distinct sediment of Prussian blue,
one of the usual ingredients in ‘vermin powder.’ He was satisfied
that what Dr. Lees showed him on a watch glass was strychnia; on
testing, it was found to contain the 1000th part of a grain. On the
31st of October the inspector brought two packets labelled Battle’s
Vermin Killer. Poison. Lincoln—a light blue powder, a threepenny
and a sixpenny packet. The first consisted of fifteen grains,
containing wheat flour, Prussian blue, and crystallised strychnia.
The second packet, of the same composition as the first, weighed
thirty grains. The amount of strychnia was—in the threepenny
packet 10·69 per cent., in the sixpenny packet 10·06 per cent.,
corresponding to 1·6 grains in the smaller packet. On the 9th
November a threepenny and sixpenny packet of Butler’s
Gloucestershire Vermin and Insect Killer for killing rats and mice,
&c., was received, marked poison. The weight of the two was fifty-
six grains. It was a grey powder, containing flour, soot, and barium
carbonate, but no strychnia; but another packet of the same
contained flour, soot, strychnia, but no barium carbonate. These
‘vermin killers,’ if used at all, should never be made or sold except
by the legitimate pharmaceutists of the country, and under proper
precautions.”
Mr. Justice Denman.—“A very proper suggestion for the
consideration of the legislature.”
Mr. Thomas Stephenson, M.D., lecturer in chemistry at Guy’s
Hospital, agreed with Dr. Lees and Dr. Bernays, and had no doubt
of the correctness of their experiments.
and blood) he found no poison of any kind. The stomach was
inflamed, and there was a trace of strychnia, but of no other poison.
In one bottle of medicine, opium, myrrh, but no strychnia, were
found, and in another only peppermint and asafœtida. The powder
was innocuous, consisting of old mustard and fenugreek. In one
nearly empty bottle was found a distinct sediment of Prussian blue,
one of the usual ingredients in ‘vermin powder.’ He was satisfied
that what Dr. Lees showed him on a watch glass was strychnia; on
testing, it was found to contain the 1000th part of a grain. On the
31st of October the inspector brought two packets labelled Battle’s
Vermin Killer. Poison. Lincoln—a light blue powder, a threepenny
and a sixpenny packet. The first consisted of fifteen grains,
containing wheat flour, Prussian blue, and crystallised strychnia.
The second packet, of the same composition as the first, weighed
thirty grains. The amount of strychnia was—in the threepenny
packet 10·69 per cent., in the sixpenny packet 10·06 per cent.,
corresponding to 1·6 grains in the smaller packet. On the 9th
November a threepenny and sixpenny packet of Butler’s
Gloucestershire Vermin and Insect Killer for killing rats and mice,
&c., was received, marked poison. The weight of the two was fifty-
six grains. It was a grey powder, containing flour, soot, and barium
carbonate, but no strychnia; but another packet of the same
contained flour, soot, strychnia, but no barium carbonate. These
‘vermin killers,’ if used at all, should never be made or sold except
by the legitimate pharmaceutists of the country, and under proper
precautions.”
Mr. Justice Denman.—“A very proper suggestion for the
consideration of the legislature.”
Mr. Thomas Stephenson, M.D., lecturer in chemistry at Guy’s
Hospital, agreed with Dr. Lees and Dr. Bernays, and had no doubt
of the correctness of their experiments.
Page 330
It was also proved by the prisoner’s brother-in-law that the
prisoner was in the habit of taking sarsaparilla, and that whilst the
prisoner lodged with him, the witness had been using Battle’s
Vermin Killer, as he was troubled with mice in his room. This he
had bought at a shop in the Vauxhall Road, but he did not recollect
having any of it left, or of the prisoner using it in his room. The
prisoner had left Mrs. Wilson a few hours after the woman’s death,
saying he was going to telegraph down the line and would be
absent till the evening. He did not return until about nine on the
morning of the 11th, when he said his cousin would take the child,
which Mrs. Wilson dressed and gave to him, and never saw it again
until the 15th, when it was lying dead in a public-house at
Battersea, having been found drowned in the river. He also
promised Mrs. Wilson that he would attend the woman’s funeral,
but did not, and told her on one occasion that he always had
strychnia by him.
For the defence Mr. Fulton urged that the evidence of the
“arching” of the body was very vague, and rested only on the word
of Mrs. Wilson, who had not mentioned this important symptom
either to the doctor or the coroner’s constable, and that without that
symptom the death might be accounted for by epilepsy, and the
first opinion of Dr. Miller justified. He endeavoured to minimise
the evidence of the analysts, and argued that the conduct of the
prisoner in his attendance on his wife was a strong proof of his
innocence. “Motive,” he said, “there appeared to be none, as from
his wages the prisoner was quite able to bear the expense of the
mother and child.”
The jury, however, returned a verdict of “guilty,” and the
prisoner was executed on the 2nd of December, admitting the
justice of his sentence, and that he was a party to the death of the
child, but saying others were in it.
prisoner was in the habit of taking sarsaparilla, and that whilst the
prisoner lodged with him, the witness had been using Battle’s
Vermin Killer, as he was troubled with mice in his room. This he
had bought at a shop in the Vauxhall Road, but he did not recollect
having any of it left, or of the prisoner using it in his room. The
prisoner had left Mrs. Wilson a few hours after the woman’s death,
saying he was going to telegraph down the line and would be
absent till the evening. He did not return until about nine on the
morning of the 11th, when he said his cousin would take the child,
which Mrs. Wilson dressed and gave to him, and never saw it again
until the 15th, when it was lying dead in a public-house at
Battersea, having been found drowned in the river. He also
promised Mrs. Wilson that he would attend the woman’s funeral,
but did not, and told her on one occasion that he always had
strychnia by him.
For the defence Mr. Fulton urged that the evidence of the
“arching” of the body was very vague, and rested only on the word
of Mrs. Wilson, who had not mentioned this important symptom
either to the doctor or the coroner’s constable, and that without that
symptom the death might be accounted for by epilepsy, and the
first opinion of Dr. Miller justified. He endeavoured to minimise
the evidence of the analysts, and argued that the conduct of the
prisoner in his attendance on his wife was a strong proof of his
innocence. “Motive,” he said, “there appeared to be none, as from
his wages the prisoner was quite able to bear the expense of the
mother and child.”
The jury, however, returned a verdict of “guilty,” and the
prisoner was executed on the 2nd of December, admitting the
justice of his sentence, and that he was a party to the death of the
child, but saying others were in it.
Page 331
Page 332
Page 333
CHAPTER V.
STRYCHNIA AND BRUCIA.
Contained in St. Ignatius’s bean—False Angostura bark—Nux Vomica, &c.
—Properties of strychnia—Facility of detection. Tests: (1) Microscope—
(2) Taste—(3) Color test; ditto in other alkaloids, in bile, and in resinous
and saccharine matters—(4) Physiological test (Marshall Hall)—(5)
Bichromate of potash—(6) Picric acid—(7) Sulphuric acid and sodium
nitrite—(8) Mercuric chloride. Preparations of strychnia: Vermin killers
—Battle’s, Gibson’s, Miller’s, Marsden’s, Barber’s, Hunter’s, Keating’s
—Brucia—Igasuria—Igasuric acid. Doses of strychnia: medicinal, fatal,
recovery—Nux vomica. Fatal period for strychnia—Symptoms in man,
commencement of symptoms, if given in powder, in solution, in pills.
Explanation of symptoms: by hysteria, tetanus, epilepsy, gritty granules
on spinal cord—Angina pectoris. Post-mortem appearances—Treatment
—Antidotes—Dr. Taylor’s evidence—Ptomaine—Did Cook die from
morphia?—Granular preparations at St. Thomas’s Hospital.
Several species of Strychnos, of the natural order Loganiaceæ,
contain, mainly in their seeds, the alkaloids Strychnia and Brucia in
the proportion of one to one and a half per cent. The plants yet
proved to contain these two alkaloids are:—Strychnos nux-vomica
(bark and seeds), Strychnos Ignatia (Faba amara, or St. Ignatius’s
STRYCHNIA AND BRUCIA.
Contained in St. Ignatius’s bean—False Angostura bark—Nux Vomica, &c.
—Properties of strychnia—Facility of detection. Tests: (1) Microscope—
(2) Taste—(3) Color test; ditto in other alkaloids, in bile, and in resinous
and saccharine matters—(4) Physiological test (Marshall Hall)—(5)
Bichromate of potash—(6) Picric acid—(7) Sulphuric acid and sodium
nitrite—(8) Mercuric chloride. Preparations of strychnia: Vermin killers
—Battle’s, Gibson’s, Miller’s, Marsden’s, Barber’s, Hunter’s, Keating’s
—Brucia—Igasuria—Igasuric acid. Doses of strychnia: medicinal, fatal,
recovery—Nux vomica. Fatal period for strychnia—Symptoms in man,
commencement of symptoms, if given in powder, in solution, in pills.
Explanation of symptoms: by hysteria, tetanus, epilepsy, gritty granules
on spinal cord—Angina pectoris. Post-mortem appearances—Treatment
—Antidotes—Dr. Taylor’s evidence—Ptomaine—Did Cook die from
morphia?—Granular preparations at St. Thomas’s Hospital.
Several species of Strychnos, of the natural order Loganiaceæ,
contain, mainly in their seeds, the alkaloids Strychnia and Brucia in
the proportion of one to one and a half per cent. The plants yet
proved to contain these two alkaloids are:—Strychnos nux-vomica
(bark and seeds), Strychnos Ignatia (Faba amara, or St. Ignatius’s
Page 334
bean), Strychnos Tieute (the Upas tree of Java), Strychnos toxifera
(main source of woorara or curare, the arrow poison of the South
American Indians), and Strychnos Ligustrina and Colubrina
—“snakewood”), a tree of Asia. S. potatorum —“clearing nut”) and
S. pseudokina are not poisonous.
In commerce, “Nux vomica,” “Faba amara, or St. Ignatius’s
bean,” “false Angostura bark” (the bark of Strychnos nux-vomica),
and an extract called “curare,” are met with. The last is made by
mixing the juice of the bark of Strychnos toxifera and another
species with pepper and acrid plants; as its effects depend upon
“curarine,” another alkaloid, and not upon strychnia, it will not
enter much into our subject.
“Faba Amara,” St. Ignatius’s bean, contains 1·2 per cent.
Strychnia and some Brucia.
“False Angostura Bark” contains Strychnia and Brucia, gives a
light yellow powder, intensely bitter, and turned red by nitric acid.
Nux Vomica, a flattened circular seed, from half to one inch
diameter, generally concavo-convex, with a slight central
prominence. Colour greyish-brown; silky from radiating hairs.
Substance tough and horny; powder light brown, with an odour like
liquorice, and an intense and persistent bitter taste. Nitric acid gives
with the powder and with the extract an orange-red colour, owing
to the presence of brucia. The aqueous infusion gives a precipitate
with tannin, and an olive-green tint with neutral ferric chloride.
Strychnia, C21H22N2O2, occurs in commerce in opaque white
rhombic prisms (the “right square octahedra” of the British
Pharmacopœia are not met with), inodorous, having a sp. gr. of
1·36. One part of strychnia dissolves in 7000 parts of cold, in 2500
parts of boiling, water; in 1250 parts of ether; in 1000 of carbon
disulphide; in 200 of absolute alcohol; in 120 parts of cold, and 10
parts of hot, rectified spirit; in 181 parts of amylic alcohol; in 164
(main source of woorara or curare, the arrow poison of the South
American Indians), and Strychnos Ligustrina and Colubrina
—“snakewood”), a tree of Asia. S. potatorum —“clearing nut”) and
S. pseudokina are not poisonous.
In commerce, “Nux vomica,” “Faba amara, or St. Ignatius’s
bean,” “false Angostura bark” (the bark of Strychnos nux-vomica),
and an extract called “curare,” are met with. The last is made by
mixing the juice of the bark of Strychnos toxifera and another
species with pepper and acrid plants; as its effects depend upon
“curarine,” another alkaloid, and not upon strychnia, it will not
enter much into our subject.
“Faba Amara,” St. Ignatius’s bean, contains 1·2 per cent.
Strychnia and some Brucia.
“False Angostura Bark” contains Strychnia and Brucia, gives a
light yellow powder, intensely bitter, and turned red by nitric acid.
Nux Vomica, a flattened circular seed, from half to one inch
diameter, generally concavo-convex, with a slight central
prominence. Colour greyish-brown; silky from radiating hairs.
Substance tough and horny; powder light brown, with an odour like
liquorice, and an intense and persistent bitter taste. Nitric acid gives
with the powder and with the extract an orange-red colour, owing
to the presence of brucia. The aqueous infusion gives a precipitate
with tannin, and an olive-green tint with neutral ferric chloride.
Strychnia, C21H22N2O2, occurs in commerce in opaque white
rhombic prisms (the “right square octahedra” of the British
Pharmacopœia are not met with), inodorous, having a sp. gr. of
1·36. One part of strychnia dissolves in 7000 parts of cold, in 2500
parts of boiling, water; in 1250 parts of ether; in 1000 of carbon
disulphide; in 200 of absolute alcohol; in 120 parts of cold, and 10
parts of hot, rectified spirit; in 181 parts of amylic alcohol; in 164
Page 335
of benzene; and 7 of chloroform. Creasote and essential and fixed
oils also dissolve strychnia (Blyth).
It sublimes in needle shaped crystals, or sometimes, if too
quickly heated, in drops, at 169° C.; melts at 221° C., finally
darkening and carbonizing.
Its bitter taste is its most prominent physical characteristic. I
have verified the statement that one grain of strychnia in a gallon
(70,000 grains) of water is distinctly perceptible. One grain in
30,000 is markedly bitter.
Its salts are crystallizable, and also bitter, lævo-rotatory in
solution, mostly colourless, neutral to test-paper, generally soluble
with facility in water, hence more rapidly poisonous than the free
alkaloid. Strychnia sulphates occur in large four-sided prisms,
octahedrons, or needles, according to the amount of water of
crystallization. Strychnia nitrate crystallizes in silky needles, easily
soluble in water. The sulphate is officinal in the French, the nitrate
in the German, Austrian, Swiss, Norwegian, and Dutch
Pharmacopœias. The acetate and hydrochloride are met with in
commerce, but are not officinal. Strychnia itself, the free alkaloid,
is prescribed in the British Pharmacopœia. Liquor strychniæ is a
solution of the hydrochloride.
Separation.—Strychnia is probably the easiest of the alkaloids
to detect, on account of its stability and the delicacy of its
reactions. One half-millionth of a grain in the pure state is
discoverable by the colour tests (Pharm. Journ., July, 1856).
Putrefaction does not change it, for Richter detected it in tissues
after eleven years (Sammlung Klin. Vorträge, 69, 562), and other
observers in decomposed or buried bodies after five to eight weeks.
And yet there are few analysts who have not on some occasion
failed to find it (see p. 147.) A very small quantity, about a grain,
may destroy life. Even of this, only a portion is absorbed; the rest is
oils also dissolve strychnia (Blyth).
It sublimes in needle shaped crystals, or sometimes, if too
quickly heated, in drops, at 169° C.; melts at 221° C., finally
darkening and carbonizing.
Its bitter taste is its most prominent physical characteristic. I
have verified the statement that one grain of strychnia in a gallon
(70,000 grains) of water is distinctly perceptible. One grain in
30,000 is markedly bitter.
Its salts are crystallizable, and also bitter, lævo-rotatory in
solution, mostly colourless, neutral to test-paper, generally soluble
with facility in water, hence more rapidly poisonous than the free
alkaloid. Strychnia sulphates occur in large four-sided prisms,
octahedrons, or needles, according to the amount of water of
crystallization. Strychnia nitrate crystallizes in silky needles, easily
soluble in water. The sulphate is officinal in the French, the nitrate
in the German, Austrian, Swiss, Norwegian, and Dutch
Pharmacopœias. The acetate and hydrochloride are met with in
commerce, but are not officinal. Strychnia itself, the free alkaloid,
is prescribed in the British Pharmacopœia. Liquor strychniæ is a
solution of the hydrochloride.
Separation.—Strychnia is probably the easiest of the alkaloids
to detect, on account of its stability and the delicacy of its
reactions. One half-millionth of a grain in the pure state is
discoverable by the colour tests (Pharm. Journ., July, 1856).
Putrefaction does not change it, for Richter detected it in tissues
after eleven years (Sammlung Klin. Vorträge, 69, 562), and other
observers in decomposed or buried bodies after five to eight weeks.
And yet there are few analysts who have not on some occasion
failed to find it (see p. 147.) A very small quantity, about a grain,
may destroy life. Even of this, only a portion is absorbed; the rest is
Page 336
eliminated by vomiting (when it occurs), and by the urine and
fæces; the absorbed portion is diffused with great rapidity through a
large mass of blood and tissue; the result is that we are looking for
one part of the poison in about a million times its weight of
impurities—almost worse than the needle in the haystack. Matters
are still more difficult if the theory be true that an alkaloid, in
killing, itself suffers change (see pp. 128 and 133)—an idea that Dr.
Letheby and Mr. Nunneley strongly repudiated in the Palmer
defence, though the latter witness had to admit that he himself had
once failed to detect strychnia in an animal to which he had
administered it. Dragendorff records several negative results
without apparent cause. Taylor (Med. Jur., 1873, Vol. I., 414)
mentions cases of non-discovery by Dr. Reese of Philadelphia, Mr.
Horsley of Cheltenham, by himself in the organs of an animal
hypodermically poisoned; and also a case in which five grains had
been taken, and only a little over a grain was found. Sonnenschein
(Casper’s Handbook) in one case found a quantity in the stomach,
but none in the tissues; yet it had caused death. All these facts
greatly support the theory that the alkaloid is itself changed in
causing death.
However this be, if the stomach has failed to yield strychnia,
the whole of the rest of the organs, the blood, and the muscles—in
fact, as much of the body as can be managed—should be extracted
with hot redistilled methylated spirit acidified with a little acetic
acid. It is easy to fit up an arrangement with a stoneware pan, a
wooden cover, and a coil of tin pipe, through which steam can be
passed, and thus the alcohol can be kept warm for two or three
hours without much loss. Strain the whole through a cloth, distil off
most of the alcohol, evaporate on a water bath at about 70° C., and
treat the extract as described in the general process for alkaloids. To
facilitate the purification, the alcoholic solution may be precipitated
fæces; the absorbed portion is diffused with great rapidity through a
large mass of blood and tissue; the result is that we are looking for
one part of the poison in about a million times its weight of
impurities—almost worse than the needle in the haystack. Matters
are still more difficult if the theory be true that an alkaloid, in
killing, itself suffers change (see pp. 128 and 133)—an idea that Dr.
Letheby and Mr. Nunneley strongly repudiated in the Palmer
defence, though the latter witness had to admit that he himself had
once failed to detect strychnia in an animal to which he had
administered it. Dragendorff records several negative results
without apparent cause. Taylor (Med. Jur., 1873, Vol. I., 414)
mentions cases of non-discovery by Dr. Reese of Philadelphia, Mr.
Horsley of Cheltenham, by himself in the organs of an animal
hypodermically poisoned; and also a case in which five grains had
been taken, and only a little over a grain was found. Sonnenschein
(Casper’s Handbook) in one case found a quantity in the stomach,
but none in the tissues; yet it had caused death. All these facts
greatly support the theory that the alkaloid is itself changed in
causing death.
However this be, if the stomach has failed to yield strychnia,
the whole of the rest of the organs, the blood, and the muscles—in
fact, as much of the body as can be managed—should be extracted
with hot redistilled methylated spirit acidified with a little acetic
acid. It is easy to fit up an arrangement with a stoneware pan, a
wooden cover, and a coil of tin pipe, through which steam can be
passed, and thus the alcohol can be kept warm for two or three
hours without much loss. Strain the whole through a cloth, distil off
most of the alcohol, evaporate on a water bath at about 70° C., and
treat the extract as described in the general process for alkaloids. To
facilitate the purification, the alcoholic solution may be precipitated
Page 337
by acetate of lead (avoiding much excess), filtered, the lead
removed from the filtrate by adding sufficient sulphate of potash in
solution and allowing it to settle, and the clear liquid evaporated as
before. Much syrupy matter, which occasions trouble, is thus
removed.
The ether-chloroform solution (p. 5), by spontaneous
evaporation, leaves the strychnia in “rosettes, veined leaves, stellate
dotted needles, circles with broken radii, and branched and
reticulated forms” (Guy and Ferrier, Forens. Med., 1881, 568). If
not yet pure enough to crystallize, advantage may be taken of the
fact that while most of the impurities are charred by warm
concentrated sulphuric acid, strychnia is very little affected. A few
drops of this acid are therefore added to the residue, then it is
warmed for ten or fifteen minutes on the water-bath, finally diluted
to about ten cubic centimetres, filtered, the filter washed with
water, and the filtrate treated again with ammonia and ether-
chloroform. The residue left by the latter, on spontaneous
evaporation, will now be pure enough for the following
Tests.—1. The microscopic appearances are so various as to be
somewhat indefinite; Guy’s description has been already given. If
no crystals are found, strychnia and most other alkaloids are
unlikely to be present. But if crystals are obtained, they frequently,
on further examination, prove to be some inorganic salt or an
ammonium compound, leading to wrong conclusions, if the
microscope be trusted too much.
2. Dissolve in water with a trace of acid, and divide on several
watch-glasses, as described in the introduction. If one portion be
cautiously tasted, and there be no bitterness, strychnia is very
improbable.
3. Proceed at once to the colour test. Transfer a portion of the
residue, dissolved in a drop of acetic acid, to a white porcelain dish
removed from the filtrate by adding sufficient sulphate of potash in
solution and allowing it to settle, and the clear liquid evaporated as
before. Much syrupy matter, which occasions trouble, is thus
removed.
The ether-chloroform solution (p. 5), by spontaneous
evaporation, leaves the strychnia in “rosettes, veined leaves, stellate
dotted needles, circles with broken radii, and branched and
reticulated forms” (Guy and Ferrier, Forens. Med., 1881, 568). If
not yet pure enough to crystallize, advantage may be taken of the
fact that while most of the impurities are charred by warm
concentrated sulphuric acid, strychnia is very little affected. A few
drops of this acid are therefore added to the residue, then it is
warmed for ten or fifteen minutes on the water-bath, finally diluted
to about ten cubic centimetres, filtered, the filter washed with
water, and the filtrate treated again with ammonia and ether-
chloroform. The residue left by the latter, on spontaneous
evaporation, will now be pure enough for the following
Tests.—1. The microscopic appearances are so various as to be
somewhat indefinite; Guy’s description has been already given. If
no crystals are found, strychnia and most other alkaloids are
unlikely to be present. But if crystals are obtained, they frequently,
on further examination, prove to be some inorganic salt or an
ammonium compound, leading to wrong conclusions, if the
microscope be trusted too much.
2. Dissolve in water with a trace of acid, and divide on several
watch-glasses, as described in the introduction. If one portion be
cautiously tasted, and there be no bitterness, strychnia is very
improbable.
3. Proceed at once to the colour test. Transfer a portion of the
residue, dissolved in a drop of acetic acid, to a white porcelain dish
Page 338
or plate; dry gently on the water-bath; moisten it with about two
drops of pure concentrated sulphuric acid; strychnia gives no
coloration; with the point of a knife place a minute quantity of
finely-powdered peroxide of manganese (the precipitated hydrate is
often recommended, but the natural peroxide answers better, being
more gradual in its action) on the side of the dish; slant the dish so
as to allow the liquid to come in contact with the powder. At the
moment of contact a deep rich blue colour is produced if 1/20000th of
a grain of strychnia be present. The blue colour rapidly changes
into purple, crimson, rich red-brown, then fades into bright
orange-red, which last tint remains for some hours. By cautiously
stirring with a glass rod, the succession of colours can be brought
out again at another spot. One or two other qualified observers
should always be summoned to witness the experiment, for two
reasons; first, that they may testify at the trial, if necessary, to the
certainty of the conclusion; secondly, because the sense of colour is
differently developed in different people, and, if the hues are faint,
one is apt to imagine what one expects to find. But if two or three,
without prompting, see the same appearances, the chance of error is
removed.
Applied in this way, the succession of colours is absolutely
peculiar to strychnia. But, as objections have been made that these
can be produced from other substances, they may as well be
discussed and disposed of.
(a) Curarine (from Strychnos toxifera) has a bitter taste, is
almost insoluble in ether and chloroform; hence it is not usually
extracted by the above alkaloidal process, but remains behind in the
aqueous liquid. With sulphuric acid and peroxide of manganese it
gives the same colours as strychnia, but the changes are slower.
With sulphuric acid alone, it yields a pale violet colour, changing to
dirty red, and finally to rose. Its physiological effects are opposite
drops of pure concentrated sulphuric acid; strychnia gives no
coloration; with the point of a knife place a minute quantity of
finely-powdered peroxide of manganese (the precipitated hydrate is
often recommended, but the natural peroxide answers better, being
more gradual in its action) on the side of the dish; slant the dish so
as to allow the liquid to come in contact with the powder. At the
moment of contact a deep rich blue colour is produced if 1/20000th of
a grain of strychnia be present. The blue colour rapidly changes
into purple, crimson, rich red-brown, then fades into bright
orange-red, which last tint remains for some hours. By cautiously
stirring with a glass rod, the succession of colours can be brought
out again at another spot. One or two other qualified observers
should always be summoned to witness the experiment, for two
reasons; first, that they may testify at the trial, if necessary, to the
certainty of the conclusion; secondly, because the sense of colour is
differently developed in different people, and, if the hues are faint,
one is apt to imagine what one expects to find. But if two or three,
without prompting, see the same appearances, the chance of error is
removed.
Applied in this way, the succession of colours is absolutely
peculiar to strychnia. But, as objections have been made that these
can be produced from other substances, they may as well be
discussed and disposed of.
(a) Curarine (from Strychnos toxifera) has a bitter taste, is
almost insoluble in ether and chloroform; hence it is not usually
extracted by the above alkaloidal process, but remains behind in the
aqueous liquid. With sulphuric acid and peroxide of manganese it
gives the same colours as strychnia, but the changes are slower.
With sulphuric acid alone, it yields a pale violet colour, changing to
dirty red, and finally to rose. Its physiological effects are opposite
Page 339
to those of strychnia—so much so that it has been proposed as an
antidote.
(b) Pyroxanthine (a rare substance, obtained in very small
quantity from wood spirit), salicine (from the willow), and piperine
(from pepper), give with sulphuric acid alone a deep-red colour,
destroyed or spoilt by peroxide of manganese. (Nunneley, in
Palmer’s trial.)
(c) If sugar and bile should be present together, sulphuric acid
will develope a purple colour very like the strychnia test. Bile
would also give bitterness. But it must be remembered that bile,
without sugar, will not give the colour, that sugar will not be
extracted by the ether-chloroform, and that the colour will appear
immediately on the addition of the acid alone, whereas strychnia
remains then uncoloured.
(d) Many resinous and saccharine matters are coloured by
sulphuric acid, but can be got rid of by warming with the acid as
described above.
So that none of these can be mistaken for strychnia. This
important test depends upon the action of nascent oxygen; hence
any substance which yields oxygen will give the colours more or
less satisfactorily. Bichromate of potash, potassium ferricyanide,
peroxide of lead, peroxide of cerium (Sonnenschein), have been
employed, but most of them give colours of their own, and none
are so good as peroxide of manganese. It is only necessary that the
manganese should be finely pounded and not too much added. The
action is slower and more lasting than with bichromate.
Letheby’s galvanic test is interesting, and has the advantage of
not introducing any extraneous substance into the matter under
examination, so that another alkaloid can be tested for afterwards. I
have found it better to place the drop of supposed strychnia
solution, acidified with a drop of dilute sulphuric acid (10 per cent.
antidote.
(b) Pyroxanthine (a rare substance, obtained in very small
quantity from wood spirit), salicine (from the willow), and piperine
(from pepper), give with sulphuric acid alone a deep-red colour,
destroyed or spoilt by peroxide of manganese. (Nunneley, in
Palmer’s trial.)
(c) If sugar and bile should be present together, sulphuric acid
will develope a purple colour very like the strychnia test. Bile
would also give bitterness. But it must be remembered that bile,
without sugar, will not give the colour, that sugar will not be
extracted by the ether-chloroform, and that the colour will appear
immediately on the addition of the acid alone, whereas strychnia
remains then uncoloured.
(d) Many resinous and saccharine matters are coloured by
sulphuric acid, but can be got rid of by warming with the acid as
described above.
So that none of these can be mistaken for strychnia. This
important test depends upon the action of nascent oxygen; hence
any substance which yields oxygen will give the colours more or
less satisfactorily. Bichromate of potash, potassium ferricyanide,
peroxide of lead, peroxide of cerium (Sonnenschein), have been
employed, but most of them give colours of their own, and none
are so good as peroxide of manganese. It is only necessary that the
manganese should be finely pounded and not too much added. The
action is slower and more lasting than with bichromate.
Letheby’s galvanic test is interesting, and has the advantage of
not introducing any extraneous substance into the matter under
examination, so that another alkaloid can be tested for afterwards. I
have found it better to place the drop of supposed strychnia
solution, acidified with a drop of dilute sulphuric acid (10 per cent.
Page 340
strength) on a white plate, to place on its opposite sides two small
pieces of platinum foil pressed closely against the plate, touching
the drop, and approaching within a quarter of an inch of one
another, and to touch them simultaneously with the terminals of a
battery of two Grove’s or other cells. In the region of the positive
terminal the same colours manifest themselves as with peroxide of
manganese. If no colour is shown at once, the battery should be
removed, as further galvanic action may decompose any other
alkaloid that may be present. The test is not so delicate as sulphuric
acid and peroxide of manganese.
It is said that the presence of much morphia will interfere with
the above test. But morphia, again, is not extracted completely by
the ether-chloroform; and I have not found it to hinder the reaction
if performed carefully.
Brucia in ordinary quantities, quinine, cinchonine, veratrine,
and santonine do not interfere. In strychnia poisoning, morphia
should always be sought for, as it is used as an antidote. If found,
its interference may be obviated thus. Dissolve the supposed
strychnia in water with a little acetic acid, add an equal volume of
ether, and then ammonia in slight excess, and shake well. The
strychnia will dissolve in the ether, the morphia will remain in the
aqueous liquid. On evaporating the ether, the strychnia will be
isolated.
4. Dr. Marshall Hall’s physiological test is very delicate. With
some small animal—preferably a frog—proceed as mentioned in
the introduction (p. 6). Tetanic spasms are caused. But other
poisons, ptomaines, and even the mechanical injury, may produce
irritation and perhaps convulsions, so that the test is dangerous,
except as confirmatory or negative.
5. Bichromate of potash solution gives with strychnia, at once
or on standing, a yellow precipitate, appearing under the
pieces of platinum foil pressed closely against the plate, touching
the drop, and approaching within a quarter of an inch of one
another, and to touch them simultaneously with the terminals of a
battery of two Grove’s or other cells. In the region of the positive
terminal the same colours manifest themselves as with peroxide of
manganese. If no colour is shown at once, the battery should be
removed, as further galvanic action may decompose any other
alkaloid that may be present. The test is not so delicate as sulphuric
acid and peroxide of manganese.
It is said that the presence of much morphia will interfere with
the above test. But morphia, again, is not extracted completely by
the ether-chloroform; and I have not found it to hinder the reaction
if performed carefully.
Brucia in ordinary quantities, quinine, cinchonine, veratrine,
and santonine do not interfere. In strychnia poisoning, morphia
should always be sought for, as it is used as an antidote. If found,
its interference may be obviated thus. Dissolve the supposed
strychnia in water with a little acetic acid, add an equal volume of
ether, and then ammonia in slight excess, and shake well. The
strychnia will dissolve in the ether, the morphia will remain in the
aqueous liquid. On evaporating the ether, the strychnia will be
isolated.
4. Dr. Marshall Hall’s physiological test is very delicate. With
some small animal—preferably a frog—proceed as mentioned in
the introduction (p. 6). Tetanic spasms are caused. But other
poisons, ptomaines, and even the mechanical injury, may produce
irritation and perhaps convulsions, so that the test is dangerous,
except as confirmatory or negative.
5. Bichromate of potash solution gives with strychnia, at once
or on standing, a yellow precipitate, appearing under the
Page 341
microscope as rectangular plates and prisms. (See Guy and
Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, p. 567.)
6. A sublimate of strychnia touched with a drop of dilute picric
acid solution, strength 1 in 250, gives microscopic arborescent
crystallizations of peculiar curved forms. (Ibid.)
7. Treated with concentrated sulphuric acid and then with a
crystal of sodium nitrite, strychnia gives a dirty yellow colour,
changed by an alcoholic solution of potash to a fine orange-red, by
an aqueous solution to brownish green, and finally to dirty red-
brown. (Arnold, Arch. d. Pharm. 3, 20, 561.)
8. Mercuric chloride produces a white precipitate, as also does
potassium sulphocyanide. All the general reagents for alkaloids
precipitate strychnia. If, however, the reaction with sulphuric acid
and manganese have come out properly, all the other tests are
superfluous; if it has not been obtained, none of the other tests will
be of use.
Preparations.
Approximate Approximate
Name. Composition. Amount of Amount of
Strychnia. Brucia.
Liquor Aqueous 4 grs. in 1 fl. oz. None.
Strychniæ, solution of
B.P. strychnia
hydrochloride
Tinct. Nucis Nut extracted 0·15 per cent. 0·15 per cent.
Vom. with spirit
Extractum Nuc. Spirituous 3 to 4 per cent. 3 to 4 per cent.
Vom., English extract
Pharm., &c. evaporated
Ferrier’s Forensic Medicine, p. 567.)
6. A sublimate of strychnia touched with a drop of dilute picric
acid solution, strength 1 in 250, gives microscopic arborescent
crystallizations of peculiar curved forms. (Ibid.)
7. Treated with concentrated sulphuric acid and then with a
crystal of sodium nitrite, strychnia gives a dirty yellow colour,
changed by an alcoholic solution of potash to a fine orange-red, by
an aqueous solution to brownish green, and finally to dirty red-
brown. (Arnold, Arch. d. Pharm. 3, 20, 561.)
8. Mercuric chloride produces a white precipitate, as also does
potassium sulphocyanide. All the general reagents for alkaloids
precipitate strychnia. If, however, the reaction with sulphuric acid
and manganese have come out properly, all the other tests are
superfluous; if it has not been obtained, none of the other tests will
be of use.
Preparations.
Approximate Approximate
Name. Composition. Amount of Amount of
Strychnia. Brucia.
Liquor Aqueous 4 grs. in 1 fl. oz. None.
Strychniæ, solution of
B.P. strychnia
hydrochloride
Tinct. Nucis Nut extracted 0·15 per cent. 0·15 per cent.
Vom. with spirit
Extractum Nuc. Spirituous 3 to 4 per cent. 3 to 4 per cent.
Vom., English extract
Pharm., &c. evaporated
Page 342
Extractum Nuc. Aqueous extract ½ to 1 per cent. 1½ to 3 per
Vom., Germ. evaporated cent.
Pharm.
Extr. Fab. From St. 5 per cent. Very little.
Ignatiæ, Ignatius’s bean
American.
Vermin Killers.
1. Battle’s seems to vary in composition. Tardieu found in a
packet of 19 grains, 1½ grain of strychnia, or 7·7 per cent., the rest
being Potato starch and Prussian blue. Woodman and Tidy (For.
Med. p. 329) found 23 per cent. strychnia, with sugar, flour, and
Prussian blue. Bernays found 10·7 per cent. of strychnia, with flour
and Prussian blue. (Barlow’s case.)
2. Butler’s contains flour, soot, and about 5 per cent. strychnia.
Sometimes it contains Prussian blue, and sometimes carbonate of
barium in place of strychnia.
3. Gibson’s contains half a grain of strychnia in each powder.
4. Miller’s Rat Powder contains oatmeal, and about 6 per cent.
of nux vomica (equal to 0·023 strychnia and 0·067 brucia). (Blyth,
Man. of Prac. Chem. p. 317.)
5. Marsden’s Vermin and Insect Killer: one packet contains ¾
grain strychnia. (Lancet, April 19, 1856.)
6. Barber’s “Magic Vermin Killer Powders” weigh 28 grains
and contain 10 per cent. of strychnia. “Hunter’s Infallible” also
contains it.
In Keating’s Insect Powder I have found no strychnia nor
arsenic.
BRUCIA.
Vom., Germ. evaporated cent.
Pharm.
Extr. Fab. From St. 5 per cent. Very little.
Ignatiæ, Ignatius’s bean
American.
Vermin Killers.
1. Battle’s seems to vary in composition. Tardieu found in a
packet of 19 grains, 1½ grain of strychnia, or 7·7 per cent., the rest
being Potato starch and Prussian blue. Woodman and Tidy (For.
Med. p. 329) found 23 per cent. strychnia, with sugar, flour, and
Prussian blue. Bernays found 10·7 per cent. of strychnia, with flour
and Prussian blue. (Barlow’s case.)
2. Butler’s contains flour, soot, and about 5 per cent. strychnia.
Sometimes it contains Prussian blue, and sometimes carbonate of
barium in place of strychnia.
3. Gibson’s contains half a grain of strychnia in each powder.
4. Miller’s Rat Powder contains oatmeal, and about 6 per cent.
of nux vomica (equal to 0·023 strychnia and 0·067 brucia). (Blyth,
Man. of Prac. Chem. p. 317.)
5. Marsden’s Vermin and Insect Killer: one packet contains ¾
grain strychnia. (Lancet, April 19, 1856.)
6. Barber’s “Magic Vermin Killer Powders” weigh 28 grains
and contain 10 per cent. of strychnia. “Hunter’s Infallible” also
contains it.
In Keating’s Insect Powder I have found no strychnia nor
arsenic.
BRUCIA.
Page 343
C23H26N2O4,4H2O, is probably derived from strychnia by the
substitution of two molecules of methoxyl (CH3O) for two atoms
of hydrogen (Shenstone, Chem. Soc. Journal, Feb., 1883), hence
might be named dimethoxystrychnia. But efforts to change it into
strychnia have, as yet, been unsuccessful. All plants containing
strychnia contain also brucia. In false Angostura bark the latter
much predominates. It occurs in needles or 4-sided monoclinic
prisms (rarely in tables), colourless, intensely bitter, lævo-rotatory
to a less extent than strychnia, but more soluble in water, alcohol,
&c., hence remaining in the mother liquors in the preparation of
strychnia. Insoluble in pure ether. It melts at 151° C. (Blyth), and
produces a scanty amorphous sublimate near its temperature of
decomposition. The salts are neutral, easily soluble in water, and
crystallize in needles (the acetate with difficulty). Its physiological
action is the same as strychnia, but six or seven times weaker.
With the general reagents for alkaloids brucia gives
precipitates. With concent. nitric acid it gives a deep-red colour,
changing to orange, and finally to yellow. A trace of stannous
chloride (protochloride of tin) turns the red solution purple: excess
bleaches it.[98] This test is very delicate. In former times
commercial strychnia always contained brucia, hence the
coloration by nitric acid was even looked upon as a test for
strychnia (see p. 125, and p. 156). But, as the strychnia now sold is
generally pure, it gives no colour with nitric acid in the cold.
Therefore, if both strychnia and brucia are found in a product
extracted from the animal tissues, it follows that Nux Vomica, or
one of the plants, or their preparations, has been used, and not the
pure alkaloid. The microscope in this case will generally detect
some of the vegetal tissue or hairs in the stomach.
Concent. sulphuric acid, followed by bichromate of potash,
gives with brucia a red-brown colour passing to green and yellow
substitution of two molecules of methoxyl (CH3O) for two atoms
of hydrogen (Shenstone, Chem. Soc. Journal, Feb., 1883), hence
might be named dimethoxystrychnia. But efforts to change it into
strychnia have, as yet, been unsuccessful. All plants containing
strychnia contain also brucia. In false Angostura bark the latter
much predominates. It occurs in needles or 4-sided monoclinic
prisms (rarely in tables), colourless, intensely bitter, lævo-rotatory
to a less extent than strychnia, but more soluble in water, alcohol,
&c., hence remaining in the mother liquors in the preparation of
strychnia. Insoluble in pure ether. It melts at 151° C. (Blyth), and
produces a scanty amorphous sublimate near its temperature of
decomposition. The salts are neutral, easily soluble in water, and
crystallize in needles (the acetate with difficulty). Its physiological
action is the same as strychnia, but six or seven times weaker.
With the general reagents for alkaloids brucia gives
precipitates. With concent. nitric acid it gives a deep-red colour,
changing to orange, and finally to yellow. A trace of stannous
chloride (protochloride of tin) turns the red solution purple: excess
bleaches it.[98] This test is very delicate. In former times
commercial strychnia always contained brucia, hence the
coloration by nitric acid was even looked upon as a test for
strychnia (see p. 125, and p. 156). But, as the strychnia now sold is
generally pure, it gives no colour with nitric acid in the cold.
Therefore, if both strychnia and brucia are found in a product
extracted from the animal tissues, it follows that Nux Vomica, or
one of the plants, or their preparations, has been used, and not the
pure alkaloid. The microscope in this case will generally detect
some of the vegetal tissue or hairs in the stomach.
Concent. sulphuric acid, followed by bichromate of potash,
gives with brucia a red-brown colour passing to green and yellow
Page 344
(Guy).
Whenever strychnia is found, brucia should also be looked for.
Igasuria, a supposed third alkaloid of the Strychnos tribe, has
been shown by Shenstone to be a mixture of strychnia and brucia
(Chem. Soc. Journal, Sept. 1881, p. 457).
Strychnic or Igasuric Acid, obtained by Pelletier and Caventun
from Nux Vomica and from St. Ignatius’ Bean, is probably identical
with malic acid.
DOSES.
Medicinal dose of strychnia 1/30 to 1/12 grain. Fatal dose:
smallest recorded ½ grain (Dr. Warner, “Poisoning by Strychnia,”
p. 138), ¼ grain (Guy; also case of Agnes Sennett, p. 121, ante),
but a child of two or three years was killed by 1/16 grain
(Christison): average for adults, ½ to 2 grains (Taylor).
Recovery has taken place after 3 grains (Taylor), 4 grains
(Lancet, 1863, i. 54), 3 to 7 grains (Husemann), 7 grains (Med.
Gaz., xli., 305), “20 grains or more” (? Guy and Ferrier’s Forens.
Med., 1881, p. 574), 40 grains (Med. Times and Gaz., 1865, p.
267). If these statements are correct, they must be accounted for
either by vomiting, early and vigorous treatment, or impurity of the
alkaloid.
Poisonous symptoms have sometimes occurred in adults, and
frequently in children, from medicinal doses.
Fatal close of nux vomica: of the powder, 30 grains is the
smallest (= ⅓ grain strychnia), (Hoffmann, Med. Rat. System, 2,
175), of the alcoholic extract, 3 grains (Christison on Poisons, p.
642).
Whenever strychnia is found, brucia should also be looked for.
Igasuria, a supposed third alkaloid of the Strychnos tribe, has
been shown by Shenstone to be a mixture of strychnia and brucia
(Chem. Soc. Journal, Sept. 1881, p. 457).
Strychnic or Igasuric Acid, obtained by Pelletier and Caventun
from Nux Vomica and from St. Ignatius’ Bean, is probably identical
with malic acid.
DOSES.
Medicinal dose of strychnia 1/30 to 1/12 grain. Fatal dose:
smallest recorded ½ grain (Dr. Warner, “Poisoning by Strychnia,”
p. 138), ¼ grain (Guy; also case of Agnes Sennett, p. 121, ante),
but a child of two or three years was killed by 1/16 grain
(Christison): average for adults, ½ to 2 grains (Taylor).
Recovery has taken place after 3 grains (Taylor), 4 grains
(Lancet, 1863, i. 54), 3 to 7 grains (Husemann), 7 grains (Med.
Gaz., xli., 305), “20 grains or more” (? Guy and Ferrier’s Forens.
Med., 1881, p. 574), 40 grains (Med. Times and Gaz., 1865, p.
267). If these statements are correct, they must be accounted for
either by vomiting, early and vigorous treatment, or impurity of the
alkaloid.
Poisonous symptoms have sometimes occurred in adults, and
frequently in children, from medicinal doses.
Fatal close of nux vomica: of the powder, 30 grains is the
smallest (= ⅓ grain strychnia), (Hoffmann, Med. Rat. System, 2,
175), of the alcoholic extract, 3 grains (Christison on Poisons, p.
642).
Page 345
Brucia is not used in medicine. Fatal dose rather uncertain,
probably three to ten grains.
Fatal Period for Strychnia:—Shortest, five minutes (Dr. Gray
on Strychnia, 1872, p. 55); longest, six hours after three grains
(Taylor, Guy’s Hosp. Reports, Oct., 1857, p. 483); average, two
hours. For nux vomica:—Shortest, fifteen minutes; longest, three
hours or more (Guy); average, two hours (Taylor), one hour (Guy).
Symptoms commence at various intervals after taking,
according to dose, form, and constitution. The beginning may be
(1) almost immediate (Mad. Merghelynk, 1870, Taylor’s Med.
Juris., p. 408), (2) in five minutes (case of Dr. Warner, also Dr.
Gray on Strychnia, 1872, p. 55), (3) in fifteen minutes (trial of
Dove, p. 242), (4) about an hour (Palmer’s trial, p. 102), (5) forty
minutes (Lond. Med. Repository, xix., 448), up to two and a half
hours (Wormley, Microchemistry of Poisons, p. 538). Hence no
conclusion can safely be drawn from this feature (see Dr. Letheby’s
evidence in the Palmer trial, p. 166). Probably Dr. Todd’s statement
in the same trial is the most correct average:—“Symptoms in ten
minutes, if in solution and a large dose; otherwise in a half to one
hour.”
The different action of powder and solution is shown in the
following experiments on two full-grown rats:—
1. Half a grain of powdered strychnia—First convulsion in
twenty minutes, death in two and a half hours.
2. Same quantity dissolved in sufficient acid—Effect almost
immediate; death in half an hour. In the stomach, liver, and brain,
strychnia was separately detected.
Pills, especially if hard, would be very slow in action. The most
intense effect is produced by hypodermic injection.
probably three to ten grains.
Fatal Period for Strychnia:—Shortest, five minutes (Dr. Gray
on Strychnia, 1872, p. 55); longest, six hours after three grains
(Taylor, Guy’s Hosp. Reports, Oct., 1857, p. 483); average, two
hours. For nux vomica:—Shortest, fifteen minutes; longest, three
hours or more (Guy); average, two hours (Taylor), one hour (Guy).
Symptoms commence at various intervals after taking,
according to dose, form, and constitution. The beginning may be
(1) almost immediate (Mad. Merghelynk, 1870, Taylor’s Med.
Juris., p. 408), (2) in five minutes (case of Dr. Warner, also Dr.
Gray on Strychnia, 1872, p. 55), (3) in fifteen minutes (trial of
Dove, p. 242), (4) about an hour (Palmer’s trial, p. 102), (5) forty
minutes (Lond. Med. Repository, xix., 448), up to two and a half
hours (Wormley, Microchemistry of Poisons, p. 538). Hence no
conclusion can safely be drawn from this feature (see Dr. Letheby’s
evidence in the Palmer trial, p. 166). Probably Dr. Todd’s statement
in the same trial is the most correct average:—“Symptoms in ten
minutes, if in solution and a large dose; otherwise in a half to one
hour.”
The different action of powder and solution is shown in the
following experiments on two full-grown rats:—
1. Half a grain of powdered strychnia—First convulsion in
twenty minutes, death in two and a half hours.
2. Same quantity dissolved in sufficient acid—Effect almost
immediate; death in half an hour. In the stomach, liver, and brain,
strychnia was separately detected.
Pills, especially if hard, would be very slow in action. The most
intense effect is produced by hypodermic injection.
Page 346
Symptoms in Man:—Bitter taste in the mouth, feeling of
suffocation, jerkings and twitchings of head and limbs, then tetanic
convulsions of nearly all the muscles. Body stretched out stiff,
finally arched back so as to rest on the head and the heels
(opisthotonos), spasmodic and difficult breathing, usually a
peculiar grin (risus sardonicus). After a time the jaw becomes
tightly fixed (trismus or lockjaw), the fingers are clenched, the feet
arched inwards (incurvated), the eyes prominent and staring. The
spasm lasts from a half to two minutes, then there is an interval of
comparative rest. The pupils are generally dilated during the fit,
contracted in the interval. A touch, a change of position, or a
sudden noise, will usually cause a renewal of the spasm. In severe
cases the convulsions recur at diminishing intervals, increasing in
violence till death occurs from exhaustion or suffocation. Vomiting
is very rare. Taylor says “the jaw is not always fixed during a
paroxysm: the patient can frequently speak and swallow” (Med.
Juris., 1873, p. 404). Woodman and Tidy (Forens. Med., 1877, p.
330) say that this symptom is invariably present. Guy and Ferrier
are cautious, and state that the effort to drink often causes rigid
spasms of the jaw, but that the “jaw is not always fixed, even in the
fit” (Guy and Ferrier’s Forens. Med., 1881, p. 573). On the whole,
fixing of the jaw is usual but not invariable. In the Palmer and
Dove trials the patients spoke or shrieked during the paroxysms.
As to impatience of touch, Mr. Morley’s dictum in the Dove
trial expresses the truth: “Not shrinking from touch is consistent
with strychnia, but a desire not to be touched is an indication of it.
Several cases of strychnia had desired to be rubbed.” See also the
cases of Mrs. Smyth and Mr. Clutterbuck, pp. 122 and 123.
Consciousness, in the immense majority of cases, is preserved
to the last. If, as in Mrs. Dove, insensibility occurs, it is due to the
exhaustion. In this trial Dr. Christison said “it is unusual to be
suffocation, jerkings and twitchings of head and limbs, then tetanic
convulsions of nearly all the muscles. Body stretched out stiff,
finally arched back so as to rest on the head and the heels
(opisthotonos), spasmodic and difficult breathing, usually a
peculiar grin (risus sardonicus). After a time the jaw becomes
tightly fixed (trismus or lockjaw), the fingers are clenched, the feet
arched inwards (incurvated), the eyes prominent and staring. The
spasm lasts from a half to two minutes, then there is an interval of
comparative rest. The pupils are generally dilated during the fit,
contracted in the interval. A touch, a change of position, or a
sudden noise, will usually cause a renewal of the spasm. In severe
cases the convulsions recur at diminishing intervals, increasing in
violence till death occurs from exhaustion or suffocation. Vomiting
is very rare. Taylor says “the jaw is not always fixed during a
paroxysm: the patient can frequently speak and swallow” (Med.
Juris., 1873, p. 404). Woodman and Tidy (Forens. Med., 1877, p.
330) say that this symptom is invariably present. Guy and Ferrier
are cautious, and state that the effort to drink often causes rigid
spasms of the jaw, but that the “jaw is not always fixed, even in the
fit” (Guy and Ferrier’s Forens. Med., 1881, p. 573). On the whole,
fixing of the jaw is usual but not invariable. In the Palmer and
Dove trials the patients spoke or shrieked during the paroxysms.
As to impatience of touch, Mr. Morley’s dictum in the Dove
trial expresses the truth: “Not shrinking from touch is consistent
with strychnia, but a desire not to be touched is an indication of it.
Several cases of strychnia had desired to be rubbed.” See also the
cases of Mrs. Smyth and Mr. Clutterbuck, pp. 122 and 123.
Consciousness, in the immense majority of cases, is preserved
to the last. If, as in Mrs. Dove, insensibility occurs, it is due to the
exhaustion. In this trial Dr. Christison said “it is unusual to be
Page 347
insensible before death from strychnia.” Farquharson
(Therapeutics, p. 264) states that “the cerebral functions remain
unimpaired almost up to the close.” This is agreed to by all
authorities.
The symptoms of strychnia poisoning have been explained
away by the defence as “hysteria,” “idiopathic tetanus,” “epileptic
convulsions with tetanic complications” (Dr. Macdonald in
Palmer’s trial), “angina pectoris” (Dr. Richardson), “apoplexy” (Dr.
Bamford’s certificate). Gritty granules on the spinal cord, sexual or
other excitement, cold and damp, drink, &c., were in that trial
assigned as causes. As to “gritty granules,” the expression is not
clear; such granules as occurred in Cook have been found in many
post-mortems, where they certainly did not cause the death. Sexual
excitement was out of the question in this case. Drink does not
cause tetanus. The cold and damp were hardly sufficient reasons, as
no symptoms of chill were noticed. Apoplexy is distinct, as in this
the brain would show the disease.
Hysteria, epilepsy, and idiopathic tetanus (tetanus which is
“constitutional,” or not occasioned by external injury) produce in
some cases insensibility; strychnia, as a rule, does not. They are
also continuous in symptoms. Traumatic tetanus is caused by a
wound or injury, rarely by ulcers or syphilitic sores (see p. 113). If
there be none of these it cannot, of course, be traumatic tetanus.
Hysteria is exceedingly variable, and simulates many other
diseases: it is generally the result of excitement. But it does not
produce opisthotonos. Epilepsy has never such symptoms as
strychnia occasions: it rarely supervenes without some history of
hereditary tendency, and it is always attended by unconsciousness
(p. 151). Idiopathic tetanus may occur from a cold (see a case of
Dr. Todd’s, Lond. Med. Gaz., Nov., 1850), or from no assignable
cause. It is very close to strychnia in symptoms, but the latter is
(Therapeutics, p. 264) states that “the cerebral functions remain
unimpaired almost up to the close.” This is agreed to by all
authorities.
The symptoms of strychnia poisoning have been explained
away by the defence as “hysteria,” “idiopathic tetanus,” “epileptic
convulsions with tetanic complications” (Dr. Macdonald in
Palmer’s trial), “angina pectoris” (Dr. Richardson), “apoplexy” (Dr.
Bamford’s certificate). Gritty granules on the spinal cord, sexual or
other excitement, cold and damp, drink, &c., were in that trial
assigned as causes. As to “gritty granules,” the expression is not
clear; such granules as occurred in Cook have been found in many
post-mortems, where they certainly did not cause the death. Sexual
excitement was out of the question in this case. Drink does not
cause tetanus. The cold and damp were hardly sufficient reasons, as
no symptoms of chill were noticed. Apoplexy is distinct, as in this
the brain would show the disease.
Hysteria, epilepsy, and idiopathic tetanus (tetanus which is
“constitutional,” or not occasioned by external injury) produce in
some cases insensibility; strychnia, as a rule, does not. They are
also continuous in symptoms. Traumatic tetanus is caused by a
wound or injury, rarely by ulcers or syphilitic sores (see p. 113). If
there be none of these it cannot, of course, be traumatic tetanus.
Hysteria is exceedingly variable, and simulates many other
diseases: it is generally the result of excitement. But it does not
produce opisthotonos. Epilepsy has never such symptoms as
strychnia occasions: it rarely supervenes without some history of
hereditary tendency, and it is always attended by unconsciousness
(p. 151). Idiopathic tetanus may occur from a cold (see a case of
Dr. Todd’s, Lond. Med. Gaz., Nov., 1850), or from no assignable
cause. It is very close to strychnia in symptoms, but the latter is
Page 348
much more rapid: the shortest recorded fatal period for natural
tetanus being twelve hours —“even here the early symptoms had
been probably overlooked”—Sir B. Brodie), the usual about eight
days. In both kinds of tetanus the jaw is usually the first, in
strychnia the last part to be affected. Angina pectoris Dr.
Richardson himself disposed of, as in the case he mentions he says
that had he known more at the time he would have suspected
strychnia (see Palmer’s trial, p. 176). The symptoms of this disease,
as given in the leading works, differ much from strychnia
poisoning.
Post-Mortem Appearances.—Neither characteristic nor
uniform (Guy and Ferrier). As a rule, the body is relaxed at death,
and stiffens afterwards (Taylor), but occasionally the reverse is the
case (Reg. v. Vyse, Central Criminal Court, 1862).[99] Sometimes
the rigidity, as in Cook’s case, remains for months. Clinching of the
hands, arching of the feet, are nearly always present, but they may
likewise be noticed in cases of natural death (Casper, quoted by
Taylor, Med. Jur., p. 406; also Prof. Partridge’s evidence in the
Palmer trial, p. 172—“half-bent hands and fingers, not uncommon
after natural death”). Brain, spinal cord, and lungs almost
invariably congested. Blood dark and fluid. In some cases the heart
is full of blood, especially on the right side, but occasionally it is
empty and contracted. Stomach generally healthy, rarely congested.
Casper found a dark violet colour of the muscles of the throat and
gullet; this was the only peculiarity he noticed, and even this has
not occurred in other cases. On the whole, the diagnosis must
depend mainly on the symptoms during life, though the congestion
mentioned above is a valuable corroborative from the post-mortem.
Involuntary evacuation of urine and fæces generally occurs, but is
usual in all painful deaths.
tetanus being twelve hours —“even here the early symptoms had
been probably overlooked”—Sir B. Brodie), the usual about eight
days. In both kinds of tetanus the jaw is usually the first, in
strychnia the last part to be affected. Angina pectoris Dr.
Richardson himself disposed of, as in the case he mentions he says
that had he known more at the time he would have suspected
strychnia (see Palmer’s trial, p. 176). The symptoms of this disease,
as given in the leading works, differ much from strychnia
poisoning.
Post-Mortem Appearances.—Neither characteristic nor
uniform (Guy and Ferrier). As a rule, the body is relaxed at death,
and stiffens afterwards (Taylor), but occasionally the reverse is the
case (Reg. v. Vyse, Central Criminal Court, 1862).[99] Sometimes
the rigidity, as in Cook’s case, remains for months. Clinching of the
hands, arching of the feet, are nearly always present, but they may
likewise be noticed in cases of natural death (Casper, quoted by
Taylor, Med. Jur., p. 406; also Prof. Partridge’s evidence in the
Palmer trial, p. 172—“half-bent hands and fingers, not uncommon
after natural death”). Brain, spinal cord, and lungs almost
invariably congested. Blood dark and fluid. In some cases the heart
is full of blood, especially on the right side, but occasionally it is
empty and contracted. Stomach generally healthy, rarely congested.
Casper found a dark violet colour of the muscles of the throat and
gullet; this was the only peculiarity he noticed, and even this has
not occurred in other cases. On the whole, the diagnosis must
depend mainly on the symptoms during life, though the congestion
mentioned above is a valuable corroborative from the post-mortem.
Involuntary evacuation of urine and fæces generally occurs, but is
usual in all painful deaths.
Page 349
Treatment and Antidotes.—The question will often arise in a
trial whether the best means were taken of saving the patient. In
Tawell’s trial it was actually suggested that the water poured down
the throat may have caused the death by choking! If emetics are
used, they are all more or less poisons. If the stomach-pump be
employed, it will cause irritation and exhaustion. Nevertheless,
where a violent poison has been given, the only hope is in strong
remedies—to empty the stomach by emetics or the pump, to give
tannin or animal charcoal, and to generally sustain nature during
the operations. As the inquiry is, “What caused death?” the defence
will frequently endeavour to fasten the responsibility on the
remedial measures. These would not of themselves be fatal, unless
disease or poison had previously brought the patient to a nearly
dying state; whether it be disease or poison will be otherwise
determined.
The direct antidote to strychnia is chloroform. In animals I have
noticed a large percentage of recoveries. Woodman and Tidy
(Forens. Med., p. 332) give the majority of recoveries to this agent.
[100]
I believe that most cases could be saved if, on the approach of
the convulsions, they could be put vigorously under the action of
chloroform. Chloral hydrate, nicotine, opium, &c., have been also
tried with scanty success. Tannin precipitates strychnia, as well as
most other alkaloids; hence may be useful as an adjunct. When the
jaw is fixed, liquids can only be given through a tube; even teeth
have been taken out to effect this. Enemata may also be used.
Artificial respiration should be cautiously tried. Curara and Calabar
Bean are dangerous and not effective.
Death or recovery is always rapid; if a person lives over five or
six hours, the case is hopeful (Woodman and Tidy).
One or two considerations remain. Dr. Taylor’s evidence in the
Palmer trial, though in most points it has been corroborated by
trial whether the best means were taken of saving the patient. In
Tawell’s trial it was actually suggested that the water poured down
the throat may have caused the death by choking! If emetics are
used, they are all more or less poisons. If the stomach-pump be
employed, it will cause irritation and exhaustion. Nevertheless,
where a violent poison has been given, the only hope is in strong
remedies—to empty the stomach by emetics or the pump, to give
tannin or animal charcoal, and to generally sustain nature during
the operations. As the inquiry is, “What caused death?” the defence
will frequently endeavour to fasten the responsibility on the
remedial measures. These would not of themselves be fatal, unless
disease or poison had previously brought the patient to a nearly
dying state; whether it be disease or poison will be otherwise
determined.
The direct antidote to strychnia is chloroform. In animals I have
noticed a large percentage of recoveries. Woodman and Tidy
(Forens. Med., p. 332) give the majority of recoveries to this agent.
[100]
I believe that most cases could be saved if, on the approach of
the convulsions, they could be put vigorously under the action of
chloroform. Chloral hydrate, nicotine, opium, &c., have been also
tried with scanty success. Tannin precipitates strychnia, as well as
most other alkaloids; hence may be useful as an adjunct. When the
jaw is fixed, liquids can only be given through a tube; even teeth
have been taken out to effect this. Enemata may also be used.
Artificial respiration should be cautiously tried. Curara and Calabar
Bean are dangerous and not effective.
Death or recovery is always rapid; if a person lives over five or
six hours, the case is hopeful (Woodman and Tidy).
One or two considerations remain. Dr. Taylor’s evidence in the
Palmer trial, though in most points it has been corroborated by
Page 350
subsequent authorities, contained the following statements that
require rectifying:—
(1.) “The colour tests are fallacious” (pp. 144 and 147). They
are quite decisive if properly performed, and the precautions
remembered.
(2.) “I know of no process which can detect strychnia in the
tissues” (p. 133). This has been repeatedly done by the same
method as is used for the stomach. Dr. Taylor himself admits it in
his later works (see Med. Juris., 1873, p. 415). No operator now
neglects the tissues. They should always be forwarded for analysis
at the same time as the stomach, but in separate jars.
If indications be obtained, the question will occur—“Could
they be due to Selmi’s ptomaine, resembling strychnia?” If we
consider that in an immense multitude of cases of suspicion, where
there is no clue, strychnia is tested for but not found, it is evident
that this natural imitation of the alkaloid must be decidedly rare. So
that the overwhelming probability, if the colour test has been
obtained, is that strychnia itself is present.
In conclusion, Palmer afterwards is said to have more or less
admitted that he poisoned Cook, “but not with strychnia.” Though
the word of such a man is of little value, there are others who have
been of this opinion. Mr. Justice Grove is reported to have
expressed some hesitation afterwards on this point. Mr. Nunneley,
who, although he showed too much partizanship in the trial, yet
may be said to have certainly had great experience with animals,
asserted that the symptoms did not quite coincide with strychnia.
Others followed in this train. The assertion is certainly wrong, but
Dr. Guy (Forens. Med. 1881, p. 525) has made a suggestion that
may be noticed. After quoting Dr. Shearman’s case of a patient who
had taken one and a-half grain of morphia acetate, and who was
seized with “twitching of the limbs and face, difficulty in
require rectifying:—
(1.) “The colour tests are fallacious” (pp. 144 and 147). They
are quite decisive if properly performed, and the precautions
remembered.
(2.) “I know of no process which can detect strychnia in the
tissues” (p. 133). This has been repeatedly done by the same
method as is used for the stomach. Dr. Taylor himself admits it in
his later works (see Med. Juris., 1873, p. 415). No operator now
neglects the tissues. They should always be forwarded for analysis
at the same time as the stomach, but in separate jars.
If indications be obtained, the question will occur—“Could
they be due to Selmi’s ptomaine, resembling strychnia?” If we
consider that in an immense multitude of cases of suspicion, where
there is no clue, strychnia is tested for but not found, it is evident
that this natural imitation of the alkaloid must be decidedly rare. So
that the overwhelming probability, if the colour test has been
obtained, is that strychnia itself is present.
In conclusion, Palmer afterwards is said to have more or less
admitted that he poisoned Cook, “but not with strychnia.” Though
the word of such a man is of little value, there are others who have
been of this opinion. Mr. Justice Grove is reported to have
expressed some hesitation afterwards on this point. Mr. Nunneley,
who, although he showed too much partizanship in the trial, yet
may be said to have certainly had great experience with animals,
asserted that the symptoms did not quite coincide with strychnia.
Others followed in this train. The assertion is certainly wrong, but
Dr. Guy (Forens. Med. 1881, p. 525) has made a suggestion that
may be noticed. After quoting Dr. Shearman’s case of a patient who
had taken one and a-half grain of morphia acetate, and who was
seized with “twitching of the limbs and face, difficulty in
Page 351
swallowing, spasms of the arms, legs, and abdomen, partial
opisthotonos, and great activity of the reflex function” (Med. Times
and Gazette, March 7, 1857); another case from orfila, when
twenty-two grains of morphia hydrochloride had caused lockjaw,
tension of the abdomen, and occasional convulsions; and
Castaing’s case, when twenty-six grains of morphia acetate, and
twelve grains of tartar emetic, had been purchased, and the victim
had “vomiting, purging, convulsions, lockjaw, rigid spasms of the
neck and abdomen, inability to swallow, loss of sensibility in the
legs, contracted pupils, and stertorous breathing,” Dr. Guy goes on
to say that as Cook had probably three grains of morphia acetate
within seventy-two hours, and had previously been reduced by
tartar emetic, his death may have been due to morphia and not to
strychnia. But setting aside the second and third cases where the
dose was so large, Cook’s symptoms did not on the whole agree
with those of Dr. Shearman’s patient. The dose in the time was not
larger, but the effects on Cook were immensely more severe. If
these be examples of morphia in its worst and most anomalous
aspect, it certainly cannot dispute with strychnia for the
responsibility of Cook’s death.[101] See also Dr. Todd’s remark, p.
117.
The three preparations of “gritty granules” on the spinal cord in
the museum of St. Thomas’s Hospital, “in which the patients are
said to have died from tetanus” (Mr. Nunneley’s evidence, p. 152,
also Dr. Macdonald’s evidence, p. 180), are in section N, numbers
113, 114, and 115. They are described in the catalogue as—
“113. Several small patches of earthy matter on the arachnoid of
the medulla spinalis.”
“114. A spinal cord. There are numerous large plates of bone on
the arachnoid of the lumbar portion, and of the cauda equina.”
opisthotonos, and great activity of the reflex function” (Med. Times
and Gazette, March 7, 1857); another case from orfila, when
twenty-two grains of morphia hydrochloride had caused lockjaw,
tension of the abdomen, and occasional convulsions; and
Castaing’s case, when twenty-six grains of morphia acetate, and
twelve grains of tartar emetic, had been purchased, and the victim
had “vomiting, purging, convulsions, lockjaw, rigid spasms of the
neck and abdomen, inability to swallow, loss of sensibility in the
legs, contracted pupils, and stertorous breathing,” Dr. Guy goes on
to say that as Cook had probably three grains of morphia acetate
within seventy-two hours, and had previously been reduced by
tartar emetic, his death may have been due to morphia and not to
strychnia. But setting aside the second and third cases where the
dose was so large, Cook’s symptoms did not on the whole agree
with those of Dr. Shearman’s patient. The dose in the time was not
larger, but the effects on Cook were immensely more severe. If
these be examples of morphia in its worst and most anomalous
aspect, it certainly cannot dispute with strychnia for the
responsibility of Cook’s death.[101] See also Dr. Todd’s remark, p.
117.
The three preparations of “gritty granules” on the spinal cord in
the museum of St. Thomas’s Hospital, “in which the patients are
said to have died from tetanus” (Mr. Nunneley’s evidence, p. 152,
also Dr. Macdonald’s evidence, p. 180), are in section N, numbers
113, 114, and 115. They are described in the catalogue as—
“113. Several small patches of earthy matter on the arachnoid of
the medulla spinalis.”
“114. A spinal cord. There are numerous large plates of bone on
the arachnoid of the lumbar portion, and of the cauda equina.”
Page 352
“115. A similar preparation. The plates of bone extend as high as
the upper dorsal vertebræ.”
Mr. Charles Stewart, professor of comparative anatomy and
curator of the museum at St. Thomas’s, tells me that these are
calcareous, but not true bone, that they are not uncommon in post-
mortems where they have had nothing to do with death, and that if
the above had died from tetanus it would probably have been
recorded in the catalogue. As there is no mention of the cause of
death, it is certain that it had no reference to the so-called
“granules.”
The assertion of Mr. Morley (Dove’s Case, p. 245), that
strychnia is decomposed into its elements, is obviously incorrect,
probably an error of the reporter.
See also an interesting case lately reported (J. de Pharm. et de
Chimie, November 1882), where strychnia was found, and also
arsenic, in the stomach, liver, and brain.
Dr. John Harley tells me that he finds hemlock juice the best
antidote to the convulsions of all kinds of tetanus. He has had many
successful cases. Messrs. Mavor, veterinary surgeons, find this
remedy most efficacious with horses, in which animal tetanus is
very common.
the upper dorsal vertebræ.”
Mr. Charles Stewart, professor of comparative anatomy and
curator of the museum at St. Thomas’s, tells me that these are
calcareous, but not true bone, that they are not uncommon in post-
mortems where they have had nothing to do with death, and that if
the above had died from tetanus it would probably have been
recorded in the catalogue. As there is no mention of the cause of
death, it is certain that it had no reference to the so-called
“granules.”
The assertion of Mr. Morley (Dove’s Case, p. 245), that
strychnia is decomposed into its elements, is obviously incorrect,
probably an error of the reporter.
See also an interesting case lately reported (J. de Pharm. et de
Chimie, November 1882), where strychnia was found, and also
arsenic, in the stomach, liver, and brain.
Dr. John Harley tells me that he finds hemlock juice the best
antidote to the convulsions of all kinds of tetanus. He has had many
successful cases. Messrs. Mavor, veterinary surgeons, find this
remedy most efficacious with horses, in which animal tetanus is
very common.
Page 353
CHAPTER VI.
TRIALS FOR POISONING BY ARSENIC.
Notwithstanding the difficulties thrown in the way of the
purchase of arsenic by the “Sale of Arsenic Regulation Act” of
1852, the cases of poisoning by the use of this drug have been so
numerous, that it has been difficult to select examples without
greatly extending the bulk of this volume. I have, therefore, limited
the full reports in this chapter to two, namely:—(1). The case of
Miss Madeline Smith for the imputed murder of her lover, Pierre
Emile L’Angelier in Glasgow, tried before the “Lords of the
Justiciary,” the chief criminal court of Scotland, in Edinburgh, on
the 30th of June, 1857, a case full of interest and doubt, the
mystery of which will probably never be disclosed; and (2) that of
Ann Merritt for the murder of her husband, tried at the Old Bailey,
March 8th, 1850, on the verdict in which arose a notable difference
of opinion between leading medical and other experts, and the chief
medical witness, as to the possibility of fixing, with any
definiteness, the time at which the arsenic found in the body had
been administered; resulting in the eventual commutation of the
capital sentence by Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary. This was
the case referred to by the Attorney-General in his cross-
TRIALS FOR POISONING BY ARSENIC.
Notwithstanding the difficulties thrown in the way of the
purchase of arsenic by the “Sale of Arsenic Regulation Act” of
1852, the cases of poisoning by the use of this drug have been so
numerous, that it has been difficult to select examples without
greatly extending the bulk of this volume. I have, therefore, limited
the full reports in this chapter to two, namely:—(1). The case of
Miss Madeline Smith for the imputed murder of her lover, Pierre
Emile L’Angelier in Glasgow, tried before the “Lords of the
Justiciary,” the chief criminal court of Scotland, in Edinburgh, on
the 30th of June, 1857, a case full of interest and doubt, the
mystery of which will probably never be disclosed; and (2) that of
Ann Merritt for the murder of her husband, tried at the Old Bailey,
March 8th, 1850, on the verdict in which arose a notable difference
of opinion between leading medical and other experts, and the chief
medical witness, as to the possibility of fixing, with any
definiteness, the time at which the arsenic found in the body had
been administered; resulting in the eventual commutation of the
capital sentence by Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary. This was
the case referred to by the Attorney-General in his cross-
Page 354
examination of Dr. Letheby in Palmer’s trial. For the trial of
Madeline Smith I have relied on the Report reprinted with
additions and corrections from “The Scotsman,” by far the most
accurate that I have read. To my copy is an Appendix of the whole
of the letters, including those suppressed in Court, published in
New York at the Astor Press. Happily it is not necessary to dwell on
their disgusting details.
TRIAL OF MADELINE SMITH.
Before the Lord Justice Clerk (the Hon. John Hope), Lord Ivory,
and Lord Handyside, at Edinburgh, 30th June and following
days, 1857.
For the Prosecution: The Lord Advocate (Jas. Moncrieffe), The
Solicitor-General (E. F. Maitland), and Mr. Donald Mackenzie.
For the Defence: The Dean of Faculty, Mr. John Inglis (now Lord
Justice General), Mr. G. Young (now Lord Young), and Mr. H.
Moncrieff.
By the indictment the Prisoner was charged with administering
or causing to be administered to Emile L’Angelier,[102] arsenic or
some other poison, in coffee, cocoa, or some other food or drink,
on the 19th or 20th of February, and on the 22nd or 23rd of
February last, with intent to murder, and on the 22nd or 23rd of
March, whereby he died on the day last named, and was thus
murdered by the Prisoner. To which the Prisoner pleaded “Not
Guilty.”
THE HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Madeline Smith I have relied on the Report reprinted with
additions and corrections from “The Scotsman,” by far the most
accurate that I have read. To my copy is an Appendix of the whole
of the letters, including those suppressed in Court, published in
New York at the Astor Press. Happily it is not necessary to dwell on
their disgusting details.
TRIAL OF MADELINE SMITH.
Before the Lord Justice Clerk (the Hon. John Hope), Lord Ivory,
and Lord Handyside, at Edinburgh, 30th June and following
days, 1857.
For the Prosecution: The Lord Advocate (Jas. Moncrieffe), The
Solicitor-General (E. F. Maitland), and Mr. Donald Mackenzie.
For the Defence: The Dean of Faculty, Mr. John Inglis (now Lord
Justice General), Mr. G. Young (now Lord Young), and Mr. H.
Moncrieff.
By the indictment the Prisoner was charged with administering
or causing to be administered to Emile L’Angelier,[102] arsenic or
some other poison, in coffee, cocoa, or some other food or drink,
on the 19th or 20th of February, and on the 22nd or 23rd of
February last, with intent to murder, and on the 22nd or 23rd of
March, whereby he died on the day last named, and was thus
murdered by the Prisoner. To which the Prisoner pleaded “Not
Guilty.”
THE HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Page 355
Pierre Emile L’Angelier, a Frenchman by birth, had been
employed in Scotland since the year 1843, when he was with a firm
of nurserymen at Dundee. How long he stayed with them was not
proved, but according to his own statement he was one of the
National Guard in the Revolution in Paris in 1848. He was always a
poor man, and in 1851, when again in Scotland, was in such straits
that he was living at a tavern in Edinburgh on the charity of its
proprietor. When there he was at times in very low spirits, crying at
night, and speaking of committing suicide, getting out of bed and
walking about the room weeping, and on one occasion on the point
apparently of throwing himself out of the window of his room had
he not been prevented by his companion. Some love affairs—one
with an English lady, another with a lady in Fife—were the causes
he assigned for his melancholy and depression. In a letter, probably
of this date, he wrote, “I never was so unhappy in my life. I wish I
had the courage to blow my brains out.” In 1852 he was in the
employ of another nurseryman at Dundee, still harping on his
disappointment in love, complaining bitterly of the last lady’s
intended marriage with another—gloomy, moody, dull, and
threatening to stab himself. Vain of his person, he was always
talking of his success with ladies, and of what he should do if he
was again jilted. On one occasion, when speaking of the use of
arsenic for improving the coats of horses, and asked if he was not
afraid of poisoning them, he said, “Oh, no: so far from doing that,
he had taken it himself, without any bad effects.” From this
employment he went to that of Messrs. Huggins and Co., of
Glasgow, where he was looked upon as a steady, industrious clerk,
“a well-behaved, well-principled, religious man.” Whilst with this
firm he pressed a young friend to introduce him to Miss Smith; and
thus sprang up the attachment which led to the catastrophe.
employed in Scotland since the year 1843, when he was with a firm
of nurserymen at Dundee. How long he stayed with them was not
proved, but according to his own statement he was one of the
National Guard in the Revolution in Paris in 1848. He was always a
poor man, and in 1851, when again in Scotland, was in such straits
that he was living at a tavern in Edinburgh on the charity of its
proprietor. When there he was at times in very low spirits, crying at
night, and speaking of committing suicide, getting out of bed and
walking about the room weeping, and on one occasion on the point
apparently of throwing himself out of the window of his room had
he not been prevented by his companion. Some love affairs—one
with an English lady, another with a lady in Fife—were the causes
he assigned for his melancholy and depression. In a letter, probably
of this date, he wrote, “I never was so unhappy in my life. I wish I
had the courage to blow my brains out.” In 1852 he was in the
employ of another nurseryman at Dundee, still harping on his
disappointment in love, complaining bitterly of the last lady’s
intended marriage with another—gloomy, moody, dull, and
threatening to stab himself. Vain of his person, he was always
talking of his success with ladies, and of what he should do if he
was again jilted. On one occasion, when speaking of the use of
arsenic for improving the coats of horses, and asked if he was not
afraid of poisoning them, he said, “Oh, no: so far from doing that,
he had taken it himself, without any bad effects.” From this
employment he went to that of Messrs. Huggins and Co., of
Glasgow, where he was looked upon as a steady, industrious clerk,
“a well-behaved, well-principled, religious man.” Whilst with this
firm he pressed a young friend to introduce him to Miss Smith; and
thus sprang up the attachment which led to the catastrophe.
Page 356
Miss Madeline Smith, to whom L’Angelier was introduced
towards the end of 1854, was the daughter of an architect of
position in Glasgow, and had lately returned from an English
boarding-school. She was attractive in person, and just of the age to
fall violently in love with such a plausible, goodlooking man as
L’Angelier. As her parents naturally had little liking for a
merchant’s clerk as their daughter’s husband, the love affair that
arose at once after the introduction was carried on clandestinely by
a voluminous correspondence, in which more than 200 letters
passed from her to the deceased in the brief period of their
attachment, and such stolen interviews in or out of her father’s
house as could be arranged with the connivance of one of his
servants. According to the theory of the prosecution, L’Angelier
was an accomplished and deliberate seducer, who at last gained his
purpose on the 6th of May, from which date Miss Smith’s letters to
her lover speak plainly of matters of which even married persons
would be reticent, and are couched in language suitable only to
married persons. She was clearly in L’Angelier’s power, who
wished to marry her, and made more than one arrangement for an
elopement. Towards the end of 1856, however, her affection for
him began to cool, and with reason. She had accepted the attentions
of a Mr. Minnoch, with the full consent of her parents, and shortly
after actually fixed the day for her marriage with him. The danger
of her situation pressed upon her. L’Angelier, when he knew of this,
was not the man to sit tamely under such a slight, or to let another
person marry one of whom he knew so much to her discredit. She
wrote him to return her letters, begged and prayed him to do so,
and let the engagement drop, to which she never could get the
sanction of her parents. He refused. He had heard a rumour of the
Minnoch engagement, and he threatened to send the letters to her
father. Still it was not revenge that he wanted; he wanted his wife.
Her letters at this time give the most painful proofs of the state of
towards the end of 1854, was the daughter of an architect of
position in Glasgow, and had lately returned from an English
boarding-school. She was attractive in person, and just of the age to
fall violently in love with such a plausible, goodlooking man as
L’Angelier. As her parents naturally had little liking for a
merchant’s clerk as their daughter’s husband, the love affair that
arose at once after the introduction was carried on clandestinely by
a voluminous correspondence, in which more than 200 letters
passed from her to the deceased in the brief period of their
attachment, and such stolen interviews in or out of her father’s
house as could be arranged with the connivance of one of his
servants. According to the theory of the prosecution, L’Angelier
was an accomplished and deliberate seducer, who at last gained his
purpose on the 6th of May, from which date Miss Smith’s letters to
her lover speak plainly of matters of which even married persons
would be reticent, and are couched in language suitable only to
married persons. She was clearly in L’Angelier’s power, who
wished to marry her, and made more than one arrangement for an
elopement. Towards the end of 1856, however, her affection for
him began to cool, and with reason. She had accepted the attentions
of a Mr. Minnoch, with the full consent of her parents, and shortly
after actually fixed the day for her marriage with him. The danger
of her situation pressed upon her. L’Angelier, when he knew of this,
was not the man to sit tamely under such a slight, or to let another
person marry one of whom he knew so much to her discredit. She
wrote him to return her letters, begged and prayed him to do so,
and let the engagement drop, to which she never could get the
sanction of her parents. He refused. He had heard a rumour of the
Minnoch engagement, and he threatened to send the letters to her
father. Still it was not revenge that he wanted; he wanted his wife.
Her letters at this time give the most painful proofs of the state of
Page 357
mind into which she had fallen. “On her bended knees,” she wrote,
begging “him not to expose her, for her mother’s sake,” and “the
dread of her father’s anger.” “As you hope for mercy at the
judgment day, do not inform on me; do not make me a public
shame. There is no one I love. My love was all given to you. My
heart is empty, cold. I am unloved. I am despised. I told you I had
ceased to love. It is true.” Such was her letter, presumably of the
11th of February, 1857. At this time she was engaged to Minnoch,
and the day of the marriage, if not actually fixed, had been talked
about. She begged for an interview. In the postscript to this sad
letter, she added: “I will take you within the door; the area gate will
be open. I shall see you from my window, twelve o’clock. I will
wait till one o’clock.” The exact date of this letter could not be
proved, as it had been delivered and not posted. It was dated only
Tuesday evening, twelve o’clock; and however ingenious was the
argument of the Lord Advocate, it failed to satisfy the court that it
produced an interview on the 11th which led to another on the 19th
—the day on which, according to the Crown, she first administered
the poison to her lover, from which arose the first of his illnesses,
as described by Mrs. Jenkins, his landlady.
Previously to the trial, the following explanation of the
connection with L’Angelier had been given by the prisoner, in her
examination before the Sheriff Substitute of Lanarkshire on the
31st of March, “when,” he said, “she answered his questions
without hesitation, and with great appearance of frankness and
candour.”
DECLARATION OF THE PRISONER.
“I am a native of Glasgow, 21 years of age, and reside with my
father at No. 7, Blythswood Square, Glasgow. For about two years I
have been acquainted with P. Emile L’Angelier, who was in the
begging “him not to expose her, for her mother’s sake,” and “the
dread of her father’s anger.” “As you hope for mercy at the
judgment day, do not inform on me; do not make me a public
shame. There is no one I love. My love was all given to you. My
heart is empty, cold. I am unloved. I am despised. I told you I had
ceased to love. It is true.” Such was her letter, presumably of the
11th of February, 1857. At this time she was engaged to Minnoch,
and the day of the marriage, if not actually fixed, had been talked
about. She begged for an interview. In the postscript to this sad
letter, she added: “I will take you within the door; the area gate will
be open. I shall see you from my window, twelve o’clock. I will
wait till one o’clock.” The exact date of this letter could not be
proved, as it had been delivered and not posted. It was dated only
Tuesday evening, twelve o’clock; and however ingenious was the
argument of the Lord Advocate, it failed to satisfy the court that it
produced an interview on the 11th which led to another on the 19th
—the day on which, according to the Crown, she first administered
the poison to her lover, from which arose the first of his illnesses,
as described by Mrs. Jenkins, his landlady.
Previously to the trial, the following explanation of the
connection with L’Angelier had been given by the prisoner, in her
examination before the Sheriff Substitute of Lanarkshire on the
31st of March, “when,” he said, “she answered his questions
without hesitation, and with great appearance of frankness and
candour.”
DECLARATION OF THE PRISONER.
“I am a native of Glasgow, 21 years of age, and reside with my
father at No. 7, Blythswood Square, Glasgow. For about two years I
have been acquainted with P. Emile L’Angelier, who was in the
Page 358
employment of Huggins & Co., in Bothwell Street, and resided at
10, Franklin Place. He recently paid his addresses to me, and I have
met him on a variety of occasions. I heard of his death on the
afternoon of the 23rd of March from my mother. I had not seen him
for about three weeks before his death, and the last time I saw him
was on a night about half-past ten o’clock. On that occasion he
tapped at my window, which is on the ground floor and fronts Main
Street. I talked to him from the window, which is stanchioned
outside, and I did not go out to him, nor did he come into me. This
occasion, which, as already said, was the last, was about three
weeks before his death, and was the last time I saw him. He was in
the habit of writing notes to me, and I was in the habit of replying to
them. The last note I wrote was on the Friday before his death, the
20th of March. (Identifies note and envelope.) In consequence of
that note I expected him to visit me on Saturday the 21st, at my
bedroom window, in the same way as before, but he did not come
and sent no notice. There was no tapping at my window on the
Saturday night, nor on the Sunday following. I went to bed on the
Saturday night about eleven, and remained in bed until the usual
time of getting up next morning, being eight or nine o’clock. In the
course of my meetings with him, he and I had arranged to get
married, and at one time we had proposed September last as the
time and subsequently the present month of March. It was proposed
we should reside in furnished lodgings, but we had not made any
definite arrangement as to time or otherwise. He was very unwell,
and had gone to the Bridge of Allan for his health, and he
complained of sickness; but I have no idea what was the cause of it.
I remember giving him some cocoa from my window one night, some
time ago, but I cannot specify the time particularly. He took the cup
in his hand and barely tasted it, and I gave him no bread with it. I
was taking some cocoa myself at the time, and had prepared it
myself. (Identifies note No. 2, which she wrote and sent to post.) As
I had attributed his illness to want of food, I proposed, as stated in
the note, to give him a loaf of bread, but I said that merely in a joke,
and in point of fact I never gave him any bread.
10, Franklin Place. He recently paid his addresses to me, and I have
met him on a variety of occasions. I heard of his death on the
afternoon of the 23rd of March from my mother. I had not seen him
for about three weeks before his death, and the last time I saw him
was on a night about half-past ten o’clock. On that occasion he
tapped at my window, which is on the ground floor and fronts Main
Street. I talked to him from the window, which is stanchioned
outside, and I did not go out to him, nor did he come into me. This
occasion, which, as already said, was the last, was about three
weeks before his death, and was the last time I saw him. He was in
the habit of writing notes to me, and I was in the habit of replying to
them. The last note I wrote was on the Friday before his death, the
20th of March. (Identifies note and envelope.) In consequence of
that note I expected him to visit me on Saturday the 21st, at my
bedroom window, in the same way as before, but he did not come
and sent no notice. There was no tapping at my window on the
Saturday night, nor on the Sunday following. I went to bed on the
Saturday night about eleven, and remained in bed until the usual
time of getting up next morning, being eight or nine o’clock. In the
course of my meetings with him, he and I had arranged to get
married, and at one time we had proposed September last as the
time and subsequently the present month of March. It was proposed
we should reside in furnished lodgings, but we had not made any
definite arrangement as to time or otherwise. He was very unwell,
and had gone to the Bridge of Allan for his health, and he
complained of sickness; but I have no idea what was the cause of it.
I remember giving him some cocoa from my window one night, some
time ago, but I cannot specify the time particularly. He took the cup
in his hand and barely tasted it, and I gave him no bread with it. I
was taking some cocoa myself at the time, and had prepared it
myself. (Identifies note No. 2, which she wrote and sent to post.) As
I had attributed his illness to want of food, I proposed, as stated in
the note, to give him a loaf of bread, but I said that merely in a joke,
and in point of fact I never gave him any bread.
Page 359
I have bought arsenic on various occasions. The last I bought
was a sixpenny-worth, in Currie’s, the apothecary’s shop in
Sauchiehall Street. Prior to that I had bought other two quantities of
arsenic for which I paid sixpence each—one of these in Currie’s,
and the other in Murdoch’s, the apothecary’s shop in Sauchiehall
Street. I used it all as a cosmetic, and applied it to my face, neck,
and arms, diluted with water. The arsenic I got at Currie’s on
Wednesday, 18th March, and used it all on one occasion, having put
it all in the basin where I was to wash myself. I had been advised to
this use of arsenic by a young lady of the name of Giubilei, the
daughter of an actress, whom I had met at school at Clapton near
London.[103] I had also seen it recommended in the newspapers. I
did not wish any of my father’s family to know that I was using
arsenic, and therefore never mentioned it to anyone, and I do not
suppose that they or any of the servants noticed it in the basin.
When I bought the arsenic at Murdoch’s, I am not sure whether I
was asked or not what it was for; but I think I said for a gardener, to
kill rats or destroy vermin about flowers, and I only said this
because I did not wish them to know that I was going to use it as a
cosmetic. I do not remember whether I was asked as to the use I was
going to make of the arsenic on the other two occasions. I likely
made the same statement about it as I had done at Murdoch’s; and
on all three occasions, as required in the shops, I signed my name to
a book in which the sales are entered. On the first occasion I was
accompanied by Mary, a daughter of Dr. Buchanan, of Dumbarton.
For several years past Mr. Minnoch, of the firm of W. Houldsworth
& Co., has been coming a good deal about my father’s house; and
about a month ago he made a proposal of marriage to me, and I gave
him my hand in token of acceptance, but no time for the marriage
has been fixed;[104] and my object in writing the note, No. 1, before
mentioned, was to have a meeting with Mr. L’Angelier to tell him I
was engaged to Mr. Minnoch.[105] (Identifies two notes and an
envelope bearing the Glasgow post-mark of 23rd January, as written
and sent by her to L’Angelier.) On the occasion that I gave
L’Angelier the cocoa, I think that I used it must have been known to
was a sixpenny-worth, in Currie’s, the apothecary’s shop in
Sauchiehall Street. Prior to that I had bought other two quantities of
arsenic for which I paid sixpence each—one of these in Currie’s,
and the other in Murdoch’s, the apothecary’s shop in Sauchiehall
Street. I used it all as a cosmetic, and applied it to my face, neck,
and arms, diluted with water. The arsenic I got at Currie’s on
Wednesday, 18th March, and used it all on one occasion, having put
it all in the basin where I was to wash myself. I had been advised to
this use of arsenic by a young lady of the name of Giubilei, the
daughter of an actress, whom I had met at school at Clapton near
London.[103] I had also seen it recommended in the newspapers. I
did not wish any of my father’s family to know that I was using
arsenic, and therefore never mentioned it to anyone, and I do not
suppose that they or any of the servants noticed it in the basin.
When I bought the arsenic at Murdoch’s, I am not sure whether I
was asked or not what it was for; but I think I said for a gardener, to
kill rats or destroy vermin about flowers, and I only said this
because I did not wish them to know that I was going to use it as a
cosmetic. I do not remember whether I was asked as to the use I was
going to make of the arsenic on the other two occasions. I likely
made the same statement about it as I had done at Murdoch’s; and
on all three occasions, as required in the shops, I signed my name to
a book in which the sales are entered. On the first occasion I was
accompanied by Mary, a daughter of Dr. Buchanan, of Dumbarton.
For several years past Mr. Minnoch, of the firm of W. Houldsworth
& Co., has been coming a good deal about my father’s house; and
about a month ago he made a proposal of marriage to me, and I gave
him my hand in token of acceptance, but no time for the marriage
has been fixed;[104] and my object in writing the note, No. 1, before
mentioned, was to have a meeting with Mr. L’Angelier to tell him I
was engaged to Mr. Minnoch.[105] (Identifies two notes and an
envelope bearing the Glasgow post-mark of 23rd January, as written
and sent by her to L’Angelier.) On the occasion that I gave
L’Angelier the cocoa, I think that I used it must have been known to
Page 360
the servants and members of my father’s family, as the package
containing the cocoa was lying on the mantelpiece in my room, but
no one of the family used it, as they did not like it. The water that I
used I got hot from the servants. On the night of the 18th, when I
used the arsenic last, I was going to a dinner party at Mr. Minnoch’s
house. I never administered, or caused to be administered, to Mr.
L’Angelier arsenic or anything injurious. And this I declare to be
truth.”
With this brief introduction, let us proceed to the details of his
various illnesses, due, as the prosecution inferred, to arsenical
poisoning.
THE SYMPTOMS.
Mrs. Jenkins, at whose house L’Angelier came to lodge in the
July of 1856, and continued there till his death, spoke of her lodger
as of civil habits, but wont to stay out at night, for which purpose
he had the use of a latch-key. His health was usually good; but
about the middle of February, 1857, he had a severe attack of
illness, and another on the 23rd, of which she gave the following
account:—
“One night he wished a pass key, as he thought he would be late
out. I went to bed and did not hear him come in. I knocked at his
door about eight the next morning and got no answer. I knocked
again, and he said, ‘Come in, if you please.’ I went in. He said, ‘I
have been very unwell; look what I have vomited.’ I said I thought it
was bile. It was a greenish substance. There was a great deal of it. It
was thick stuff, like gruel. I said, ‘Why did you not call me?’ He
said that while on the road coming home, he was seized with a
violent pain in his bowels and stomach, and when he was taking off
his clothes, thought he should have died on the carpet, and no
human eye would have seen him. ‘I was not able,’ he said, ‘to ring
containing the cocoa was lying on the mantelpiece in my room, but
no one of the family used it, as they did not like it. The water that I
used I got hot from the servants. On the night of the 18th, when I
used the arsenic last, I was going to a dinner party at Mr. Minnoch’s
house. I never administered, or caused to be administered, to Mr.
L’Angelier arsenic or anything injurious. And this I declare to be
truth.”
With this brief introduction, let us proceed to the details of his
various illnesses, due, as the prosecution inferred, to arsenical
poisoning.
THE SYMPTOMS.
Mrs. Jenkins, at whose house L’Angelier came to lodge in the
July of 1856, and continued there till his death, spoke of her lodger
as of civil habits, but wont to stay out at night, for which purpose
he had the use of a latch-key. His health was usually good; but
about the middle of February, 1857, he had a severe attack of
illness, and another on the 23rd, of which she gave the following
account:—
“One night he wished a pass key, as he thought he would be late
out. I went to bed and did not hear him come in. I knocked at his
door about eight the next morning and got no answer. I knocked
again, and he said, ‘Come in, if you please.’ I went in. He said, ‘I
have been very unwell; look what I have vomited.’ I said I thought it
was bile. It was a greenish substance. There was a great deal of it. It
was thick stuff, like gruel. I said, ‘Why did you not call me?’ He
said that while on the road coming home, he was seized with a
violent pain in his bowels and stomach, and when he was taking off
his clothes, thought he should have died on the carpet, and no
human eye would have seen him. ‘I was not able,’ he said, ‘to ring
Page 361
the bell.’ He asked me to make a little tea, and said he would not go
out. I emptied what he had vomited, and advised him to go to a
doctor, and he said he would. He took a little breakfast and then
went to sleep for an hour, when I went back to him, and he said he
was better, and would go out. Mr. Thuau, who lodges in my house,
saw him. He went out between ten and eleven—his place of
business is two streets off. He returned about three in the afternoon,
said he had been to a doctor and brought a bottle of medicine with
him. He took the medicine and complained about feeling very
thirsty.
“His illness made a great change in his appearance. He looked
yellow and dull, and before that his complexion was fresh. He
became dark under the eyes, and the red of his cheeks seemed to be
more broken. He complained of being very cold after he came in.
He lay down on the sofa, and I laid a railway-rug over him. I did
nothing for his feet. He never was the same after his illness. When
asked how he felt, he was accustomed to say, ‘I never feel well.’ On
a Monday morning, about four o’clock, he called me. He was
vomiting. It was the same kind of stuff as before in colour and
otherwise. There was not quite so much of it. He complained on this
occasion likewise of pain in the bowels and stomach, and of thirst
and cold. I did not know he was out the night before. He did not say
anything about it. I put more blankets on him, jars of hot water to
his feet, and made him some tea. I gave him also a great many
drinks—toast and water, lemon and water, and such like—because
he was thirsty. I called again about six in the morning. He did not
rise until the forenoon. Dr. Thomson came to attend, fetched by
Thuau, and left a prescription for powders, of which he took one or
two. He said they were not doing him the good he expected; ‘the
doctor always said he was getting better, but he did not feel well;’
‘he did not feel getting better.’ He was eight days away from
business at that time. Some time after he went to Edinburgh, and
returned to Glasgow on the 17th of March, and stayed till the 19th,
when he went away, as he said, to the Bridge of Allan.
out. I emptied what he had vomited, and advised him to go to a
doctor, and he said he would. He took a little breakfast and then
went to sleep for an hour, when I went back to him, and he said he
was better, and would go out. Mr. Thuau, who lodges in my house,
saw him. He went out between ten and eleven—his place of
business is two streets off. He returned about three in the afternoon,
said he had been to a doctor and brought a bottle of medicine with
him. He took the medicine and complained about feeling very
thirsty.
“His illness made a great change in his appearance. He looked
yellow and dull, and before that his complexion was fresh. He
became dark under the eyes, and the red of his cheeks seemed to be
more broken. He complained of being very cold after he came in.
He lay down on the sofa, and I laid a railway-rug over him. I did
nothing for his feet. He never was the same after his illness. When
asked how he felt, he was accustomed to say, ‘I never feel well.’ On
a Monday morning, about four o’clock, he called me. He was
vomiting. It was the same kind of stuff as before in colour and
otherwise. There was not quite so much of it. He complained on this
occasion likewise of pain in the bowels and stomach, and of thirst
and cold. I did not know he was out the night before. He did not say
anything about it. I put more blankets on him, jars of hot water to
his feet, and made him some tea. I gave him also a great many
drinks—toast and water, lemon and water, and such like—because
he was thirsty. I called again about six in the morning. He did not
rise until the forenoon. Dr. Thomson came to attend, fetched by
Thuau, and left a prescription for powders, of which he took one or
two. He said they were not doing him the good he expected; ‘the
doctor always said he was getting better, but he did not feel well;’
‘he did not feel getting better.’ He was eight days away from
business at that time. Some time after he went to Edinburgh, and
returned to Glasgow on the 17th of March, and stayed till the 19th,
when he went away, as he said, to the Bridge of Allan.
Page 362
“He went away about 10 A.M., and said he would not be home
before Wednesday night or Thursday morning next week. A letter
came for him on the 19th like those that used to come, and I gave it
to Thuau. I don’t remember any coming on Friday, but one more,
like a lady’s writing, on Saturday, which I also gave to Thuau.
(Identifies envelope as like that of letter received on Saturday, but
not another which was shown her.) L’Angelier was much
disappointed at not getting a letter before he left, and said, ‘If I get a
letter, perhaps I shall be home to-night.’
“I next saw L’Angelier on Sunday night, about eight. He said the
letter sent had brought him home. I told him it had come on
Saturday afternoon. He did not say where he had come from. I
understood he had been at the Bridge of Allan. He looked much
better, and said he was so. He went out about 9 P.M., and asked for a
latch-key, as he might be late. I was to call him early. It was about
half-past two next morning when I next saw him; he did not use the
latch-key, but rang the bell violently. When I opened the door, he
was standing with his arms on his stomach. He said, ‘I am very bad.
I am going to have another vomiting of that bile.’ The first time I
saw the vomitings, I said it was bile. He said he was never troubled
with bile. He said he never thought he should have got home, he
was so bad on the road. He did not say how he had been bad. The
first thing he took was a little water. I filled up the tumbler, and he
tried to vomit. He wished a little tea. I went into the room (with it?),
and before he was half undressed he was vomiting severely. It was
the same kind of matter as I had seen before. There was a light. The
vomiting was attended with great pain. I asked him whether he had
taken anything to disagree with his stomach. He said he had taken
nothing since he was at the Bridge of Allan. He was chill and cold,
and wished a jar of hot water to his feet, and another to his stomach.
I got these for him, and two blankets and mats. He got a little easier.
About four o’clock he was worse, and on my proposing to go for a
doctor said he was a little better, and I need not. About five he was
worse again, and his bowels became bad. He had been vomiting
only up to this time. I went for Dr. Steven, who could not come so
before Wednesday night or Thursday morning next week. A letter
came for him on the 19th like those that used to come, and I gave it
to Thuau. I don’t remember any coming on Friday, but one more,
like a lady’s writing, on Saturday, which I also gave to Thuau.
(Identifies envelope as like that of letter received on Saturday, but
not another which was shown her.) L’Angelier was much
disappointed at not getting a letter before he left, and said, ‘If I get a
letter, perhaps I shall be home to-night.’
“I next saw L’Angelier on Sunday night, about eight. He said the
letter sent had brought him home. I told him it had come on
Saturday afternoon. He did not say where he had come from. I
understood he had been at the Bridge of Allan. He looked much
better, and said he was so. He went out about 9 P.M., and asked for a
latch-key, as he might be late. I was to call him early. It was about
half-past two next morning when I next saw him; he did not use the
latch-key, but rang the bell violently. When I opened the door, he
was standing with his arms on his stomach. He said, ‘I am very bad.
I am going to have another vomiting of that bile.’ The first time I
saw the vomitings, I said it was bile. He said he was never troubled
with bile. He said he never thought he should have got home, he
was so bad on the road. He did not say how he had been bad. The
first thing he took was a little water. I filled up the tumbler, and he
tried to vomit. He wished a little tea. I went into the room (with it?),
and before he was half undressed he was vomiting severely. It was
the same kind of matter as I had seen before. There was a light. The
vomiting was attended with great pain. I asked him whether he had
taken anything to disagree with his stomach. He said he had taken
nothing since he was at the Bridge of Allan. He was chill and cold,
and wished a jar of hot water to his feet, and another to his stomach.
I got these for him, and two blankets and mats. He got a little easier.
About four o’clock he was worse, and on my proposing to go for a
doctor said he was a little better, and I need not. About five he was
worse again, and his bowels became bad. He had been vomiting
only up to this time. I went for Dr. Steven, who could not come so
Page 363
early, but told me to give him twenty-five drops of laudanum, and
put a mustard blister on his stomach, and if he did not get better he
would come. At L’Angelier’s request, I went again, and the doctor
came, who immediately ordered him mustard. I said to him, ‘Look
at what he has vomited.’ He said, ‘Take it away, it is making him
faint.’ I got the mustard, and the doctor put it on, and I think gave
him a little morphia. I said to L’Angelier, ‘This is the worst attack
you have had.’ The doctor stayed about a quarter of an hour or
twenty minutes. I took him into the dining-room, and asked him
what was wrong; he asked me if he was a person that tippled. I said,
‘No,’ and that this was the second time this had occurred, and asked
what was the reason. The doctor said this was matter for
explanation. The first time I went back, L’Angelier asked what the
doctor had said. I said he thought he would get over it, and
L’Angelier replied, ‘I am far worse than he thinks.’ About nine,
when I drew the curtains, he looked very ill, and I asked if there was
no one he wished sent for. He asked to see Miss Perry, of Bamfield
Street. I sent for her. He said he thought that if he could get five
minutes’ sleep he should be better. These were the last words I heard
him use. I went back into the room in about five minutes; he was
then quite quiet, and I thought he was asleep. The doctor then
returned, and I told him so. He went into the room, felt his pulse,
lifted his head, and said he was dead.”
Nothing of importance with reference to the symptoms of his
attacks was elicited in cross-examination. His first illness,
according to the witness, was a great deal worse than the second. It
was in January that he first complained of ill health. He then first
complained of his tongue; then a boil came out on his neck, and
shortly after another. She did not think that he ate what suited him,
and especially too many vegetables, to which he said he was
accustomed in France. On the morning of his death he complained
about his mouth being sore. The doctor gave him some water, and
he said it was choking him, or that it was going into his chest.
put a mustard blister on his stomach, and if he did not get better he
would come. At L’Angelier’s request, I went again, and the doctor
came, who immediately ordered him mustard. I said to him, ‘Look
at what he has vomited.’ He said, ‘Take it away, it is making him
faint.’ I got the mustard, and the doctor put it on, and I think gave
him a little morphia. I said to L’Angelier, ‘This is the worst attack
you have had.’ The doctor stayed about a quarter of an hour or
twenty minutes. I took him into the dining-room, and asked him
what was wrong; he asked me if he was a person that tippled. I said,
‘No,’ and that this was the second time this had occurred, and asked
what was the reason. The doctor said this was matter for
explanation. The first time I went back, L’Angelier asked what the
doctor had said. I said he thought he would get over it, and
L’Angelier replied, ‘I am far worse than he thinks.’ About nine,
when I drew the curtains, he looked very ill, and I asked if there was
no one he wished sent for. He asked to see Miss Perry, of Bamfield
Street. I sent for her. He said he thought that if he could get five
minutes’ sleep he should be better. These were the last words I heard
him use. I went back into the room in about five minutes; he was
then quite quiet, and I thought he was asleep. The doctor then
returned, and I told him so. He went into the room, felt his pulse,
lifted his head, and said he was dead.”
Nothing of importance with reference to the symptoms of his
attacks was elicited in cross-examination. His first illness,
according to the witness, was a great deal worse than the second. It
was in January that he first complained of ill health. He then first
complained of his tongue; then a boil came out on his neck, and
shortly after another. She did not think that he ate what suited him,
and especially too many vegetables, to which he said he was
accustomed in France. On the morning of his death he complained
about his mouth being sore. The doctor gave him some water, and
he said it was choking him, or that it was going into his chest.
Page 364
When in bed that morning he always had his arms out on the bed
clothes. She did not remember his hands being clenched. His right
hand was clenched when he died. The remainder of the cross-
examination related to the dress he usually wore, and the search by
the officers for his papers.[106]
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Thomson, a physician in Glasgow, who had known
L’Angelier for two years, gave the following evidence as to his
health up to about the 10th of March:—
“He consulted me professionally, the first time, fully a year ago,
when he had a bowel complaint, of which he got better. Next time
was on the 3rd February this year for a cold and cough, and boil on
his neck, for which I prescribed. The next week after I saw him,
when another boil had appeared. On the 23rd of February he came
to me. He was very feverish, and his tongue was furred, and had a
patchy appearance, from the fur being off in various places. He
complained of nausea, and had been vomiting. He was prostrate, his
pulse was quick, and he had general symptoms of fever. I prescribed
for him (taking his complaint to be bilious derangement) an aperient
draught. He had been ill, I think, for a day or two, but he had been
taken worse the night before he called on me—during the night of
the 22nd and the morning of the 23rd. He was confined to the house
for two or three days. I visited him on the 24th, 25th, and 26th of
February, and on the 1st of March met him. The aperient draught I
prescribed contained magnesia and soda. On the 24th I prescribed
powders containing rhubarb, soda, chalk of camomile, and
ipecacuanha. On the 24th he was much in the same state. He had
vomited the draught I had given him on the 23rd, and I observed
that his skin was considerably jaundiced; and from the whole
symptoms I called the disease a bilious fever. On the 25th he was
rather better, and had risen from his bed to the sofa, but was not
clothes. She did not remember his hands being clenched. His right
hand was clenched when he died. The remainder of the cross-
examination related to the dress he usually wore, and the search by
the officers for his papers.[106]
MEDICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Thomson, a physician in Glasgow, who had known
L’Angelier for two years, gave the following evidence as to his
health up to about the 10th of March:—
“He consulted me professionally, the first time, fully a year ago,
when he had a bowel complaint, of which he got better. Next time
was on the 3rd February this year for a cold and cough, and boil on
his neck, for which I prescribed. The next week after I saw him,
when another boil had appeared. On the 23rd of February he came
to me. He was very feverish, and his tongue was furred, and had a
patchy appearance, from the fur being off in various places. He
complained of nausea, and had been vomiting. He was prostrate, his
pulse was quick, and he had general symptoms of fever. I prescribed
for him (taking his complaint to be bilious derangement) an aperient
draught. He had been ill, I think, for a day or two, but he had been
taken worse the night before he called on me—during the night of
the 22nd and the morning of the 23rd. He was confined to the house
for two or three days. I visited him on the 24th, 25th, and 26th of
February, and on the 1st of March met him. The aperient draught I
prescribed contained magnesia and soda. On the 24th I prescribed
powders containing rhubarb, soda, chalk of camomile, and
ipecacuanha. On the 24th he was much in the same state. He had
vomited the draught I had given him on the 23rd, and I observed
that his skin was considerably jaundiced; and from the whole
symptoms I called the disease a bilious fever. On the 25th he was
rather better, and had risen from his bed to the sofa, but was not
Page 365
dressed. On the 26th he felt considerably better and cooler, and I did
not think it necessary to repeat my visits till I happened to be in the
neighbourhood. It did not occur to me that these symptoms arose
from the action of any irritant poison. If I had known that he had
taken an irritant poison, these were the symptoms I should expect to
follow. I don’t think I asked him when he was seriously taken ill. I
had not seen him for some little time before, and certainly he looked
very dejected and ill; his colour was rather darker and jaundiced,
and round the eye the colour was rather darker than usual. I saw
him again eight or ten days after the 1st of March. He called on me,
but I have no note of the day; he was much the same as on the 1st of
March. He said he was thinking of going into the country, but did
not say where. I did not prescribe for him then. On the 26th of
February, I think I told him to give up smoking. I thought it was
injurious to his stomach. I never saw him again in life.”
“On the morning of the 23rd of March, Mr. Stevenson and Mr.
Thuau called on me, mentioned his death, and wished me to go and
see his body, and see if I could give an opinion as to the cause of his
death. They did not know that I had not seen him alive in his last
illness. I went to the house. The body was laid out on a stretcher on
the table. The skin had a slightly jaundiced hue. I said it was
impossible to give a decided opinion, and requested Dr. Steven to be
sent for, who had been in attendance. I examined the body with my
hands externally, and over the region of the liver the sound was dull;
and over the region of the heart the sound was natural. I saw what
he had vomited, and made inquiry as to the symptoms before death.
Dr. Steven, when he arrived, corroborated the statements of the
landlady, as far as he was concerned. No resolution as to a post-
mortem examination was come to that day, but in the afternoon I
stated to Mr. Huggins and another gentleman, who called on me,
that the symptoms were such as might have been produced by an
irritant poison, and that it was such a case that, had it occurred in
England, a coroner’s inquest would be held.”
On cross-examination, the witness said—
not think it necessary to repeat my visits till I happened to be in the
neighbourhood. It did not occur to me that these symptoms arose
from the action of any irritant poison. If I had known that he had
taken an irritant poison, these were the symptoms I should expect to
follow. I don’t think I asked him when he was seriously taken ill. I
had not seen him for some little time before, and certainly he looked
very dejected and ill; his colour was rather darker and jaundiced,
and round the eye the colour was rather darker than usual. I saw
him again eight or ten days after the 1st of March. He called on me,
but I have no note of the day; he was much the same as on the 1st of
March. He said he was thinking of going into the country, but did
not say where. I did not prescribe for him then. On the 26th of
February, I think I told him to give up smoking. I thought it was
injurious to his stomach. I never saw him again in life.”
“On the morning of the 23rd of March, Mr. Stevenson and Mr.
Thuau called on me, mentioned his death, and wished me to go and
see his body, and see if I could give an opinion as to the cause of his
death. They did not know that I had not seen him alive in his last
illness. I went to the house. The body was laid out on a stretcher on
the table. The skin had a slightly jaundiced hue. I said it was
impossible to give a decided opinion, and requested Dr. Steven to be
sent for, who had been in attendance. I examined the body with my
hands externally, and over the region of the liver the sound was dull;
and over the region of the heart the sound was natural. I saw what
he had vomited, and made inquiry as to the symptoms before death.
Dr. Steven, when he arrived, corroborated the statements of the
landlady, as far as he was concerned. No resolution as to a post-
mortem examination was come to that day, but in the afternoon I
stated to Mr. Huggins and another gentleman, who called on me,
that the symptoms were such as might have been produced by an
irritant poison, and that it was such a case that, had it occurred in
England, a coroner’s inquest would be held.”
On cross-examination, the witness said—
Page 366
“At the time I attended L’Angelier, in February, there were no
symptoms that I could definitely say were not due to a bilious attack,
they were all the symptoms of such an attack. There was no
appearance of jaundice. I have heard of that as a symptom of
irritant poison. It is in Dr. Taylor’s work on poisons. The jaundice I
saw was quite consistent that he was labouring under a bilious
attack, and could easily be accounted for that way.”
Dr. Steven, physician of Glasgow, who was called in by Mrs.
Jenkins on the 23rd of March, at the commencement of the fatal
attack, carried on the case to the death of the deceased:—
“I was applied to,” said the Witness, “early in the morning of the
23rd of March last, by Mrs. Jenkins, to see her lodger, who she told
me was suffering from a severe bilious attack. Being unwell myself
I was unwilling to go, but advised her to give him hot water and
drops of laudanum. She came to me again about seven. I went,
thinking, as he was a Frenchman, he might not be understood. I
found him in bed, very much depressed. His features were pinched,
and his hands. He complained of coldness and pain over the region
of the stomach. By pinched, I mean shrunk and cold, or inclined to
become cold. He complained of general chilliness and his face and
hands were cold to the touch. He was physically and mentally
depressed. I spoke to him and observed nothing peculiar in his
voice. I did not expect a strong voice, and it was not particularly
weak. That was when I first entered the room. But his voice became
weaker. He complained that his breathing was painful, but it did not
seem hurried. I dissuaded him from speaking, had extra clothes put
on his bed, gave him a little morphia (mustard?) to make him vomit,
but he seemed to have vomited all he could. He had a weak pulse. I
felt the action of the heart corresponding to it. That imported that
the circulation was weaker at the extremities. The feet were not
cold. Hot bottles were put to them, and also above his body for his
hands. He was not urgently complaining of thirst. He seemed afraid
of drinking large quantities for fear of making himself vomit. He
symptoms that I could definitely say were not due to a bilious attack,
they were all the symptoms of such an attack. There was no
appearance of jaundice. I have heard of that as a symptom of
irritant poison. It is in Dr. Taylor’s work on poisons. The jaundice I
saw was quite consistent that he was labouring under a bilious
attack, and could easily be accounted for that way.”
Dr. Steven, physician of Glasgow, who was called in by Mrs.
Jenkins on the 23rd of March, at the commencement of the fatal
attack, carried on the case to the death of the deceased:—
“I was applied to,” said the Witness, “early in the morning of the
23rd of March last, by Mrs. Jenkins, to see her lodger, who she told
me was suffering from a severe bilious attack. Being unwell myself
I was unwilling to go, but advised her to give him hot water and
drops of laudanum. She came to me again about seven. I went,
thinking, as he was a Frenchman, he might not be understood. I
found him in bed, very much depressed. His features were pinched,
and his hands. He complained of coldness and pain over the region
of the stomach. By pinched, I mean shrunk and cold, or inclined to
become cold. He complained of general chilliness and his face and
hands were cold to the touch. He was physically and mentally
depressed. I spoke to him and observed nothing peculiar in his
voice. I did not expect a strong voice, and it was not particularly
weak. That was when I first entered the room. But his voice became
weaker. He complained that his breathing was painful, but it did not
seem hurried. I dissuaded him from speaking, had extra clothes put
on his bed, gave him a little morphia (mustard?) to make him vomit,
but he seemed to have vomited all he could. He had a weak pulse. I
felt the action of the heart corresponding to it. That imported that
the circulation was weaker at the extremities. The feet were not
cold. Hot bottles were put to them, and also above his body for his
hands. He was not urgently complaining of thirst. He seemed afraid
of drinking large quantities for fear of making himself vomit. He
Page 367
asked particularly for cold water, and was unwilling to take whisky,
which the landlady talked of giving him. He said he had been
vomiting and purging. I saw a utensil filled with the matter vomited
and purged. I ordered it to be removed and a clean one put in its
place, that I might see what he had vomited. I did not see it. I
believe it was kept for some time, but I said it might be thrown
away: that was after his death. He said, ‘This is third attack I have
had: the landlady says it is bile, but I never was subject to bile.’ He
seemed to get worse while I was there. He several times said, ‘My
poor mother,’ and how dull he felt at being so ill away from friends.
I applied a mustard poultice to his stomach. I stayed I suppose half-
an-hour. I called again about a quarter past eleven. The landlady met
me and said he had been quite as bad as in the morning. I went into
the room and found him dead. He was lying on his right side, with
his back towards the light, his knees drawn a little up, one arm
outside the bedclothes and the other in. They were not much—not
unnaturally drawn up. He seemed in a comfortable position, as if
sleeping. About mid-day I was sent for again; Dr. Thomson was
there when I went in. I asked him if there was anything in his
previous illness, with the symptoms I mentioned, which would
account for the cause of death, but we were entirely at a loss to
account for it. I declined giving a certificate unless I made an
examination, and Dr. Thomson and I made one the next day. We
subsequently made a second examination after the body was
exhumed.”
The witness then described how the stomach and its contents
were carefully preserved and sent to Professor Penny for analysis
(see Appendix A., p. 355).
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Penny, the Professor of Chemistry in the Andersonian
University, Glasgow, then read the following report of his analysis
which the landlady talked of giving him. He said he had been
vomiting and purging. I saw a utensil filled with the matter vomited
and purged. I ordered it to be removed and a clean one put in its
place, that I might see what he had vomited. I did not see it. I
believe it was kept for some time, but I said it might be thrown
away: that was after his death. He said, ‘This is third attack I have
had: the landlady says it is bile, but I never was subject to bile.’ He
seemed to get worse while I was there. He several times said, ‘My
poor mother,’ and how dull he felt at being so ill away from friends.
I applied a mustard poultice to his stomach. I stayed I suppose half-
an-hour. I called again about a quarter past eleven. The landlady met
me and said he had been quite as bad as in the morning. I went into
the room and found him dead. He was lying on his right side, with
his back towards the light, his knees drawn a little up, one arm
outside the bedclothes and the other in. They were not much—not
unnaturally drawn up. He seemed in a comfortable position, as if
sleeping. About mid-day I was sent for again; Dr. Thomson was
there when I went in. I asked him if there was anything in his
previous illness, with the symptoms I mentioned, which would
account for the cause of death, but we were entirely at a loss to
account for it. I declined giving a certificate unless I made an
examination, and Dr. Thomson and I made one the next day. We
subsequently made a second examination after the body was
exhumed.”
The witness then described how the stomach and its contents
were carefully preserved and sent to Professor Penny for analysis
(see Appendix A., p. 355).
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Penny, the Professor of Chemistry in the Andersonian
University, Glasgow, then read the following report of his analysis
Page 368
of the parts of the body handed to him by Dr. Thomson, made at
the request of one of the procurators fiscal of the country.
(1.) Contents of Stomach.
“The liquid measured 8½ ounces. On being allowed to repose, it
deposited a white powder, which was found on examination to
possess the external characters and all the chemical properties
peculiar to arsenious acid, that is, the common white arsenic of the
shops. It consisted of hard, gritty, transparent, colourless crystalline
particles; it was soluble in boiling water, and readily dissolved in a
solution of caustic potash. It was unchanged by sulphide of
ammonium, and volatised when heated on platina foil. Heated in a
tube it gave a sparkling white sublimate, which, under the
microscope, was found to consist of octahedral crystals. Its aqueous
solution afforded, with ammonio-nitrate of silver, ammonio-
sulphate of copper, sulphuretted hydrogen, and bichromate of
potash, the highly characteristic results produced by arsenious acid.
On heating a small portion of it in a small tube with black flux, a
brilliant ring of metallic arsenic was obtained, with all its distinctive
properties. Heated with dilute hydrochloric acid and a slip of copper
foil, a steel-gray coating was deposited on the copper; and this
coating, by further examination, was proved to be metallic arsenic.
“Another portion of the powder, on being heated with nitric
acid, yielded a substance having the peculiar characters of arsenic
acid. A small portion of the powder was also subjected to what is
commonly known as ‘Marsh’s Proof,’ and metallic arsenic was thus
obtained, with all its peculiar physical and chemical properties.
These results show, unequivocally, that the said white powder was
arsenious acid—that is the preparation of arsenic which is usually
sold in commerce, and administered, or taken as a poison, under the
name of arsenic or oxide of arsenic.
“I then examined the fluid contents of the stomach. After the
usual preparatory operations, it was subjected to the following
processes:—
the request of one of the procurators fiscal of the country.
(1.) Contents of Stomach.
“The liquid measured 8½ ounces. On being allowed to repose, it
deposited a white powder, which was found on examination to
possess the external characters and all the chemical properties
peculiar to arsenious acid, that is, the common white arsenic of the
shops. It consisted of hard, gritty, transparent, colourless crystalline
particles; it was soluble in boiling water, and readily dissolved in a
solution of caustic potash. It was unchanged by sulphide of
ammonium, and volatised when heated on platina foil. Heated in a
tube it gave a sparkling white sublimate, which, under the
microscope, was found to consist of octahedral crystals. Its aqueous
solution afforded, with ammonio-nitrate of silver, ammonio-
sulphate of copper, sulphuretted hydrogen, and bichromate of
potash, the highly characteristic results produced by arsenious acid.
On heating a small portion of it in a small tube with black flux, a
brilliant ring of metallic arsenic was obtained, with all its distinctive
properties. Heated with dilute hydrochloric acid and a slip of copper
foil, a steel-gray coating was deposited on the copper; and this
coating, by further examination, was proved to be metallic arsenic.
“Another portion of the powder, on being heated with nitric
acid, yielded a substance having the peculiar characters of arsenic
acid. A small portion of the powder was also subjected to what is
commonly known as ‘Marsh’s Proof,’ and metallic arsenic was thus
obtained, with all its peculiar physical and chemical properties.
These results show, unequivocally, that the said white powder was
arsenious acid—that is the preparation of arsenic which is usually
sold in commerce, and administered, or taken as a poison, under the
name of arsenic or oxide of arsenic.
“I then examined the fluid contents of the stomach. After the
usual preparatory operations, it was subjected to the following
processes:—
Page 369
“(1.) To a portion of the fluid Reinsch’s process was applied,
and an abundant steel-like coating was obtained on copper foil. On
heating the coated copper in a glass tube, the peculiar odour of
arsenic was distinctly perceptible, and a white crystalline sublimate
was produced, possessing the properties peculiar to arsenious acid.
“(2.) Another portion was distilled, and the distillate subjected to
Marsh’s process. The gas produced by this process had an arsenical
odour, burned with a bluish-white flame, and gave with nitrate of
silver the characteristic reaction of arseniuretted hydrogen. On
holding above the flame a slip of bibulous paper moistened with a
solution of ammonio-nitrate of silver, a yellow colour was
communicated to the paper. A white porcelain capsule depressed
upon the flame was quickly covered with brilliant stains, which on
being tested with the appropriate reagents, were found to be metallic
arsenic. By a modification of Marsh’s apparatus, the gas was
conducted through a heated tube, when a lustrous mirror-like
deposit of arsenic in the metallic state was collected; and this
deposit was afterwards converted into arsenious acid.
“(3.) Through another portion of the fluid a stream of
sulphuretted hydrogen was transmitted, when a bright yellow
precipitate separated, having the chemical properties of trisulphide
of arsenic. It dissolved readily in ammonia; it remained unchanged
in hydrochloric acid; and it gave, on being heated with black flux, a
brilliant ring of metallic arsenic.
“(4.) A fourth portion, being properly acidified with
hydrochloric acid was distilled, and the distillate subjected to
‘Fleitmann’s’ process. For this purpose it was boiled with zinc and a
strong solution of caustic potash. Arseniuretted hydrogen was
disengaged and was recognised by its odour, and its characteristic
action on nitrate of silver.”
(2.) Stomach.
“I examined, in the next place, the stomach itself. It was cut into
small pieces, and boiled for some time in water containing
and an abundant steel-like coating was obtained on copper foil. On
heating the coated copper in a glass tube, the peculiar odour of
arsenic was distinctly perceptible, and a white crystalline sublimate
was produced, possessing the properties peculiar to arsenious acid.
“(2.) Another portion was distilled, and the distillate subjected to
Marsh’s process. The gas produced by this process had an arsenical
odour, burned with a bluish-white flame, and gave with nitrate of
silver the characteristic reaction of arseniuretted hydrogen. On
holding above the flame a slip of bibulous paper moistened with a
solution of ammonio-nitrate of silver, a yellow colour was
communicated to the paper. A white porcelain capsule depressed
upon the flame was quickly covered with brilliant stains, which on
being tested with the appropriate reagents, were found to be metallic
arsenic. By a modification of Marsh’s apparatus, the gas was
conducted through a heated tube, when a lustrous mirror-like
deposit of arsenic in the metallic state was collected; and this
deposit was afterwards converted into arsenious acid.
“(3.) Through another portion of the fluid a stream of
sulphuretted hydrogen was transmitted, when a bright yellow
precipitate separated, having the chemical properties of trisulphide
of arsenic. It dissolved readily in ammonia; it remained unchanged
in hydrochloric acid; and it gave, on being heated with black flux, a
brilliant ring of metallic arsenic.
“(4.) A fourth portion, being properly acidified with
hydrochloric acid was distilled, and the distillate subjected to
‘Fleitmann’s’ process. For this purpose it was boiled with zinc and a
strong solution of caustic potash. Arseniuretted hydrogen was
disengaged and was recognised by its odour, and its characteristic
action on nitrate of silver.”
(2.) Stomach.
“I examined, in the next place, the stomach itself. It was cut into
small pieces, and boiled for some time in water containing
Page 370
hydrochloric acid, and the solution, after being filtered, was
subjected to the same processes as those applied to the contents of
the stomach. The results in every case were precisely similar, and
the presence of a considerable quantity of arsenic was unequivocally
detected.”
(3.) Quantity of Arsenic.
“I made, in the last place, a careful determination of the quantity
of arsenic contained in the stomach and its contents. A stream of
sulphuretted hydrogen gas was transmitted through a known
quantity of the prepared fluid from the said matters, until the whole
of the arsenic was precipitated in the form of trisulphide of arsenic.
This sulphide, after being carefully purified, was collected, dried,
and weighed, and the weight corresponded to a quantity of arsenious
acid (common white arsenic) in the entire stomach and its contents
equal to 82 grains and seven-tenths of a grain, or nearly one-fifth of
an ounce. The accuracy of this result was confirmed by converting
the sulphide of arsenic into arseniate of ammonia and magnesia, and
weighing the product. The quantity here stated is exclusive of the
white powder first examined. The purity of the various materials and
reagents employed in this investigation was most scrupulously
ascertained.”
Conclusions.
“Having considered the results of this investigation, I am clearly
of opinion that they are conclusive in showing (1), That the matters
subjected to examination and analysis contained arsenic, and (2),
That the quantity of arsenic found was considerably more than
sufficient to destroy life.
“All this is true, on soul and conscience.
“Frederick Penny,
“Professor of Chemistry.”
April 6, 1857.
subjected to the same processes as those applied to the contents of
the stomach. The results in every case were precisely similar, and
the presence of a considerable quantity of arsenic was unequivocally
detected.”
(3.) Quantity of Arsenic.
“I made, in the last place, a careful determination of the quantity
of arsenic contained in the stomach and its contents. A stream of
sulphuretted hydrogen gas was transmitted through a known
quantity of the prepared fluid from the said matters, until the whole
of the arsenic was precipitated in the form of trisulphide of arsenic.
This sulphide, after being carefully purified, was collected, dried,
and weighed, and the weight corresponded to a quantity of arsenious
acid (common white arsenic) in the entire stomach and its contents
equal to 82 grains and seven-tenths of a grain, or nearly one-fifth of
an ounce. The accuracy of this result was confirmed by converting
the sulphide of arsenic into arseniate of ammonia and magnesia, and
weighing the product. The quantity here stated is exclusive of the
white powder first examined. The purity of the various materials and
reagents employed in this investigation was most scrupulously
ascertained.”
Conclusions.
“Having considered the results of this investigation, I am clearly
of opinion that they are conclusive in showing (1), That the matters
subjected to examination and analysis contained arsenic, and (2),
That the quantity of arsenic found was considerably more than
sufficient to destroy life.
“All this is true, on soul and conscience.
“Frederick Penny,
“Professor of Chemistry.”
April 6, 1857.
Page 371
Examination resumed.—“It is not easy to give a precise answer
to the question ‘How much arsenic would destroy life?’ Cases are
on record in which life was destroyed by two and four grains; four
or six grains are generally sufficient to destroy life, and the amount
I determined as existing in the stomach was 82 grains. On the 31st
of March I attended the exhumation of M. L’Angelier’s body. I saw
the coffin opened, and the portions of the body removed, which
were carefully preserved, in jars of which I never lost sight, and I
analysed the contents, and prepared the following
Report.
“On Tuesday, 31st March last, I was present at a post-mortem
examination of the body of P. E. L’Angelier, made by Drs. Corbet,
Thomson, and Steven, in a vault in the Ramshorn Church,
Glasgow.
“At my request, portions of the following organs were removed
from the body, and properly preserved for chemical analysis and
examination: (1.) Small intestine and contents; (2.) Large intestine;
(3.) Liver; (4.) Heart; (5.) Lung; (6.) Brain. These articles were
taken direct to the Laboratory of the Andersonian Institution, and
were there delivered to me by the parties named. I have since made
a careful analysis and chemical examination of all the said matters,
with the following results:—
(1.) Small Intestine and Contents.
“The portion of the small intestine contained a turbid and
reddish-coloured fluid, measuring four ounces. On standing for
several hours in a glass vessel, this liquid deposited numerous and
well-defined octahedral crystals, which, being subjected to the
usual chemical processes for the detection of arsenic, were found to
be arsenious acid. Arsenic was also detected in the small intestine.
to the question ‘How much arsenic would destroy life?’ Cases are
on record in which life was destroyed by two and four grains; four
or six grains are generally sufficient to destroy life, and the amount
I determined as existing in the stomach was 82 grains. On the 31st
of March I attended the exhumation of M. L’Angelier’s body. I saw
the coffin opened, and the portions of the body removed, which
were carefully preserved, in jars of which I never lost sight, and I
analysed the contents, and prepared the following
Report.
“On Tuesday, 31st March last, I was present at a post-mortem
examination of the body of P. E. L’Angelier, made by Drs. Corbet,
Thomson, and Steven, in a vault in the Ramshorn Church,
Glasgow.
“At my request, portions of the following organs were removed
from the body, and properly preserved for chemical analysis and
examination: (1.) Small intestine and contents; (2.) Large intestine;
(3.) Liver; (4.) Heart; (5.) Lung; (6.) Brain. These articles were
taken direct to the Laboratory of the Andersonian Institution, and
were there delivered to me by the parties named. I have since made
a careful analysis and chemical examination of all the said matters,
with the following results:—
(1.) Small Intestine and Contents.
“The portion of the small intestine contained a turbid and
reddish-coloured fluid, measuring four ounces. On standing for
several hours in a glass vessel, this liquid deposited numerous and
well-defined octahedral crystals, which, being subjected to the
usual chemical processes for the detection of arsenic, were found to
be arsenious acid. Arsenic was also detected in the small intestine.
Page 372
(2.) Large Intestine.
“This organ yielded arsenic, but in less proportion than in the
small intestine.
(3.) Liver, Brain, and Heart.
“Arsenic was separated from the liver, brain, and heart, but in
much less proportion than from the small and large intestines.
(4.) Lung.
“The lung gave only a slight indication of the presence of
arsenic.
Conclusions.
“(1.) That the body of the deceased contained arsenic.
“(2.) That the arsenic must have been taken by or administered
to him while living.”
The witness then spoke of the examinations he had made into
the arsenic sold by the two chemists, Murdoch and Currie, at
whose shops the prisoner had stated she had purchased it, for the
purposes of a cosmetic. In that sold at Murdoch’s, 91·1 per cent.
was pure white arsenic, and in that from Currie’s, 94·4 per cent.,
and the remainder inorganic matter; in Murdoch’s carbonaceous, in
Currie’s indigo and carbonaceous matter. The quantity of indigo in
this arsenic was extremely small, and capable of being removed by
peculiar and dexterous manipulation, so that the arsenic would
appear white to the unassisted eye. If of this an amount sufficient to
cause death had been given, and prior to death great vomiting had
taken place, the witness would not expect to find any portion of the
“This organ yielded arsenic, but in less proportion than in the
small intestine.
(3.) Liver, Brain, and Heart.
“Arsenic was separated from the liver, brain, and heart, but in
much less proportion than from the small and large intestines.
(4.) Lung.
“The lung gave only a slight indication of the presence of
arsenic.
Conclusions.
“(1.) That the body of the deceased contained arsenic.
“(2.) That the arsenic must have been taken by or administered
to him while living.”
The witness then spoke of the examinations he had made into
the arsenic sold by the two chemists, Murdoch and Currie, at
whose shops the prisoner had stated she had purchased it, for the
purposes of a cosmetic. In that sold at Murdoch’s, 91·1 per cent.
was pure white arsenic, and in that from Currie’s, 94·4 per cent.,
and the remainder inorganic matter; in Murdoch’s carbonaceous, in
Currie’s indigo and carbonaceous matter. The quantity of indigo in
this arsenic was extremely small, and capable of being removed by
peculiar and dexterous manipulation, so that the arsenic would
appear white to the unassisted eye. If of this an amount sufficient to
cause death had been given, and prior to death great vomiting had
taken place, the witness would not expect to find any portion of the
Page 373
indigo: the quantity was so small, that it would not colour wine of
any sort. In the case of Murdoch’s arsenic, however, as it was
mixed with carbonaceous particles, if that had been given and
settled down from the contents of the stomach as in this case, he
should have expected to find such particles—not, however, if it had
been given a month before. Of the twelve bottles and two packages
of medicines, and the cake of chocolate found at L’Angelier’s
lodging, and submitted to him for analysis, none, except a weak
solution of aconite were poisonous, and that was so weak, that had
the whole two ounces in the phial been swallowed, it would not
have destroyed life. Of the use of prussic acid or arsenic as a
cosmetic he had never heard, and believed that both would be
dangerous, and the latter might produce constitutional symptoms of
poisoning. He had heard of its use as a depilatory, but then mixed
with other matters, as lime, and it was not arsenious acid, but
usually the yellow sulphide, that was used for this purpose.
On cross-examination by the Dean of Faculty, the witness said:
—
“In the entire stomach and its contents there was arsenic equal to
82, 7-10th grains, exclusive of the white powder first examined,
which, after being dried, weighed 5, 2-10th grains, and was
arsenious acid. I did not determine the quantity of arsenic in the
liver, heart, or brain, and can give no notion of the quantity that
might be in those organs. In the small intestine it must have been
considerable, because when its contents were allowed to repose
arsenious acid crystallised out of that liquid and deposited
abundantly on the sides of the vessel,—which indicated that the
liquid had as much arsenic as it could hold in solution at that
temperature. I can’t give any idea of the quantity in the small
intestine. It was decidedly appreciable. It would be a mere matter of
guess, and I should not like to guess in so serious a matter. If the
deceased, when attacked by symptoms of arsenical poisoning,
any sort. In the case of Murdoch’s arsenic, however, as it was
mixed with carbonaceous particles, if that had been given and
settled down from the contents of the stomach as in this case, he
should have expected to find such particles—not, however, if it had
been given a month before. Of the twelve bottles and two packages
of medicines, and the cake of chocolate found at L’Angelier’s
lodging, and submitted to him for analysis, none, except a weak
solution of aconite were poisonous, and that was so weak, that had
the whole two ounces in the phial been swallowed, it would not
have destroyed life. Of the use of prussic acid or arsenic as a
cosmetic he had never heard, and believed that both would be
dangerous, and the latter might produce constitutional symptoms of
poisoning. He had heard of its use as a depilatory, but then mixed
with other matters, as lime, and it was not arsenious acid, but
usually the yellow sulphide, that was used for this purpose.
On cross-examination by the Dean of Faculty, the witness said:
—
“In the entire stomach and its contents there was arsenic equal to
82, 7-10th grains, exclusive of the white powder first examined,
which, after being dried, weighed 5, 2-10th grains, and was
arsenious acid. I did not determine the quantity of arsenic in the
liver, heart, or brain, and can give no notion of the quantity that
might be in those organs. In the small intestine it must have been
considerable, because when its contents were allowed to repose
arsenious acid crystallised out of that liquid and deposited
abundantly on the sides of the vessel,—which indicated that the
liquid had as much arsenic as it could hold in solution at that
temperature. I can’t give any idea of the quantity in the small
intestine. It was decidedly appreciable. It would be a mere matter of
guess, and I should not like to guess in so serious a matter. If the
deceased, when attacked by symptoms of arsenical poisoning,
Page 374
vomited often, and in large quantities, it would depend on the mode
of administration whether a quantity would be carried off. If given
in solid food, and in a solid state, a large portion of the arsenic
would be ejected from the stomach if all the food were vomited; but
if the arsenic were stirred up with the liquid, and thereby thrown
into a state of mechanical suspension, I should not expect that so
considerable a portion would be ejected by vomiting. By solid food
I mean bread and the like. In the case of the arsenic being taken in a
fluid, I could not say what proportion might be ejected. I should not
be surprised to find that as much had been ejected as retained.
Judging from what I found in the body, the dose must have been of a
very unusual size. There are cases on record in which large
quantities of arsenic have been found in the stomach and intestines
—larger than in the present. I think there is a case where two
drachms—120 grains—were found. In the cases I refer to the
arsenic was taken voluntarily, with the intention to commit suicide.
It would be very difficult to give a large dose in a liquid. By a large
dose you exclude many vehicles in which arsenic might be
administered. Nothing which I found indicated the time when the
arsenic must have been taken. The ordinary period between the
administration of the poison and the symptoms being manifested is
eight to ten hours in the cases on record: that is the extreme time.
There are some cases in which they show themselves in half an
hour. We have cases in which death resulted in a few hours, and
cases in which death has been delayed two days. As to the arsenic
bought at Currie’s shop, the greater part of the colouring matter
might be removed. If you were to throw water on the arsenic, and
agitate the two together, and after the arsenic has subsided you
throw off the liquor, a portion of the colouring matter is thrown off,
and if you keep the vessel shaken in a particular way you may coax
the greater part of the colouring matter away. Murdoch’s arsenic was
coloured with carbonaceous matter—it had the colour of coal soot. I
cannot tell from examination whether the arsenic found was given
in one dose or in several. It would be very dangerous to use arsenic
externally in any way. There are cases in which it has been rubbed
on the whole skin, and the symptoms of poisoning produced—
of administration whether a quantity would be carried off. If given
in solid food, and in a solid state, a large portion of the arsenic
would be ejected from the stomach if all the food were vomited; but
if the arsenic were stirred up with the liquid, and thereby thrown
into a state of mechanical suspension, I should not expect that so
considerable a portion would be ejected by vomiting. By solid food
I mean bread and the like. In the case of the arsenic being taken in a
fluid, I could not say what proportion might be ejected. I should not
be surprised to find that as much had been ejected as retained.
Judging from what I found in the body, the dose must have been of a
very unusual size. There are cases on record in which large
quantities of arsenic have been found in the stomach and intestines
—larger than in the present. I think there is a case where two
drachms—120 grains—were found. In the cases I refer to the
arsenic was taken voluntarily, with the intention to commit suicide.
It would be very difficult to give a large dose in a liquid. By a large
dose you exclude many vehicles in which arsenic might be
administered. Nothing which I found indicated the time when the
arsenic must have been taken. The ordinary period between the
administration of the poison and the symptoms being manifested is
eight to ten hours in the cases on record: that is the extreme time.
There are some cases in which they show themselves in half an
hour. We have cases in which death resulted in a few hours, and
cases in which death has been delayed two days. As to the arsenic
bought at Currie’s shop, the greater part of the colouring matter
might be removed. If you were to throw water on the arsenic, and
agitate the two together, and after the arsenic has subsided you
throw off the liquor, a portion of the colouring matter is thrown off,
and if you keep the vessel shaken in a particular way you may coax
the greater part of the colouring matter away. Murdoch’s arsenic was
coloured with carbonaceous matter—it had the colour of coal soot. I
cannot tell from examination whether the arsenic found was given
in one dose or in several. It would be very dangerous to use arsenic
externally in any way. There are cases in which it has been rubbed
on the whole skin, and the symptoms of poisoning produced—
Page 375
vomiting, pain, but not death. My impression is, from general
reading, that it produces eruption on the sound skin.[107] If cold
water were used, I should not like to wash in it. I cannot give any
other answer.”
To the Lord Justice Clerk.—“There are cases in which
inflammation of the intestines has been produced by the external
application of arsenic.”
To the Dean.—“Arsenic is an irritant poison; it is absorbed into
the blood, I presume, with great rapidity, and through the blood it
reaches all the organs in which we find it.”
To the Lord Advocate.—“In administering large doses of arsenic
many vehicles are excluded. Cocoa or chocolate is a vehicle in
which a large dose might be given. There is a great difference
between giving rise to suspicion and actual detection. I have found
by actual experiment, that when 30 to 40 grains of arsenic are put
into a cup of warm chocolate, a large portion of the arsenic settles
down in the bottom of the cup, and I think a person drinking such
poisonous chocolate would suspect something when the gritty
particles came into his mouth; but when the same and even a larger
quantity were boiled with the chocolate, instead of being stirred or
mixed, none of it settles down.[108] I could not separate the soot
from Murdoch’s arsenic, but a very large quantity of it might be
separated. Supposing a person subjected to repeated doses of
arsenic, I have no evidence on which to form an opinion whether the
last dose would be more rapidly fatal.”
To the Dean.—“In the case of chocolate being boiled with
arsenic in it, a larger portion dissolves and does not subside. That is
what I find by actual experiment. Coffee or tea could not be made
the vehicle of so large a dose of arsenic.”
To the Lord Justice Clerk.—“The period in which the arsenic
produces its effect varies in different individuals, and according to
the mode of administration. Pain in the stomach is one of the first
symptoms, and vomiting usually accompanies the pain, but it may
reading, that it produces eruption on the sound skin.[107] If cold
water were used, I should not like to wash in it. I cannot give any
other answer.”
To the Lord Justice Clerk.—“There are cases in which
inflammation of the intestines has been produced by the external
application of arsenic.”
To the Dean.—“Arsenic is an irritant poison; it is absorbed into
the blood, I presume, with great rapidity, and through the blood it
reaches all the organs in which we find it.”
To the Lord Advocate.—“In administering large doses of arsenic
many vehicles are excluded. Cocoa or chocolate is a vehicle in
which a large dose might be given. There is a great difference
between giving rise to suspicion and actual detection. I have found
by actual experiment, that when 30 to 40 grains of arsenic are put
into a cup of warm chocolate, a large portion of the arsenic settles
down in the bottom of the cup, and I think a person drinking such
poisonous chocolate would suspect something when the gritty
particles came into his mouth; but when the same and even a larger
quantity were boiled with the chocolate, instead of being stirred or
mixed, none of it settles down.[108] I could not separate the soot
from Murdoch’s arsenic, but a very large quantity of it might be
separated. Supposing a person subjected to repeated doses of
arsenic, I have no evidence on which to form an opinion whether the
last dose would be more rapidly fatal.”
To the Dean.—“In the case of chocolate being boiled with
arsenic in it, a larger portion dissolves and does not subside. That is
what I find by actual experiment. Coffee or tea could not be made
the vehicle of so large a dose of arsenic.”
To the Lord Justice Clerk.—“The period in which the arsenic
produces its effect varies in different individuals, and according to
the mode of administration. Pain in the stomach is one of the first
symptoms, and vomiting usually accompanies the pain, but it may
Page 376
be very severe before the vomiting actually begins. Ten, fifteen, or
twenty grains might be given in coffee.”
Professor Penny, subsequently (on the fourth day), gave the
following account of experiments made by him with arsenic
purchased from Murdoch’s and Currie’s shops:—
“Some of the arsenic I purchased from Murdoch’s, which was
mixed with soot, I gave to a dog, and I had no difficulty in detecting
the soot in the stomach of that dog after death. I administered
arsenic, coloured by myself with indigo, to another dog, and had no
difficulty in detecting the indigo in that case by chemical tests. To
another dog I administered arsenic purchased at Currie’s, which it
will be remembered was mixed with indigo. After death I detected
black particles in the stomach of that dog, but I could not undertake
to identify the arsenic found with the arsenic given: I mean I found
carbonaceous particles, but that I could not undertake to say that
these particles were of themselves sufficient to identify any of the
particular poison administered. But as I administered it myself, it
must have been the same—at least, I know of no other source. I
could detect no arsenic in the brains of the dogs. I found solid
arsenic in the stomach, as well as in the texture of the stomach.”
By the Court.—“Is it the fact that there is less arsenic found in
the brains of animals than of human beings?”
Witness.—“I am not aware. In the one case I detected blue
colouring matter of indigo, in the other carbonaceous particles.”[109]
By the Dean.—“Did you make yourself acquainted with the
nature of the colouring matter of Currie’s arsenic before
administering it to the dog?”
Witness.—“I did.”
The Dean.—“Did the black particles you found correspond to
the constituents of the colouring matter?”
Witness.—“They have a close resemblance to them, both in
physical appearance and in chemical properties.”
twenty grains might be given in coffee.”
Professor Penny, subsequently (on the fourth day), gave the
following account of experiments made by him with arsenic
purchased from Murdoch’s and Currie’s shops:—
“Some of the arsenic I purchased from Murdoch’s, which was
mixed with soot, I gave to a dog, and I had no difficulty in detecting
the soot in the stomach of that dog after death. I administered
arsenic, coloured by myself with indigo, to another dog, and had no
difficulty in detecting the indigo in that case by chemical tests. To
another dog I administered arsenic purchased at Currie’s, which it
will be remembered was mixed with indigo. After death I detected
black particles in the stomach of that dog, but I could not undertake
to identify the arsenic found with the arsenic given: I mean I found
carbonaceous particles, but that I could not undertake to say that
these particles were of themselves sufficient to identify any of the
particular poison administered. But as I administered it myself, it
must have been the same—at least, I know of no other source. I
could detect no arsenic in the brains of the dogs. I found solid
arsenic in the stomach, as well as in the texture of the stomach.”
By the Court.—“Is it the fact that there is less arsenic found in
the brains of animals than of human beings?”
Witness.—“I am not aware. In the one case I detected blue
colouring matter of indigo, in the other carbonaceous particles.”[109]
By the Dean.—“Did you make yourself acquainted with the
nature of the colouring matter of Currie’s arsenic before
administering it to the dog?”
Witness.—“I did.”
The Dean.—“Did the black particles you found correspond to
the constituents of the colouring matter?”
Witness.—“They have a close resemblance to them, both in
physical appearance and in chemical properties.”
Page 377
The Dean.—“Were they not in physical appearance and
chemical properties, identical?”
Witness.—“They were.”
Professor Christison, to whom, on the 11th of May, Dr. Penny
had delivered similar portions of the body to those on which he had
experimented, together with portions of the deposits from the
stomach and intestines, made a chemical analysis of the white
powder, and the fluids obtained from the stomach, and the small
intestine, and of a portion of the liver. As from these he obtained
unequivocal proofs of the presence of arsenic, he did not, at that
time, proceed further. Subsequently, however, on the 28th of May,
he analysed a portion of the great intestine, and was satisfied of the
presence of arsenic; and in a portion of the brain he found “traces
of arsenic, but not satisfactory evidence, which might be owing to
the small quantity of material he had to analyse.”
“The fluid from the stomach,” he said, “appeared to indicate a
considerable quantity in the system—more than sufficient to destroy
life. The symptoms of arsenic poisoning are variable. Sometimes
they pass off quickly, sometimes continue for weeks or months.
When they continue, they are indigestion, loss of strength,
emaciation, sometimes diarrhœa, lassitude of the limbs. If there
appeared erosions with elevated edges in the intestines, I should
have been led to suspect the existence of some affection of the
intestines previous to the final attack. The appearances exhibited by
the post-mortem examination were such as the witness would expect
from arsenic.”
By the Lord Advocate.—“If you had been consulted in a case of
this kind,—that on the 18th or 19th of February a person having
gone out in good health returns, is attacked during the night with
great pain in the bowels, severe vomiting of a green viscous fluid,
accompanied by intense thirst and purging, and after the lapse of
two or three days and partial recovery the patient is again seized
chemical properties, identical?”
Witness.—“They were.”
Professor Christison, to whom, on the 11th of May, Dr. Penny
had delivered similar portions of the body to those on which he had
experimented, together with portions of the deposits from the
stomach and intestines, made a chemical analysis of the white
powder, and the fluids obtained from the stomach, and the small
intestine, and of a portion of the liver. As from these he obtained
unequivocal proofs of the presence of arsenic, he did not, at that
time, proceed further. Subsequently, however, on the 28th of May,
he analysed a portion of the great intestine, and was satisfied of the
presence of arsenic; and in a portion of the brain he found “traces
of arsenic, but not satisfactory evidence, which might be owing to
the small quantity of material he had to analyse.”
“The fluid from the stomach,” he said, “appeared to indicate a
considerable quantity in the system—more than sufficient to destroy
life. The symptoms of arsenic poisoning are variable. Sometimes
they pass off quickly, sometimes continue for weeks or months.
When they continue, they are indigestion, loss of strength,
emaciation, sometimes diarrhœa, lassitude of the limbs. If there
appeared erosions with elevated edges in the intestines, I should
have been led to suspect the existence of some affection of the
intestines previous to the final attack. The appearances exhibited by
the post-mortem examination were such as the witness would expect
from arsenic.”
By the Lord Advocate.—“If you had been consulted in a case of
this kind,—that on the 18th or 19th of February a person having
gone out in good health returns, is attacked during the night with
great pain in the bowels, severe vomiting of a green viscous fluid,
accompanied by intense thirst and purging, and after the lapse of
two or three days and partial recovery the patient is again seized
Page 378
with the same symptoms, though in a somewhat modified form, and
that after the second attack he had continued affected with great
lassitude, change of colour, low pulse, and that after going from
home for ten or fourteen days, had again returned and been attacked
the same night with those symptoms in an aggravated form, and had
died within eight or ten hours of his return, and that on a post-
mortem examination the results were found of which you are aware
in this case:—I wish you to give me your opinion, as a man of
science and skill, what conclusion you would draw as to the cause
of the previous illness and death?”
Witness.—“I could have no doubt that the cause of death was
poisoning by arsenic, and such being the case, I should have
entertained a strong suspicion in regard to his previous illness,
because his death would have prevented me from taking the means
of satisfying my mind on the subject by a careful examination of all
the circumstances.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Are the symptoms consistent with what
you would expect if continuous poisoning was taking place?”
Witness.—“They are those which have occurred in parallel cases
of the administration of doses singly insufficient to cause death.”
Of the samples of Murdoch’s and Currie’s arsenic, which Dr.
Penny had delivered to him, “The former,” he said, “contained the
due proportion of soot; the latter was not coloured with the indigo
prescribed by the Act—was not of a bluish, but greyish black
colour, imperfectly mixed, and easily removeable by washing with
cold water, which cannot easily be done with good indigo. The
proportion was a thirty-sixth, and not a thirty-second, as the Act
directs.”[110]
The cross-examination of this witness was first directed to the
probability of the colouring matter in the arsenic being detected in
the portions of the body analysed.
that after the second attack he had continued affected with great
lassitude, change of colour, low pulse, and that after going from
home for ten or fourteen days, had again returned and been attacked
the same night with those symptoms in an aggravated form, and had
died within eight or ten hours of his return, and that on a post-
mortem examination the results were found of which you are aware
in this case:—I wish you to give me your opinion, as a man of
science and skill, what conclusion you would draw as to the cause
of the previous illness and death?”
Witness.—“I could have no doubt that the cause of death was
poisoning by arsenic, and such being the case, I should have
entertained a strong suspicion in regard to his previous illness,
because his death would have prevented me from taking the means
of satisfying my mind on the subject by a careful examination of all
the circumstances.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Are the symptoms consistent with what
you would expect if continuous poisoning was taking place?”
Witness.—“They are those which have occurred in parallel cases
of the administration of doses singly insufficient to cause death.”
Of the samples of Murdoch’s and Currie’s arsenic, which Dr.
Penny had delivered to him, “The former,” he said, “contained the
due proportion of soot; the latter was not coloured with the indigo
prescribed by the Act—was not of a bluish, but greyish black
colour, imperfectly mixed, and easily removeable by washing with
cold water, which cannot easily be done with good indigo. The
proportion was a thirty-sixth, and not a thirty-second, as the Act
directs.”[110]
The cross-examination of this witness was first directed to the
probability of the colouring matter in the arsenic being detected in
the portions of the body analysed.
Page 379
“My attention,” said Professor Christison, “was not directed to
colouring matter in arsenic. I got only one article in which it might
have been found—the small intestine. The others had been subjected
to a previous analysis. I was not asked to attend to the colouring
matter. I did not see it, and did not search for it. Supposing soot or
indigo to have been given with the arsenic, I think it might have
been found in the intestines by careful examination. I can’t say it
would have been found: many circumstances go to the possibility of
its being found. Many component parts of soot are insoluble: it
might have been removed by frequent vomiting. It is very difficult
to remove soot from arsenic entirely. Indigo would have been found
more easily from the peculiarity of its colour, and the chemical
ingredients are so precise. Currie’s arsenic is not coloured with true
indigo; it is waste indigo, or what has been used by the dyer. I don’t
know how it is prepared. I did not analyse the colouring matter of
Currie’s arsenic. I ascertained it was not the indigo directed by the
Act to be used, and I ascertained the quantity. I separated the
colouring matter from the arsenic, and subjected it to the action of
sulphuric acid. Charcoal (more properly—carbon) is one of the
constituents of good indigo, and necessarily of waste. The chief
constituent of soot is charcoal also.”
The remainder of his cross-examination was directed to the
amount of arsenic found in the stomach, and the symptoms of, and
the period at which the effects are exhibited.
“I was informed by Dr. Penny that he had found more than
eighty grains in the stomach. There was also the white powder in
addition. If there was great vomiting and purging, the quantity of
arsenic administered must have been much greater than that found
in the stomach and intestines. Much would depend whether means
were taken to promote vomiting. If hot and cold water were freely
given, that would facilitate the discharge of the poison. It is
impossible to say the proportion ejected. I think it would be
reasonable to suppose that as much would be vomited as remained:
colouring matter in arsenic. I got only one article in which it might
have been found—the small intestine. The others had been subjected
to a previous analysis. I was not asked to attend to the colouring
matter. I did not see it, and did not search for it. Supposing soot or
indigo to have been given with the arsenic, I think it might have
been found in the intestines by careful examination. I can’t say it
would have been found: many circumstances go to the possibility of
its being found. Many component parts of soot are insoluble: it
might have been removed by frequent vomiting. It is very difficult
to remove soot from arsenic entirely. Indigo would have been found
more easily from the peculiarity of its colour, and the chemical
ingredients are so precise. Currie’s arsenic is not coloured with true
indigo; it is waste indigo, or what has been used by the dyer. I don’t
know how it is prepared. I did not analyse the colouring matter of
Currie’s arsenic. I ascertained it was not the indigo directed by the
Act to be used, and I ascertained the quantity. I separated the
colouring matter from the arsenic, and subjected it to the action of
sulphuric acid. Charcoal (more properly—carbon) is one of the
constituents of good indigo, and necessarily of waste. The chief
constituent of soot is charcoal also.”
The remainder of his cross-examination was directed to the
amount of arsenic found in the stomach, and the symptoms of, and
the period at which the effects are exhibited.
“I was informed by Dr. Penny that he had found more than
eighty grains in the stomach. There was also the white powder in
addition. If there was great vomiting and purging, the quantity of
arsenic administered must have been much greater than that found
in the stomach and intestines. Much would depend whether means
were taken to promote vomiting. If hot and cold water were freely
given, that would facilitate the discharge of the poison. It is
impossible to say the proportion ejected. I think it would be
reasonable to suppose that as much would be vomited as remained:
Page 380
it might, without any extravagant supposition, be taken at four or
five times as much.” Symptoms.—“There was nothing in the
symptoms mentioned in the last illness in this case inconsistent with
death being produced by a single dose of arsenic. The ordinary
symptoms of this kind are not unlike those of malignant cholera. I
think all the symptoms in this case might have occurred from
malignant cholera. If there was a sense of choking and soreness of
the throat, I think these are more symptoms of arsenic. I don’t think
they have occurred in cholera. I think the ulcers in the abdomen
might indicate the previous existence of inflammation in the
duodenum, called duodenitis. It might be a disease that would
present the outward symptoms of bowel complaint or cholera.”
Appearance of effects of arsenic.—“The ordinary time that elapses
between the administration of arsenic and death is from eighteen
hours to two days and a half. The exceptions to this are numerous.
Some of them are very anomalous as to the shortness of the
intervals. The shortest are two and two-and-a-half hours: these have
been ascertained; but it is not always possible to ascertain when it
has been administered. I had a case lately in which it was five hours.
There are also cases in which it was seven and even ten hours. It
does not appear that the size of the dose affects this; it does not
depend upon the amount taken, within certain bounds, of course; but
I speak of the case as arsenic is usually administered. There are a
good many cases of large doses. I think the dose in this case must
have been double, probably more than double, the quantity found in
the stomach. A dose of 220 grains may be considered a large dose. I
can’t say if, in cases of as large a dose as this, they are intentionally
administered: in great proportion of cases of suicide, the dose is
generally found to be large—easily accounted for by the desire to
make certain of death.”
The Dean.—“In a case of murder no such large quantity would
be used? It is in cases of suicide that double-shotted pistols are used
and large doses given.”
Witness.—“But murder, even by injuries, and also by poison, is
very often detected by the size of the dose. In all cases of poisoning
five times as much.” Symptoms.—“There was nothing in the
symptoms mentioned in the last illness in this case inconsistent with
death being produced by a single dose of arsenic. The ordinary
symptoms of this kind are not unlike those of malignant cholera. I
think all the symptoms in this case might have occurred from
malignant cholera. If there was a sense of choking and soreness of
the throat, I think these are more symptoms of arsenic. I don’t think
they have occurred in cholera. I think the ulcers in the abdomen
might indicate the previous existence of inflammation in the
duodenum, called duodenitis. It might be a disease that would
present the outward symptoms of bowel complaint or cholera.”
Appearance of effects of arsenic.—“The ordinary time that elapses
between the administration of arsenic and death is from eighteen
hours to two days and a half. The exceptions to this are numerous.
Some of them are very anomalous as to the shortness of the
intervals. The shortest are two and two-and-a-half hours: these have
been ascertained; but it is not always possible to ascertain when it
has been administered. I had a case lately in which it was five hours.
There are also cases in which it was seven and even ten hours. It
does not appear that the size of the dose affects this; it does not
depend upon the amount taken, within certain bounds, of course; but
I speak of the case as arsenic is usually administered. There are a
good many cases of large doses. I think the dose in this case must
have been double, probably more than double, the quantity found in
the stomach. A dose of 220 grains may be considered a large dose. I
can’t say if, in cases of as large a dose as this, they are intentionally
administered: in great proportion of cases of suicide, the dose is
generally found to be large—easily accounted for by the desire to
make certain of death.”
The Dean.—“In a case of murder no such large quantity would
be used? It is in cases of suicide that double-shotted pistols are used
and large doses given.”
Witness.—“But murder, even by injuries, and also by poison, is
very often detected by the size of the dose. In all cases of poisoning
Page 381
by arsenic there is always more used than is necessary. I cannot
recollect how much has been used, but I know very well that what is
found in the stomach in undoubted cases of poisoning by others has
been considerably larger than what is necessary to cause death:
because the very fact of poison being found in the stomach at all, as
in the case of arsenic, shows that more has been administered than is
necessary, as it is not what is found in the stomach causes death, but
what disappears from the stomach.”
The Dean.—“But do you know any case in which so great a
dose as the present was administered?”
Witness.—“I cannot recollect at the present moment. In cases of
charges of murder by arsenic it is scarcely possible to get any
information as to the actual quantity used.”
The Dean.—“You have information here in this charge of
murder.”
The Witness.—“You have information as to what was in the
stomach.”
The Dean.—“And you are enabled to draw an inference.”
Witness.—“Of course: my inference is drawn by a sort of
probability, but that is not an inference on which I am entitled to
found any positive statement.”
The Dean.—“Well, let me put this question. Did you ever know
any person murdered by arsenic having 88 grains of it found in his
stomach and intestines?”
Witness.—“I don’t recollect at the present moment.”
The Dean.—“Or anything approaching to it?”
Witness.—“I don’t recollect, but I would not rely on my
recollection as to a negative answer.”
The Dean.—“You are not, at all events, able to give an example
the other way.”
Witness.—“Not at present. As far as my own observation goes, I
can say that I never met with 80 grains in the stomach of a person
recollect how much has been used, but I know very well that what is
found in the stomach in undoubted cases of poisoning by others has
been considerably larger than what is necessary to cause death:
because the very fact of poison being found in the stomach at all, as
in the case of arsenic, shows that more has been administered than is
necessary, as it is not what is found in the stomach causes death, but
what disappears from the stomach.”
The Dean.—“But do you know any case in which so great a
dose as the present was administered?”
Witness.—“I cannot recollect at the present moment. In cases of
charges of murder by arsenic it is scarcely possible to get any
information as to the actual quantity used.”
The Dean.—“You have information here in this charge of
murder.”
The Witness.—“You have information as to what was in the
stomach.”
The Dean.—“And you are enabled to draw an inference.”
Witness.—“Of course: my inference is drawn by a sort of
probability, but that is not an inference on which I am entitled to
found any positive statement.”
The Dean.—“Well, let me put this question. Did you ever know
any person murdered by arsenic having 88 grains of it found in his
stomach and intestines?”
Witness.—“I don’t recollect at the present moment.”
The Dean.—“Or anything approaching to it?”
Witness.—“I don’t recollect, but I would not rely on my
recollection as to a negative answer.”
The Dean.—“You are not, at all events, able to give an example
the other way.”
Witness.—“Not at present. As far as my own observation goes, I
can say that I never met with 80 grains in the stomach of a person
Page 382
who had been poisoned by arsenic. I can’t say what is the largest
quantity I have found.”[111]
The Dean.—“If a person designs to poison another the use of a
large quantity of arsenic, greatly exceeding what is necessary, is to
be avoided?”
Witness.—“It is a great error. In some articles of food it is easy
to administer a large quantity of arsenic, and in others it is difficult
to do so. It is very rare for persons to take meals after arsenic has
been administered; but there is a case of a girl who took arsenic at
eleven A.M., and at two P.M. made a pretty good dinner. It was a
French case, and the words as translated are, that she made a very
good dinner, though it was observed she was uneasy previously. The
author who notices that case notices it as a very extraordinary one.
She died in thirteen or fourteen hours after the administration. It was
a rapid case.”
By the Lord Advocate.—“The amount of matter vomited is
sometimes very little; and sometimes very large doses have been
thrown off by vomiting. There is one case in which half an ounce
was taken and no vomiting ensued. I think chocolate and cocoa
would be a vehicle in which a considerable dose might be given.
Active exercise would hasten the effect of arsenic; a long walk
would do so. Exercise accelerates the effects of all poisons except
narcotic. That a man should take poison at the Bridge of Allan,
come to Coatbridge, walk eight miles to Glasgow, and reach that in
good health and spirits, I should think very unlikely. Cases of
protraction for five hours have occurred in persons who had gone to
sleep after taking it. From half an hour to an hour is the usual time
between administration and the symptoms manifesting themselves.
The administration of previous doses predisposes the system to the
effects of poison, and makes its action more rapid and violent. If the
individual had recovered entirely, this would not be so much the
case; but if he still laboured under the derangement of the stomach, I
should look for violent effects.”
quantity I have found.”[111]
The Dean.—“If a person designs to poison another the use of a
large quantity of arsenic, greatly exceeding what is necessary, is to
be avoided?”
Witness.—“It is a great error. In some articles of food it is easy
to administer a large quantity of arsenic, and in others it is difficult
to do so. It is very rare for persons to take meals after arsenic has
been administered; but there is a case of a girl who took arsenic at
eleven A.M., and at two P.M. made a pretty good dinner. It was a
French case, and the words as translated are, that she made a very
good dinner, though it was observed she was uneasy previously. The
author who notices that case notices it as a very extraordinary one.
She died in thirteen or fourteen hours after the administration. It was
a rapid case.”
By the Lord Advocate.—“The amount of matter vomited is
sometimes very little; and sometimes very large doses have been
thrown off by vomiting. There is one case in which half an ounce
was taken and no vomiting ensued. I think chocolate and cocoa
would be a vehicle in which a considerable dose might be given.
Active exercise would hasten the effect of arsenic; a long walk
would do so. Exercise accelerates the effects of all poisons except
narcotic. That a man should take poison at the Bridge of Allan,
come to Coatbridge, walk eight miles to Glasgow, and reach that in
good health and spirits, I should think very unlikely. Cases of
protraction for five hours have occurred in persons who had gone to
sleep after taking it. From half an hour to an hour is the usual time
between administration and the symptoms manifesting themselves.
The administration of previous doses predisposes the system to the
effects of poison, and makes its action more rapid and violent. If the
individual had recovered entirely, this would not be so much the
case; but if he still laboured under the derangement of the stomach, I
should look for violent effects.”
Page 383
On the fifth day Professor Christison was recalled, and gave the
following evidence as to the use of arsenic as a cosmetic, its taste,
and its supposed presence naturally in the bodies of human beings.
By the Lord Advocate.—“With regard to the use of arsenic as a
cosmetic, do you think it possible to use it, by putting it in a basin of
water and washing the face with it?”
Witness.—“It would be very unsafe indeed. I should expect it to
produce inflammation, probably, of the eyes and nostrils, and
perhaps of the mouth. It might get into the mouth, and it would be
very difficult to keep it out of the eyes and nostrils; and if it once
got in, as it is a rather insoluble solid, it would be difficult to wash it
out. A preparation made from common arsenic is sometimes used as
a depilatory. The old name is ‘Arasma Cacoran,’ because it is used
by the Turks. It is essentially a sulphuret of arsenic and a sulphuret
of lime. It is only used for removing hairs from the skin, and not for
the complexion.”
By the Dean.—“The common arsenic of the shops, you say, is
an insoluble solid.”
Witness.—“It is said in general terms to be so. It is sparingly
soluble in cold water. It is not absolutely insoluble, however, in cold
water. About the 500th part might be dissolved in cold water by
violent agitation, and if the arsenic were to be boiled in the first
instance, about a 32nd part would remain in cold water. Cold water
is the worst of all things to hold arsenic in suspension. Only the fine
parts of the powder would be held in suspension. The coarse arsenic
sold in the shops would fall to the bottom.”[112]
The Dean.—“Suppose water were used to wash the face and
hands without drawing up the arsenic from the bottom, you would
not expect any serious consequences to result?”
Witness.—“I can only say, that I should not like to do it myself. I
do not know absolutely what would follow; but, on account of the
risk, any person who would do so would do a very imprudent
thing.”
following evidence as to the use of arsenic as a cosmetic, its taste,
and its supposed presence naturally in the bodies of human beings.
By the Lord Advocate.—“With regard to the use of arsenic as a
cosmetic, do you think it possible to use it, by putting it in a basin of
water and washing the face with it?”
Witness.—“It would be very unsafe indeed. I should expect it to
produce inflammation, probably, of the eyes and nostrils, and
perhaps of the mouth. It might get into the mouth, and it would be
very difficult to keep it out of the eyes and nostrils; and if it once
got in, as it is a rather insoluble solid, it would be difficult to wash it
out. A preparation made from common arsenic is sometimes used as
a depilatory. The old name is ‘Arasma Cacoran,’ because it is used
by the Turks. It is essentially a sulphuret of arsenic and a sulphuret
of lime. It is only used for removing hairs from the skin, and not for
the complexion.”
By the Dean.—“The common arsenic of the shops, you say, is
an insoluble solid.”
Witness.—“It is said in general terms to be so. It is sparingly
soluble in cold water. It is not absolutely insoluble, however, in cold
water. About the 500th part might be dissolved in cold water by
violent agitation, and if the arsenic were to be boiled in the first
instance, about a 32nd part would remain in cold water. Cold water
is the worst of all things to hold arsenic in suspension. Only the fine
parts of the powder would be held in suspension. The coarse arsenic
sold in the shops would fall to the bottom.”[112]
The Dean.—“Suppose water were used to wash the face and
hands without drawing up the arsenic from the bottom, you would
not expect any serious consequences to result?”
Witness.—“I can only say, that I should not like to do it myself. I
do not know absolutely what would follow; but, on account of the
risk, any person who would do so would do a very imprudent
thing.”
Page 384
By the Lord Advocate.—“Arsenic, though strictly heavier than
water, would remain in suspension?”
Witness.—“The finer parts of the powder would, but not long. I
never made any experiment, but should say it would be for a very
short time. I should say, speaking on mere hazard, in the course of
three or four minutes there would be scarcely any of the arsenic
remaining in suspension, and there would only remain what had
dissolved. I am speaking, as I said, without having experimented.”
By the Court.—“Has arsenic any taste?”
Witness.—“Your lordship is aware that there is a great deal of
dispute about that. After the strong affirmative of its having no taste
which I published, a greater authority than I—Professor Orfila of
Paris—still adhered to the description that it had a taste. All I can
say about that is, that experiments were made by myself and two
other medical gentlemen, as far as it was possible to make them
with so dangerous a substance, and we found the taste to be very
slight indeed; if anything it was rather sweetish, but all but
imperceptible.”
To the Court.—“Then there can be no doubt that large quantities
of arsenic have been swallowed repeatedly by persons without
observing?”
Witness.—“The experiments were made by myself and two
other medical gentlemen, and so far as we went we all agreed as to
the result. Professor Orfila maintained that it had a taste, though he
referred to my experiments. But I think I may add, that it has struck
me as very strange, that neither Orfila nor any others who have
doubted these observations of mine on the matter, said that they had
made any experiments themselves. Orfila does not say so. He
merely expresses his belief, notwithstanding what I have stated.”
By the Court.—“If taken in coffee or cream, then, the arsenic,
having, if any, a sweetish taste, would not be perceptible?”
Witness.—“Not at all. I could put that in a clearer point of view
by a preliminary observation, namely, that several persons who have
taken arsenic largely without knowing at the time what they were
water, would remain in suspension?”
Witness.—“The finer parts of the powder would, but not long. I
never made any experiment, but should say it would be for a very
short time. I should say, speaking on mere hazard, in the course of
three or four minutes there would be scarcely any of the arsenic
remaining in suspension, and there would only remain what had
dissolved. I am speaking, as I said, without having experimented.”
By the Court.—“Has arsenic any taste?”
Witness.—“Your lordship is aware that there is a great deal of
dispute about that. After the strong affirmative of its having no taste
which I published, a greater authority than I—Professor Orfila of
Paris—still adhered to the description that it had a taste. All I can
say about that is, that experiments were made by myself and two
other medical gentlemen, as far as it was possible to make them
with so dangerous a substance, and we found the taste to be very
slight indeed; if anything it was rather sweetish, but all but
imperceptible.”
To the Court.—“Then there can be no doubt that large quantities
of arsenic have been swallowed repeatedly by persons without
observing?”
Witness.—“The experiments were made by myself and two
other medical gentlemen, and so far as we went we all agreed as to
the result. Professor Orfila maintained that it had a taste, though he
referred to my experiments. But I think I may add, that it has struck
me as very strange, that neither Orfila nor any others who have
doubted these observations of mine on the matter, said that they had
made any experiments themselves. Orfila does not say so. He
merely expresses his belief, notwithstanding what I have stated.”
By the Court.—“If taken in coffee or cream, then, the arsenic,
having, if any, a sweetish taste, would not be perceptible?”
Witness.—“Not at all. I could put that in a clearer point of view
by a preliminary observation, namely, that several persons who have
taken arsenic largely without knowing at the time what they were
Page 385
taking observed no taste; some observed a sweetish taste, and others
what they called an acrid taste. With regard to acrimony, however,
there were two fallacies. One was that they confounded the
acrimony with the roughness of taste in the mouth, and secondly
with the burning effects slowly developed by the poison
afterwards.”
By the Dean.—“In these cases you have spoken of, in what
medium was the arsenic given?”
Witness.—“Sometimes in simple vehicles, such as coffee and
water, and sometimes in thicker substances, such as soup. I think
there are some instances where some roughness was observed in the
case of porridge, but I cannot speak exactly as to the vehicles. I do
not think the vehicle had much effect on the different tastes. I cannot
state the quantity administered.”
The Dean.—“Are these cases in which you were personally
concerned?”
Witness.—“Strange to say, I have only been personally
concerned in two cases of poisoning by arsenic. I have of course
been often in cases like the present. It only came twice under my
personal observation. It is the opinion of Orfila that the taste of
arsenic is an acrid and not a corrosive taste.”
The Dean.—“Exciting salivation, is it not?”
Witness.—“Yes, that is a pretty correct translation of the French
word. The word acrid is a professional word, but Orfila uses the
word âpre, which rather means rough.”
The Dean.—“Yes, in his 1st vol., p. 377, he uses the word, but at
p. 357 you will find he says the taste is âcre et corrosive.”
Witness.—“I was not aware of that. ‘Notwithstanding the
experiments of Dr. Christison,’ I think he says, ‘the taste of arsenic
is acrid.’ He did not say he made the experiments himself, or give
his authority. Orfila is a high name in the medical world; none
higher of modern date in the department of medico-legal chemistry.”
The Dean.—“Will you tell me the nature of the experiments you
made with the two other medical gentlemen?”
what they called an acrid taste. With regard to acrimony, however,
there were two fallacies. One was that they confounded the
acrimony with the roughness of taste in the mouth, and secondly
with the burning effects slowly developed by the poison
afterwards.”
By the Dean.—“In these cases you have spoken of, in what
medium was the arsenic given?”
Witness.—“Sometimes in simple vehicles, such as coffee and
water, and sometimes in thicker substances, such as soup. I think
there are some instances where some roughness was observed in the
case of porridge, but I cannot speak exactly as to the vehicles. I do
not think the vehicle had much effect on the different tastes. I cannot
state the quantity administered.”
The Dean.—“Are these cases in which you were personally
concerned?”
Witness.—“Strange to say, I have only been personally
concerned in two cases of poisoning by arsenic. I have of course
been often in cases like the present. It only came twice under my
personal observation. It is the opinion of Orfila that the taste of
arsenic is an acrid and not a corrosive taste.”
The Dean.—“Exciting salivation, is it not?”
Witness.—“Yes, that is a pretty correct translation of the French
word. The word acrid is a professional word, but Orfila uses the
word âpre, which rather means rough.”
The Dean.—“Yes, in his 1st vol., p. 377, he uses the word, but at
p. 357 you will find he says the taste is âcre et corrosive.”
Witness.—“I was not aware of that. ‘Notwithstanding the
experiments of Dr. Christison,’ I think he says, ‘the taste of arsenic
is acrid.’ He did not say he made the experiments himself, or give
his authority. Orfila is a high name in the medical world; none
higher of modern date in the department of medico-legal chemistry.”
The Dean.—“Will you tell me the nature of the experiments you
made with the two other medical gentlemen?”
Page 386
Witness.—“We tasted the arsenic both in a solid and a liquid
state, and allowed both kinds to pass as far back along the tongue as
it was possible to do with safety, so as to spit it out afterwards. We
allowed it to remain on the tongue about two minutes, and washed
the mouth carefully.”
The Dean.—“Can you give me any idea how much arsenic there
was in your mouth on that occasion?”
Witness.—“About two grains. One of the gentlemen, the late Dr.
Duncan, kept two grains in his mouth a long time. We allowed it to
remain on the tongue generally two minutes, a time quite sufficient
to ascertain the taste.”
By the Lord Advocate.—“Is it a common thing in cases of this
sort to ascertain the quantity of arsenic?”
Witness.—“No. In the great majority of criminal cases it is not
ascertained within presumption.”
By the Lord Justice Clerk.—“Are you aware that a great chemist
maintained that there was arsenic naturally in the bodies of all
human beings?”
Witness.—“I have heard that; but he afterwards surrendered his
opinion.”
By the Dean.—“There has been a great shifting of opinion
among medical men as to the probable effect of arsenic, has there
not?”
Witness.—“Not during the last 35 years. Prior to that our
information as to the effects of arsenic was very vague.”
By the Dean.—“Was it not generally thought at one time that
there was naturally arsenic in the human stomach?”
Witness.—“It may be so, but it is quite new to me.”
Robert Telfer Corbett, physician in Glasgow, and senior
surgeon in the infirmary, who had assisted at the post-mortem
examination and joined in the report, was called on the fourth day,
and gave the following evidence.
state, and allowed both kinds to pass as far back along the tongue as
it was possible to do with safety, so as to spit it out afterwards. We
allowed it to remain on the tongue about two minutes, and washed
the mouth carefully.”
The Dean.—“Can you give me any idea how much arsenic there
was in your mouth on that occasion?”
Witness.—“About two grains. One of the gentlemen, the late Dr.
Duncan, kept two grains in his mouth a long time. We allowed it to
remain on the tongue generally two minutes, a time quite sufficient
to ascertain the taste.”
By the Lord Advocate.—“Is it a common thing in cases of this
sort to ascertain the quantity of arsenic?”
Witness.—“No. In the great majority of criminal cases it is not
ascertained within presumption.”
By the Lord Justice Clerk.—“Are you aware that a great chemist
maintained that there was arsenic naturally in the bodies of all
human beings?”
Witness.—“I have heard that; but he afterwards surrendered his
opinion.”
By the Dean.—“There has been a great shifting of opinion
among medical men as to the probable effect of arsenic, has there
not?”
Witness.—“Not during the last 35 years. Prior to that our
information as to the effects of arsenic was very vague.”
By the Dean.—“Was it not generally thought at one time that
there was naturally arsenic in the human stomach?”
Witness.—“It may be so, but it is quite new to me.”
Robert Telfer Corbett, physician in Glasgow, and senior
surgeon in the infirmary, who had assisted at the post-mortem
examination and joined in the report, was called on the fourth day,
and gave the following evidence.
Page 387
“So far as he could judge without analysis the deceased had died
from the effect of poison. The morbid appearances presented were
of two kinds—one showing the result of recent action, the other of
action at a period antecedent to it. The last of these appearances
consisted of several ulcers, each about the 1/16th of an inch in
diameter, with elevated edge, on the upper part of the duodenum.
They might have been characteristic of the effect of irritant poison
at the distance of a month, but it is impossible to fix any date. I
think they were such as irritant poison, administered a month
before, would have produced. They were of longer standing than
immediately antecedent to death. In the duodenum and intestines the
body had in colour and otherwise the appearances characteristic of
arsenical poisoning. Inflammation and ulceration are the effect of
inflammation; jaundice, I mean the yellow tinge of the skin, is an
occasional, but not a necessary symptom of death by arsenic, but not
a common one. Extreme thirst is one of the symptoms, and shows
itself very early. It is not characteristic of British cholera in its
earlier stages. The exact time a dose of arsenic takes to exhibit its
symptoms is from a half to one hour—that is the average time.
Longer periods have been known but are very unusual. They depend
more on the mode in which the poison is given, and the state of the
stomach, than on the quantity administered. If a person had been the
subject of repeated doses, the irritability of the stomach would make
it more likely to operate quickly. I have read of cases of murder
where large quantities of arsenic have been found in the stomach. I
can refer to cases in which details were not given, but the quantity
was said to be large.”
The cross-examination of this witness was mainly directed to
his assertion that the yellowness of the skin seen in jaundice, and,
as he added, of the conjunctiva of the eye also, was a known
symptom in arsenical poison, but he admitted that the statement in
Dr. Taylor’s book was his only authority: he only “knew it to be a
secondary symptom from arsenical poisoning in his routine.” He
from the effect of poison. The morbid appearances presented were
of two kinds—one showing the result of recent action, the other of
action at a period antecedent to it. The last of these appearances
consisted of several ulcers, each about the 1/16th of an inch in
diameter, with elevated edge, on the upper part of the duodenum.
They might have been characteristic of the effect of irritant poison
at the distance of a month, but it is impossible to fix any date. I
think they were such as irritant poison, administered a month
before, would have produced. They were of longer standing than
immediately antecedent to death. In the duodenum and intestines the
body had in colour and otherwise the appearances characteristic of
arsenical poisoning. Inflammation and ulceration are the effect of
inflammation; jaundice, I mean the yellow tinge of the skin, is an
occasional, but not a necessary symptom of death by arsenic, but not
a common one. Extreme thirst is one of the symptoms, and shows
itself very early. It is not characteristic of British cholera in its
earlier stages. The exact time a dose of arsenic takes to exhibit its
symptoms is from a half to one hour—that is the average time.
Longer periods have been known but are very unusual. They depend
more on the mode in which the poison is given, and the state of the
stomach, than on the quantity administered. If a person had been the
subject of repeated doses, the irritability of the stomach would make
it more likely to operate quickly. I have read of cases of murder
where large quantities of arsenic have been found in the stomach. I
can refer to cases in which details were not given, but the quantity
was said to be large.”
The cross-examination of this witness was mainly directed to
his assertion that the yellowness of the skin seen in jaundice, and,
as he added, of the conjunctiva of the eye also, was a known
symptom in arsenical poison, but he admitted that the statement in
Dr. Taylor’s book was his only authority: he only “knew it to be a
secondary symptom from arsenical poisoning in his routine.” He
Page 388
admitted also that the ulcers on the duodenum might arise from
some enteric fever, and that any cause of inflammation might
produce them.
On re-examination by the Lord Advocate, he repeated that from
his reading and study he knew jaundice to be an occasional
symptom of arsenical poisoning. To a question whether “in a
person during life who immediately after taking food had been
seized with severe pain and intense thirst, he should think, because
he had a yellow colour, that might not be the effect of arsenical
poisoning?” he replied “that might or might not be,” and “that the
appearance of jaundice would not sway him materially one way or
the other.” This witness, though he had made many post-mortem
examinations, had only once before done so in a case of arsenical
poisoning. With this witness the medical evidence for the
prosecution was closed.
It will be convenient, as in Palmer’s case, to give in this place
the evidence of the medical witnesses, called, at a subsequent
period, for the defence.
MEDICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
Two physicians were called for the prisoner, with the object of
proving (1), that arsenic could be used without danger as a
cosmetic; (2), that the symptoms in L’Angelier’s last illness were
consistent with the suggestion that he died of some form of cholera.
Dr. James A. Lawrie, a physician of Glasgow, many years in
practice, who was first called, said—
“He had taken a quarter or half-an-ounce of arsenic, bought at
Currie’s, and washed his hands freely with it, and on the previous
Saturday had tried the same experiment with a half-an-ounce on his
face, but washed his face afterwards with cold water. The effect was
some enteric fever, and that any cause of inflammation might
produce them.
On re-examination by the Lord Advocate, he repeated that from
his reading and study he knew jaundice to be an occasional
symptom of arsenical poisoning. To a question whether “in a
person during life who immediately after taking food had been
seized with severe pain and intense thirst, he should think, because
he had a yellow colour, that might not be the effect of arsenical
poisoning?” he replied “that might or might not be,” and “that the
appearance of jaundice would not sway him materially one way or
the other.” This witness, though he had made many post-mortem
examinations, had only once before done so in a case of arsenical
poisoning. With this witness the medical evidence for the
prosecution was closed.
It will be convenient, as in Palmer’s case, to give in this place
the evidence of the medical witnesses, called, at a subsequent
period, for the defence.
MEDICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
Two physicians were called for the prisoner, with the object of
proving (1), that arsenic could be used without danger as a
cosmetic; (2), that the symptoms in L’Angelier’s last illness were
consistent with the suggestion that he died of some form of cholera.
Dr. James A. Lawrie, a physician of Glasgow, many years in
practice, who was first called, said—
“He had taken a quarter or half-an-ounce of arsenic, bought at
Currie’s, and washed his hands freely with it, and on the previous
Saturday had tried the same experiment with a half-an-ounce on his
face, but washed his face afterwards with cold water. The effect was
Page 389
the same as using a ball of soap with sand—it softened the skin. He
filled the basin with the usual quantity of water, and mixed the
arsenic with it. It was a practice he should have no fear of repeating,
and would not hesitate in using, if he had a case that required it,
such as vermin on the skin. In consequence of the insolubility of
arsenic, he did not think that increasing the quantity of arsenic
would make any difference in the effect.”
On the second point this witness said:—
“I treated one case of poisoning by arsenic. Some years ago
during the prevalence of cholera, I was asked to see a gentleman
about seven or eight in the evening, and the account was that he had
been ill since three or four in the morning. I found him labouring
under premonitory symptoms of cholera, and I prescribed for him. I
returned about ten, and found the symptoms very much aggravated,
and the vomiting and purging still continued. His voice was not
affected, and the vomiting was not the same as in cholera. It was a
reddish yellowish matter, and I requested it to be set aside. I thought
it was not a case of cholera, and asked him what he had taken. He
said only his ordinary food, wine, &c., but nothing else. The
symptoms went on still further, and I called a consultation of other
medical men. He still said he had taken nothing. I was satisfied from
the aggravation of the symptoms that something else was the matter,
and at last he died about three in the morning. I next day learnt that
he had purchased half-an-ounce of arsenic the day of his death. I
had the vomit and contents of stomach analysed, and discovered
arsenic in great quantities. Extreme thirst, as far as I know, is an
early symptom in poisoning by arsenic—but not equally so in
cholera, it belongs to a later stage in cholera.”
Dr. Douglas Maclagan, of Edinburgh, who had had some
experience in arsenical poisonings, and devoted much of his time to
chemistry, had the same opinion as Dr. Lawrie of the
filled the basin with the usual quantity of water, and mixed the
arsenic with it. It was a practice he should have no fear of repeating,
and would not hesitate in using, if he had a case that required it,
such as vermin on the skin. In consequence of the insolubility of
arsenic, he did not think that increasing the quantity of arsenic
would make any difference in the effect.”
On the second point this witness said:—
“I treated one case of poisoning by arsenic. Some years ago
during the prevalence of cholera, I was asked to see a gentleman
about seven or eight in the evening, and the account was that he had
been ill since three or four in the morning. I found him labouring
under premonitory symptoms of cholera, and I prescribed for him. I
returned about ten, and found the symptoms very much aggravated,
and the vomiting and purging still continued. His voice was not
affected, and the vomiting was not the same as in cholera. It was a
reddish yellowish matter, and I requested it to be set aside. I thought
it was not a case of cholera, and asked him what he had taken. He
said only his ordinary food, wine, &c., but nothing else. The
symptoms went on still further, and I called a consultation of other
medical men. He still said he had taken nothing. I was satisfied from
the aggravation of the symptoms that something else was the matter,
and at last he died about three in the morning. I next day learnt that
he had purchased half-an-ounce of arsenic the day of his death. I
had the vomit and contents of stomach analysed, and discovered
arsenic in great quantities. Extreme thirst, as far as I know, is an
early symptom in poisoning by arsenic—but not equally so in
cholera, it belongs to a later stage in cholera.”
Dr. Douglas Maclagan, of Edinburgh, who had had some
experience in arsenical poisonings, and devoted much of his time to
chemistry, had the same opinion as Dr. Lawrie of the
Page 390
innocuousness of arsenic as a cosmetic (mainly from its
insolubility).
“Unless there was some ulceration or abrasion of the skin, or it
was kept long in contact with it. In warm water it would dissolve to
a greater extent than in cold—in which some such proportion as
only one 400th part would dissolve, and if you required to dissolve
any great quantity it must, according to Dr. Taylor, be boiled
violently for half-an-hour, and then it retains about 1-40th of its
weight after the water cools.”
The Dean.—“Will the presence of organic matter in a fluid
interfere with its solvent power upon arsenic?”
Witness.—“As a rule, it generally will. There does not appear to
be any difference between tea, coffee, or water when poured upon
arsenic. They dissolve but a very small quantity, I do not know how
you can determine whether cocoa or chocolate is a sufficient solvent
or not. You cannot filter them so as to determine the quantity. There
is a great deal of organic matter in the ordinary chocolate or cocoa,
it ought to be entirely organic matter, except so far as it is water.”
(The Witness then gave an account of a case of a girl whom he
attended, who took arsenic by accident, mistaking it for an
effervescing powder.) “We all know the ordinary symptoms of
arsenical poisoning. Most of them are very similar to, almost
identical with, the symptoms of cholera. In the case of slight
quantities of arsenic, it would appear that the symptoms very closely
resemble those of what are called bilious or British cholera. In fatal
cases they are more like malignant or Asiatic cholera.”
The Dean.—“Can you diagnose a case of arsenical poisoning by
the symptoms?”
Witness.—“I believe you may. In the first place the vomiting
would be bloody, from the violent irritation and the pouring out of a
bloody mucus into the stomach—after that has been emptied of all
its contents. I suppose there would be more affections of some of
the mucous membranes, an unaccountable occurrence of an
extensive inflammatory redness about the eyes, and the occurrence
insolubility).
“Unless there was some ulceration or abrasion of the skin, or it
was kept long in contact with it. In warm water it would dissolve to
a greater extent than in cold—in which some such proportion as
only one 400th part would dissolve, and if you required to dissolve
any great quantity it must, according to Dr. Taylor, be boiled
violently for half-an-hour, and then it retains about 1-40th of its
weight after the water cools.”
The Dean.—“Will the presence of organic matter in a fluid
interfere with its solvent power upon arsenic?”
Witness.—“As a rule, it generally will. There does not appear to
be any difference between tea, coffee, or water when poured upon
arsenic. They dissolve but a very small quantity, I do not know how
you can determine whether cocoa or chocolate is a sufficient solvent
or not. You cannot filter them so as to determine the quantity. There
is a great deal of organic matter in the ordinary chocolate or cocoa,
it ought to be entirely organic matter, except so far as it is water.”
(The Witness then gave an account of a case of a girl whom he
attended, who took arsenic by accident, mistaking it for an
effervescing powder.) “We all know the ordinary symptoms of
arsenical poisoning. Most of them are very similar to, almost
identical with, the symptoms of cholera. In the case of slight
quantities of arsenic, it would appear that the symptoms very closely
resemble those of what are called bilious or British cholera. In fatal
cases they are more like malignant or Asiatic cholera.”
The Dean.—“Can you diagnose a case of arsenical poisoning by
the symptoms?”
Witness.—“I believe you may. In the first place the vomiting
would be bloody, from the violent irritation and the pouring out of a
bloody mucus into the stomach—after that has been emptied of all
its contents. I suppose there would be more affections of some of
the mucous membranes, an unaccountable occurrence of an
extensive inflammatory redness about the eyes, and the occurrence
Page 391
of nervous symptoms, such, for instance, as paralysis of the limbs.
But these are not necessary symptoms. A person may be suffering
from the effects of arsenic without these being produced if the
quantity is small.”
The Dean.—“You never saw jaundice as a symptom of arsenical
poisoning?”
Witness.—“I am not entitled to speak on my own experience, as
I never saw it. There is a single line in Taylor’s book, which says,
that it has been observed, and which refers to the remarks of Dr.
Marshall on Turner’s case.” (Extract read.)
The Dean.—“Is that a description of jaundice?”
Witness.—“It is a description of at least one symptom of
jaundice, yellowness of the skin; but it is rather strange that it does
not mention the most common of all signs of jaundice, yellowness
of the eyes. One looks to the eye first in a case of jaundice, because
you see it best there.”
The Dean.—“Do you think that a sensation of choking and a
feeling of irritation of the throat are symptoms of arsenical
poisoning?”
Witness.—“Certainly.”
The Dean.—“Would that occur in a case of British cholera?”
Witness.—“I have seen persons who are affected with choleraic
symptoms complaining of being sore about the throat, but it is
generally the soreness arising from what they first vomit, and after
that it is the muscular soreness.”
Cross-examined by the Lord Advocate.—“What is it that causes
the yellow outline of the eyes and skin?”
Witness.—“The absorption of the choleraic matter into the
blood.”
Lord Advocate.—“I presume there is nothing in a case of
arsenical poisoning that produces that?”
Witness.—“It is certainly very remarkable that we have so many
cases of arsenical poisoning where the jaundice shows itself: we
have eruption of those same parts of the duodenum according with
But these are not necessary symptoms. A person may be suffering
from the effects of arsenic without these being produced if the
quantity is small.”
The Dean.—“You never saw jaundice as a symptom of arsenical
poisoning?”
Witness.—“I am not entitled to speak on my own experience, as
I never saw it. There is a single line in Taylor’s book, which says,
that it has been observed, and which refers to the remarks of Dr.
Marshall on Turner’s case.” (Extract read.)
The Dean.—“Is that a description of jaundice?”
Witness.—“It is a description of at least one symptom of
jaundice, yellowness of the skin; but it is rather strange that it does
not mention the most common of all signs of jaundice, yellowness
of the eyes. One looks to the eye first in a case of jaundice, because
you see it best there.”
The Dean.—“Do you think that a sensation of choking and a
feeling of irritation of the throat are symptoms of arsenical
poisoning?”
Witness.—“Certainly.”
The Dean.—“Would that occur in a case of British cholera?”
Witness.—“I have seen persons who are affected with choleraic
symptoms complaining of being sore about the throat, but it is
generally the soreness arising from what they first vomit, and after
that it is the muscular soreness.”
Cross-examined by the Lord Advocate.—“What is it that causes
the yellow outline of the eyes and skin?”
Witness.—“The absorption of the choleraic matter into the
blood.”
Lord Advocate.—“I presume there is nothing in a case of
arsenical poisoning that produces that?”
Witness.—“It is certainly very remarkable that we have so many
cases of arsenical poisoning where the jaundice shows itself: we
have eruption of those same parts of the duodenum according with
Page 392
arsenical poisoning. I am not so certain that jaundice is a symptom
of arsenical poisoning.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“But if you saw the appearance of the
eye was much darker than usual, would that lead you to think there
might be jaundice?”
Witness.—“Oh, certainly.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“I knew a case of apparent jaundice
arising from a cake of yellow soap.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Suppose you were told that in a case the
body after death had a yellow appearance, and it was found to be the
effect of arsenical poisoning, would you not be surprised at that?”
Witness.—“No, not at the yellowish aspect of the skin, but I
would not expect that there would be marked jaundice.”
The Lord Advocate.—“And if you found any symptom of that
kind, where repeated doses of poison had been taken during the
period from the time when the patient took ill, what would you
say?”
Witness.—“If such a case did occur, I should say that there
would be some connection between the cause of death and the
occurrence of the jaundice.”
Lord Advocate.—“In regard to the vomiting, is there not a great
difference in different kinds of arsenical poisoning?”
Witness.—“Generally the vomiting is severe.”
Lord Advocate.—“You state that the presence of organic matter
detracts from the power of holding arsenic in solution: would you
say the same as to holding it in suspension?”
Witness.—“Certainly not.”
Lord Advocate.—“Is great thirst a symptom of arsenic?”
Witness.—“Generally it is, and generally an early and persistent
symptom.”
Lord Advocate.—“Is it so in cholera?”
Witness.—“I should say that I have seen thirst very early in
cholera. I think it is usually so. I do not know any injurious effect
of arsenical poisoning.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“But if you saw the appearance of the
eye was much darker than usual, would that lead you to think there
might be jaundice?”
Witness.—“Oh, certainly.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“I knew a case of apparent jaundice
arising from a cake of yellow soap.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Suppose you were told that in a case the
body after death had a yellow appearance, and it was found to be the
effect of arsenical poisoning, would you not be surprised at that?”
Witness.—“No, not at the yellowish aspect of the skin, but I
would not expect that there would be marked jaundice.”
The Lord Advocate.—“And if you found any symptom of that
kind, where repeated doses of poison had been taken during the
period from the time when the patient took ill, what would you
say?”
Witness.—“If such a case did occur, I should say that there
would be some connection between the cause of death and the
occurrence of the jaundice.”
Lord Advocate.—“In regard to the vomiting, is there not a great
difference in different kinds of arsenical poisoning?”
Witness.—“Generally the vomiting is severe.”
Lord Advocate.—“You state that the presence of organic matter
detracts from the power of holding arsenic in solution: would you
say the same as to holding it in suspension?”
Witness.—“Certainly not.”
Lord Advocate.—“Is great thirst a symptom of arsenic?”
Witness.—“Generally it is, and generally an early and persistent
symptom.”
Lord Advocate.—“Is it so in cholera?”
Witness.—“I should say that I have seen thirst very early in
cholera. I think it is usually so. I do not know any injurious effect
Page 393
that would result if the face were washed with water containing
arsenic, if you kept your mouth and eyes shut, but I do not
recommend it.”
To the Dean.—“I cannot say how much arsenic would be held in
suspension by an ordinary cupful of chocolate and cocoa. It must
depend upon the kind of chocolate. Cocoa in this country is
generally thin, but chocolate in France is generally as thick as
porridge. It is not so in this country.”
EVIDENCE OF THE OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE
ADMINISTRATION OF POISON.
On the first charge, that of administering poison on the 19th or
20th of February, it was urged on the jury that there was no reliable
evidence that the lovers had met on either of these days, that
Madeline Smith had at that time poison in her possession, or that
the illness which L’Angelier was supposed to have had at that time
showed arsenical symptoms. On the 17th of February L’Angelier
told Miss Perry, the confidante of their loves, that he expected to
meet Madeline on the 19th, and, from some other circumstances—
what they were is not stated—when on the 2nd of March he told
her how ill he had been, falling on the floor of his room, she said
that “she knew that he referred to the 19th of February.” Mrs.
Jenkins, however, could not fix the date of this attack: it might have
been eight or ten days before the second illness (February 23), and,
like his illness in January, she believed it to be due to bile, the
symptoms being something the same as her own but more violent,
on both occasions accompanied by a good deal of purging and
vomiting. From Dr. Thomson’s evidence, however, it appears that
his first illness in that year, which Dr. Thomson places on the 3rd of
February, was due to a cold, with cough and boils, for which he
prescribed. The only attempt that Miss Smith made to purchase
arsenic, if you kept your mouth and eyes shut, but I do not
recommend it.”
To the Dean.—“I cannot say how much arsenic would be held in
suspension by an ordinary cupful of chocolate and cocoa. It must
depend upon the kind of chocolate. Cocoa in this country is
generally thin, but chocolate in France is generally as thick as
porridge. It is not so in this country.”
EVIDENCE OF THE OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE
ADMINISTRATION OF POISON.
On the first charge, that of administering poison on the 19th or
20th of February, it was urged on the jury that there was no reliable
evidence that the lovers had met on either of these days, that
Madeline Smith had at that time poison in her possession, or that
the illness which L’Angelier was supposed to have had at that time
showed arsenical symptoms. On the 17th of February L’Angelier
told Miss Perry, the confidante of their loves, that he expected to
meet Madeline on the 19th, and, from some other circumstances—
what they were is not stated—when on the 2nd of March he told
her how ill he had been, falling on the floor of his room, she said
that “she knew that he referred to the 19th of February.” Mrs.
Jenkins, however, could not fix the date of this attack: it might have
been eight or ten days before the second illness (February 23), and,
like his illness in January, she believed it to be due to bile, the
symptoms being something the same as her own but more violent,
on both occasions accompanied by a good deal of purging and
vomiting. From Dr. Thomson’s evidence, however, it appears that
his first illness in that year, which Dr. Thomson places on the 3rd of
February, was due to a cold, with cough and boils, for which he
prescribed. The only attempt that Miss Smith made to purchase
Page 394
poison before that date was that of sending the page boy to Dr.
Yeaman’s to buy some prussic acid, which the doctor refused to sell
to her. The Lord Advocate admitted that he could not prove that she
had arsenic in her possession before that illness. “It would not do,”
said the Lord Justice Clerk in his charge, “to infer, from her having
arsenic afterwards, that she had it also on the first occasion.”[113]
On the second charge, that of administering poison on the 22nd
or 23rd of February, the following evidence was offered. On the
21st of February Miss Smith openly purchased an ounce and a half
of arsenic of the chemist Murdoch, ostensibly for the purpose—a
false one, as the evidence proved—of killing rats at her father’s
country house. It was mixed with soot, of which she some days
afterwards spoke to the chemist, saying she thought arsenic was
white. If, therefore, the lovers met on the 22nd, or 23rd, she had
poison in her possession. Whether L’Angelier went out on the night
of the 22nd, his landlady could not say:[114] she did not hear him
come in, but, when she went into his room early the next morning,
she found him suffering from his second attack of illness for which
Dr. Thomson attended him, and from which he recovered in about
eight days. That the symptoms were those of arsenical poisoning
was hardly to be doubted, and though Dr. Thomson at the time
attributed them to billious derangement, he said, that, “had he
known that L’Angelier had taken an irritant poison, those were the
symptoms he should expect to follow.” The evidence that the lovers
had met on the night of the 22nd, or morning of the 23rd, rested on
a letter, which not only did not bear any date or day of the week,
but the post-mark on which was so obliterated that the post-office
official could not fix any date, though he thought he could see the
“M” of March on the stamp, which counsel on both sides agreed in
considering an error. In that letter Miss Smith wrote: “I am so sorry
to hear you are ill. I hope to God you will soon be better—— you
Yeaman’s to buy some prussic acid, which the doctor refused to sell
to her. The Lord Advocate admitted that he could not prove that she
had arsenic in her possession before that illness. “It would not do,”
said the Lord Justice Clerk in his charge, “to infer, from her having
arsenic afterwards, that she had it also on the first occasion.”[113]
On the second charge, that of administering poison on the 22nd
or 23rd of February, the following evidence was offered. On the
21st of February Miss Smith openly purchased an ounce and a half
of arsenic of the chemist Murdoch, ostensibly for the purpose—a
false one, as the evidence proved—of killing rats at her father’s
country house. It was mixed with soot, of which she some days
afterwards spoke to the chemist, saying she thought arsenic was
white. If, therefore, the lovers met on the 22nd, or 23rd, she had
poison in her possession. Whether L’Angelier went out on the night
of the 22nd, his landlady could not say:[114] she did not hear him
come in, but, when she went into his room early the next morning,
she found him suffering from his second attack of illness for which
Dr. Thomson attended him, and from which he recovered in about
eight days. That the symptoms were those of arsenical poisoning
was hardly to be doubted, and though Dr. Thomson at the time
attributed them to billious derangement, he said, that, “had he
known that L’Angelier had taken an irritant poison, those were the
symptoms he should expect to follow.” The evidence that the lovers
had met on the night of the 22nd, or morning of the 23rd, rested on
a letter, which not only did not bear any date or day of the week,
but the post-mark on which was so obliterated that the post-office
official could not fix any date, though he thought he could see the
“M” of March on the stamp, which counsel on both sides agreed in
considering an error. In that letter Miss Smith wrote: “I am so sorry
to hear you are ill. I hope to God you will soon be better—— you
Page 395
did look bad on Sunday night and Monday morning. I think you got
sick with walking home so late, and the long want of food; so, next
time we meet, I shall make you eat a loaf of bread before you go.”
This letter the Lord Advocate assumed to be written on Wednesday,
the 25th of February, and to refer to the meeting on the night of the
22nd and morning of the 23rd. To Miss Perry, on the 9th of March,
L’Angelier spoke of having had a cup of coffee and chocolate from
Miss Smith, which Miss Perry understood to refer to two
occasions, and added, “I can’t think why I was so unwell after
getting that coffee and chocolate from her.” “It ought not to be
forgotten,” said the Lord Justice Clerk, “that the contents of the
stomach on these two illnesses had not been examined, and
therefore it was merely an inference that they were caused by
arsenic—an inference drawn from the fact that on the 22nd of
March he died from that poison.” With reference to the purchase of
arsenic, the learned Judge added: “He attached little importance to
the statements of the druggists as to what was said by the prisoner
about rats; without stating some such objects she would not have
got it at all; and it was not to be supposed, if she had wanted it as a
cosmetic, that she would tell the druggist. Did she see the deceased
on the Sunday night, before the arsenic was administered? Mrs.
Jenkins did not see him go out of the house that night, and he asked
the jury to consider whether there was, on the whole, apart from the
correspondence, evidence that they had met together that night? If
there was no proof that the administration took place on the 22nd
of February, then there was great force in the observation that the
foundation of the case for the prosecution had been shaken.”
On the third charge—that of poisoning on the 22nd or 23rd of
March, the following facts were proved. On his return to work,
after his second illness, L’Angelier was so altered in health, his
complexion wan, with a dark, hectic spot on each cheek, that leave
sick with walking home so late, and the long want of food; so, next
time we meet, I shall make you eat a loaf of bread before you go.”
This letter the Lord Advocate assumed to be written on Wednesday,
the 25th of February, and to refer to the meeting on the night of the
22nd and morning of the 23rd. To Miss Perry, on the 9th of March,
L’Angelier spoke of having had a cup of coffee and chocolate from
Miss Smith, which Miss Perry understood to refer to two
occasions, and added, “I can’t think why I was so unwell after
getting that coffee and chocolate from her.” “It ought not to be
forgotten,” said the Lord Justice Clerk, “that the contents of the
stomach on these two illnesses had not been examined, and
therefore it was merely an inference that they were caused by
arsenic—an inference drawn from the fact that on the 22nd of
March he died from that poison.” With reference to the purchase of
arsenic, the learned Judge added: “He attached little importance to
the statements of the druggists as to what was said by the prisoner
about rats; without stating some such objects she would not have
got it at all; and it was not to be supposed, if she had wanted it as a
cosmetic, that she would tell the druggist. Did she see the deceased
on the Sunday night, before the arsenic was administered? Mrs.
Jenkins did not see him go out of the house that night, and he asked
the jury to consider whether there was, on the whole, apart from the
correspondence, evidence that they had met together that night? If
there was no proof that the administration took place on the 22nd
of February, then there was great force in the observation that the
foundation of the case for the prosecution had been shaken.”
On the third charge—that of poisoning on the 22nd or 23rd of
March, the following facts were proved. On his return to work,
after his second illness, L’Angelier was so altered in health, his
complexion wan, with a dark, hectic spot on each cheek, that leave
Page 396
of absence was given to him, for the first time since he had been in
this employ. Miss Smith had advised him to take rest and change,
and L’Angelier had apparently told her that he should go to the
Bridge of Allan. On the third of March, however, Miss Smith
writes that her family are going to the same place, and the next day
suggests that he should go to the South of England. On the 5th of
March he writes her a painfully earnest letter on the reports about
her intended marriage with Mr. Minnoch, concluding: “Mind, I
insist on having an explicit answer to the question you evaded in
my last.” Next day the prisoner purchases another sixpenny-worth
of arsenic, not again of Murdoch, but of Currie, and this time the
excuse is that the house in Blythswood Square is so overrun with
rats, that it is to be shut up and the servants sent away till the
vermin is eradicated. This again was pure invention on her part.
The family went to the Bridge of Allan, whence on Tuesday, the
10th of March, the prisoner wrote to L’Angelier that they would be
home again in Glasgow on the next Monday or Tuesday, when she
would write to arrange an interview, adding, “I long to see you, to
kiss and embrace you, my only sweet love.” Before this the
Minnoch marriage had been arranged, and the day talked about, if
not definitively fixed. Again on the 13th she wrote him: “I think we
shall be home on Tuesday, so I shall let you know, my own beloved
sweet pet, when we shall have a dear, sweet interview; when I may
be pressed to your heart, and kissed by you, my own sweet love. A
fond, tender embrace; a kiss, sweet love! I hope you will enjoy
your visit here.” It had been previously arranged between them that
L’Angelier should not come to the Bridge of Allan until her family
had left.
During this visit of the Smiths to the Bridge of Allan,
L’Angelier was taking his leave of absence. On the 6th of March he
left for Edinburgh, and returned to Glasgow on the 17th, and,
this employ. Miss Smith had advised him to take rest and change,
and L’Angelier had apparently told her that he should go to the
Bridge of Allan. On the third of March, however, Miss Smith
writes that her family are going to the same place, and the next day
suggests that he should go to the South of England. On the 5th of
March he writes her a painfully earnest letter on the reports about
her intended marriage with Mr. Minnoch, concluding: “Mind, I
insist on having an explicit answer to the question you evaded in
my last.” Next day the prisoner purchases another sixpenny-worth
of arsenic, not again of Murdoch, but of Currie, and this time the
excuse is that the house in Blythswood Square is so overrun with
rats, that it is to be shut up and the servants sent away till the
vermin is eradicated. This again was pure invention on her part.
The family went to the Bridge of Allan, whence on Tuesday, the
10th of March, the prisoner wrote to L’Angelier that they would be
home again in Glasgow on the next Monday or Tuesday, when she
would write to arrange an interview, adding, “I long to see you, to
kiss and embrace you, my only sweet love.” Before this the
Minnoch marriage had been arranged, and the day talked about, if
not definitively fixed. Again on the 13th she wrote him: “I think we
shall be home on Tuesday, so I shall let you know, my own beloved
sweet pet, when we shall have a dear, sweet interview; when I may
be pressed to your heart, and kissed by you, my own sweet love. A
fond, tender embrace; a kiss, sweet love! I hope you will enjoy
your visit here.” It had been previously arranged between them that
L’Angelier should not come to the Bridge of Allan until her family
had left.
During this visit of the Smiths to the Bridge of Allan,
L’Angelier was taking his leave of absence. On the 6th of March he
left for Edinburgh, and returned to Glasgow on the 17th, and,
Page 397
finding no letter for him, stayed at home all the next day waiting
for it. On the 19th he left for the Bridge of Allan, where he was to
stay for a week, his friend Thuau undertaking to forward his letters.
On the 19th, after he had left, a letter came, and Thuau forwarded it
that night, and it reached Stirling at nine the next morning. That
letter was not to be found. In his tourist’s bag, however, the
envelope of it was discovered, and, from a letter which he wrote to
Miss Perry on the 20th, in which he said, “I should have come to
see some one last night, but the letter was too late,” it may be fairly
assumed that it contained the wished for appointment for the
Thursday night. On the 18th the prisoner bought her third packet of
arsenic at Currie’s. Several dead rats, she said, had been found, and
it was feared some large ones still remained. This time she had a
female companion with her, and, as she had to Murdoch expressed
her surprise at the arsenic she had previously purchased not being
white, she again used the same expression at Currie’s. This arsenic
was coloured with indigo. On the 21st the last of the long series of
letters reached L’Angelier’s lodgings, and was forwarded at once
by Thuau. “Why, my beloved, did you not come to me?” she wrote.
“Oh, my beloved, are you ill? Come to me. Sweet one, I waited and
waited for you, but you came not. I shall wait again to-morrow
night—same hour and arrangement.” That letter, which was found
in his pocket, was received by him after nine on Sunday morning.
He left the Bridge of Allan shortly after evening service began, and
was at his lodgings by eight o’clock that evening. To accomplish
this L’Angelier had walked to Stirling, taken the train from there to
Coatbridge, where a Mr. Ross found him, and, after some
refreshment at the station, walked with him to Glasgow, apparently
quite well, and walking briskly.[115] When he arrived at his lodgings
he appeared greatly improved in health since he left on the previous
Thursday, was in high spirits, and said that the letter had brought
for it. On the 19th he left for the Bridge of Allan, where he was to
stay for a week, his friend Thuau undertaking to forward his letters.
On the 19th, after he had left, a letter came, and Thuau forwarded it
that night, and it reached Stirling at nine the next morning. That
letter was not to be found. In his tourist’s bag, however, the
envelope of it was discovered, and, from a letter which he wrote to
Miss Perry on the 20th, in which he said, “I should have come to
see some one last night, but the letter was too late,” it may be fairly
assumed that it contained the wished for appointment for the
Thursday night. On the 18th the prisoner bought her third packet of
arsenic at Currie’s. Several dead rats, she said, had been found, and
it was feared some large ones still remained. This time she had a
female companion with her, and, as she had to Murdoch expressed
her surprise at the arsenic she had previously purchased not being
white, she again used the same expression at Currie’s. This arsenic
was coloured with indigo. On the 21st the last of the long series of
letters reached L’Angelier’s lodgings, and was forwarded at once
by Thuau. “Why, my beloved, did you not come to me?” she wrote.
“Oh, my beloved, are you ill? Come to me. Sweet one, I waited and
waited for you, but you came not. I shall wait again to-morrow
night—same hour and arrangement.” That letter, which was found
in his pocket, was received by him after nine on Sunday morning.
He left the Bridge of Allan shortly after evening service began, and
was at his lodgings by eight o’clock that evening. To accomplish
this L’Angelier had walked to Stirling, taken the train from there to
Coatbridge, where a Mr. Ross found him, and, after some
refreshment at the station, walked with him to Glasgow, apparently
quite well, and walking briskly.[115] When he arrived at his lodgings
he appeared greatly improved in health since he left on the previous
Thursday, was in high spirits, and said that the letter had brought
Page 398
him back. He left his lodgings about nine o’clock, is seen soon
after sauntering in the direction of Blythswood Square, but not near
the Smiths’ house, as it was the hour there for family prayers. To
wile away the time he calls on a Mr. M’Alister, who is not at home,
and from that time till he came back to his lodgings, after midnight,
all trace of him is lost. At two o’clock the next morning the door-
bell rang violently; his landlady went down, and found L’Angelier
at the door, standing with his arms across his stomach. He was
suffering from his fatal illness, already too bad to be able to use his
pass key. How that attack progressed, and what its symptoms were,
and what was the result of the post-mortem and analytical
examinations, has already been reported.
“Here,” said the learned Judge, “the proof stops. And,
supposing you are quite satisfied that the letter brought him to
Glasgow,[116] are you in a condition to say, with satisfaction to your
own consciences, that, as an inevitable and just result of that, you
can find it proved that they met that night?[117] That is the point in
the case. That you may have the strongest moral suspicion that they
met—that you may believe that he was able, after all their
clandestine correspondence, to obtain the means of an interview,
especially as she complained of his not coming on the Thursday,
said she would wait again to-morrow night, same hour and place,
and talked of wishing to clasp him to her bosom—that you may
suppose it likely that, although he failed to keep his appointment on
Saturday, she would be waiting on Sunday, which was by no means
an uncommon evening for their appointment—all that may be very
true, and probably you will think so; but remember you are trying
this case upon evidence that must be satisfactory, complete, and
distinct.
“A jury may safely infer certain facts from the correspondence.
They may even safely infer that meetings took place, when they
after sauntering in the direction of Blythswood Square, but not near
the Smiths’ house, as it was the hour there for family prayers. To
wile away the time he calls on a Mr. M’Alister, who is not at home,
and from that time till he came back to his lodgings, after midnight,
all trace of him is lost. At two o’clock the next morning the door-
bell rang violently; his landlady went down, and found L’Angelier
at the door, standing with his arms across his stomach. He was
suffering from his fatal illness, already too bad to be able to use his
pass key. How that attack progressed, and what its symptoms were,
and what was the result of the post-mortem and analytical
examinations, has already been reported.
“Here,” said the learned Judge, “the proof stops. And,
supposing you are quite satisfied that the letter brought him to
Glasgow,[116] are you in a condition to say, with satisfaction to your
own consciences, that, as an inevitable and just result of that, you
can find it proved that they met that night?[117] That is the point in
the case. That you may have the strongest moral suspicion that they
met—that you may believe that he was able, after all their
clandestine correspondence, to obtain the means of an interview,
especially as she complained of his not coming on the Thursday,
said she would wait again to-morrow night, same hour and place,
and talked of wishing to clasp him to her bosom—that you may
suppose it likely that, although he failed to keep his appointment on
Saturday, she would be waiting on Sunday, which was by no means
an uncommon evening for their appointment—all that may be very
true, and probably you will think so; but remember you are trying
this case upon evidence that must be satisfactory, complete, and
distinct.
“A jury may safely infer certain facts from the correspondence.
They may even safely infer that meetings took place, when they
Page 399
find these meetings either mutually appointed or arranged for by
the parties. But it is for you to say here whether it has been proved
that L’Angelier was in the house that night. If you can hold that that
link in the chain is supplied by just and satisfactory inference—
remember, I say just and satisfactory—and it is for you to say
whether the inference is just and satisfactory in order to complete
the proof. If you really feel that in your own minds, you may have
the strongest suspicion that he saw her; for really no one need
hesitate to say that, as a matter of moral opinion, the whole
probabilities of the case are in favour of it. But if that is all the
amount that you can derive from it, the link still remains awanting
—the catastrophe and the alleged cause of it are not found together.
And therefore you must be satisfied that you can here stand and
rely upon the firm foundation, I say, of a just and sound, and
perhaps I may add, inevitable inference. That a jury is entitled often
to draw such an inference there is no doubt; and it is just because
you belong to that class of men to whom the Lord Advocate
referred, namely, men of common sense, capable of exercising your
judgment upon a matter which is laid before you to consider, it is
on that very account that you are to put to yourselves the question,
‘Is this a satisfactory and a just inference?’ If you find it so, I
cannot tell you that you are not at liberty to act upon it, because
most of those matters occurring in life must depend upon
circumstantial evidence, and upon the inference a jury may feel
bound to draw. But it is an inference of a very serious character—it
is an inference upon which the death of this party by the hand of
the prisoner must depend.”[118]
CONDUCT AND STATEMENTS OF THE PRISONER AFTER
L’ANGELIER’S DEATH.
the parties. But it is for you to say here whether it has been proved
that L’Angelier was in the house that night. If you can hold that that
link in the chain is supplied by just and satisfactory inference—
remember, I say just and satisfactory—and it is for you to say
whether the inference is just and satisfactory in order to complete
the proof. If you really feel that in your own minds, you may have
the strongest suspicion that he saw her; for really no one need
hesitate to say that, as a matter of moral opinion, the whole
probabilities of the case are in favour of it. But if that is all the
amount that you can derive from it, the link still remains awanting
—the catastrophe and the alleged cause of it are not found together.
And therefore you must be satisfied that you can here stand and
rely upon the firm foundation, I say, of a just and sound, and
perhaps I may add, inevitable inference. That a jury is entitled often
to draw such an inference there is no doubt; and it is just because
you belong to that class of men to whom the Lord Advocate
referred, namely, men of common sense, capable of exercising your
judgment upon a matter which is laid before you to consider, it is
on that very account that you are to put to yourselves the question,
‘Is this a satisfactory and a just inference?’ If you find it so, I
cannot tell you that you are not at liberty to act upon it, because
most of those matters occurring in life must depend upon
circumstantial evidence, and upon the inference a jury may feel
bound to draw. But it is an inference of a very serious character—it
is an inference upon which the death of this party by the hand of
the prisoner must depend.”[118]
CONDUCT AND STATEMENTS OF THE PRISONER AFTER
L’ANGELIER’S DEATH.
Page 400
In her declaration Miss Smith stated that she heard of
L’Angelier’s death on the afternoon of Monday, the 23rd. On the
Wednesday evening she was out at a party, and at eight o’clock the
next morning she had left the house. In consequence Mr. Minnoch,
and a brother of the prisoner, thinking apparently that she had gone
to her father’s country house, took the rail to Greenock, and the
steamer thence to Row, on board which they found her a little after
two in the afternoon. She said she was going to Rowaleyn, and they
went on with her, and from thence brought her to Glasgow in a
carriage. “When we met her on the steamboat,” said Mr. Minnoch,
“I asked her why she had left her house and her friends in such
distress at her absence. She made no reply. I requested her not to do
so among so many people. I renewed my inquiry afterwards at
Rowaleyn. She said she felt distressed that her parents should be so
much annoyed at what she had done.” The suggestion on the part of
the prosecution was, that from conscious guilt she was fleeing from
justice—on the part of the prisoner, that she was fleeing from the
shame of an exposure of her love passages with L’Angelier. “But,”
said the learned judge, “my opinion is, that having made a
statement already about getting arsenic for the gardener to kill rats,
and knowing that if it had been discovered that he got no arsenic
for such a purpose, unpleasant consequences might follow, she
wished to see him, in order to make an arrangement by which that
statement might be borne out. The steamer in which she went only
sailed from Helensburgh to Gairloch and back, and therefore
escape by it was nearly impossible; and, in point of fact, he did not
believe she had any intention of attempting it.”
Previously, however, to this unexplained flight from home, she
had been visited by the French consul, a mutual friend of the
lovers, to whose searching questions in the presence of her mother
L’Angelier’s death on the afternoon of Monday, the 23rd. On the
Wednesday evening she was out at a party, and at eight o’clock the
next morning she had left the house. In consequence Mr. Minnoch,
and a brother of the prisoner, thinking apparently that she had gone
to her father’s country house, took the rail to Greenock, and the
steamer thence to Row, on board which they found her a little after
two in the afternoon. She said she was going to Rowaleyn, and they
went on with her, and from thence brought her to Glasgow in a
carriage. “When we met her on the steamboat,” said Mr. Minnoch,
“I asked her why she had left her house and her friends in such
distress at her absence. She made no reply. I requested her not to do
so among so many people. I renewed my inquiry afterwards at
Rowaleyn. She said she felt distressed that her parents should be so
much annoyed at what she had done.” The suggestion on the part of
the prosecution was, that from conscious guilt she was fleeing from
justice—on the part of the prisoner, that she was fleeing from the
shame of an exposure of her love passages with L’Angelier. “But,”
said the learned judge, “my opinion is, that having made a
statement already about getting arsenic for the gardener to kill rats,
and knowing that if it had been discovered that he got no arsenic
for such a purpose, unpleasant consequences might follow, she
wished to see him, in order to make an arrangement by which that
statement might be borne out. The steamer in which she went only
sailed from Helensburgh to Gairloch and back, and therefore
escape by it was nearly impossible; and, in point of fact, he did not
believe she had any intention of attempting it.”
Previously, however, to this unexplained flight from home, she
had been visited by the French consul, a mutual friend of the
lovers, to whose searching questions in the presence of her mother
Page 401
she gave most decided answers. As this witness’s evidence was
greatly relied on by counsel for the prisoner, it is reported in full.
M. Auguste Vauvert de Meau, the French Consul at Glasgow,
who had known L’Angelier for three years, was acquainted with
the prisoner’s family, and aware from L’Angelier’s own statements
of the correspondence between the lovers, gave the following
evidence:—
“I remember L’Angelier coming to my office a few weeks
before his death and speaking about Miss Smith. I said she was to
be married to some gentleman, and when I mentioned the public
rumour, he said it was not true, but, if it was, he had documents in
his possession that would be sufficient to forbid the banns. I did not
see her after that time. I thought that, having been received by Mr.
Smith in his house, I was not at liberty to speak to him; but after
L’Angelier’s death I thought it was my duty to mention the fact of
the correspondence having been carried on between them, in order
that he might take steps to exonerate his daughter in case of
anything coming out. In the evening of the death of L’Angelier, I
called on Mr. Smith and told him that L’Angelier had in his
possession a great number of letters from his daughter, and that it
was high time to let him know this, that they might not fall into the
hands of strangers, numbers of people might go to his lodgings and
read them. I went to Mr. Huggins’s office (L’Angelier’s employer).
He was not in, but I saw two gentlemen, and told them what I had
been told to ask (to get back the letters); but they said that they
could not give them up without Mr. Huggins’s consent, and I then
asked them to keep the letters sealed up till they were disposed of. I
think this was on the Tuesday after L’Angelier’s death. Shortly after
I saw Mr. Smith. In consequence of rumours I went to his house and
saw Miss Smith in the presence of her mother. I apprised her of the
death of L’Angelier. She asked me if it was of my own will that I
came to tell her; I told her it was not so, but at the special request of
her father. I asked her if she had seen L’Angelier on the Sunday
night; she told me that she did not see him. I asked her to put me in
greatly relied on by counsel for the prisoner, it is reported in full.
M. Auguste Vauvert de Meau, the French Consul at Glasgow,
who had known L’Angelier for three years, was acquainted with
the prisoner’s family, and aware from L’Angelier’s own statements
of the correspondence between the lovers, gave the following
evidence:—
“I remember L’Angelier coming to my office a few weeks
before his death and speaking about Miss Smith. I said she was to
be married to some gentleman, and when I mentioned the public
rumour, he said it was not true, but, if it was, he had documents in
his possession that would be sufficient to forbid the banns. I did not
see her after that time. I thought that, having been received by Mr.
Smith in his house, I was not at liberty to speak to him; but after
L’Angelier’s death I thought it was my duty to mention the fact of
the correspondence having been carried on between them, in order
that he might take steps to exonerate his daughter in case of
anything coming out. In the evening of the death of L’Angelier, I
called on Mr. Smith and told him that L’Angelier had in his
possession a great number of letters from his daughter, and that it
was high time to let him know this, that they might not fall into the
hands of strangers, numbers of people might go to his lodgings and
read them. I went to Mr. Huggins’s office (L’Angelier’s employer).
He was not in, but I saw two gentlemen, and told them what I had
been told to ask (to get back the letters); but they said that they
could not give them up without Mr. Huggins’s consent, and I then
asked them to keep the letters sealed up till they were disposed of. I
think this was on the Tuesday after L’Angelier’s death. Shortly after
I saw Mr. Smith. In consequence of rumours I went to his house and
saw Miss Smith in the presence of her mother. I apprised her of the
death of L’Angelier. She asked me if it was of my own will that I
came to tell her; I told her it was not so, but at the special request of
her father. I asked her if she had seen L’Angelier on the Sunday
night; she told me that she did not see him. I asked her to put me in
Page 402
a position to contradict the statements which were being made as to
her relation with L’Angelier, and asked her again if she did not see
him on Sunday evening or Sunday night, and she told me she did
not. I observed to her that L’Angelier had come from the Bridge of
Allan to Glasgow on a special appointment with her, by a letter
written to him. She told me she was not aware that he was at the
Bridge of Allan before he came to Glasgow, and that she did not
give him an appointment for Sunday evening, as she wrote him on
Friday evening giving him an appointment for Saturday: she had
expected him on the Saturday, but he did not come, and she had not
seen him on Sunday. I put the question to her five or six times in
different ways. I told her that my conviction was that she must have
seen him on Sunday, that he had come on purpose to Glasgow on a
special invitation by her to see her; and I did not think it likely,
admitting that he had committed suicide, that he had done so
without knowing why she had asked him to come to Glasgow.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Did you know of this letter
yourself?”
Witness.—“I heard there was such a letter. I said to her that the
best advice that a friend could give to her under the circumstances
was to tell the truth about it, because the case was a very grave one,
and would lead to an inquiry on the part of the authorities, and that
if she did not say the truth in these circumstances, perhaps it would
be ascertained by a servant, or a policeman, or somebody passing
the house who had seen L’Angelier, that he had been in the house,
and this would cause a strong suspicion as to the motive that had led
her to conceal the truth. Miss Smith then got up from her chair and
said, ‘I swear to you, Mr. Meau, that I have not seen L’Angelier not
on that Sunday only, but not for three weeks or six weeks,’ I am not
sure which.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“And the mother was present?”
Witness.—“Yes. I repeated this question five or six times, but
her answer was always the same. I asked her with regard to the
letter inviting L’Angelier to come and see her, how it was that, being
engaged to another gentleman, she could have carried on a
her relation with L’Angelier, and asked her again if she did not see
him on Sunday evening or Sunday night, and she told me she did
not. I observed to her that L’Angelier had come from the Bridge of
Allan to Glasgow on a special appointment with her, by a letter
written to him. She told me she was not aware that he was at the
Bridge of Allan before he came to Glasgow, and that she did not
give him an appointment for Sunday evening, as she wrote him on
Friday evening giving him an appointment for Saturday: she had
expected him on the Saturday, but he did not come, and she had not
seen him on Sunday. I put the question to her five or six times in
different ways. I told her that my conviction was that she must have
seen him on Sunday, that he had come on purpose to Glasgow on a
special invitation by her to see her; and I did not think it likely,
admitting that he had committed suicide, that he had done so
without knowing why she had asked him to come to Glasgow.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Did you know of this letter
yourself?”
Witness.—“I heard there was such a letter. I said to her that the
best advice that a friend could give to her under the circumstances
was to tell the truth about it, because the case was a very grave one,
and would lead to an inquiry on the part of the authorities, and that
if she did not say the truth in these circumstances, perhaps it would
be ascertained by a servant, or a policeman, or somebody passing
the house who had seen L’Angelier, that he had been in the house,
and this would cause a strong suspicion as to the motive that had led
her to conceal the truth. Miss Smith then got up from her chair and
said, ‘I swear to you, Mr. Meau, that I have not seen L’Angelier not
on that Sunday only, but not for three weeks or six weeks,’ I am not
sure which.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“And the mother was present?”
Witness.—“Yes. I repeated this question five or six times, but
her answer was always the same. I asked her with regard to the
letter inviting L’Angelier to come and see her, how it was that, being
engaged to another gentleman, she could have carried on a
Page 403
clandestine correspondence with a former sweetheart? she said it
was to get back her letters.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Did you ask her whether she was in the
habit of meeting L’Angelier?”
Witness.—“Yes. I asked her if it was true that L’Angelier was in
the habit of having appointments with her in her house; and she told
me that he had never entered that house, meaning the Blythswood
Square house, as I understood.[119] I asked her how, then, she had
her appointments to meet him? She told me that he used to come to
a street at the corner of the house (main street), that he had a signal
by knocking with his stick, and that she used to talk to him.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Did she speak about her former
correspondence with him at all?”
Witness.—“I asked her if it was true she had signed letters in his
name, and she said she had done so.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Do you mean that she added his
name to hers?”
Witness.—“I meant whether she signed her letters with
L’Angelier’s name, and she said ‘Yes.’ I did not ask her why.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Young.—“I went to live at Helensburgh
in 1845. M. L’Angelier visited me, and once he came on a Saturday
to my lodgings there, and on Sunday we went on the Luss Road. I
went up to my room, and L’Angelier not coming in for his dinner, I
called for him out of temper. I then found that he was ill, and was
vomiting down the staircase. He once complained to me of being
bilious. This was a year ago. He complained of once having the
cholera. Last year he came to my office and told me he had had a
violent attack of cholera, but I don’t know whether that was a year
or two years ago. I think it was a journey he was to have made that
led him to speak of having had the cholera. I don’t recollect whether
he was unwell at that time. I know that when he came to my house
he always had a bottle of laudanum in his bag, but I don’t know if
he used it. I once heard him speak of arsenic; it must have been in
the winter of 1854. It was on a Sunday. I don’t recollect how the
was to get back her letters.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Did you ask her whether she was in the
habit of meeting L’Angelier?”
Witness.—“Yes. I asked her if it was true that L’Angelier was in
the habit of having appointments with her in her house; and she told
me that he had never entered that house, meaning the Blythswood
Square house, as I understood.[119] I asked her how, then, she had
her appointments to meet him? She told me that he used to come to
a street at the corner of the house (main street), that he had a signal
by knocking with his stick, and that she used to talk to him.”
The Lord Advocate.—“Did she speak about her former
correspondence with him at all?”
Witness.—“I asked her if it was true she had signed letters in his
name, and she said she had done so.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Do you mean that she added his
name to hers?”
Witness.—“I meant whether she signed her letters with
L’Angelier’s name, and she said ‘Yes.’ I did not ask her why.”
Cross-examined by Mr. Young.—“I went to live at Helensburgh
in 1845. M. L’Angelier visited me, and once he came on a Saturday
to my lodgings there, and on Sunday we went on the Luss Road. I
went up to my room, and L’Angelier not coming in for his dinner, I
called for him out of temper. I then found that he was ill, and was
vomiting down the staircase. He once complained to me of being
bilious. This was a year ago. He complained of once having the
cholera. Last year he came to my office and told me he had had a
violent attack of cholera, but I don’t know whether that was a year
or two years ago. I think it was a journey he was to have made that
led him to speak of having had the cholera. I don’t recollect whether
he was unwell at that time. I know that when he came to my house
he always had a bottle of laudanum in his bag, but I don’t know if
he used it. I once heard him speak of arsenic; it must have been in
the winter of 1854. It was on a Sunday. I don’t recollect how the
Page 404
conversation arose, but it lasted half an hour. Its purport was how
much arsenic a person could take without its injuring him. He
maintained that it was possible to do it, by taking small quantities. I
don’t know what led to the conversation, and should be afraid to
make any statement as to the purpose for which it was to be taken.
L’Angelier stated to me he had once been jilted by an English lady,
a rich person, and that on account of the deception he was almost
mad for a fortnight, and ran about, getting food from a farmer in the
country. He was easily excited: when he had any cause of grief he
was affected very much.”
By the Lord Justice Clerk.—“After my marriage I had little
intercourse with L’Angelier. I thought that he might be led to take
some harsh steps with Miss Smith, and as I had some young ladies
in my house, I did not think it was proper to have the same
intercourse with him as when I was a bachelor.”
The Lord Advocate.—“What do you mean by ‘harsh steps?’”
Witness.—“I was afraid of an elopement. By ‘harsh’ I mean
‘rash.’ This was after L’Angelier had given me his full confidence as
to what he would do if her father did not consent to the marriage.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“ Did you understand that Miss Smith
had engaged herself to him?”
Witness.—“I understood so from what he said.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“When you used the expression ‘you
thought it right to go to Mr. Smith about the letters, in order that he
might take steps to vindicate his daughter’s honour, or prevent it
from being disparaged,’ did you relate to him her engagement and
apparent breach of it? Had you in view that the letters might contain
an engagement which she was breaking, or that she had made a
clandestine engagement?”
Witness.—“I thought that these letters were love letters, and that
it would be much better that they should be in Mr. Smith’s hands
than in those of strangers.”
The Lord Advocate.—“ What were L’Angelier’s usual character
and habits?”
much arsenic a person could take without its injuring him. He
maintained that it was possible to do it, by taking small quantities. I
don’t know what led to the conversation, and should be afraid to
make any statement as to the purpose for which it was to be taken.
L’Angelier stated to me he had once been jilted by an English lady,
a rich person, and that on account of the deception he was almost
mad for a fortnight, and ran about, getting food from a farmer in the
country. He was easily excited: when he had any cause of grief he
was affected very much.”
By the Lord Justice Clerk.—“After my marriage I had little
intercourse with L’Angelier. I thought that he might be led to take
some harsh steps with Miss Smith, and as I had some young ladies
in my house, I did not think it was proper to have the same
intercourse with him as when I was a bachelor.”
The Lord Advocate.—“What do you mean by ‘harsh steps?’”
Witness.—“I was afraid of an elopement. By ‘harsh’ I mean
‘rash.’ This was after L’Angelier had given me his full confidence as
to what he would do if her father did not consent to the marriage.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“ Did you understand that Miss Smith
had engaged herself to him?”
Witness.—“I understood so from what he said.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“When you used the expression ‘you
thought it right to go to Mr. Smith about the letters, in order that he
might take steps to vindicate his daughter’s honour, or prevent it
from being disparaged,’ did you relate to him her engagement and
apparent breach of it? Had you in view that the letters might contain
an engagement which she was breaking, or that she had made a
clandestine engagement?”
Witness.—“I thought that these letters were love letters, and that
it would be much better that they should be in Mr. Smith’s hands
than in those of strangers.”
The Lord Advocate.—“ What were L’Angelier’s usual character
and habits?”
Page 405
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Was he a steady fellow?”
Witness.—“My opinion of L’Angelier’s character at the moment
of his death was, that he was a most regular young man in his
conduct, religious, and in fact most exemplary in all his conduct.
The only objection which I heard made to him was that he was vain
and a boaster—boasting of grand persons that he knew. For
example, when he spoke of Miss Smith, he would say, I shall forbid
Madeline to do such a thing, or such another thing—to dance with
such a one or such another.”
The Lord Justice Cleric.—“Did he boast of any success with
females?”
Witness.—“Never.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Did he seem jealous of Miss Smith
paying attention to others?”
Witness.—“No; of others paying attention to her.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“It was not on account of any levity in
his character that you discouraged him visiting you after your
marriage?”
Witness.—“No. I thought his society might be fit for a bachelor,
but not for a married man.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Do you understand the word
‘levity’?”
Witness.—“Yes; lightness, irregularity. There had been a long
cessation of intercourse between us before his death. The
photograph (shown him) is a good likeness; he was between 28 and
30 years of age. I think I got accidentally acquainted with him in a
house in Glasgow.”
At the close of the case for the prosecution the Lord Advocate
proposed to put in certain entries in a pocket book of L’Angelier’s
to support the first and second counts of the indictment, which,
after argument, was refused by the Court. (See Appendix C., p.
359.)
Witness.—“My opinion of L’Angelier’s character at the moment
of his death was, that he was a most regular young man in his
conduct, religious, and in fact most exemplary in all his conduct.
The only objection which I heard made to him was that he was vain
and a boaster—boasting of grand persons that he knew. For
example, when he spoke of Miss Smith, he would say, I shall forbid
Madeline to do such a thing, or such another thing—to dance with
such a one or such another.”
The Lord Justice Cleric.—“Did he boast of any success with
females?”
Witness.—“Never.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Did he seem jealous of Miss Smith
paying attention to others?”
Witness.—“No; of others paying attention to her.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“It was not on account of any levity in
his character that you discouraged him visiting you after your
marriage?”
Witness.—“No. I thought his society might be fit for a bachelor,
but not for a married man.”
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“Do you understand the word
‘levity’?”
Witness.—“Yes; lightness, irregularity. There had been a long
cessation of intercourse between us before his death. The
photograph (shown him) is a good likeness; he was between 28 and
30 years of age. I think I got accidentally acquainted with him in a
house in Glasgow.”
At the close of the case for the prosecution the Lord Advocate
proposed to put in certain entries in a pocket book of L’Angelier’s
to support the first and second counts of the indictment, which,
after argument, was refused by the Court. (See Appendix C., p.
359.)
Page 406
THE DEFENCE.
In accordance with practice of the Scotch Courts the counsel
for the prisoner had the last word; and good use did the Dean of
Faculty make of his privilege. The Lord Advocate’s policy had
been to depict the character of the prisoner in the vilest colours—as
the seducer, rather than the seduced, or, at any rate, for a long
period the willing accomplice in all his acts. The Dean dealt not
less hardly with the character of L’Angelier.
“We find him,” he said, “according to the confession of all those
who observed him narrowly, vain, conceited, pretentious, with a
great opinion of his own personal attractions, and a very silly
expectation of admiration from the other sex. That he was
successful to a certain extent in conciliating such admiration may be
the fact; but, at all events, his own prevailing ideas seem to have
been that he was calculated to be very successful in paying attention
to ladies, and that he was likely to push his fortune by such means.
Accordingly, once and again we find him engaged in attempts to get
married to women of some station at least in society. We heard of
one disappointment which he met with in England, and another we
heard a great deal of connected with a lady in Fife; and the manner
in which he bore his disappointments on those two occasions is
perhaps the best indication and light we have to the true character of
the man. He was not a person of strong health, and it is extremely
probable that this, among other things, had a depressing effect on
his spirits, rendering him changeable and uncertain—now uplifted,
as one of the witnesses said, and now most deeply depressed—of a
mercurial temperament, as another described it, very variable and
never to be depended upon. Such was the individual with whom the
prisoner unfortunately became acquainted. The progress of their
acquaintance is soon told. My learned friend the Lord Advocate said
the correspondence must have been improper, because it was
clandestine: yet the letters of the young lady at that first period
breathe nothing but gentleness and propriety. The correspondence in
In accordance with practice of the Scotch Courts the counsel
for the prisoner had the last word; and good use did the Dean of
Faculty make of his privilege. The Lord Advocate’s policy had
been to depict the character of the prisoner in the vilest colours—as
the seducer, rather than the seduced, or, at any rate, for a long
period the willing accomplice in all his acts. The Dean dealt not
less hardly with the character of L’Angelier.
“We find him,” he said, “according to the confession of all those
who observed him narrowly, vain, conceited, pretentious, with a
great opinion of his own personal attractions, and a very silly
expectation of admiration from the other sex. That he was
successful to a certain extent in conciliating such admiration may be
the fact; but, at all events, his own prevailing ideas seem to have
been that he was calculated to be very successful in paying attention
to ladies, and that he was likely to push his fortune by such means.
Accordingly, once and again we find him engaged in attempts to get
married to women of some station at least in society. We heard of
one disappointment which he met with in England, and another we
heard a great deal of connected with a lady in Fife; and the manner
in which he bore his disappointments on those two occasions is
perhaps the best indication and light we have to the true character of
the man. He was not a person of strong health, and it is extremely
probable that this, among other things, had a depressing effect on
his spirits, rendering him changeable and uncertain—now uplifted,
as one of the witnesses said, and now most deeply depressed—of a
mercurial temperament, as another described it, very variable and
never to be depended upon. Such was the individual with whom the
prisoner unfortunately became acquainted. The progress of their
acquaintance is soon told. My learned friend the Lord Advocate said
the correspondence must have been improper, because it was
clandestine: yet the letters of the young lady at that first period
breathe nothing but gentleness and propriety. The correspondence in
Page 407
the commencement shows that if L’Angelier had in his mind
originally to corrupt and seduce the prisoner, he entered upon the
attempt with considerable ingenuity and skill; for the very first letter
of the series which we have contains a passage in which she says, ‘I
am trying to break myself of all my bad habits: it is you I have to
thank for this, which I do sincerely from my heart.’ He had been
suggesting to her improvement in conduct or something else. He
had thus been insinuating himself into her company. She had
yielded, no doubt, too easily to the pleasures of this new
acquaintance, but pleasures apparently of a most innocent kind at
this period. Yet it seems to have occurred to her mind at a very early
period that it was impossible to maintain this correspondence with
propriety or her own welfare; for so early as April 1855 she wrote
him—‘I think you will agree with me in what I intend proposing,
that for the present this correspondence had better stop. I know your
good feeling will not take this wrong. It was meant quite the
reverse. By continuing it, harm may arise, by discontinuing, nothing
can be said.’ And from then to September it did cease.”
Unfortunately the correspondence was renewed, discovered,
and stopped by her father until April, 1856, when it is re-opened by
a letter, of the 30th of that month, from Helensburgh, in which she
writes:—“P(papa) has not been in town a night for some time; but
the first night he is off I shall see you. We shall spend an hour of
bliss. There shall be no risk: only C. H. (Haggart) shall know.” This
letter was followed by that of the 3rd of May, inviting him on
Tuesday, the 6th, to come to the garden gate, and adding, “Beloved
of my soul, a fond embrace, a dear kiss till we meet! We shall have
more than one, love, dearest.” Signed, “From thy ever devoted and
loving wife, thine for ever, Mini.”
“Alas,” said the Dean, “the next scene is the most painful of all.
In the spring of 1856, the corrupting influence of the seducer was
successful, and the prisoner fell. This is recorded in a letter bearing
originally to corrupt and seduce the prisoner, he entered upon the
attempt with considerable ingenuity and skill; for the very first letter
of the series which we have contains a passage in which she says, ‘I
am trying to break myself of all my bad habits: it is you I have to
thank for this, which I do sincerely from my heart.’ He had been
suggesting to her improvement in conduct or something else. He
had thus been insinuating himself into her company. She had
yielded, no doubt, too easily to the pleasures of this new
acquaintance, but pleasures apparently of a most innocent kind at
this period. Yet it seems to have occurred to her mind at a very early
period that it was impossible to maintain this correspondence with
propriety or her own welfare; for so early as April 1855 she wrote
him—‘I think you will agree with me in what I intend proposing,
that for the present this correspondence had better stop. I know your
good feeling will not take this wrong. It was meant quite the
reverse. By continuing it, harm may arise, by discontinuing, nothing
can be said.’ And from then to September it did cease.”
Unfortunately the correspondence was renewed, discovered,
and stopped by her father until April, 1856, when it is re-opened by
a letter, of the 30th of that month, from Helensburgh, in which she
writes:—“P(papa) has not been in town a night for some time; but
the first night he is off I shall see you. We shall spend an hour of
bliss. There shall be no risk: only C. H. (Haggart) shall know.” This
letter was followed by that of the 3rd of May, inviting him on
Tuesday, the 6th, to come to the garden gate, and adding, “Beloved
of my soul, a fond embrace, a dear kiss till we meet! We shall have
more than one, love, dearest.” Signed, “From thy ever devoted and
loving wife, thine for ever, Mini.”
“Alas,” said the Dean, “the next scene is the most painful of all.
In the spring of 1856, the corrupting influence of the seducer was
successful, and the prisoner fell. This is recorded in a letter bearing
Page 408
the post-mark of the 7th of May, which you have heard read. And
how corrupting that influence must have been, how vile the acts that
he resorted to for accomplishing his nefarious purpose, can never be
proved so well as by looking at the altered tone and language of the
unhappy prisoner’s letters. She had lost not her virtue merely, but, as
the Lord Advocate said, her sense of decency. Think you that
without temptation, without evil teachings, a poor girl falls into such
depths of degradation? No. Influence from without—most
corrupting influence—can alone account for such a fact. And yet
through the midst of this frightful correspondence, there breathes a
spirit of devoted affection towards the man that had destroyed her—
that strikes me as most remarkable.”
Then, after alluding to the precautions with which she sought to
surround her interviews with L’Angelier at the Blythswood Square
house; to the evident proofs that an elopement was projected, and
to the strong probability that no interview took place without
Haggart’s connivance, and that, therefore, the interviews at this
time must be limited to the two spoken of by that witness, he urged
that up to the month of February, 1857, he was entitled to say,
“without a shadow of evidence to the contrary, that they were not in
the habit of coming into personal contact.”
“We now,” continued the Dean, “come to a very important stage
of the case. On the 28th of February Mr. Minnoch proposes, and if I
understand the theory of my learned friend’s case aright, from that
day the whole character of the girl’s mind and her feelings changed,
and she set herself to prepare for the perpetration of what he has
called one of the most foul, cool, deliberate murders that ever was
committed. I will not say that such a thing is impossible, but I will
venture to say it is very highly improbable. He will be a bold man to
fathom the depths of human depravity, but this at least experience
teaches us, that perfection even in depravity, is not rapidly attained,
and it is not by such short and easy stages as the prosecutor has been
able to trace in the career of Madeline Smith, that a gentle loving
how corrupting that influence must have been, how vile the acts that
he resorted to for accomplishing his nefarious purpose, can never be
proved so well as by looking at the altered tone and language of the
unhappy prisoner’s letters. She had lost not her virtue merely, but, as
the Lord Advocate said, her sense of decency. Think you that
without temptation, without evil teachings, a poor girl falls into such
depths of degradation? No. Influence from without—most
corrupting influence—can alone account for such a fact. And yet
through the midst of this frightful correspondence, there breathes a
spirit of devoted affection towards the man that had destroyed her—
that strikes me as most remarkable.”
Then, after alluding to the precautions with which she sought to
surround her interviews with L’Angelier at the Blythswood Square
house; to the evident proofs that an elopement was projected, and
to the strong probability that no interview took place without
Haggart’s connivance, and that, therefore, the interviews at this
time must be limited to the two spoken of by that witness, he urged
that up to the month of February, 1857, he was entitled to say,
“without a shadow of evidence to the contrary, that they were not in
the habit of coming into personal contact.”
“We now,” continued the Dean, “come to a very important stage
of the case. On the 28th of February Mr. Minnoch proposes, and if I
understand the theory of my learned friend’s case aright, from that
day the whole character of the girl’s mind and her feelings changed,
and she set herself to prepare for the perpetration of what he has
called one of the most foul, cool, deliberate murders that ever was
committed. I will not say that such a thing is impossible, but I will
venture to say it is very highly improbable. He will be a bold man to
fathom the depths of human depravity, but this at least experience
teaches us, that perfection even in depravity, is not rapidly attained,
and it is not by such short and easy stages as the prosecutor has been
able to trace in the career of Madeline Smith, that a gentle loving
Page 409
girl passes all at once into the savage grandeur of a Medea, or the
appalling wickedness of a Borgia. Such a thing is not possible.
There is a certain progress in guilt, and it is quite out of all human
experience that, from the tone of the letters, there should be a
sudden transition—I will not say from affection for a particular
object—but to the strange desire for removing, by any means, the
obstruction to her wishes and purposes that the prosecutor imputes
to the prisoner. Think, in your own minds, how foul and unnatural a
murder it is—the murder of one who, within a very short space, was
the object of her love—an unworthy object—an unholy object; but
yet while it lasted—and its endurance was not very brief—it was a
deep, unselfish, absorbing, devoted passion. And the object of that
passion she now conceived the purpose of murdering. Such is the
theory that you are desired to believe. Now before you will believe
it, will you not ask for demonstration? Will you be content with
conjecture? Will you be content with suspicion, however pregnant,
or will you be so unreasonable as to put it to me in this form, that
the man having died of poison, the theory of the prosecution is the
most probable? Oh, gentlemen, is that the manner in which a jury
should treat such a case? Is that the kind of proof on which they
should convict on a capital offence?”
The Dean, then, took up seriatim the three charges, examining
the evidence on each in detail, making on each the criticisms,
already reported in the previous summary of the evidence, showing
how the first charge had failed even in the opinion of the
prosecutor: how doubtful, to say the least, it was that the interview
on which the second charge was based had taken place, and the
weakness of many of the proofs on which the charge of murder was
rested. Passing, then, to the suggestion of suicide, he continued—
“I might stop here, for nothing could be more fallacious than the
suggestion of the Lord Advocate, that it was necessary to explain
how this man came by his death. His lordship will tell you that a
defendant has no further duty than to repel the charge and stand on
appalling wickedness of a Borgia. Such a thing is not possible.
There is a certain progress in guilt, and it is quite out of all human
experience that, from the tone of the letters, there should be a
sudden transition—I will not say from affection for a particular
object—but to the strange desire for removing, by any means, the
obstruction to her wishes and purposes that the prosecutor imputes
to the prisoner. Think, in your own minds, how foul and unnatural a
murder it is—the murder of one who, within a very short space, was
the object of her love—an unworthy object—an unholy object; but
yet while it lasted—and its endurance was not very brief—it was a
deep, unselfish, absorbing, devoted passion. And the object of that
passion she now conceived the purpose of murdering. Such is the
theory that you are desired to believe. Now before you will believe
it, will you not ask for demonstration? Will you be content with
conjecture? Will you be content with suspicion, however pregnant,
or will you be so unreasonable as to put it to me in this form, that
the man having died of poison, the theory of the prosecution is the
most probable? Oh, gentlemen, is that the manner in which a jury
should treat such a case? Is that the kind of proof on which they
should convict on a capital offence?”
The Dean, then, took up seriatim the three charges, examining
the evidence on each in detail, making on each the criticisms,
already reported in the previous summary of the evidence, showing
how the first charge had failed even in the opinion of the
prosecutor: how doubtful, to say the least, it was that the interview
on which the second charge was based had taken place, and the
weakness of many of the proofs on which the charge of murder was
rested. Passing, then, to the suggestion of suicide, he continued—
“I might stop here, for nothing could be more fallacious than the
suggestion of the Lord Advocate, that it was necessary to explain
how this man came by his death. His lordship will tell you that a
defendant has no further duty than to repel the charge and stand on
Page 410
the defensive, and maintain that the case for the prosecution is not
proved. No man probably can tell at the present moment—I believe
no man on earth can tell—how L’Angelier met his death. Nor am I
under the slightest obligation even to suggest to you a possible
manner in which that death may have been compassed without the
intervention of the prisoner. Yet it is but fair, when we are dealing
with so many matters of conjecture and suspicion, that we should,
for a moment, consider whether that supposition on which the
charge is founded is preferable in itself, in respect to its higher
probabilities, to other suppositions which may be fairly made. The
character of this man, his origin, his early history, the nature of his
conversation, the numerous occasions on which he spoke of suicide,
naturally suggest that as one mode by which he may have departed
this life. Understand me, I am not undertaking to prove that he died
by his own hand—but I think there is more to be said for suicide
than for the prisoner’s guilt. But I entreat you to remember that that
is no necessary part of my defence. But of course I should be using
you very ill—should be doing less than my duty to the prisoner—if
I had not brought before you the whole of that evidence which
suggests the extreme probability of that man dying by his own hand
at one time or other. From the very first time at which we see him,
even as a lad, in the year 1843, he talks in a manner to impress
people with the notion that he had no moral principle to guide him.
He speaks over and over again of suicide at Edinburgh, Dundee, and
elsewhere—ay, the prisoners letters shew that he had made the same
threat to her[120]—that he would put himself out of existence. And is
it half as violent a supposition as the supposition of this foul murder,
that upon this evening—the 22nd of March—a fit of that kind of
madness which he himself described, came over him, when he met
with disappointment—finding, it may be, that he could not procure
access to an interview which he desired—assuming that he came to
Glasgow for that purpose—assuming even that he mistook the
evening of the meeting, and expected to see her on the Sunday—can
anything be more probable than that, in the excited state in which he
proved. No man probably can tell at the present moment—I believe
no man on earth can tell—how L’Angelier met his death. Nor am I
under the slightest obligation even to suggest to you a possible
manner in which that death may have been compassed without the
intervention of the prisoner. Yet it is but fair, when we are dealing
with so many matters of conjecture and suspicion, that we should,
for a moment, consider whether that supposition on which the
charge is founded is preferable in itself, in respect to its higher
probabilities, to other suppositions which may be fairly made. The
character of this man, his origin, his early history, the nature of his
conversation, the numerous occasions on which he spoke of suicide,
naturally suggest that as one mode by which he may have departed
this life. Understand me, I am not undertaking to prove that he died
by his own hand—but I think there is more to be said for suicide
than for the prisoner’s guilt. But I entreat you to remember that that
is no necessary part of my defence. But of course I should be using
you very ill—should be doing less than my duty to the prisoner—if
I had not brought before you the whole of that evidence which
suggests the extreme probability of that man dying by his own hand
at one time or other. From the very first time at which we see him,
even as a lad, in the year 1843, he talks in a manner to impress
people with the notion that he had no moral principle to guide him.
He speaks over and over again of suicide at Edinburgh, Dundee, and
elsewhere—ay, the prisoners letters shew that he had made the same
threat to her[120]—that he would put himself out of existence. And is
it half as violent a supposition as the supposition of this foul murder,
that upon this evening—the 22nd of March—a fit of that kind of
madness which he himself described, came over him, when he met
with disappointment—finding, it may be, that he could not procure
access to an interview which he desired—assuming that he came to
Glasgow for that purpose—assuming even that he mistook the
evening of the meeting, and expected to see her on the Sunday—can
anything be more probable than that, in the excited state in which he
Page 411
then was, he should have committed the rash act which put an end
to his existence.”[121]
Again, in answer to the motive imputed by the prosecution; re-
reading the letter of the 10th of February, in which on her bended
knees Miss Smith besought him, “as he hoped for mercy at the
judgment, not to inform on her—not to expose her;” asked him “to
pardon her if he could; to pray for her as the most wretched, guilty,
miserable creature on the earth;” told him “she could stand
anything but her father’s hot temper;” when she wrote, “Emile, you
will not cause my death. If he is to get your letters, I cannot see him
any more; and my poor mother, I will never kiss her. It would be a
shame to them all. Emile, will you not spare me? Hate me, despise
me, but do not expose me.” The Dean said—
“Is that the language of deceit? Is that the mind of a murderess,
or can any one affect that frame of mind? Can you for one moment
listen to the suggestion that that letter covers a piece of deceit? No,
no. The finest actress could not have written that to him, unless she
had felt it; and is that the condition in which a woman goes about to
compass the death of him whom she has loved? Is that the frame of
mind?—shame for past sins, burning shame, dread of exposure,
grief at the injury she had done her parents? Is that the frame of
mind that would lead a woman—not to advance another step on the
road to destruction, but to plunge at once into the depths of human
wickedness? The thing is preposterous, and yet it is because of her
despair, as my learned friend called it, exhibited in that and similar
letters, that he says she had a motive to destroy this man. What does
that mean? It may mean, in a certain improper sense of the term,
that it would have been of advantage to her that he should cease to
live. That is not a motive in any proper sense of the term. If some
advantage resulting from the death of another be a motive to the
commission of murder, a man’s eldest son must always have a
motive to murder him that he may succeed to his estate; and I
to his existence.”[121]
Again, in answer to the motive imputed by the prosecution; re-
reading the letter of the 10th of February, in which on her bended
knees Miss Smith besought him, “as he hoped for mercy at the
judgment, not to inform on her—not to expose her;” asked him “to
pardon her if he could; to pray for her as the most wretched, guilty,
miserable creature on the earth;” told him “she could stand
anything but her father’s hot temper;” when she wrote, “Emile, you
will not cause my death. If he is to get your letters, I cannot see him
any more; and my poor mother, I will never kiss her. It would be a
shame to them all. Emile, will you not spare me? Hate me, despise
me, but do not expose me.” The Dean said—
“Is that the language of deceit? Is that the mind of a murderess,
or can any one affect that frame of mind? Can you for one moment
listen to the suggestion that that letter covers a piece of deceit? No,
no. The finest actress could not have written that to him, unless she
had felt it; and is that the condition in which a woman goes about to
compass the death of him whom she has loved? Is that the frame of
mind?—shame for past sins, burning shame, dread of exposure,
grief at the injury she had done her parents? Is that the frame of
mind that would lead a woman—not to advance another step on the
road to destruction, but to plunge at once into the depths of human
wickedness? The thing is preposterous, and yet it is because of her
despair, as my learned friend called it, exhibited in that and similar
letters, that he says she had a motive to destroy this man. What does
that mean? It may mean, in a certain improper sense of the term,
that it would have been of advantage to her that he should cease to
live. That is not a motive in any proper sense of the term. If some
advantage resulting from the death of another be a motive to the
commission of murder, a man’s eldest son must always have a
motive to murder him that he may succeed to his estate; and I
Page 412
suppose the youngest officer in any regiment of Her Majesty’s army
has a motive to murder all the officers in his regiment—the younger
he is, and the further he has to ascend the scale, the more murders
he has a motive to commit. Away with such nonsense! A motive to
commit a crime must be something a great deal more than the mere
fact that the result of that crime might be advantageous to the person
committing it. You must see the motive in action—you must see it
influencing the conduct—before you can deal with it as a motive;
for this, and this only, is it a motive in the proper sense of the term
—that is to say, it is moving to the perpetration of the deed. But let
me ask you what possible motive there could be, even in the most
improper and illegitimate sense of the term—I mean what possible
advantage could she expect from L’Angelier’s death so long as the
letters remained? Without the return of her letters she gained
nothing. Her object, her greatest desire, that for which she was
yearning with her whole soul, was to prevent the exposure of her
shame. But the death of L’Angelier, with those letters in his
possession, instead of insuring that object, would have been
perfectly certain to lead to the immediate exposure of everything
that passed between them. Shall I be told that she did not foresee
that? I think my learned friend had been giving the prisoner credit
for too much talent in the course of his observations on her conduct.
But I should conceive her to be infinitely stupid if she could not
foresee that the death of L’Angelier, with those documents in his
possession, was the true and best means of frustrating the then great
object of her life. Shall I be told that the motive might be revenge?
Listen to the letter, Tell me if it is possible that in the same breast
with these sentiments, there should link one feeling of revenge! No;
the condition of mind in which the poor girl was throughout the
months of February and March, is entirely inconsistent with any of
the hypotheses that have been made on the other side—utterly
incredible and wholly irreconcileable with the perpetration of such a
crime as is here laid to her charge.”[122]
has a motive to murder all the officers in his regiment—the younger
he is, and the further he has to ascend the scale, the more murders
he has a motive to commit. Away with such nonsense! A motive to
commit a crime must be something a great deal more than the mere
fact that the result of that crime might be advantageous to the person
committing it. You must see the motive in action—you must see it
influencing the conduct—before you can deal with it as a motive;
for this, and this only, is it a motive in the proper sense of the term
—that is to say, it is moving to the perpetration of the deed. But let
me ask you what possible motive there could be, even in the most
improper and illegitimate sense of the term—I mean what possible
advantage could she expect from L’Angelier’s death so long as the
letters remained? Without the return of her letters she gained
nothing. Her object, her greatest desire, that for which she was
yearning with her whole soul, was to prevent the exposure of her
shame. But the death of L’Angelier, with those letters in his
possession, instead of insuring that object, would have been
perfectly certain to lead to the immediate exposure of everything
that passed between them. Shall I be told that she did not foresee
that? I think my learned friend had been giving the prisoner credit
for too much talent in the course of his observations on her conduct.
But I should conceive her to be infinitely stupid if she could not
foresee that the death of L’Angelier, with those documents in his
possession, was the true and best means of frustrating the then great
object of her life. Shall I be told that the motive might be revenge?
Listen to the letter, Tell me if it is possible that in the same breast
with these sentiments, there should link one feeling of revenge! No;
the condition of mind in which the poor girl was throughout the
months of February and March, is entirely inconsistent with any of
the hypotheses that have been made on the other side—utterly
incredible and wholly irreconcileable with the perpetration of such a
crime as is here laid to her charge.”[122]
Page 413
Passing on, then, to the incident of her sudden flight from her
home, when she heard of L’Angelier’s death, the Dean repudiated
the notion that she was absconding from justice. She had left
Glasgow early in the morning, and at half-past three in the
afternoon was found on board a steamer going from Greenock to
Helensburgh. Any one going by rail could easily have overtaken
her.
“If her flight means anything,” he said, “it means flying from
what she could not bear—the wrath of her father, and the averted
countenance of her mother. But she came back again without the
slightest hesitation, and upon the Monday morning there occurred a
scene as remarkable in the history of criminal jurisprudence as
anything I ever heard of, by which that broken spirit was altogether
changed. The moment she was met by a charge of being implicated
in causing the death of L’Angelier, she at once assumed the courage
of a heroine. She was bowed down, and she had fled, while the true
charge of her unchastity and shame was all that was brought against
her; but she stood erect and proudly conscious of her innocence
when she was met with this astounding charge of murder. You heard
the account that M. de Meau gave of that interview with her in her
father’s house on the Monday. That was a most striking statement,
and given with a truthfulness obviously that could not be surpassed.
What was the import of that conversation? He advised her, as a
friend, if L’Angelier was with her on that Sunday night, for God’s
sake not to deny it. And why? Because, he said, it is certain to be
proved. A servant, a policeman, a casual passenger, is certain to
know the fact, and if you falsely deny it, what a fact that will be
against you. What was the answer? In answer to five or six
suggestions of M. de Meau, she said at length that she would swear
that she had not seen him for three weeks. If she did not see him on
the Sunday that was true.”
On the purchases of arsenic, the Dean called the attention of the
jury to the improbability of her having purchased it at the time
home, when she heard of L’Angelier’s death, the Dean repudiated
the notion that she was absconding from justice. She had left
Glasgow early in the morning, and at half-past three in the
afternoon was found on board a steamer going from Greenock to
Helensburgh. Any one going by rail could easily have overtaken
her.
“If her flight means anything,” he said, “it means flying from
what she could not bear—the wrath of her father, and the averted
countenance of her mother. But she came back again without the
slightest hesitation, and upon the Monday morning there occurred a
scene as remarkable in the history of criminal jurisprudence as
anything I ever heard of, by which that broken spirit was altogether
changed. The moment she was met by a charge of being implicated
in causing the death of L’Angelier, she at once assumed the courage
of a heroine. She was bowed down, and she had fled, while the true
charge of her unchastity and shame was all that was brought against
her; but she stood erect and proudly conscious of her innocence
when she was met with this astounding charge of murder. You heard
the account that M. de Meau gave of that interview with her in her
father’s house on the Monday. That was a most striking statement,
and given with a truthfulness obviously that could not be surpassed.
What was the import of that conversation? He advised her, as a
friend, if L’Angelier was with her on that Sunday night, for God’s
sake not to deny it. And why? Because, he said, it is certain to be
proved. A servant, a policeman, a casual passenger, is certain to
know the fact, and if you falsely deny it, what a fact that will be
against you. What was the answer? In answer to five or six
suggestions of M. de Meau, she said at length that she would swear
that she had not seen him for three weeks. If she did not see him on
the Sunday that was true.”
On the purchases of arsenic, the Dean called the attention of the
jury to the improbability of her having purchased it at the time
Page 414
when she was urging L’Angelier not to go to the Bridge of Allan
whilst she was there with her family, and to her throwing it away
on the 17th of March, and then buying more on the 18th;
—“throwing it away, it was said, when just coming within reach of
her victim, and then buying more, with circumstances of openness
and publicity inconsistent with the hypothesis of any legitimate
object? Why expose herself to the necessity of a repeated purchase,
when she had got enough to poison twenty or a hundred men.”
“But,” continued the Dean, “the possession of this arsenic is said
to be unaccounted for, as far as the prisoner is concerned. It might
be so; it may be so; and yet that would not make out the case for the
prosecution. She says she used it as a cosmetic. This might be
startling at first sight to many of us here, but after the evidence you
have heard it will not amaze you. At school her story, which has so
far been borne out by evidence, shows that she read of the Styrian
peasants using it for strengthening their wind, improving their
complexions. No doubt they used it internally, and not externally as
she did, but in the imperfect state of her knowledge that was a fact
of no significance. L’Angelier, too, was well aware of the same fact.
He stated to more than one witness—and if he stated falsely, it is
only one of a multitude of lies proved against him—that he used it
himself. It is not surprising if L’Angelier knew of this custom that
he should have communicated it to the prisoner, and that she should
have used it externally, for an internal use is apparently a greater
danger, which may have suggested to her to try it externally, and
there is no reason to suppose, that if used as she used it, it would
produce any injurious effects. No doubt we have medical men
coming here and shaking their heads and looking wise, and saying
that such a use of arsenic would be a dangerous procedure. That is
not the question. The question is whether the prisoner could use it
without injurious effects, and that she could do so is proved by the
experiments of Dr. Laurie and Dr. Maclagan. The publication in
Chambers’s, Blackwood’s Magazine, and Johnston’s “Chemistry of
Common Life,” of information on the uses of arsenic, had reached
whilst she was there with her family, and to her throwing it away
on the 17th of March, and then buying more on the 18th;
—“throwing it away, it was said, when just coming within reach of
her victim, and then buying more, with circumstances of openness
and publicity inconsistent with the hypothesis of any legitimate
object? Why expose herself to the necessity of a repeated purchase,
when she had got enough to poison twenty or a hundred men.”
“But,” continued the Dean, “the possession of this arsenic is said
to be unaccounted for, as far as the prisoner is concerned. It might
be so; it may be so; and yet that would not make out the case for the
prosecution. She says she used it as a cosmetic. This might be
startling at first sight to many of us here, but after the evidence you
have heard it will not amaze you. At school her story, which has so
far been borne out by evidence, shows that she read of the Styrian
peasants using it for strengthening their wind, improving their
complexions. No doubt they used it internally, and not externally as
she did, but in the imperfect state of her knowledge that was a fact
of no significance. L’Angelier, too, was well aware of the same fact.
He stated to more than one witness—and if he stated falsely, it is
only one of a multitude of lies proved against him—that he used it
himself. It is not surprising if L’Angelier knew of this custom that
he should have communicated it to the prisoner, and that she should
have used it externally, for an internal use is apparently a greater
danger, which may have suggested to her to try it externally, and
there is no reason to suppose, that if used as she used it, it would
produce any injurious effects. No doubt we have medical men
coming here and shaking their heads and looking wise, and saying
that such a use of arsenic would be a dangerous procedure. That is
not the question. The question is whether the prisoner could use it
without injurious effects, and that she could do so is proved by the
experiments of Dr. Laurie and Dr. Maclagan. The publication in
Chambers’s, Blackwood’s Magazine, and Johnston’s “Chemistry of
Common Life,” of information on the uses of arsenic, had reached
Page 415
not the prisoner alone, but a multitude of other ladies, and had
incited them to the same kind of experiments. The two druggists—
Robertson and Guthrie—spoke to the fact of ladies having come to
their shops seeking arsenic for such purposes on the suggestion of
these publications. It cannot, therefore, be surprising to you to learn
that when the prisoner bought this arsenic, she intended to use it,
and did actually, afterwards, use it for this purpose.”[123]
Then, citing the behaviour of Eliza Fenning, in the well-known
disputed, and even now disputed case, as a parallel instance of such
behaviour as the prisoner showed when taxed with the charge of
murder:[124] repudiating the doctrine that juries have nothing to do
with the consequences of their verdict, and that all questions of
evidence must be weighed in the same scale, whether the crime be
capital, or a mere case of pocket picking, and appealing to the jury
not to raise their rash and imprudent hands to tear away the veil
Providence has been pleased to place over this mystery, the Dean
closed his most effective speech.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
The most material comments of the Lord Justice Clerk have
been already so fully quoted as notes to the several portions of the
evidence, or to the points made by the counsel for the defence, that
it will now suffice to give his concluding summary of the case.
“The first charge is that she administered arsenic on the 19th or
20th of February. Probably you may come to the conclusion, on the
evidence of Miss Perry and others, that he did see her on that
occasion; but she was not proved to have had arsenic or any other
poison in her possession; and what I attach very great importance to
is, that there is no medical testimony, by analysis of the matter
vomited, that that illness did proceed from the administration of
incited them to the same kind of experiments. The two druggists—
Robertson and Guthrie—spoke to the fact of ladies having come to
their shops seeking arsenic for such purposes on the suggestion of
these publications. It cannot, therefore, be surprising to you to learn
that when the prisoner bought this arsenic, she intended to use it,
and did actually, afterwards, use it for this purpose.”[123]
Then, citing the behaviour of Eliza Fenning, in the well-known
disputed, and even now disputed case, as a parallel instance of such
behaviour as the prisoner showed when taxed with the charge of
murder:[124] repudiating the doctrine that juries have nothing to do
with the consequences of their verdict, and that all questions of
evidence must be weighed in the same scale, whether the crime be
capital, or a mere case of pocket picking, and appealing to the jury
not to raise their rash and imprudent hands to tear away the veil
Providence has been pleased to place over this mystery, the Dean
closed his most effective speech.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
The most material comments of the Lord Justice Clerk have
been already so fully quoted as notes to the several portions of the
evidence, or to the points made by the counsel for the defence, that
it will now suffice to give his concluding summary of the case.
“The first charge is that she administered arsenic on the 19th or
20th of February. Probably you may come to the conclusion, on the
evidence of Miss Perry and others, that he did see her on that
occasion; but she was not proved to have had arsenic or any other
poison in her possession; and what I attach very great importance to
is, that there is no medical testimony, by analysis of the matter
vomited, that that illness did proceed from the administration of
Page 416
arsenic. If the doctor had examined the vomit and proved that there
was arsenic there, I am afraid the case would have been very strong
against her as having given him coffee or something before his
illness on that occasion. But it is not proved that that illness arose
from the administration of poison. Arsenic she had not, and there is
no proof of her having possessed anything deleterious. Therefore I
have no hesitation in telling you that charge has failed.
“The second charge stands in a somewhat different position in
regard to the evidence, although in one respect it is similar to the
first, for it is not proved that the illness arose from the
administration of arsenic or any other poisonous substance. But then
the way in which you can connect the prisoner with a meeting on
that occasion is much stronger. Still if you should think you can
acquit her of the first charge, and that there is too much doubt to
prove the second proven, then you will observe how much this
weakens the case that has been raised by the prosecution on the
motives for revenge, on the change in the tone of the letters, and the
desire to allure him again to her embraces and fascinations, which
could not be accounted for except on the supposition of some such
murderous design. In that view undoubtedly the foundation of the
case is very much shaken, and will not lead you to suppose that the
purpose of murder was cherished on the 22nd.
“Then as to the charge for murder, the question for you to
consider is a simple one. No matter how the prisoner is surrounded
with grave suspicions, and with many circumstances that seem to
militate against the notion of innocence upon any theory that has
been propounded, still are you prepared to say that the interview of
the 22nd March has been proved against her? She had arsenic before
the illness of 22nd February, and I think you will consider the
excuse of using arsenic as a cosmetic of the same stamp as those
which she stated to the druggists. She bought arsenic again on the
6th of March, and it certainly is a very odd thing that she should buy
more arsenic when she came back on the 18th. Because unless you
are to take the account to be sure, that she used it as a cosmetic, she
has it before the 22nd, and that is a dreadful fact if you are quite
was arsenic there, I am afraid the case would have been very strong
against her as having given him coffee or something before his
illness on that occasion. But it is not proved that that illness arose
from the administration of poison. Arsenic she had not, and there is
no proof of her having possessed anything deleterious. Therefore I
have no hesitation in telling you that charge has failed.
“The second charge stands in a somewhat different position in
regard to the evidence, although in one respect it is similar to the
first, for it is not proved that the illness arose from the
administration of arsenic or any other poisonous substance. But then
the way in which you can connect the prisoner with a meeting on
that occasion is much stronger. Still if you should think you can
acquit her of the first charge, and that there is too much doubt to
prove the second proven, then you will observe how much this
weakens the case that has been raised by the prosecution on the
motives for revenge, on the change in the tone of the letters, and the
desire to allure him again to her embraces and fascinations, which
could not be accounted for except on the supposition of some such
murderous design. In that view undoubtedly the foundation of the
case is very much shaken, and will not lead you to suppose that the
purpose of murder was cherished on the 22nd.
“Then as to the charge for murder, the question for you to
consider is a simple one. No matter how the prisoner is surrounded
with grave suspicions, and with many circumstances that seem to
militate against the notion of innocence upon any theory that has
been propounded, still are you prepared to say that the interview of
the 22nd March has been proved against her? She had arsenic before
the illness of 22nd February, and I think you will consider the
excuse of using arsenic as a cosmetic of the same stamp as those
which she stated to the druggists. She bought arsenic again on the
6th of March, and it certainly is a very odd thing that she should buy
more arsenic when she came back on the 18th. Because unless you
are to take the account to be sure, that she used it as a cosmetic, she
has it before the 22nd, and that is a dreadful fact if you are quite
Page 417
satisfied that she did not get it and use it for the purpose of washing
her hands and face. It may create the greatest reluctance in your
mind to take any other view of the matter than that she was guilty of
administering it somehow, though the place where may not be made
out, or the precise time of the interview. But on the other hand you
must keep in view, that arsenic could only be administered by her if
an interview took place with L’Angelier, and that interview, though
it may be the result of an inference that may satisfy you morally that
it did take place, still rests upon an inference alone, and that
inference is to be the ground, and must be the ground, on which a
verdict of guilty is to rest. You will see, therefore, the necessity of
great caution and jealousy in dealing with any inference which you
may draw from this. Probably none of you may think for a moment
that he did go out that night, and that without seeing her, and
without knowing what she wanted to see him about, if they met, he
may have swallowed 200 grains of arsenic on the street, and may
have carried it about. On the other hand, if he did not commit
suicide, keep in view that that will not of itself establish that the
prisoner administered the arsenic. The matter may have remained
most mysterious—wholly unexplained. You may not be able to
account for it on any other supposition, but still that supposition or
inference may not be a ground on which you can safely and
satisfactorily rest your verdict against the prisoner.
“Now then I leave you to consider the case with reference to the
views that are raised by this correspondence. I do not think you will
consider it so unlikely as was supposed that this girl, after writing
such letters, may have been capable of cherishing such a purpose.
But still, though you may take such a view of her character, it is but
a supposition that she cherished this murderous purpose—the last
conclusion that you ought to come to merely on supposition and
inference and observation on this wavering correspondence of a girl
in the circumstances in which she was placed. It receives more
importance, no doubt, when you find the purchase of arsenic just
before she expected, or just at the time that she expected L’Angelier.
But still these are but suppositions. Now the great and invaluable
her hands and face. It may create the greatest reluctance in your
mind to take any other view of the matter than that she was guilty of
administering it somehow, though the place where may not be made
out, or the precise time of the interview. But on the other hand you
must keep in view, that arsenic could only be administered by her if
an interview took place with L’Angelier, and that interview, though
it may be the result of an inference that may satisfy you morally that
it did take place, still rests upon an inference alone, and that
inference is to be the ground, and must be the ground, on which a
verdict of guilty is to rest. You will see, therefore, the necessity of
great caution and jealousy in dealing with any inference which you
may draw from this. Probably none of you may think for a moment
that he did go out that night, and that without seeing her, and
without knowing what she wanted to see him about, if they met, he
may have swallowed 200 grains of arsenic on the street, and may
have carried it about. On the other hand, if he did not commit
suicide, keep in view that that will not of itself establish that the
prisoner administered the arsenic. The matter may have remained
most mysterious—wholly unexplained. You may not be able to
account for it on any other supposition, but still that supposition or
inference may not be a ground on which you can safely and
satisfactorily rest your verdict against the prisoner.
“Now then I leave you to consider the case with reference to the
views that are raised by this correspondence. I do not think you will
consider it so unlikely as was supposed that this girl, after writing
such letters, may have been capable of cherishing such a purpose.
But still, though you may take such a view of her character, it is but
a supposition that she cherished this murderous purpose—the last
conclusion that you ought to come to merely on supposition and
inference and observation on this wavering correspondence of a girl
in the circumstances in which she was placed. It receives more
importance, no doubt, when you find the purchase of arsenic just
before she expected, or just at the time that she expected L’Angelier.
But still these are but suppositions. Now the great and invaluable
Page 418
use of a jury after they direct their attention seriously to the case
with the attention you have done, is to separate firmly—firmly and
clearly in your own minds—suspicions from evidence. I don’t say
that inferences may not be completely drawn, but I have already
warned you about inferences in the ordinary matters of civil life,
and in such a case as this.[125] If you cannot say, ‘We satisfactorily
find here evidence of the meeting, and that the poison must have
been administered by her at that meeting,’ whatever may be your
suspicion, however perplexing may be the probability against her,
and however you may have to struggle to get rid of it, you perform
your best and bounden duty as a jury to separate suspicion from
truth, and to proceed upon nothing that you do not feel established
in evidence against her.”
After retiring for half an hour, the jury by a majority in each
charge found the prisoner Not Guilty on the first, and a verdict of
Not Proven on the second and third charges, in which findings the
Lord Justice Clerk expressed his entire concurrence.
APPENDIX A., p. 307.
POST-MORTEM EXAMINATIONS.
Evidence of Dr. Hugh Thomson, M.D.
with the attention you have done, is to separate firmly—firmly and
clearly in your own minds—suspicions from evidence. I don’t say
that inferences may not be completely drawn, but I have already
warned you about inferences in the ordinary matters of civil life,
and in such a case as this.[125] If you cannot say, ‘We satisfactorily
find here evidence of the meeting, and that the poison must have
been administered by her at that meeting,’ whatever may be your
suspicion, however perplexing may be the probability against her,
and however you may have to struggle to get rid of it, you perform
your best and bounden duty as a jury to separate suspicion from
truth, and to proceed upon nothing that you do not feel established
in evidence against her.”
After retiring for half an hour, the jury by a majority in each
charge found the prisoner Not Guilty on the first, and a verdict of
Not Proven on the second and third charges, in which findings the
Lord Justice Clerk expressed his entire concurrence.
APPENDIX A., p. 307.
POST-MORTEM EXAMINATIONS.
Evidence of Dr. Hugh Thomson, M.D.
Page 419
“At the request of Messrs. W. B. Huggins & Co., of this city, we,
the undersigned, made a post-mortem examination of the body of
the late M. L’Angelier, when the appearances were as follows:—
The body, viewed externally, presented nothing remarkable, except
a tawny hue on the surface. The incision made on opening the belly
and chest revealed a considerable deposit of subcutaneous fat. The
heart appeared large for the individual, but not so large as, in our
opinion, to amount to disease. Its surface presented, externally,
some opaque patches, such as are frequently seen on the organ
without giving rise to symptoms. Its right cavities were filled with
dark fluid blood. The lungs, the liver, and the spleen appeared quite
healthy. The gall-bladder was moderately full of bile, and contained
no calculi. The stomach and the intestines, externally, presented
nothing abnormal. Being tied at both ends, it was removed from the
body. Its contents, consisting of about half a pint of dark fluid
resembling coffee, were poured into a clean bottle, and the organ
itself was laid open along its great curvature. The mucous
membrane, except for a slight extent of the lesser curvature, was
then seen to be deeply injected with blood, presenting an appearance
of dark red mottling, and its substance was remarked to be salt
(soft?), and easily torn by scratching with the finger-nail. The other
organs of the abdomen were not examined. The appearance of the
mucous membrane, taken in connection with the history as related
to us by witnesses, being such as, in our opinion, justified a
suspicion of death having resulted from poison, we considered it
proper to preserve the stomach and its contents in a sealed bottle for
further investigation by chemical analysis, should such be
determined on. We, however, do not imply that, in our opinion,
death may not have resulted from natural causes, as, for example,
severe internal congestion, the effect of exposure to cold after much
bodily fatigue, which we understand the deceased to have
undergone. Having no legal authority for making this post-mortem
examination, we restrict it to the organs where we thought likely to
find something to account for the death.
“28th March, 1857, on soul and conscience,
the undersigned, made a post-mortem examination of the body of
the late M. L’Angelier, when the appearances were as follows:—
The body, viewed externally, presented nothing remarkable, except
a tawny hue on the surface. The incision made on opening the belly
and chest revealed a considerable deposit of subcutaneous fat. The
heart appeared large for the individual, but not so large as, in our
opinion, to amount to disease. Its surface presented, externally,
some opaque patches, such as are frequently seen on the organ
without giving rise to symptoms. Its right cavities were filled with
dark fluid blood. The lungs, the liver, and the spleen appeared quite
healthy. The gall-bladder was moderately full of bile, and contained
no calculi. The stomach and the intestines, externally, presented
nothing abnormal. Being tied at both ends, it was removed from the
body. Its contents, consisting of about half a pint of dark fluid
resembling coffee, were poured into a clean bottle, and the organ
itself was laid open along its great curvature. The mucous
membrane, except for a slight extent of the lesser curvature, was
then seen to be deeply injected with blood, presenting an appearance
of dark red mottling, and its substance was remarked to be salt
(soft?), and easily torn by scratching with the finger-nail. The other
organs of the abdomen were not examined. The appearance of the
mucous membrane, taken in connection with the history as related
to us by witnesses, being such as, in our opinion, justified a
suspicion of death having resulted from poison, we considered it
proper to preserve the stomach and its contents in a sealed bottle for
further investigation by chemical analysis, should such be
determined on. We, however, do not imply that, in our opinion,
death may not have resulted from natural causes, as, for example,
severe internal congestion, the effect of exposure to cold after much
bodily fatigue, which we understand the deceased to have
undergone. Having no legal authority for making this post-mortem
examination, we restrict it to the organs where we thought likely to
find something to account for the death.
“28th March, 1857, on soul and conscience,
Page 420
“Hugh Thomson,
“James Steven.”
SECOND POST-MORTEM OF THE EXHUMED BODY,
April 3, 1857.
“By virtue of a warrant from the sheriff of Lanarkshire, we, the
undersigned, proceeded to the post-mortem examination of the body
of M. L’Angelier within the vault of the Ramshorn church on the
31st of March ultimo, in the presence of two friends of the
deceased. The body being removed from the coffin, two of our
number, Drs. Thomson and Steven, who examined the body on the
24th ultimo, remarked that the features had lost their former pinched
appearance, and that the general surface of the skin, instead of the
tawny or dingy hue observed by them on that occasion, had become
rather florid. We two likewise remarked that, with the exception of
the upper surface of the liver, which had assumed a purplish colour,
all the internal parts were little changed in appearance; and we all
agreed that the evidences of putrefaction were much less marked
than they usually are at such a date—the ninth day after death, and
the fifth after burial. The duodenum, along with the upper part of the
small intestine, after both ends of the gut had been secured by
ligatures, was removed and placed in a clean jar. A portion of the
large intestine, consisting of part of the descending colon and the
sigmoid flexure, along with a portion of the rectum, after using the
like precaution of placing ligatures at both ends of the bowel, was
removed and placed in the same jar with the duodenum, and a
portion of the small intestine. A portion of the liver, about a one-
sixth part of that organ, was cut off and placed in a clean jar. We
then proceeded to open the head in the usual manner, and observed
nothing calling for remark beyond a greater degree of vascularity of
the membranes of the brain than ordinary. A portion of the brain was
removed and placed in a fourth clean jar. We then adjourned to Dr.
Penny’s rooms, taking with us the vessels containing the parts of the
“James Steven.”
SECOND POST-MORTEM OF THE EXHUMED BODY,
April 3, 1857.
“By virtue of a warrant from the sheriff of Lanarkshire, we, the
undersigned, proceeded to the post-mortem examination of the body
of M. L’Angelier within the vault of the Ramshorn church on the
31st of March ultimo, in the presence of two friends of the
deceased. The body being removed from the coffin, two of our
number, Drs. Thomson and Steven, who examined the body on the
24th ultimo, remarked that the features had lost their former pinched
appearance, and that the general surface of the skin, instead of the
tawny or dingy hue observed by them on that occasion, had become
rather florid. We two likewise remarked that, with the exception of
the upper surface of the liver, which had assumed a purplish colour,
all the internal parts were little changed in appearance; and we all
agreed that the evidences of putrefaction were much less marked
than they usually are at such a date—the ninth day after death, and
the fifth after burial. The duodenum, along with the upper part of the
small intestine, after both ends of the gut had been secured by
ligatures, was removed and placed in a clean jar. A portion of the
large intestine, consisting of part of the descending colon and the
sigmoid flexure, along with a portion of the rectum, after using the
like precaution of placing ligatures at both ends of the bowel, was
removed and placed in the same jar with the duodenum, and a
portion of the small intestine. A portion of the liver, about a one-
sixth part of that organ, was cut off and placed in a clean jar. We
then proceeded to open the head in the usual manner, and observed
nothing calling for remark beyond a greater degree of vascularity of
the membranes of the brain than ordinary. A portion of the brain was
removed and placed in a fourth clean jar. We then adjourned to Dr.
Penny’s rooms, taking with us the vessels containing the parts of the
Page 421
viscera above mentioned. The duodenum and portion of small
intestine were found together to measure thirty-six inches in length.
Their contents poured into a clean glass measure were found to
amount to four fluid ounces, and consisted of a turbid, sanguinolent
fluid, having suspended in it much flocculent matter, which settled
towards the bottom, whilst a few mucus-like masses floated on the
surface. The mucous membrane of this part of the bowels was then
examined. The colour was decidedly redder than natural, and this
redness was more marked over several patches, portions of which,
when carefully examined, were found to be eroded. Several small
whitish and somewhat gritty particles were removed from its
surface, and being placed on a clean piece of glass, were delivered
to Dr. Penny. A few small ulcers, about the one-sixteenth of an inch
in diameter, and having elevated edges, were observed on it, at the
upper part of the duodenum. On account of the failing light, it was
determined to adjourn till a quarter past eleven next day—all the
jars, &c., being left in the custody of Dr. Penny. Having again met at
the appointed time, we proceeded to complete our examination. The
portion of the largest intestine, along with the portion of the rectum,
measuring twenty-six inches in length, being laid open, was found
empty. Its mucous membrane, coated with an abundant, pale, slimy
mucus, presented nothing abnormal, except on the part lining the
rectum, on which were observed two vascular patches, about the
size of a shilling. On decanting the contents of the glass measure,
we observed a number of crystals adhering to its interior, and at the
bottom a notable quantity of whitish sedimentary matter. Having
now completed our examination of the various parts, we finally
handed them all to Dr. Penny.
“The above we attest on soul and conscience,
“H. Thomson.
“J. Steven.”
intestine were found together to measure thirty-six inches in length.
Their contents poured into a clean glass measure were found to
amount to four fluid ounces, and consisted of a turbid, sanguinolent
fluid, having suspended in it much flocculent matter, which settled
towards the bottom, whilst a few mucus-like masses floated on the
surface. The mucous membrane of this part of the bowels was then
examined. The colour was decidedly redder than natural, and this
redness was more marked over several patches, portions of which,
when carefully examined, were found to be eroded. Several small
whitish and somewhat gritty particles were removed from its
surface, and being placed on a clean piece of glass, were delivered
to Dr. Penny. A few small ulcers, about the one-sixteenth of an inch
in diameter, and having elevated edges, were observed on it, at the
upper part of the duodenum. On account of the failing light, it was
determined to adjourn till a quarter past eleven next day—all the
jars, &c., being left in the custody of Dr. Penny. Having again met at
the appointed time, we proceeded to complete our examination. The
portion of the largest intestine, along with the portion of the rectum,
measuring twenty-six inches in length, being laid open, was found
empty. Its mucous membrane, coated with an abundant, pale, slimy
mucus, presented nothing abnormal, except on the part lining the
rectum, on which were observed two vascular patches, about the
size of a shilling. On decanting the contents of the glass measure,
we observed a number of crystals adhering to its interior, and at the
bottom a notable quantity of whitish sedimentary matter. Having
now completed our examination of the various parts, we finally
handed them all to Dr. Penny.
“The above we attest on soul and conscience,
“H. Thomson.
“J. Steven.”
Page 422
APPENDIX B., p. 319.
ON THE QUANTITY OF POISON FOUND IN
THE STOMACH OF A PERSON MURDERED BY
ARSENIC.
Extract from Letter from Professor Christison to the
Edinburgh Medical Journal, December, 1857.
“The purpose of the present brief communication is to state a
case which annihilates the defence of the prisoner, so far as the large
quantity of arsenic found in the stomach of the deceased may have
been thought to support it.
“Dr. Mackinlay, of Paisley, very lately reminded me of a case of
poisoning with arsenic, in which we were both concerned in 1842. A
person came under a charge of poisoning with arsenic, and was
indicted. But, on account of some informality, this indictment fell to
the ground, and the trial was necessarily delayed. Meanwhile,
during the delay, the general evidence was thought defective, and
the trial was dropped. There could be no doubt, however, that
murder had been committed. The arsenic was administered in
whisky-punch with sugar, the arsenic being kept in suspension by
constant stirring. The person survived at least five, possibly seven,
hours, and frequently vomited a yellowish or greenish liquid.
Nevertheless, I found a little spirit in the contents of the stomach;
and I collected thirty grains of arsenic in substance from the
stomach and its contents.
“Drs. Mackinlay and Wylie, of Paisley, who examined the dead
body, and also discovered arsenic in the stomach, had scraped off a
quantity of the powder of this substance from the inside upon a
watch-glass. I was not made aware at the time how much had been
ON THE QUANTITY OF POISON FOUND IN
THE STOMACH OF A PERSON MURDERED BY
ARSENIC.
Extract from Letter from Professor Christison to the
Edinburgh Medical Journal, December, 1857.
“The purpose of the present brief communication is to state a
case which annihilates the defence of the prisoner, so far as the large
quantity of arsenic found in the stomach of the deceased may have
been thought to support it.
“Dr. Mackinlay, of Paisley, very lately reminded me of a case of
poisoning with arsenic, in which we were both concerned in 1842. A
person came under a charge of poisoning with arsenic, and was
indicted. But, on account of some informality, this indictment fell to
the ground, and the trial was necessarily delayed. Meanwhile,
during the delay, the general evidence was thought defective, and
the trial was dropped. There could be no doubt, however, that
murder had been committed. The arsenic was administered in
whisky-punch with sugar, the arsenic being kept in suspension by
constant stirring. The person survived at least five, possibly seven,
hours, and frequently vomited a yellowish or greenish liquid.
Nevertheless, I found a little spirit in the contents of the stomach;
and I collected thirty grains of arsenic in substance from the
stomach and its contents.
“Drs. Mackinlay and Wylie, of Paisley, who examined the dead
body, and also discovered arsenic in the stomach, had scraped off a
quantity of the powder of this substance from the inside upon a
watch-glass. I was not made aware at the time how much had been
Page 423
thus obtained; but Dr. Mackinlay now informs me that the quantity
was sixty grains. Here, then, is a case exactly like that of L’Angelier.
Ninety grains of arsenic, and this in substance, were found within
the stomach alone. If to this be added, as in Dr. Penny’s analysis in
L’Angelier’s case, the probable arsenic dissolved and suspended in
the contents of the stomach, and that imbibed by the textures of the
stomach itself, it is impossible to estimate the total quantity in the
stomach at less than 100 grains. But there was also arsenic in the
intestines; and, indeed, it had actually caused purging.
“How large a quantity, then, must have been given in that
instance! How strangely easy is it for a determined designing
murderer to administer secretly those large quantities of a substance,
whose weight should render it difficult to be mixed, and whose
roughness should betray its presence when abundant! How difficult
for the stomach to discharge it by vomiting. I draw no conclusion as
to the question of Madeline Smith’s innocence or guilt. In common
with the public at large, I am well satisfied that she escaped
condemnation. But, as I have been supplied, through the kindness of
Dr. Mackinlay, with the means of completing a fact, closely
touching a ground of defence, which, at the time it was brought
forward, I regarded as hypothetical and baseless, and which may be
made much of again, were it allowed to stand, as it has hitherto
done, I have thought it my duty to make the true state of the
question known.”
APPENDIX C., p. 342.
was sixty grains. Here, then, is a case exactly like that of L’Angelier.
Ninety grains of arsenic, and this in substance, were found within
the stomach alone. If to this be added, as in Dr. Penny’s analysis in
L’Angelier’s case, the probable arsenic dissolved and suspended in
the contents of the stomach, and that imbibed by the textures of the
stomach itself, it is impossible to estimate the total quantity in the
stomach at less than 100 grains. But there was also arsenic in the
intestines; and, indeed, it had actually caused purging.
“How large a quantity, then, must have been given in that
instance! How strangely easy is it for a determined designing
murderer to administer secretly those large quantities of a substance,
whose weight should render it difficult to be mixed, and whose
roughness should betray its presence when abundant! How difficult
for the stomach to discharge it by vomiting. I draw no conclusion as
to the question of Madeline Smith’s innocence or guilt. In common
with the public at large, I am well satisfied that she escaped
condemnation. But, as I have been supplied, through the kindness of
Dr. Mackinlay, with the means of completing a fact, closely
touching a ground of defence, which, at the time it was brought
forward, I regarded as hypothetical and baseless, and which may be
made much of again, were it allowed to stand, as it has hitherto
done, I have thought it my duty to make the true state of the
question known.”
APPENDIX C., p. 342.
Page 424
L’ANGELIER’S DIARY.
At the close of the fifth day, after putting in the bulk of the
letters, the Lord Advocate proposed to read entries in L’Angelier’s
pocket-book from the 16th of February to the 14th of March, 1857,
in support of the first and second charges. They were undoubtedly in
his own handwriting, and statements of what he did on those days. It
was objected that the book was not regularly kept, that the
corroborative evidence was not sufficient, and that two of the entries
were contradicted by witnesses who had been examined. The Court
took time to consider, and on the next morning delivered the
following judgments.
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“The admission of hearsay evidence
was an established rule in the law of Scotland, but under those
restrictions and conditions, which went in many circumstances to its
entire rejection. What was now proposed to be admitted was this—
certain memoranda or jottings made by the deceased, in which
certain things were said to be contained, which went directly to the
vital part of this charge. The Dean of Faculty felt so strongly that he
did not scruple to state what the purport of one of these was, in
order to show the immense materiality of the point. It was certainly
most important for the Court to take care that the rules of evidence
were not relaxed merely because it appeared that the matter
tendered was of the highest importance to the case. Before evidence
could be received and allowed to go to a jury, it must be shown that
such evidence was legally competent to be tendered against the
prisoner. That was the rule also in civil cases. It was of vital
importance in considering whether this evidence was admissible, to
ascertain in what circumstances, and, if possible, from what motive,
and at what periods these entries were made. Now it was a most
remarkable fact that there was no entry regarding the prisoner, or the
circumstances connected with her, before the 14th of February; and
at that very time the purpose on her part of breaking off the
engagement with him and of demanding her letters back had been
At the close of the fifth day, after putting in the bulk of the
letters, the Lord Advocate proposed to read entries in L’Angelier’s
pocket-book from the 16th of February to the 14th of March, 1857,
in support of the first and second charges. They were undoubtedly in
his own handwriting, and statements of what he did on those days. It
was objected that the book was not regularly kept, that the
corroborative evidence was not sufficient, and that two of the entries
were contradicted by witnesses who had been examined. The Court
took time to consider, and on the next morning delivered the
following judgments.
The Lord Justice Clerk.—“The admission of hearsay evidence
was an established rule in the law of Scotland, but under those
restrictions and conditions, which went in many circumstances to its
entire rejection. What was now proposed to be admitted was this—
certain memoranda or jottings made by the deceased, in which
certain things were said to be contained, which went directly to the
vital part of this charge. The Dean of Faculty felt so strongly that he
did not scruple to state what the purport of one of these was, in
order to show the immense materiality of the point. It was certainly
most important for the Court to take care that the rules of evidence
were not relaxed merely because it appeared that the matter
tendered was of the highest importance to the case. Before evidence
could be received and allowed to go to a jury, it must be shown that
such evidence was legally competent to be tendered against the
prisoner. That was the rule also in civil cases. It was of vital
importance in considering whether this evidence was admissible, to
ascertain in what circumstances, and, if possible, from what motive,
and at what periods these entries were made. Now it was a most
remarkable fact that there was no entry regarding the prisoner, or the
circumstances connected with her, before the 14th of February; and
at that very time the purpose on her part of breaking off the
engagement with him and of demanding her letters back had been
Page 425
communicated to the deceased; and his purpose and resolution not
to give up the letters and to keep her to her engagement were
avowed and made known, as it appeared from evidence prior to that
date. Then he had a purpose in writing these memoranda—a
purpose obviously to strengthen his hold over the prisoner, not only
by refusing to give up the letters at that time and afterwards, but
probably with the view to hold out that he had a diary as to their
interviews and communications, so as to endeavour to effect his
object of preventing the marriage, and of terrifying her into giving
up her engagement with Mr. Minnoch. He (the Lord Justice Clerk)
made this observation not merely with regard to the weight and
credibility of these entries, but with regard to their admissibility;
because in the case of hearsay evidence one could ascertain from the
witnesses the time the statement was made, all the circumstances
and all the apparent motives which could be collected as to the
statement being made by the deceased. But when we could not
know with certainty the motive with which the man made the entry,
or, perhaps, as in this case, could perceive reasons why he made the
entry as against her, intending to prejudice her in one way, not of
course with reference to such a trial as this, but with reference to her
engagement, he thought it could not be said that this came before
the Court as a statement recorded by him as to indifferent matters,
or as to matters in which he might have not had a strong purpose in
making the statement. Further, it might be a record of a past act. He
felt the force of what the Lord Advocate had said, that supposing in
this book there had been an entry that this man purchased arsenic,
would not that have been available in favour of the prisoner. An
illustration of this point had been suggested to him by a person
whose authority and experience were of the very highest. Take an
action of divorce against the wife where the paramour was dead;
would an entry in any diary of his that he had enjoyed the embraces
of this woman on such a night in the absence of her husband be
proof against the wife? He thought not. What was proposed in this
case was to tender in evidence a thing altogether unprecedented,
according to the research of the Bar and the Bench, of which no
trace or indication occurred in any book whatever, viz., that a
to give up the letters and to keep her to her engagement were
avowed and made known, as it appeared from evidence prior to that
date. Then he had a purpose in writing these memoranda—a
purpose obviously to strengthen his hold over the prisoner, not only
by refusing to give up the letters at that time and afterwards, but
probably with the view to hold out that he had a diary as to their
interviews and communications, so as to endeavour to effect his
object of preventing the marriage, and of terrifying her into giving
up her engagement with Mr. Minnoch. He (the Lord Justice Clerk)
made this observation not merely with regard to the weight and
credibility of these entries, but with regard to their admissibility;
because in the case of hearsay evidence one could ascertain from the
witnesses the time the statement was made, all the circumstances
and all the apparent motives which could be collected as to the
statement being made by the deceased. But when we could not
know with certainty the motive with which the man made the entry,
or, perhaps, as in this case, could perceive reasons why he made the
entry as against her, intending to prejudice her in one way, not of
course with reference to such a trial as this, but with reference to her
engagement, he thought it could not be said that this came before
the Court as a statement recorded by him as to indifferent matters,
or as to matters in which he might have not had a strong purpose in
making the statement. Further, it might be a record of a past act. He
felt the force of what the Lord Advocate had said, that supposing in
this book there had been an entry that this man purchased arsenic,
would not that have been available in favour of the prisoner. An
illustration of this point had been suggested to him by a person
whose authority and experience were of the very highest. Take an
action of divorce against the wife where the paramour was dead;
would an entry in any diary of his that he had enjoyed the embraces
of this woman on such a night in the absence of her husband be
proof against the wife? He thought not. What was proposed in this
case was to tender in evidence a thing altogether unprecedented,
according to the research of the Bar and the Bench, of which no
trace or indication occurred in any book whatever, viz., that a
Page 426
memorandum made by the deceased should be proof of the fact
against the panel in a charge of murder. He was unable to admit
such evidence; it might relax the sacred rules of evidence to an
extent that the mind could hardly contemplate. One could not tell
how many documents might exist and be found in the repositories of
deceased persons; a man might have threatened another, he might
have hatred against him, and be determined to revenge himself, and
what entries might he not make in a diary for this purpose? He had a
faint recollection of a case in 1808—the trial of a man Patch for
murdering Page, or of Page for murdering Patch—in which some
letter of the murdered man, prior to his death, was used; but he had
been unable to find the case, and he had no notion if it was of the
character he had alluded to. However, in the meantime, as the point
was perfectly new, and as it would be a departure from what he
considered to be an important principle in the administration of
justice, he thought this evidence could not be received.”
Lord Handyside.—“The special point is, whether the entries of
certain dates—two in number—are to be read and made evidence
for the prosecution, as regards the first and second charges in the
indictment. The whole of these entries have been written with a lead
pencil. I notice this to make the observation that ink and
penmanship afford to a certain degree a means of ascertaining
whether entries are made de die in diem, thus having the character
of entries made daily; or, on the contrary, of several entries having
the appearance, by change of ink or of pen, of being made at one
time, and so after recollection. Where all the entries are in pencil,
there can be no security as to the time when the entries are, in point
of fact, inserted, and that they are not ex post facto; or that the
original entries have been expunged, and others substituted in their
place—whether this be a correction of memory, or with purpose and
design of another character. The party making such entries in pencil
has entire power over what he has done or chooses to do.” Then
alluding to the fact that no authority for such evidence could be
found, which entitled the objector to the evidence to throw on the
tenderer the burden of showing that it ought to be received, the
against the panel in a charge of murder. He was unable to admit
such evidence; it might relax the sacred rules of evidence to an
extent that the mind could hardly contemplate. One could not tell
how many documents might exist and be found in the repositories of
deceased persons; a man might have threatened another, he might
have hatred against him, and be determined to revenge himself, and
what entries might he not make in a diary for this purpose? He had a
faint recollection of a case in 1808—the trial of a man Patch for
murdering Page, or of Page for murdering Patch—in which some
letter of the murdered man, prior to his death, was used; but he had
been unable to find the case, and he had no notion if it was of the
character he had alluded to. However, in the meantime, as the point
was perfectly new, and as it would be a departure from what he
considered to be an important principle in the administration of
justice, he thought this evidence could not be received.”
Lord Handyside.—“The special point is, whether the entries of
certain dates—two in number—are to be read and made evidence
for the prosecution, as regards the first and second charges in the
indictment. The whole of these entries have been written with a lead
pencil. I notice this to make the observation that ink and
penmanship afford to a certain degree a means of ascertaining
whether entries are made de die in diem, thus having the character
of entries made daily; or, on the contrary, of several entries having
the appearance, by change of ink or of pen, of being made at one
time, and so after recollection. Where all the entries are in pencil,
there can be no security as to the time when the entries are, in point
of fact, inserted, and that they are not ex post facto; or that the
original entries have been expunged, and others substituted in their
place—whether this be a correction of memory, or with purpose and
design of another character. The party making such entries in pencil
has entire power over what he has done or chooses to do.” Then
alluding to the fact that no authority for such evidence could be
found, which entitled the objector to the evidence to throw on the
tenderer the burden of showing that it ought to be received, the
Page 427
learned judge continued—“I think the question one of great
difficulty—at least I have found it so. Had the writer of the
memorandum been living, they could not have been made evidence
—of themselves they were nothing. They might have been used in
the witness-box to refresh the memory, but the evidence would still
be parole. What would be regarded would be the oath of the witness
to the facts, time and person; and if distinct and explicit, though
resting on memory alone, the law of evidence would be satisfied,
irrespective of any aid by memorandums and letters, though made at
the same time. It is the oath of the witness to the verity of his oral
statement in the box which the law requires and regards. But if the
writer has died, is this circumstance to make such memorandums
thenceforward admissible as evidence by their own weight? Are
they, the handwriting being proved, to be treated as written
evidence? That would be a bold proposition. Death cannot change
the character originally impressed on the memorandums, and
convert them from inadmissible to admissible writings. They are
private memorandums, seen by no eye but the writers as such,
subject to no check upon the accuracy of their statements, whether
arising from innocent mistakes or from prejudice or passing feeling.
I do not say that they are to be supposed false and dishonest, for the
idea is repugnant, from the consideration that it would be idle to
falsify and invent when memorandums are intended to be kept
secret by the writer. But it is quite conceivable that vanity might
lead to statements being made wholly imaginary, with a view of the
subsequent exhibition of the book, and were its admissibility as
evidence set up by death, it might become a fearful instrument of
calumny and accusation. I speak just now of private memorandums,
diaries, and journals, taken in the abstract. As to other writings of a
deceased person, such as letters, I do not say these may not become
admissible as evidence by reason of death, though during life they
could not be used. They thus become analogous to words spoken—
to representations made and conversations held—by a deceased
person, the proper object of hearsay evidence. It was contended that
the principle on which hearsay evidence is admitted would extend to
anything written by a deceased person. It is assumed to be a
difficulty—at least I have found it so. Had the writer of the
memorandum been living, they could not have been made evidence
—of themselves they were nothing. They might have been used in
the witness-box to refresh the memory, but the evidence would still
be parole. What would be regarded would be the oath of the witness
to the facts, time and person; and if distinct and explicit, though
resting on memory alone, the law of evidence would be satisfied,
irrespective of any aid by memorandums and letters, though made at
the same time. It is the oath of the witness to the verity of his oral
statement in the box which the law requires and regards. But if the
writer has died, is this circumstance to make such memorandums
thenceforward admissible as evidence by their own weight? Are
they, the handwriting being proved, to be treated as written
evidence? That would be a bold proposition. Death cannot change
the character originally impressed on the memorandums, and
convert them from inadmissible to admissible writings. They are
private memorandums, seen by no eye but the writers as such,
subject to no check upon the accuracy of their statements, whether
arising from innocent mistakes or from prejudice or passing feeling.
I do not say that they are to be supposed false and dishonest, for the
idea is repugnant, from the consideration that it would be idle to
falsify and invent when memorandums are intended to be kept
secret by the writer. But it is quite conceivable that vanity might
lead to statements being made wholly imaginary, with a view of the
subsequent exhibition of the book, and were its admissibility as
evidence set up by death, it might become a fearful instrument of
calumny and accusation. I speak just now of private memorandums,
diaries, and journals, taken in the abstract. As to other writings of a
deceased person, such as letters, I do not say these may not become
admissible as evidence by reason of death, though during life they
could not be used. They thus become analogous to words spoken—
to representations made and conversations held—by a deceased
person, the proper object of hearsay evidence. It was contended that
the principle on which hearsay evidence is admitted would extend to
anything written by a deceased person. It is assumed to be a
Page 428
declaration in writing of what if spoken would have been admissible
on the testimony of the person hearing it. And on the first view it
would seem that the written mode is superior to the oral, from the
greater certainty that no mistake is committed as to the words used.
But this would be a fallacious ground to rest on, for words written
would require to be taken without explanation or modification;
whereas words spoken to another are subject to the further inquiry
by the party addressed as to the meaning of the speaker in order to a
better and more thorough understanding of the subject of
communication, the object of making it, and the grounds on which
the speaker’s statements rest. And all these things may be fought out
in the examination of the witness who comes into court to give this
hearsay evidence. The value of hearsay evidence, and the weight to
be given to it, come thus to depend much on the account which the
witness gives of the circumstances under which the communication
was made to him, as to the seriousness of the statement and what
followed upon it in the way of inquiry and reply. Now a mere
writing in the way of a memorandum or entry in a book in the sole
custody of the writer till his death can be subject to no such tests. Its
very nature shows that it is not intended for communication. It may
be an idle, purposeless piece of writing, or it may be a record of
unfounded suspicions and malicious charges, treasured up by hostile
and malignant feelings in a moody, spiteful mind. These views
impress me strongly with the danger of admitting a private journal
or diary as evidence to support a criminal charge. I think the
question now before us must be decided as a general point. As such
I take it up. If I were to confine myself to the special and peculiar
circumstances of this case, I should see much perhaps to vindicate
the court in the reception of the evidence tendered. There is to be
found in the letters which have already been made evidence much to
give corroboration or verification to some at least of the entries in
the pocket-book. But I feel compelled to close my mind against
such considerations, and to look above all to a general and,
therefore, safe rule by which to be guided. I have come, therefore, to
be of the opinion that the production tendered as evidence in the
on the testimony of the person hearing it. And on the first view it
would seem that the written mode is superior to the oral, from the
greater certainty that no mistake is committed as to the words used.
But this would be a fallacious ground to rest on, for words written
would require to be taken without explanation or modification;
whereas words spoken to another are subject to the further inquiry
by the party addressed as to the meaning of the speaker in order to a
better and more thorough understanding of the subject of
communication, the object of making it, and the grounds on which
the speaker’s statements rest. And all these things may be fought out
in the examination of the witness who comes into court to give this
hearsay evidence. The value of hearsay evidence, and the weight to
be given to it, come thus to depend much on the account which the
witness gives of the circumstances under which the communication
was made to him, as to the seriousness of the statement and what
followed upon it in the way of inquiry and reply. Now a mere
writing in the way of a memorandum or entry in a book in the sole
custody of the writer till his death can be subject to no such tests. Its
very nature shows that it is not intended for communication. It may
be an idle, purposeless piece of writing, or it may be a record of
unfounded suspicions and malicious charges, treasured up by hostile
and malignant feelings in a moody, spiteful mind. These views
impress me strongly with the danger of admitting a private journal
or diary as evidence to support a criminal charge. I think the
question now before us must be decided as a general point. As such
I take it up. If I were to confine myself to the special and peculiar
circumstances of this case, I should see much perhaps to vindicate
the court in the reception of the evidence tendered. There is to be
found in the letters which have already been made evidence much to
give corroboration or verification to some at least of the entries in
the pocket-book. But I feel compelled to close my mind against
such considerations, and to look above all to a general and,
therefore, safe rule by which to be guided. I have come, therefore, to
be of the opinion that the production tendered as evidence in the
Page 429
case in support, as I take it, of the first and second charge, ought to
be rejected.”
Lord Ivory said the opinions just delivered had relieved his mind
of a burden of responsibility under which he laboured, and which he
was ill able to bear. He had given the most anxious, serious, and
repeated consideration to this matter. He had found little or nothing
in the way of authority, and no dicta so precisely bearing on the case
as to be of any avail. But judging in the abstract, applying the rules
as applied to other cases, endeavouring to find a principle by
comparison of the different classes and categories in which evidence
had been distributed and in which it had been received, he felt
himself totally unable to come to a conclusion that the evidence of
this document should be excluded from the jury. As his opinion
could not in the least degree influence the judgment, he should be
sorry to add anything that would even seem to be intended to detract
from the authority of the judgment now given; least of all should he
be disposed to follow such a course in a capital case, where the
judgment was in favour of the prisoner. He would content himself,
therefore, with simply expressing his opinion. It appeared to him
that this document should have been admitted valeat quantum, and
that the jury should have considered its weight, and credibility, and
value.
TRIAL OF ANN MERRITT.
Before The Lord Chief Baron Pollock and Mr. Justice
Cresswell, at the Central Criminal Court, March 8, 1850.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Bodkin and Mr. Clark.
For the Defence: Mr. Clarkson, by the intervention of the
Sheriffs of London and Middlesex.
be rejected.”
Lord Ivory said the opinions just delivered had relieved his mind
of a burden of responsibility under which he laboured, and which he
was ill able to bear. He had given the most anxious, serious, and
repeated consideration to this matter. He had found little or nothing
in the way of authority, and no dicta so precisely bearing on the case
as to be of any avail. But judging in the abstract, applying the rules
as applied to other cases, endeavouring to find a principle by
comparison of the different classes and categories in which evidence
had been distributed and in which it had been received, he felt
himself totally unable to come to a conclusion that the evidence of
this document should be excluded from the jury. As his opinion
could not in the least degree influence the judgment, he should be
sorry to add anything that would even seem to be intended to detract
from the authority of the judgment now given; least of all should he
be disposed to follow such a course in a capital case, where the
judgment was in favour of the prisoner. He would content himself,
therefore, with simply expressing his opinion. It appeared to him
that this document should have been admitted valeat quantum, and
that the jury should have considered its weight, and credibility, and
value.
TRIAL OF ANN MERRITT.
Before The Lord Chief Baron Pollock and Mr. Justice
Cresswell, at the Central Criminal Court, March 8, 1850.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Bodkin and Mr. Clark.
For the Defence: Mr. Clarkson, by the intervention of the
Sheriffs of London and Middlesex.
Page 430
Ann Merritt was indicted for the murder of her husband, James,
by poison, at Clapton, on the 25th of January.
Merritt, who was a turncock in the employ of the East London
Waterworks, had been at work in his usual health, with the
exception of a slight cold, on Wednesday, the 23rd of January.
When, however, a fellow-workman called upon him about nine the
next morning, he was told by the prisoner that her husband was
sick in the yard, and in a minute or two afterwards Merritt came in
and told his comrade that he had been drinking some broth and a
cup of hot tea upon it, and expected that it had turned his stomach.
They started off to work, and on the way Merritt complained of
being very thirsty, and went into a public-house and had some rum-
and-water before they separated for their respective jobs. He seems,
however, to have soon returned home unwell, as between ten and
eleven a neighbour (Mrs. Gillett), who lived next door, who had
been previously called in by eight o’clock in the morning, saw the
deceased in his house very ill, and the prisoner emptying some
thick gruel into a basin from a saucepan, and pouring water on it.
The gruel had been made from oatmeal fetched from a corn-
chandler’s by the witness’s son, at the prisoner’s request, who had
given as a reason for making it that her husband had returned so
very thirsty. This gruel the deceased was seen eating at a quarter
past eleven, and very soon after vomiting. However, at one o’clock,
Merritt went out again to work with his comrade, but soon after felt
so sick and ill that he asked his friend to do his work for him, and
returned home. When his friend returned to Merritt’s house with his
tools, between five and six in the evening, the prisoner told him to
go upstairs and see “Jem,” as he was very ill, and wanted to see
him. This witness went up to the deceased’s bedroom, followed by
the prisoner, and found Merritt in bed complaining of being very
sick, feeling cramp in his limbs; at which the deceased said, “he did
by poison, at Clapton, on the 25th of January.
Merritt, who was a turncock in the employ of the East London
Waterworks, had been at work in his usual health, with the
exception of a slight cold, on Wednesday, the 23rd of January.
When, however, a fellow-workman called upon him about nine the
next morning, he was told by the prisoner that her husband was
sick in the yard, and in a minute or two afterwards Merritt came in
and told his comrade that he had been drinking some broth and a
cup of hot tea upon it, and expected that it had turned his stomach.
They started off to work, and on the way Merritt complained of
being very thirsty, and went into a public-house and had some rum-
and-water before they separated for their respective jobs. He seems,
however, to have soon returned home unwell, as between ten and
eleven a neighbour (Mrs. Gillett), who lived next door, who had
been previously called in by eight o’clock in the morning, saw the
deceased in his house very ill, and the prisoner emptying some
thick gruel into a basin from a saucepan, and pouring water on it.
The gruel had been made from oatmeal fetched from a corn-
chandler’s by the witness’s son, at the prisoner’s request, who had
given as a reason for making it that her husband had returned so
very thirsty. This gruel the deceased was seen eating at a quarter
past eleven, and very soon after vomiting. However, at one o’clock,
Merritt went out again to work with his comrade, but soon after felt
so sick and ill that he asked his friend to do his work for him, and
returned home. When his friend returned to Merritt’s house with his
tools, between five and six in the evening, the prisoner told him to
go upstairs and see “Jem,” as he was very ill, and wanted to see
him. This witness went up to the deceased’s bedroom, followed by
the prisoner, and found Merritt in bed complaining of being very
sick, feeling cramp in his limbs; at which the deceased said, “he did
Page 431
not wonder, as what with the weather and the work they had to do,
it was enough to kill a horse.” No more was seen of the parties until
half-past nine at night, when Mrs. Gillett was again called in by the
prisoner, and found the husband in bed retching violently, and
complaining of a burning pain in his chest and stomach. Between
ten and eleven Mr. Toulmin, the doctor, was called in, and at half-
past twelve the husband died.[126]
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Mr. Toulmin, a general practitioner at Clapton, was first
examined. He was called in between ten and eleven on the
Thursday night, and found the deceased in bed sick, complaining
greatly of pain in his stomach and cramps in his legs, his pulse very
weak, and his skin below the natural temperature; he prescribed for
him, and left. Subsequently he made a post-mortem examination of
the body on the 28th, by the coroner’s order, with the assistance of
Mr. Welch, a neighbouring surgeon, to which the prisoner at first
objected. When the stomach was opened, it contained a thickish
matter slightly pink, which was poured into a stoppered bottle and
sent with the stomach to Dr. Letheby for analysis. On its coats there
were red spots, such as are observed in persons who have died of
irritant poison.
Dr. Henry Letheby, professor of chemistry at the London
Hospital, to whom the stomach and its contents had been
forwarded, gave the following evidence, which, in consequence of
the dispute which subsequently arose on his statement as to the
time at which the fatal dose was taken, is given in full:—
“I first experimented,” said the witness, “on the contents of the
bottle (the fluid found in the stomach), and detected 8½ grains of
white arsenic. By one course of experiments I reproduced the
it was enough to kill a horse.” No more was seen of the parties until
half-past nine at night, when Mrs. Gillett was again called in by the
prisoner, and found the husband in bed retching violently, and
complaining of a burning pain in his chest and stomach. Between
ten and eleven Mr. Toulmin, the doctor, was called in, and at half-
past twelve the husband died.[126]
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Mr. Toulmin, a general practitioner at Clapton, was first
examined. He was called in between ten and eleven on the
Thursday night, and found the deceased in bed sick, complaining
greatly of pain in his stomach and cramps in his legs, his pulse very
weak, and his skin below the natural temperature; he prescribed for
him, and left. Subsequently he made a post-mortem examination of
the body on the 28th, by the coroner’s order, with the assistance of
Mr. Welch, a neighbouring surgeon, to which the prisoner at first
objected. When the stomach was opened, it contained a thickish
matter slightly pink, which was poured into a stoppered bottle and
sent with the stomach to Dr. Letheby for analysis. On its coats there
were red spots, such as are observed in persons who have died of
irritant poison.
Dr. Henry Letheby, professor of chemistry at the London
Hospital, to whom the stomach and its contents had been
forwarded, gave the following evidence, which, in consequence of
the dispute which subsequently arose on his statement as to the
time at which the fatal dose was taken, is given in full:—
“I first experimented,” said the witness, “on the contents of the
bottle (the fluid found in the stomach), and detected 8½ grains of
white arsenic. By one course of experiments I reproduced the
Page 432
arsenic in a metallic form—it is in this tube (produced). The earthen
jar contained part of a human stomach. I noticed a peculiar
appearance in it, which I have noticed in cases of poisoning by
arsenic—there was a small portion of whitish powder adhering to
the lining of the stomach, too small a quantity to enable me to
ascertain what it consisted of. I then examined the intestines that
were in the jar; I subjected them to a chemical analysis, and the
result was the detection of a very small quantity of arsenic. There
was also in the jar a part of a human liver. I subjected about a
quarter of a pound of it to experiment, and obtained a quantity of
metallic arsenic (produced); it was too minute a quantity to weigh.
That in the stomach was the only quantity I weighed; that would be
sufficient to cause death. I had the opportunity of witnessing a case
where 2½ grains killed; the general quantity would be 8 grains; I
look upon that as an average dose. It would generally be fatal.
Vomiting is almost invariably the consequence of arsenic introduced
into the stomach. A person attacked by that would be likely to throw
up a portion of the arsenic. Looking at the quantity I found, and the
parts in which I found it, in my judgment the arsenic I found had
been taken not more than two or three hours before death, but that is
a matter of opinion; a dose might have been given before. It would
depend upon many circumstances how soon it would find its way
into the liver.”
Cross-examined.—Question.—“About two grains of arsenic you
say would cause death; do you mean taken together?”
Answer.—“Yes, or less; 2½ grains have done so. I know nothing
of this transaction but from the examination. I found a very small
portion in the liver, perhaps one tenth of a grain in a quarter of a
pound. A liver weighs about 5 pounds, and supposing the arsenic to
be equally diffused, there would be twenty times that quantity—
equal to 2 grains. My observation with reference to the time it had
been taken was in reference both to the stomach and the liver.”
Question.—“Are the data at all safe?”
Answer.—“Yes; I will tell you why. I found in the stomach 8½
grains of arsenic, and there was not much in the intestines. I
jar contained part of a human stomach. I noticed a peculiar
appearance in it, which I have noticed in cases of poisoning by
arsenic—there was a small portion of whitish powder adhering to
the lining of the stomach, too small a quantity to enable me to
ascertain what it consisted of. I then examined the intestines that
were in the jar; I subjected them to a chemical analysis, and the
result was the detection of a very small quantity of arsenic. There
was also in the jar a part of a human liver. I subjected about a
quarter of a pound of it to experiment, and obtained a quantity of
metallic arsenic (produced); it was too minute a quantity to weigh.
That in the stomach was the only quantity I weighed; that would be
sufficient to cause death. I had the opportunity of witnessing a case
where 2½ grains killed; the general quantity would be 8 grains; I
look upon that as an average dose. It would generally be fatal.
Vomiting is almost invariably the consequence of arsenic introduced
into the stomach. A person attacked by that would be likely to throw
up a portion of the arsenic. Looking at the quantity I found, and the
parts in which I found it, in my judgment the arsenic I found had
been taken not more than two or three hours before death, but that is
a matter of opinion; a dose might have been given before. It would
depend upon many circumstances how soon it would find its way
into the liver.”
Cross-examined.—Question.—“About two grains of arsenic you
say would cause death; do you mean taken together?”
Answer.—“Yes, or less; 2½ grains have done so. I know nothing
of this transaction but from the examination. I found a very small
portion in the liver, perhaps one tenth of a grain in a quarter of a
pound. A liver weighs about 5 pounds, and supposing the arsenic to
be equally diffused, there would be twenty times that quantity—
equal to 2 grains. My observation with reference to the time it had
been taken was in reference both to the stomach and the liver.”
Question.—“Are the data at all safe?”
Answer.—“Yes; I will tell you why. I found in the stomach 8½
grains of arsenic, and there was not much in the intestines. I
Page 433
conclude, therefore, that there had not been time for it to have
passed into the intestines, which would have been the case if it had
been taken long before death. But there was only a trace in the
intestines, so I conclude that it was taken a very short time before
death. That furnishes datum to me to form a judgment on the subject
of hours. Food remains five hours before it passes into the
intestines. I am able to say that the contents of the stomach pass into
the intestines in four, eight, or ten hours, from experiments I have
performed on living subjects. I have not the least doubt. I saw the
intestines; they were in the jar. They did not appear to have been
influenced by arsenic; they were slightly red, and there were traces
of arsenic. I have reduced something that was in the intestines into a
metallic state. I experimented on it, and found it was arsenic. It was
destroyed in the experiment to which I was obliged to submit it to
prove it was arsenic. It was not likely that I should find it in the liver
without some being in the intestines. The time would not depend on
the constitution of the person. Digestion depends upon the
constitution, but I am speaking of the average. Digestion is more or
less rapid according to the constitution of the person who has
received the subject matter. I have heard of cases in which matters
which would not digest have remained three or four days, but those
were solid matters. I think liquids pass into the stomach (intestines?)
under all circumstances in five hours as (after?) they are imbibed.
There is a valve which prevents solid matters from passing into the
stomach till they are digested. The arsenic was in a liquid state, all
except a little white powder on the side of the stomach. I am obliged
to have recourse to an average to form an opinion as to how long it
would take. We have no means of dealing with an independent case
except by an average.”
By Mr. Bodkin, Q.C.—Question.—“What did the contents of the
stomach look like?”
Answer.—“Thick gruel. They were filtered, and I examined the
filtered portion, and my opinion is that the arsenic had been taken
two or three hours.”[127]
passed into the intestines, which would have been the case if it had
been taken long before death. But there was only a trace in the
intestines, so I conclude that it was taken a very short time before
death. That furnishes datum to me to form a judgment on the subject
of hours. Food remains five hours before it passes into the
intestines. I am able to say that the contents of the stomach pass into
the intestines in four, eight, or ten hours, from experiments I have
performed on living subjects. I have not the least doubt. I saw the
intestines; they were in the jar. They did not appear to have been
influenced by arsenic; they were slightly red, and there were traces
of arsenic. I have reduced something that was in the intestines into a
metallic state. I experimented on it, and found it was arsenic. It was
destroyed in the experiment to which I was obliged to submit it to
prove it was arsenic. It was not likely that I should find it in the liver
without some being in the intestines. The time would not depend on
the constitution of the person. Digestion depends upon the
constitution, but I am speaking of the average. Digestion is more or
less rapid according to the constitution of the person who has
received the subject matter. I have heard of cases in which matters
which would not digest have remained three or four days, but those
were solid matters. I think liquids pass into the stomach (intestines?)
under all circumstances in five hours as (after?) they are imbibed.
There is a valve which prevents solid matters from passing into the
stomach till they are digested. The arsenic was in a liquid state, all
except a little white powder on the side of the stomach. I am obliged
to have recourse to an average to form an opinion as to how long it
would take. We have no means of dealing with an independent case
except by an average.”
By Mr. Bodkin, Q.C.—Question.—“What did the contents of the
stomach look like?”
Answer.—“Thick gruel. They were filtered, and I examined the
filtered portion, and my opinion is that the arsenic had been taken
two or three hours.”[127]
Page 434
PURCHASE OF POISON BY THE PRISONER.
This was proved by the son of a chemist of the name of Brown,
of whom the prisoner purchased two pennyworths of arsenic on the
19th of January, which, at her request, he enclosed in two separate
papers, each marked “poison,” as she said that one of them was for
her sister who lived some distance off. The papers had something
of the appearance of those of effervescing powders.
CONDUCT AND STATEMENTS OF THE PRISONER.
Mrs. Gillett gave some remarkable evidence as to the
statements and conduct of the prisoner during the night of her
husband’s fatal illness and after his death.
“When the prisoner called me in a little after nine in the evening,
I found her husband in bed retching violently, and I gave him water
half-a-dozen times, and then went for Dr. Toulmin. At five o’clock
that day the prisoner said she was going for the doctor, to tell him to
send her husband something for the bile, but that he did not want
her to do so. A second time during the evening she told me she
wanted to do this, and that he would not let her, and that she had
applied to a neighbouring doctor, but that he had refused to come,
and only sent some pills. After her husband died she said, ‘How true
were Dr. Toulmin’s words,’ that, ‘when her husband once took to his
bed, he would go off like the snuff of a candle.’” [Dr. Toulmin had
no recollection of ever having made such a statement.] “Next day
the secretary of the Benefit Society to which her husband belonged
called and had some conversation with her. Before that she had
spoken to me about the Benefit Society, and said if her husband died
she should have the full benefit of it. On the day of the post-mortem
she asked me if I had asked Dr. Toulmin what was the cause of
death, and I said, from what I heard, it was poison; when she said,
‘Do you think I am guilty?’ I replied, ‘I do not doubt you.’ Then she
This was proved by the son of a chemist of the name of Brown,
of whom the prisoner purchased two pennyworths of arsenic on the
19th of January, which, at her request, he enclosed in two separate
papers, each marked “poison,” as she said that one of them was for
her sister who lived some distance off. The papers had something
of the appearance of those of effervescing powders.
CONDUCT AND STATEMENTS OF THE PRISONER.
Mrs. Gillett gave some remarkable evidence as to the
statements and conduct of the prisoner during the night of her
husband’s fatal illness and after his death.
“When the prisoner called me in a little after nine in the evening,
I found her husband in bed retching violently, and I gave him water
half-a-dozen times, and then went for Dr. Toulmin. At five o’clock
that day the prisoner said she was going for the doctor, to tell him to
send her husband something for the bile, but that he did not want
her to do so. A second time during the evening she told me she
wanted to do this, and that he would not let her, and that she had
applied to a neighbouring doctor, but that he had refused to come,
and only sent some pills. After her husband died she said, ‘How true
were Dr. Toulmin’s words,’ that, ‘when her husband once took to his
bed, he would go off like the snuff of a candle.’” [Dr. Toulmin had
no recollection of ever having made such a statement.] “Next day
the secretary of the Benefit Society to which her husband belonged
called and had some conversation with her. Before that she had
spoken to me about the Benefit Society, and said if her husband died
she should have the full benefit of it. On the day of the post-mortem
she asked me if I had asked Dr. Toulmin what was the cause of
death, and I said, from what I heard, it was poison; when she said,
‘Do you think I am guilty?’ I replied, ‘I do not doubt you.’ Then she
Page 435
walked about in an agitated manner and appeared distressed. On the
day of the inquest she said to me, ‘You know, Mrs. Gillett, that
Annie (her little girl) ate the rest of the gruel.’ I said ‘Don’t say so; I
did not see any of you eat it.’ She said, ‘If I did not Ashby did, and
he ought to be the first witness’ (Ashby said he did not see the
deceased or anyone eat it). On the day of the adjourned inquest she
asked me if poison had been found, and when I said ‘Yes’ she said ‘I
am innocent; he was a good husband, and it is not likely I should do
such a thing. Dear creature; if that is the case he has done it with his
own hands.’ I replied ‘It is not likely, as he purchased a new pair of
boots the morning before his death.’ Whilst we were talking
Andrews, the summoning officer, came in, and she said to him ‘Mrs.
Gillett knows that I ate the rest of the gruel,’ and I replied ‘I know
nothing about it, or who ate it.’[128] On the 31st of January in her
house she said to me ‘Do you think if I had any hand in his death I
should not have let him live to to-day and then have received the
full benefit from the society.’”[129]
On cross-examination the witness protested that she had
repeated these conversations before, and was almost certain she had
done so before the coroner and the magistrate. When she said ‘I did
not doubt her,’ she meant that she had not the slightest suspicion of
her guilt. The witness had introduced the subject of the burial club.
The prisoner was kind and affectionate to her husband, and attentive
during his illness, and much distressed. The witness had heard the
deceased complain of the difficulties into which his wife had
plunged him, and on the Monday before he was taken ill they had
quarrelled.
Other statements of a most unfavourable character were
improperly extracted from her by Coward, the inspector of police.
As the Lord Chief Baron said, with well-deserved reproof, he had
evidently prepared a proceeding, and framed certain questions,
which would enable him to observe the demeanour of the prisoner
day of the inquest she said to me, ‘You know, Mrs. Gillett, that
Annie (her little girl) ate the rest of the gruel.’ I said ‘Don’t say so; I
did not see any of you eat it.’ She said, ‘If I did not Ashby did, and
he ought to be the first witness’ (Ashby said he did not see the
deceased or anyone eat it). On the day of the adjourned inquest she
asked me if poison had been found, and when I said ‘Yes’ she said ‘I
am innocent; he was a good husband, and it is not likely I should do
such a thing. Dear creature; if that is the case he has done it with his
own hands.’ I replied ‘It is not likely, as he purchased a new pair of
boots the morning before his death.’ Whilst we were talking
Andrews, the summoning officer, came in, and she said to him ‘Mrs.
Gillett knows that I ate the rest of the gruel,’ and I replied ‘I know
nothing about it, or who ate it.’[128] On the 31st of January in her
house she said to me ‘Do you think if I had any hand in his death I
should not have let him live to to-day and then have received the
full benefit from the society.’”[129]
On cross-examination the witness protested that she had
repeated these conversations before, and was almost certain she had
done so before the coroner and the magistrate. When she said ‘I did
not doubt her,’ she meant that she had not the slightest suspicion of
her guilt. The witness had introduced the subject of the burial club.
The prisoner was kind and affectionate to her husband, and attentive
during his illness, and much distressed. The witness had heard the
deceased complain of the difficulties into which his wife had
plunged him, and on the Monday before he was taken ill they had
quarrelled.
Other statements of a most unfavourable character were
improperly extracted from her by Coward, the inspector of police.
As the Lord Chief Baron said, with well-deserved reproof, he had
evidently prepared a proceeding, and framed certain questions,
which would enable him to observe the demeanour of the prisoner
Page 436
when she was confronted with a witness ready in attendance, in
order to give his own view of her conduct afterwards to the jury.
“I,” said this witness, “saw the prisoner on the 2nd of February
in her house, and told her I had come to ask a few questions, which
she might answer or not as she pleased, but that it would be my duty
to repeat her answers to the magistrate; that I should like to have
some women present to hear, and accordingly sent for two of her
neighbours, and when they had come I asked her ‘Did she know of
any arsenic being in the house?’ ‘No.’ ‘Did her husband use it in his
business?’ ‘No.’ ‘Had she purchased any lately?’ ‘No.’ Brown was
then brought in, and she turned pale and agitated. I told her Brown
had told me she had, and she said ‘That was true, and she would tell
me what for.’ On the way to the police court she said ‘she purchased
it for herself, but thought better of it afterwards.’ I asked her what
had become of it afterwards, and she said ‘she had emptied it into
one paper.’ She then changed the conversation, and said that her
husband was very fond of soda and acid powders, and that a woman
had told her that he had said he was very troubled in his mind, and
did not know whether he should not jump into the river or Clapton
pond.”
On cross-examination he excused the presence of the women, on
the ground that he wanted to see if Brown could identify the
prisoner; that she wanted to say more but that he stopt her, and told
her to tell the magistrate.
Of this last statement of the inspector, the Lord Chief Baron
added in his charge—
“That it appeared to him to be a piece of hypocrisy, which
accorded with all the rest of his conduct. He wished it to go forth to
the public, and that the police themselves should understand, that
such proceedings savoured of an excess of zeal which was perfectly
unjustifiable, and which ought not to be looked on in any other light
than discreditable.”
order to give his own view of her conduct afterwards to the jury.
“I,” said this witness, “saw the prisoner on the 2nd of February
in her house, and told her I had come to ask a few questions, which
she might answer or not as she pleased, but that it would be my duty
to repeat her answers to the magistrate; that I should like to have
some women present to hear, and accordingly sent for two of her
neighbours, and when they had come I asked her ‘Did she know of
any arsenic being in the house?’ ‘No.’ ‘Did her husband use it in his
business?’ ‘No.’ ‘Had she purchased any lately?’ ‘No.’ Brown was
then brought in, and she turned pale and agitated. I told her Brown
had told me she had, and she said ‘That was true, and she would tell
me what for.’ On the way to the police court she said ‘she purchased
it for herself, but thought better of it afterwards.’ I asked her what
had become of it afterwards, and she said ‘she had emptied it into
one paper.’ She then changed the conversation, and said that her
husband was very fond of soda and acid powders, and that a woman
had told her that he had said he was very troubled in his mind, and
did not know whether he should not jump into the river or Clapton
pond.”
On cross-examination he excused the presence of the women, on
the ground that he wanted to see if Brown could identify the
prisoner; that she wanted to say more but that he stopt her, and told
her to tell the magistrate.
Of this last statement of the inspector, the Lord Chief Baron
added in his charge—
“That it appeared to him to be a piece of hypocrisy, which
accorded with all the rest of his conduct. He wished it to go forth to
the public, and that the police themselves should understand, that
such proceedings savoured of an excess of zeal which was perfectly
unjustifiable, and which ought not to be looked on in any other light
than discreditable.”
Page 437
To Clarke, a police constable, she said, whilst in custody, that
“she supposed she should be hung—they had told so many lies
about it—she bought the arsenic for her husband.” To the female
searcher at the police-station she said that she did not know on
what charge she was brought there; and then, when told it, added,
“I know he was poisoned, but not by whom.” And when told that
Mrs. Gillett was the principal witness against her, declared that she
was forsworn. On the second examination at the police-court, she
told the gaoler that “she wished the magistrate to know something
about the case. All she had said was true, except as to not buying
the poison. She had placed it in the same cupboard with her
husband’s powders after taking off the papers marked ‘poison.’ If
he had taken it, it must have been by mistake, and she threw the
remainder of the poison and all his powders into the fire. She
intended to have taken it herself if he went on as he had done.”
THE PRISONER’S STATEMENT.
“I have nothing to say except that I never intended my husband
to take the poison. When I bought it I intended to take it myself, if
he had come home as he had done several times before. I could not
live with him had he gone on so. I thought no more of it till the
Sunday, when I thought he might have taken it instead of the soda,
and then I burnt it. What I said about hanging was this—‘If I am to
be hanged this moment I am innocent of anything to my husband.’ I
have nothing more to say.”
Mr. Clarkson, for the defence, after alluding to the difficulties
under which he laboured in consequence of the prisoner not having
made any preparations for her defence, and the brief having only
been handed to him as the case was opened, attacked the evidence
of Coward in language which the Lord Chief Baron entirely
“she supposed she should be hung—they had told so many lies
about it—she bought the arsenic for her husband.” To the female
searcher at the police-station she said that she did not know on
what charge she was brought there; and then, when told it, added,
“I know he was poisoned, but not by whom.” And when told that
Mrs. Gillett was the principal witness against her, declared that she
was forsworn. On the second examination at the police-court, she
told the gaoler that “she wished the magistrate to know something
about the case. All she had said was true, except as to not buying
the poison. She had placed it in the same cupboard with her
husband’s powders after taking off the papers marked ‘poison.’ If
he had taken it, it must have been by mistake, and she threw the
remainder of the poison and all his powders into the fire. She
intended to have taken it herself if he went on as he had done.”
THE PRISONER’S STATEMENT.
“I have nothing to say except that I never intended my husband
to take the poison. When I bought it I intended to take it myself, if
he had come home as he had done several times before. I could not
live with him had he gone on so. I thought no more of it till the
Sunday, when I thought he might have taken it instead of the soda,
and then I burnt it. What I said about hanging was this—‘If I am to
be hanged this moment I am innocent of anything to my husband.’ I
have nothing more to say.”
Mr. Clarkson, for the defence, after alluding to the difficulties
under which he laboured in consequence of the prisoner not having
made any preparations for her defence, and the brief having only
been handed to him as the case was opened, attacked the evidence
of Coward in language which the Lord Chief Baron entirely
Page 438
adopted, and asked the jury to dismiss it from their consideration.
He also characterised the declarations of the prisoner as told by
witnesses clearly unfavourable to her. “With regard to the
testimony of Dr. Letheby, if they relied on it, it would be
necessary,” he said, “to come to the conclusion that the prisoner
had continued administering poison to the deceased during the
whole of the day—as it was proved that he was ill as early as eight
in the morning. But he asked the jury if her conduct would justify
such a conclusion. Her story might be true, and if the deceased took
the poison through her culpable negligence in putting it in the
cupboard with his soda powders, the offence would not be murder,
but manslaughter.”
The strong remarks of the Lord Chief Baron on the conduct and
evidence of Coward have already been given, and as the remainder
of his charge consisted only of an analysis of the evidence, and its
application to the different points of the case, it is needless to report
it. As was characteristic of this kind judge, every point that could
be made in favour of the prisoner was brought clearly out in his
able charge. After a brief deliberation, a verdict of guilty, coupled
with a recommendation to mercy on account of her previously
good character, was returned, and sentence of death was
pronounced by the learned judge.
A medical man of large experience, who was present during the
trial, was so astonished at the statement of Dr. Letheby as to the
time when the arsenic had been administered, that he
communicated with the sheriffs, who brought the case before Sir
George Grey, by whom it was referred to Sir Benjamin Brodie, Dr.
Billing, Dr. Leeson, and other medical men of repute. These, it was
understood, agreed that the time of administration could not be
fixed. On this, at the urgent request of Dr. Pereira, Dr. Letheby
wrote to the Home Secretary that it was his duty to admit that it
He also characterised the declarations of the prisoner as told by
witnesses clearly unfavourable to her. “With regard to the
testimony of Dr. Letheby, if they relied on it, it would be
necessary,” he said, “to come to the conclusion that the prisoner
had continued administering poison to the deceased during the
whole of the day—as it was proved that he was ill as early as eight
in the morning. But he asked the jury if her conduct would justify
such a conclusion. Her story might be true, and if the deceased took
the poison through her culpable negligence in putting it in the
cupboard with his soda powders, the offence would not be murder,
but manslaughter.”
The strong remarks of the Lord Chief Baron on the conduct and
evidence of Coward have already been given, and as the remainder
of his charge consisted only of an analysis of the evidence, and its
application to the different points of the case, it is needless to report
it. As was characteristic of this kind judge, every point that could
be made in favour of the prisoner was brought clearly out in his
able charge. After a brief deliberation, a verdict of guilty, coupled
with a recommendation to mercy on account of her previously
good character, was returned, and sentence of death was
pronounced by the learned judge.
A medical man of large experience, who was present during the
trial, was so astonished at the statement of Dr. Letheby as to the
time when the arsenic had been administered, that he
communicated with the sheriffs, who brought the case before Sir
George Grey, by whom it was referred to Sir Benjamin Brodie, Dr.
Billing, Dr. Leeson, and other medical men of repute. These, it was
understood, agreed that the time of administration could not be
fixed. On this, at the urgent request of Dr. Pereira, Dr. Letheby
wrote to the Home Secretary that it was his duty to admit that it
Page 439
was within the range of possibility—nay, even probable—that the
arsenic might have been taken, as the woman asserted, early in the
morning of her husband’s death, and in consequence the capital
sentence was commuted for one of penal servitude for life. This
case was used by Mr. Bright in his speech in the House of
Commons in favour of the abolition of capital punishments, as a
strong example of their danger.
How much more satisfactory would it have been could a court
of appeal have reheard such a case instead of its being left to the
Home Secretary’s judgment of evidence known only to himself.[130]
arsenic might have been taken, as the woman asserted, early in the
morning of her husband’s death, and in consequence the capital
sentence was commuted for one of penal servitude for life. This
case was used by Mr. Bright in his speech in the House of
Commons in favour of the abolition of capital punishments, as a
strong example of their danger.
How much more satisfactory would it have been could a court
of appeal have reheard such a case instead of its being left to the
Home Secretary’s judgment of evidence known only to himself.[130]
Page 440
CHAPTER VII.
ARSENIC.
The element (arsenicum)—The oxide (white arsenic)—Arsenicum—
Arsenicum trioxide. Forms of: (1) Crystalline—(2) Amorphous—
Solubility. Uses and occurrences: (1) Steeping wheat—(2) Preservation
of skins—(3) Antiseptics—(4) Glass making—(5) Fur in boilers—(6)
Candles—(7) Preservation of wood—(8) Sheep washes—(9) Scheele’s
green and emerald green as pigments in sweets (case of Franklin and
Randall), wall papers, toys, &c.—(10) Medicinal—(11) For horses—(12)
Tooth-stopping—(13) Aniline dyes—(14) Fireworks—(15) Rat and fly
poisons (case of Maria Gage)—(16) For cleansing metals—(17) Arsenic
eaters—(18) Cosmetics—(19) For bronzing metals—(20) Beer brewed
from glucose—(21) American paper collars—(22) Speculum metal—(23)
Inhalation for asthma and bronchitis—(24) Mineral waters. Sulphides of
Arsenic: (1) Orpiment (case of M. A. Burdock)—(2) Realgar. Arsenic
acid—The arsenates—Arsenic trichloride—Arseniuretted hydrogen—
Methods of extraction—Tests—Modifications of old processes suggested
—Marsh’s test, distinction of results in arsenic and antimony—Reinsch’s
test—Doses—Antidotes—Physiological effects—Remarks—Did
L’Angelier commit suicide?
The name “arsenic” is applied to two things: in chemistry it
means the element As; in popular usage it signifies the oxide
ARSENIC.
The element (arsenicum)—The oxide (white arsenic)—Arsenicum—
Arsenicum trioxide. Forms of: (1) Crystalline—(2) Amorphous—
Solubility. Uses and occurrences: (1) Steeping wheat—(2) Preservation
of skins—(3) Antiseptics—(4) Glass making—(5) Fur in boilers—(6)
Candles—(7) Preservation of wood—(8) Sheep washes—(9) Scheele’s
green and emerald green as pigments in sweets (case of Franklin and
Randall), wall papers, toys, &c.—(10) Medicinal—(11) For horses—(12)
Tooth-stopping—(13) Aniline dyes—(14) Fireworks—(15) Rat and fly
poisons (case of Maria Gage)—(16) For cleansing metals—(17) Arsenic
eaters—(18) Cosmetics—(19) For bronzing metals—(20) Beer brewed
from glucose—(21) American paper collars—(22) Speculum metal—(23)
Inhalation for asthma and bronchitis—(24) Mineral waters. Sulphides of
Arsenic: (1) Orpiment (case of M. A. Burdock)—(2) Realgar. Arsenic
acid—The arsenates—Arsenic trichloride—Arseniuretted hydrogen—
Methods of extraction—Tests—Modifications of old processes suggested
—Marsh’s test, distinction of results in arsenic and antimony—Reinsch’s
test—Doses—Antidotes—Physiological effects—Remarks—Did
L’Angelier commit suicide?
The name “arsenic” is applied to two things: in chemistry it
means the element As; in popular usage it signifies the oxide
Page 441
As2O3. In our report, the element will be called arsenicum, the
oxide simply “arsenic” or “white arsenic.”
ARSENICUM,
Symbol As, is an element of steely metallic lustre, tarnishing to
dull dark grey, met with in crystalline (rhombohedral) fragments,
so brittle that they can be easily reduced to a dark grey powder,
insoluble in water, but slowly absorbing oxygen and dissolving,
insoluble in pure hydrochloric and in vegetal acids, and in alcohol,
soluble (by oxidation) in strong sulphuric and in nitric acid, in
chlorine, in solution of bleaching powder. Tasteless, and inodorous
until heated, when it sublimes, without melting, at 110° C. (Guy),
and gives a strong odour of garlic. Sp. gr. 5·8. The characters of the
metal are utilized in Marsh’s and other tests, hereafter described.
Heated in air, it oxidizes to white fumes of As2O3. It is employed
chiefly to harden lead in making shot, in the proportion of 0·3 per
cent. The use of these in cleaning bottles, &c., may contribute a
trace of As: the presence of a larger amount of lead would in this
case indicate the source. Common Britannia metal, used for
teapots, spoons, &c., often contains As. It occurs also in many
minerals.
When oxidized it is poisonous, but pure arsenicum passes
through the body of animals unaltered (Wagner’s Chem.
Technology, trans, by Crookes, 1872, p. 86). The vapour is very
poisonous.
Arsenicum has two oxides, the trioxide and the pentoxide.
ARSENICUM TRIOXIDE.
oxide simply “arsenic” or “white arsenic.”
ARSENICUM,
Symbol As, is an element of steely metallic lustre, tarnishing to
dull dark grey, met with in crystalline (rhombohedral) fragments,
so brittle that they can be easily reduced to a dark grey powder,
insoluble in water, but slowly absorbing oxygen and dissolving,
insoluble in pure hydrochloric and in vegetal acids, and in alcohol,
soluble (by oxidation) in strong sulphuric and in nitric acid, in
chlorine, in solution of bleaching powder. Tasteless, and inodorous
until heated, when it sublimes, without melting, at 110° C. (Guy),
and gives a strong odour of garlic. Sp. gr. 5·8. The characters of the
metal are utilized in Marsh’s and other tests, hereafter described.
Heated in air, it oxidizes to white fumes of As2O3. It is employed
chiefly to harden lead in making shot, in the proportion of 0·3 per
cent. The use of these in cleaning bottles, &c., may contribute a
trace of As: the presence of a larger amount of lead would in this
case indicate the source. Common Britannia metal, used for
teapots, spoons, &c., often contains As. It occurs also in many
minerals.
When oxidized it is poisonous, but pure arsenicum passes
through the body of animals unaltered (Wagner’s Chem.
Technology, trans, by Crookes, 1872, p. 86). The vapour is very
poisonous.
Arsenicum has two oxides, the trioxide and the pentoxide.
ARSENICUM TRIOXIDE.
Page 442
Synonyms.—Arsenious oxide, arsenious acid, arsenious
anhydride; popularly, “arsenic,” “flour of arsenic,” or “white
arsenic:” in mining districts it is sometimes called “mercury:”
Latin, acidum arseniosum.
Chemical formula As2O3, or two atoms (150 parts by weight) of
arsenicum, to three atoms (48 parts by weight) of oxygen.
Forms.—(1.) Crystalline. By sublimation and slow
condensation on moderately heated surfaces, also by deposition
from solution, we obtain regular octahedra, often so modified as to
appear like equilateral triangular or hexagonal plates, or even
elongated into triangular prisms, but never in the form of regular
tetrahedra such as tartar emetic yields. For figures, see Guy and
Ferrier’s Forens. Med., 1881, pp. 440 and 670. The crystals are
transparent and highly refracting. Sp. gr. 3·69. Volatilizes without
melting, except under increased pressure.
(2.) Amorphous or vitreous. Suddenly cooled, As2O3 condenses
as clear transparent drops, finally cohering into a glassy mass, sp.
gr. 3·74. When kept, this becomes opaque, perhaps owing to a
change into the crystalline variety, constituting the “porcellanous”
form found in commerce. If the lumps be broken, layers of still
transparent As2O3 will be seen.
The solubility depends on the variety, temperature, length of
time it is digested, fineness of powder, &c. So that exact figures
cannot be given, as hardly two authorities agree. It is certain,
however, that the amorphous form is less soluble than the
crystalline.[131] The accepted statement is that given by Taylor
(Med. Juris. 1, 250): that digested with cold water, from 1/500 to
1
/1000 dissolves, equal from one half to one grain per fluid ounce; if
boiled for an hour and allowed to cool, an average of twelve grains
per fluid ounce remains in solution; if boiled for a shorter time, less
anhydride; popularly, “arsenic,” “flour of arsenic,” or “white
arsenic:” in mining districts it is sometimes called “mercury:”
Latin, acidum arseniosum.
Chemical formula As2O3, or two atoms (150 parts by weight) of
arsenicum, to three atoms (48 parts by weight) of oxygen.
Forms.—(1.) Crystalline. By sublimation and slow
condensation on moderately heated surfaces, also by deposition
from solution, we obtain regular octahedra, often so modified as to
appear like equilateral triangular or hexagonal plates, or even
elongated into triangular prisms, but never in the form of regular
tetrahedra such as tartar emetic yields. For figures, see Guy and
Ferrier’s Forens. Med., 1881, pp. 440 and 670. The crystals are
transparent and highly refracting. Sp. gr. 3·69. Volatilizes without
melting, except under increased pressure.
(2.) Amorphous or vitreous. Suddenly cooled, As2O3 condenses
as clear transparent drops, finally cohering into a glassy mass, sp.
gr. 3·74. When kept, this becomes opaque, perhaps owing to a
change into the crystalline variety, constituting the “porcellanous”
form found in commerce. If the lumps be broken, layers of still
transparent As2O3 will be seen.
The solubility depends on the variety, temperature, length of
time it is digested, fineness of powder, &c. So that exact figures
cannot be given, as hardly two authorities agree. It is certain,
however, that the amorphous form is less soluble than the
crystalline.[131] The accepted statement is that given by Taylor
(Med. Juris. 1, 250): that digested with cold water, from 1/500 to
1
/1000 dissolves, equal from one half to one grain per fluid ounce; if
boiled for an hour and allowed to cool, an average of twelve grains
per fluid ounce remains in solution; if boiled for a shorter time, less
Page 443
is dissolved. See also Woodman and Tidy’s Forens. Med., 1877, pp.
133, 134. Organic matter is said to decrease its solubility; I have
not found that it does so to any notable extent. Dr. Blondlot (Med.
Times and Gazette, Feb. 11, 1860) states that fats, such as bacon,
diminish the solubility; this must be by coating the particles and
preventing contact with water. Powdered white arsenic in all cases
refuses for a long time to become moistened by water, floating on
the top, and collecting in little lumps as if greasy: the appearance is
so peculiar as to have led sometimes to its detection. Commercial
powdered white arsenic is generally the opaque form pulverized,
but it may be crystalline.
As2O3 is very soluble in potash and soda and their carbonates,
forming arsenites. It is less soluble in ammonia. In hydrochloric
acid it dissolves easily, forming chloride of arsenic. It is less
soluble (1 in 2,000) in alcohol than in water. One part dissolves in
200,000 of chloroform. It is insoluble in pure ether. It is heavy to
feel, tasteless, very faintly acid to test paper, and so feeble in
affinity that its soluble salts are strongly alkaline, and are
decomposed by all acids with separation of As2O3. The powder and
its vapour are inodorous, but when heated with charcoal or organic
matter it is reduced to arsenicum, with its odour of garlic.
Uses and Occurrence.—1. As a preservative against insects and
fungi, for steeping seed-wheat. Many accidents have resulted. Birds
poisoned by it and afterwards eaten by man have occasioned severe
symptoms. From 1830 to 1840 in France 235 accusations of arsenic
poisoning occurred, of which 110 were against agricultural persons,
proving that the use of the drug in farming gives dangerous
facilities for crime. Sulphate of copper, or, better, a mixture of
sulphate of soda and lime, are more effectual as preservatives, and
the latter mixture is not poisonous. (Lancet, 1849, Jan. 20.)
133, 134. Organic matter is said to decrease its solubility; I have
not found that it does so to any notable extent. Dr. Blondlot (Med.
Times and Gazette, Feb. 11, 1860) states that fats, such as bacon,
diminish the solubility; this must be by coating the particles and
preventing contact with water. Powdered white arsenic in all cases
refuses for a long time to become moistened by water, floating on
the top, and collecting in little lumps as if greasy: the appearance is
so peculiar as to have led sometimes to its detection. Commercial
powdered white arsenic is generally the opaque form pulverized,
but it may be crystalline.
As2O3 is very soluble in potash and soda and their carbonates,
forming arsenites. It is less soluble in ammonia. In hydrochloric
acid it dissolves easily, forming chloride of arsenic. It is less
soluble (1 in 2,000) in alcohol than in water. One part dissolves in
200,000 of chloroform. It is insoluble in pure ether. It is heavy to
feel, tasteless, very faintly acid to test paper, and so feeble in
affinity that its soluble salts are strongly alkaline, and are
decomposed by all acids with separation of As2O3. The powder and
its vapour are inodorous, but when heated with charcoal or organic
matter it is reduced to arsenicum, with its odour of garlic.
Uses and Occurrence.—1. As a preservative against insects and
fungi, for steeping seed-wheat. Many accidents have resulted. Birds
poisoned by it and afterwards eaten by man have occasioned severe
symptoms. From 1830 to 1840 in France 235 accusations of arsenic
poisoning occurred, of which 110 were against agricultural persons,
proving that the use of the drug in farming gives dangerous
facilities for crime. Sulphate of copper, or, better, a mixture of
sulphate of soda and lime, are more effectual as preservatives, and
the latter mixture is not poisonous. (Lancet, 1849, Jan. 20.)
Page 444
2. For preserving skins and furs (arsenical soap). This use has
also caused serious results in the operators. Stuffed birds, &c., kept
in living rooms may prejudicially affect the inmates by giving off
arsenical dust.
3. As an antiseptic it is injected in solution through the vessels
of subjects for dissection. Of course in this case the body would
show signs of the anatomical examination it had undergone. In the
trial of Professor Webster for the murder of Dr. Parkman, at
Boston, U.S., March, 1850, the absence of arsenic and other
preservative substances in the corpse proved that it had not been a
subject for dissection.
4. In glass making and the production of opaque white enamels.
Here most of the vapour passes up the chimney and is diffused.
5. Some of the patent preparations for preventing “fur” in
boilers have contained alkaline arsenites.
6. Formerly wicks of candles were steeped in arsenic solution
to prevent a long “snuff” forming. Moreover, it was incorporated
with the candle itself to improve its appearance. The result was a
constant diffusion of arsenic vapour in the room. Tapers were also
coloured with emerald green (copper aceto-arsenite), which
likewise gave rise to arsenical fumes. These objectionable practices
have been fortunately given up, owing to the strong representations
of scientific men.
7. Wood is sometimes preserved by a solution of arsenic, and
then tarred. This use would be practically free from danger, except
to the operatives.
8. An alkaline arsenite is used for washing sheep to destroy
vermin. The workmen sometimes suffer. (Lancet, 1857, p. 281.)
Streams have been poisoned, the solution has been drunk in
mistake (Ibid, 1856, p. 447), and lastly, the sheep themselves have
also caused serious results in the operators. Stuffed birds, &c., kept
in living rooms may prejudicially affect the inmates by giving off
arsenical dust.
3. As an antiseptic it is injected in solution through the vessels
of subjects for dissection. Of course in this case the body would
show signs of the anatomical examination it had undergone. In the
trial of Professor Webster for the murder of Dr. Parkman, at
Boston, U.S., March, 1850, the absence of arsenic and other
preservative substances in the corpse proved that it had not been a
subject for dissection.
4. In glass making and the production of opaque white enamels.
Here most of the vapour passes up the chimney and is diffused.
5. Some of the patent preparations for preventing “fur” in
boilers have contained alkaline arsenites.
6. Formerly wicks of candles were steeped in arsenic solution
to prevent a long “snuff” forming. Moreover, it was incorporated
with the candle itself to improve its appearance. The result was a
constant diffusion of arsenic vapour in the room. Tapers were also
coloured with emerald green (copper aceto-arsenite), which
likewise gave rise to arsenical fumes. These objectionable practices
have been fortunately given up, owing to the strong representations
of scientific men.
7. Wood is sometimes preserved by a solution of arsenic, and
then tarred. This use would be practically free from danger, except
to the operatives.
8. An alkaline arsenite is used for washing sheep to destroy
vermin. The workmen sometimes suffer. (Lancet, 1857, p. 281.)
Streams have been poisoned, the solution has been drunk in
mistake (Ibid, 1856, p. 447), and lastly, the sheep themselves have
Page 445
been killed (Taylor’s Med. Juris., i. 272). Carbolic acid would
probably answer better.
9. Cupric arsenite (Scheele’s green) and aceto-arsenite
(Schweinfurth or emerald green) are used as pigments. In one case,
where a baker’s shelves had been painted with this colour, emerald
green was found adhering to the bottoms of the loaves (Med. Times
and Gaz., 1854, p. 326). Blancmange (R. v. Franklin & Randall,
Northampton, 1848[132]), ornaments on cakes (Lancet, 1849, Feb.
17th), sweets, dresses, and artificial flowers (Husemann,
Jahresbericht, 1872, p. 480), lamp-shades, insides of pasteboard
cigar-holders, toys,[133] wrappings for chocolate, &c., wafers, water
and oil colours, and wall papers have all been coloured with
emerald green. Whenever such things have been swallowed, the
green colour is seen in the vomit. Boxes of paints should never be
given to young children. Cakes of emerald green and of other
poisonous colours have often been sucked or eaten with fatal result;
they are the more tempting as they are generally made up with
honey or glycerine. Bright green wall papers have gone out of
fashion, still many of the dull colours have emerald green in their
composition. Such papers certainly give off arsenical dust, even if
they do not evolve arseniuretted hydrogen or other arsenical gas,
and the symptoms they produce have been well authenticated. In a
new house the papers should always be tested. Messrs. Woollams,
of Marylebone Lane, were, I believe, the first to disuse arsenical
pigments in paper-hangings.
These arsenites of copper give, with a little ammonia, a blue
solution (due to the copper), in which a crystal of silver nitrate
becomes covered with a yellow coating of silver arsenite. The As
can also be easily found by the other tests.
Dr. Raseden of Mersberg finds that arsenical papers cause
rheumatic pains, neuralgia, cough, lassitude, and emaciation
probably answer better.
9. Cupric arsenite (Scheele’s green) and aceto-arsenite
(Schweinfurth or emerald green) are used as pigments. In one case,
where a baker’s shelves had been painted with this colour, emerald
green was found adhering to the bottoms of the loaves (Med. Times
and Gaz., 1854, p. 326). Blancmange (R. v. Franklin & Randall,
Northampton, 1848[132]), ornaments on cakes (Lancet, 1849, Feb.
17th), sweets, dresses, and artificial flowers (Husemann,
Jahresbericht, 1872, p. 480), lamp-shades, insides of pasteboard
cigar-holders, toys,[133] wrappings for chocolate, &c., wafers, water
and oil colours, and wall papers have all been coloured with
emerald green. Whenever such things have been swallowed, the
green colour is seen in the vomit. Boxes of paints should never be
given to young children. Cakes of emerald green and of other
poisonous colours have often been sucked or eaten with fatal result;
they are the more tempting as they are generally made up with
honey or glycerine. Bright green wall papers have gone out of
fashion, still many of the dull colours have emerald green in their
composition. Such papers certainly give off arsenical dust, even if
they do not evolve arseniuretted hydrogen or other arsenical gas,
and the symptoms they produce have been well authenticated. In a
new house the papers should always be tested. Messrs. Woollams,
of Marylebone Lane, were, I believe, the first to disuse arsenical
pigments in paper-hangings.
These arsenites of copper give, with a little ammonia, a blue
solution (due to the copper), in which a crystal of silver nitrate
becomes covered with a yellow coating of silver arsenite. The As
can also be easily found by the other tests.
Dr. Raseden of Mersberg finds that arsenical papers cause
rheumatic pains, neuralgia, cough, lassitude, and emaciation
Page 446
(Lancet, 1849, April 7th). They also cause skin eruptions. These
effects disappear when the patients are removed. In Germany the
use of these pigments is prohibited; it should be so in England.
Unfortunately no other permanent green colour is so bright in tint.
The copper arsenites are insoluble in water, but soluble in acids,
hence are dissolved by the gastric juice, and then absorbed.
10. In medicine, arsenic is used for skin diseases, ague, and as a
tonic; externally for cancer and lupus. Liquor arsenicalis B.P.,
Fowler’s solution, or “ague drops,” is composed of arsenic 80
grains, potass, carbonate 80 grains, water 1 pint, flavoured with
lavender. It is a solution of potassium arsenite. Liquor arsenici
hydrochloricus is arsenic dissolved in hydrochloric acid, giving
arsenic trichloride, of the same strength as liquor arsenicalis.
Among unofficial preparations are “Donovan’s Solution of
Arsenic,” containing mercuric and arsenious iodides; strength 0·69
grain arsenicum per fluid ounce: “Davidson’s Cancer Remedy”
equal parts of arsenic and hemlock (Dr. Paris): “Cancer Paste,”
containing 8 per cent. of arsenic, with cinnabar and dragon’s blood:
“Hydrophobia Pill,” 1/16 to 1/12 grain arsenic, with 1 grain pepper,
an absurd remedy much used in the East Indies. (Blyth’s Pract.
Chem., 1879, p. 376.) The pharmacopœial preparations of arsenic
acid will be described under arsenic pentoxide.
11. It is given by grooms to horses, to render their coats sleek,
and improve their wind, under the name of “condition balls or
powders” (strength 2½ to 5 per cent. of arsenic), also for worms,
and as a tonic.
12. For destroying the nerves of decayed teeth, about 1/25 grain
is placed in the cavity. In the Lancet a case is recorded in which
inflammation and caries of the jaw followed this practice, which is
a very dangerous one.
effects disappear when the patients are removed. In Germany the
use of these pigments is prohibited; it should be so in England.
Unfortunately no other permanent green colour is so bright in tint.
The copper arsenites are insoluble in water, but soluble in acids,
hence are dissolved by the gastric juice, and then absorbed.
10. In medicine, arsenic is used for skin diseases, ague, and as a
tonic; externally for cancer and lupus. Liquor arsenicalis B.P.,
Fowler’s solution, or “ague drops,” is composed of arsenic 80
grains, potass, carbonate 80 grains, water 1 pint, flavoured with
lavender. It is a solution of potassium arsenite. Liquor arsenici
hydrochloricus is arsenic dissolved in hydrochloric acid, giving
arsenic trichloride, of the same strength as liquor arsenicalis.
Among unofficial preparations are “Donovan’s Solution of
Arsenic,” containing mercuric and arsenious iodides; strength 0·69
grain arsenicum per fluid ounce: “Davidson’s Cancer Remedy”
equal parts of arsenic and hemlock (Dr. Paris): “Cancer Paste,”
containing 8 per cent. of arsenic, with cinnabar and dragon’s blood:
“Hydrophobia Pill,” 1/16 to 1/12 grain arsenic, with 1 grain pepper,
an absurd remedy much used in the East Indies. (Blyth’s Pract.
Chem., 1879, p. 376.) The pharmacopœial preparations of arsenic
acid will be described under arsenic pentoxide.
11. It is given by grooms to horses, to render their coats sleek,
and improve their wind, under the name of “condition balls or
powders” (strength 2½ to 5 per cent. of arsenic), also for worms,
and as a tonic.
12. For destroying the nerves of decayed teeth, about 1/25 grain
is placed in the cavity. In the Lancet a case is recorded in which
inflammation and caries of the jaw followed this practice, which is
a very dangerous one.
Page 447
13. In the manufacture of some aniline dyes, and in the
reduction of indigo, arsenic is often used. Dyed stockings, &c.,
have caused skin irritation, supposed to be due to arsenic, but more
probably owing to the dye itself.
14. Firework preparations commonly contain some compound
of As, and therefore give poisonous vapours. “Bengal light”
consists of 24 of potass. nitrate, 7 of sulphur, and 2 of realgar
(arsenic disulphide). See also Blyth, Prac. Chem., p. 379.
15. Rat Poisons:—No. 1. Arsenic 6 per cent., made into a paste,
with equal parts of flour and suet, variously coloured and scented.
No. 2. Equal parts of arsenic and carbonate of barium (itself
poisonous), coloured with rose pink, and scented with oils of anise
and rhodium.[134]
Fly Poisons.—“Fly powder,” a grey mixture of As and As2 O3.
“Fly water,” a solution of arsenious acid, or arsenite of soda or
potash, of varying strength, sweetened with sugar, treacle, or
honey. (Med. Times and Gazette, Sept. 13th, 1851.) Some also
contain orpiment (arsenic trisulphide).
16. For cleansing metals, arsenite of soda has been used on
account of its strong alkalinity. It is an absurd preparation to use for
this purpose, as washing soda or potash would act better. In
December, 1857, 340 children were poisoned by water from a
boiler that had been “cleaned” by this compound (Taylor on
Poisons, 2nd ed., p. 378). In 1863, a man died from drinking beer
out of a pot which had been thus cleansed (Taylor, Med. Juris., 1,
273).
17. The well-known “arsenic eating” of Styria has been
ridiculed as impossible, but has yet been authenticated on further
examination. A Styrian wood-cutter was seen by a medical man to
eat a piece of arsenic weighing 4½ grains, and next day another 5½
reduction of indigo, arsenic is often used. Dyed stockings, &c.,
have caused skin irritation, supposed to be due to arsenic, but more
probably owing to the dye itself.
14. Firework preparations commonly contain some compound
of As, and therefore give poisonous vapours. “Bengal light”
consists of 24 of potass. nitrate, 7 of sulphur, and 2 of realgar
(arsenic disulphide). See also Blyth, Prac. Chem., p. 379.
15. Rat Poisons:—No. 1. Arsenic 6 per cent., made into a paste,
with equal parts of flour and suet, variously coloured and scented.
No. 2. Equal parts of arsenic and carbonate of barium (itself
poisonous), coloured with rose pink, and scented with oils of anise
and rhodium.[134]
Fly Poisons.—“Fly powder,” a grey mixture of As and As2 O3.
“Fly water,” a solution of arsenious acid, or arsenite of soda or
potash, of varying strength, sweetened with sugar, treacle, or
honey. (Med. Times and Gazette, Sept. 13th, 1851.) Some also
contain orpiment (arsenic trisulphide).
16. For cleansing metals, arsenite of soda has been used on
account of its strong alkalinity. It is an absurd preparation to use for
this purpose, as washing soda or potash would act better. In
December, 1857, 340 children were poisoned by water from a
boiler that had been “cleaned” by this compound (Taylor on
Poisons, 2nd ed., p. 378). In 1863, a man died from drinking beer
out of a pot which had been thus cleansed (Taylor, Med. Juris., 1,
273).
17. The well-known “arsenic eating” of Styria has been
ridiculed as impossible, but has yet been authenticated on further
examination. A Styrian wood-cutter was seen by a medical man to
eat a piece of arsenic weighing 4½ grains, and next day another 5½
Page 448
grains, yet remaining in his usual health. It is also eaten by the
natives of Ceylon (Med. Times and Gaz. 1862, p. 454, and 1866, p.
375). Workmen in arsenic factories often become habituated to its
influence. See a paper by Roscoe, Mem. of Lit. and Phil. Soc. of
Manchester, 1860. I myself can testify to this fact. A student in the
College of Science, Dublin, was accustomed to take out of the
arsenic bottle little lumps about 3 or 4 grains each and eat them,
without apparent ill effect.
18. As a cosmetic, applied externally, it would probably be
useless. Unless the skin were abraded, or it remained very long in
contact, no absorption, and hence no poisonous effect, would
result, but any scratch or wound would be dangerous. (See
Christison’s Evidence, case of Madeline Smith, p. 320.) And if in
protracted contact with the skin, it will cause symptoms. (Memoirs
of Lond. Med. Soc., ii., 397, Amer. J. of Med. Science, July, 1851.)
19. A solution of chloride of arsenic has been employed for
“bronzing” metals. The fumes would be highly pernicious.
20. Ritter, of Rouen, states that glucose or starch-sugar
frequently contains arsenic, derived from the sulphuric acid
employed in its manufacture being made from arsenical pyrites. He
finds that by this means the arsenic is introduced into beer brewed
with glucose, into confectionery, syrups, liqueurs, &c. (Reimann’s
Färber Zeitung, No. 3, 1878.)
21. It is said that certain paper collars and cuffs which are
extensively made in America have proved poisonous from
containing a considerable proportion of arsenic. (Les Mondes, Nov.
11th, 1880.)[135]
22. Speculum Metal, for telescope mirrors, is an alloy of
copper, tin, and 3 per cent. of arsenic.
natives of Ceylon (Med. Times and Gaz. 1862, p. 454, and 1866, p.
375). Workmen in arsenic factories often become habituated to its
influence. See a paper by Roscoe, Mem. of Lit. and Phil. Soc. of
Manchester, 1860. I myself can testify to this fact. A student in the
College of Science, Dublin, was accustomed to take out of the
arsenic bottle little lumps about 3 or 4 grains each and eat them,
without apparent ill effect.
18. As a cosmetic, applied externally, it would probably be
useless. Unless the skin were abraded, or it remained very long in
contact, no absorption, and hence no poisonous effect, would
result, but any scratch or wound would be dangerous. (See
Christison’s Evidence, case of Madeline Smith, p. 320.) And if in
protracted contact with the skin, it will cause symptoms. (Memoirs
of Lond. Med. Soc., ii., 397, Amer. J. of Med. Science, July, 1851.)
19. A solution of chloride of arsenic has been employed for
“bronzing” metals. The fumes would be highly pernicious.
20. Ritter, of Rouen, states that glucose or starch-sugar
frequently contains arsenic, derived from the sulphuric acid
employed in its manufacture being made from arsenical pyrites. He
finds that by this means the arsenic is introduced into beer brewed
with glucose, into confectionery, syrups, liqueurs, &c. (Reimann’s
Färber Zeitung, No. 3, 1878.)
21. It is said that certain paper collars and cuffs which are
extensively made in America have proved poisonous from
containing a considerable proportion of arsenic. (Les Mondes, Nov.
11th, 1880.)[135]
22. Speculum Metal, for telescope mirrors, is an alloy of
copper, tin, and 3 per cent. of arsenic.
Page 449
23. In America, a paper soaked in a solution of arsenic and
other drugs is burnt, and the smoke inhaled for asthma and
bronchitis. (Year Book of Pharm., 1873, p. 345.)
24. Traces occur in mineral waters.
SULPHIDES OF ARSENIC.
Orpiment, As2S3, Auripigmentum, or King’s Yellow, trisulphide
of arsenic, obtained by precipitating a solution of arsenic with
sulphuretted hydrogen, is a yellow inodorous powder, insoluble in
water and in hydrochloric acid, but slowly oxidizing in air to
arsenious acid, and therefore poisonous. It is found native. By heat
it melts to a reddish liquid: if air be excluded, it volatilizes at about
700° C., and condenses unchanged: if air be present, it is oxidized
to sulphur dioxide and arsenic trioxide, which condenses in the
crystals before-mentioned. It is soluble in alkalies and their
carbonates, and reprecipitated by hydrochloric acid. Commercial
“King’s Yellow,” formerly used as a pigment, but now replaced by
Chromate of lead, is a very poisonous mixture of As2 O3 and As2
S3. It is sometimes employed in printing indigo. A mixture of
orpiment, water and lime is used in the East as “Rasma” (see page
320) for a depilatory. In a corpse, by putrefaction, the arsenic is
frequently converted into sulphide.
Realgar, the disulphide, As2 S2, is red, exists as a mineral, and
is also made artificially for fireworks. It contains about 75 per cent.
of arsenic, but varies. Formerly it was used as a pigment, and in
tanning to remove hair.
These sulphides have rarely been used for criminal purposes.
Orpiment was employed by Mary Ann Burdock, 1833.[136] Being
insoluble, they would only be absorbed after oxidation into As2 O3.
other drugs is burnt, and the smoke inhaled for asthma and
bronchitis. (Year Book of Pharm., 1873, p. 345.)
24. Traces occur in mineral waters.
SULPHIDES OF ARSENIC.
Orpiment, As2S3, Auripigmentum, or King’s Yellow, trisulphide
of arsenic, obtained by precipitating a solution of arsenic with
sulphuretted hydrogen, is a yellow inodorous powder, insoluble in
water and in hydrochloric acid, but slowly oxidizing in air to
arsenious acid, and therefore poisonous. It is found native. By heat
it melts to a reddish liquid: if air be excluded, it volatilizes at about
700° C., and condenses unchanged: if air be present, it is oxidized
to sulphur dioxide and arsenic trioxide, which condenses in the
crystals before-mentioned. It is soluble in alkalies and their
carbonates, and reprecipitated by hydrochloric acid. Commercial
“King’s Yellow,” formerly used as a pigment, but now replaced by
Chromate of lead, is a very poisonous mixture of As2 O3 and As2
S3. It is sometimes employed in printing indigo. A mixture of
orpiment, water and lime is used in the East as “Rasma” (see page
320) for a depilatory. In a corpse, by putrefaction, the arsenic is
frequently converted into sulphide.
Realgar, the disulphide, As2 S2, is red, exists as a mineral, and
is also made artificially for fireworks. It contains about 75 per cent.
of arsenic, but varies. Formerly it was used as a pigment, and in
tanning to remove hair.
These sulphides have rarely been used for criminal purposes.
Orpiment was employed by Mary Ann Burdock, 1833.[136] Being
insoluble, they would only be absorbed after oxidation into As2 O3.
Page 450
Ossikovszky (J. Pract. Chem. 2, xxii., 323) finds that this change
happens rapidly in contact with organic bodies. But the opposite
change, by putrefaction and development of sulphuretted hydrogen,
of As2 O3 into As2 S3, is far more likely and frequent.
ARSENIC ACID
is obtained by oxidizing As2 O3 by nitric acid. It is a white
deliquescent solid, inodorous, very soluble in water to a syrupy
solution, which is corrosive, strongly acid and metallic in taste. By
heat it first gives the pentoxide, As2 O5, then it breaks up into As2
O3 and oxygen, finally completely volatilizing. It is said to be less
poisonous than As2 O3. (Wöhler and Frehrichs, Ann. Chem.
Pharm., lxv., 335.)
The arsenates are very like the phosphates. Like them they give
with acid molybdate solution a yellow, with magnesium sulphate a
white crystalline, precipitate. But with sulphuretted hydrogen, after
acidifying, they give slowly a yellow precipitate of sulphide of
arsenic and sulphur; and with silver nitrate a liver brown precipitate
of silver arsenate.[137] Sulphurous acid reduces arsenic acid to
arsenious.
Sodium arsenate is in the British Pharmacopœia, and is
employed in calico printing. A brominated solution of potassium
arsenate (strength = 1 per cent. As2 O3) is used in Russia for
epilepsy. “Pearson’s solution” is 1 grain sodium arsenate to 1 oz.
water. “Macquir’s neutral arsenical salt” is a binarsenate of soda.
“Papier Moure” consists of paper soaked in solution of potassium
arsenate (Tidy).
Fischer (Ber. deutsch. Chem. Gesellschaft, xiii., p. 1778)
proposes ferrous chloride as better than sulphurous acid for
happens rapidly in contact with organic bodies. But the opposite
change, by putrefaction and development of sulphuretted hydrogen,
of As2 O3 into As2 S3, is far more likely and frequent.
ARSENIC ACID
is obtained by oxidizing As2 O3 by nitric acid. It is a white
deliquescent solid, inodorous, very soluble in water to a syrupy
solution, which is corrosive, strongly acid and metallic in taste. By
heat it first gives the pentoxide, As2 O5, then it breaks up into As2
O3 and oxygen, finally completely volatilizing. It is said to be less
poisonous than As2 O3. (Wöhler and Frehrichs, Ann. Chem.
Pharm., lxv., 335.)
The arsenates are very like the phosphates. Like them they give
with acid molybdate solution a yellow, with magnesium sulphate a
white crystalline, precipitate. But with sulphuretted hydrogen, after
acidifying, they give slowly a yellow precipitate of sulphide of
arsenic and sulphur; and with silver nitrate a liver brown precipitate
of silver arsenate.[137] Sulphurous acid reduces arsenic acid to
arsenious.
Sodium arsenate is in the British Pharmacopœia, and is
employed in calico printing. A brominated solution of potassium
arsenate (strength = 1 per cent. As2 O3) is used in Russia for
epilepsy. “Pearson’s solution” is 1 grain sodium arsenate to 1 oz.
water. “Macquir’s neutral arsenical salt” is a binarsenate of soda.
“Papier Moure” consists of paper soaked in solution of potassium
arsenate (Tidy).
Fischer (Ber. deutsch. Chem. Gesellschaft, xiii., p. 1778)
proposes ferrous chloride as better than sulphurous acid for
Page 451
reducing arsenic acid to arsenious (see process for separation,
post).
Arsenic Trichloride, As Cl3, is a volatile, colourless liquid, very
pungent, and fuming in air. It has been discarded from medical use
on account of its dangerous properties. A case of poisoning by it is
mentioned in Taylor (Med. Juris. 1, p. 278). It is obtained in the
process for separation from the organs. Arsenic Triiodide, a dull red
crystalline solid, is used in ointments.
Arseniuretted hydrogen, As H3, is a colourless gas of a garlic
odour, almost insoluble in water. It burns with a livid bluish-grey
flame, forming water and a white cloud of As2 O3. By heating to
redness it is decomposed into hydrogen and a deposit of arsenicum
(the “mirror”). It is formed whenever hydrogen is evolved in
contact with arsenic compounds, hence has caused accidents in
making hydrogen from impure zinc. It is probably the most deadly
compound of As, and proved fatal to its investigator, Gehlen, and in
several other cases.
EXTRACTION AND TESTS.
If arsenic has been given in the solid form, the greater part will
remain insoluble, and will be found either in lumps or powder in
the stomach, or as a white powder adhering to its lining. Any
substance so found should be washed with water and tested for
arsenic. It is absurd to say, as Dr. Letheby did in Ann Merritt’s case
(ante, p. 366), that the quantity was too small for examination: if a
white powder can be seen, it can be tested. In the contents, or in
any fluid food, the heaviness of powdered arsenic will cause it to
readily separate as a sediment. Soot or indigo, the legal admixtures,
should also be sought.
post).
Arsenic Trichloride, As Cl3, is a volatile, colourless liquid, very
pungent, and fuming in air. It has been discarded from medical use
on account of its dangerous properties. A case of poisoning by it is
mentioned in Taylor (Med. Juris. 1, p. 278). It is obtained in the
process for separation from the organs. Arsenic Triiodide, a dull red
crystalline solid, is used in ointments.
Arseniuretted hydrogen, As H3, is a colourless gas of a garlic
odour, almost insoluble in water. It burns with a livid bluish-grey
flame, forming water and a white cloud of As2 O3. By heating to
redness it is decomposed into hydrogen and a deposit of arsenicum
(the “mirror”). It is formed whenever hydrogen is evolved in
contact with arsenic compounds, hence has caused accidents in
making hydrogen from impure zinc. It is probably the most deadly
compound of As, and proved fatal to its investigator, Gehlen, and in
several other cases.
EXTRACTION AND TESTS.
If arsenic has been given in the solid form, the greater part will
remain insoluble, and will be found either in lumps or powder in
the stomach, or as a white powder adhering to its lining. Any
substance so found should be washed with water and tested for
arsenic. It is absurd to say, as Dr. Letheby did in Ann Merritt’s case
(ante, p. 366), that the quantity was too small for examination: if a
white powder can be seen, it can be tested. In the contents, or in
any fluid food, the heaviness of powdered arsenic will cause it to
readily separate as a sediment. Soot or indigo, the legal admixtures,
should also be sought.
Page 452
Arsenic is not naturally present in the body (Sonnenschein,
Gerichtlich. Chemie, p. 122; and others). As it occurs in soils, in
cases of disinterment a portion of the earth surrounding the coffin
should be tested.[138]
When absorbed, it may pass into every part of the body, but
more especially into the liver and spleen. De Poncy and Livon have
supposed that it was capable of replacing phosphorus in the actual
brain substance (Comptes Rendus, 23, June 9th, 1879), and that it
is mainly localized in the brain. Another author finds it
concentrated in the bones. Prof. E. Ludwig of Vienna, in the case of
a woman who suffered from making artificial flowers coloured
with magenta containing arsenic, found arsenic in the liver, spleen,
kidneys, and stomach, but not in the bones or urine (Lond. Med.
Record, Dec. 15th, 1877, p. 509). He found also that in human
beings as well as dogs poisoned with arsenic, in both acute and
chronic cases, the liver contained the largest amount, the kidneys
sometimes a considerable quantity, and the bones, brain and urine,
only small traces (Jahresb. für Thierchemie, 1879, 85). These
results have been discussed by Johnson and Chittenden (American
Chem. Journal, 2, 332), who, in a woman poisoned by arsenic,
found, a year and a half after burial, over 5 grains of As2 O3,
almost evenly distributed. The conclusion to be drawn is, that, of
the absorbed arsenic, the main part will be in the liver, and the rest
in varying proportions in other tissues, so that as much as possible
of the whole body should be examined.
As the large quantity of organic matter is in the way of the tests,
it has been proposed to get rid of this by different processes. That
of Fresenius and V. Babo consists in oxidizing the substances by
strong hydrochloric acid and chlorate of potash. There is a great
objection to this, as loss is liable to occur from volatilization of
arsenic trichloride, unless it is done in a retort, which is practically
Gerichtlich. Chemie, p. 122; and others). As it occurs in soils, in
cases of disinterment a portion of the earth surrounding the coffin
should be tested.[138]
When absorbed, it may pass into every part of the body, but
more especially into the liver and spleen. De Poncy and Livon have
supposed that it was capable of replacing phosphorus in the actual
brain substance (Comptes Rendus, 23, June 9th, 1879), and that it
is mainly localized in the brain. Another author finds it
concentrated in the bones. Prof. E. Ludwig of Vienna, in the case of
a woman who suffered from making artificial flowers coloured
with magenta containing arsenic, found arsenic in the liver, spleen,
kidneys, and stomach, but not in the bones or urine (Lond. Med.
Record, Dec. 15th, 1877, p. 509). He found also that in human
beings as well as dogs poisoned with arsenic, in both acute and
chronic cases, the liver contained the largest amount, the kidneys
sometimes a considerable quantity, and the bones, brain and urine,
only small traces (Jahresb. für Thierchemie, 1879, 85). These
results have been discussed by Johnson and Chittenden (American
Chem. Journal, 2, 332), who, in a woman poisoned by arsenic,
found, a year and a half after burial, over 5 grains of As2 O3,
almost evenly distributed. The conclusion to be drawn is, that, of
the absorbed arsenic, the main part will be in the liver, and the rest
in varying proportions in other tissues, so that as much as possible
of the whole body should be examined.
As the large quantity of organic matter is in the way of the tests,
it has been proposed to get rid of this by different processes. That
of Fresenius and V. Babo consists in oxidizing the substances by
strong hydrochloric acid and chlorate of potash. There is a great
objection to this, as loss is liable to occur from volatilization of
arsenic trichloride, unless it is done in a retort, which is practically
Page 453
impossible on account of the bulk and frothing, and the danger of
explosion from the oxides of chlorine formed.
The following modification of an old process has been found
by the author to be satisfactory. It may be used also for antimony
and mercury. Weigh the whole, cut up finely, and grind the matters
to a pulp with water, reserving a weighed portion of about one
third; render strongly alkaline with potash or soda previously tested
for arsenic. Pass in a current of chlorine, stopping before the
alkalinity is destroyed. Boil the solution down to a low bulk, not to
dryness, till a portion taken out and treated with acetic acid gives
no chlorinous odour, showing that the hypochlorite has been
completely decomposed. Arsenic trichloride does not escape from
alkaline solutions, so there is no loss. Add sufficient pure aqueous
sulphurous acid, to reduce the arsenic acid to arsenious. Now
transfer to a large retort provided with a tube-funnel and condenser,
the end dipping into water in a well-cooled tubulated receiver, itself
connected by a tube with a flask containing dilute potash solution.
Through the tube-funnel pour in pure concent. sulphuric acid in
volume about equal to the liquid, adding it gradually, as there is
much heat and effervescence. Mix well by shaking, and distil
slowly from a sand bath. In distilling a moderately strong solution
of mixed arsenious and antimonious chlorides in concent.
hydrochloric acid, I have found that the arsenic all comes over in
the first third of the distillate, and that after two-thirds have passed
over, the antimony also begins to distil. Hence, in the above
process the distillation should not be carried beyond half the
volume of the liquid in the retort, when all the arsenic, in whatever
form it originally existed, will be found as chloride in the receiver,
except a little which may have escaped into the potash. Test a
portion of the potash solution by Marsh’s or Reinsch’s process as
hereafter described: if any arsenic be present, add the remainder to
explosion from the oxides of chlorine formed.
The following modification of an old process has been found
by the author to be satisfactory. It may be used also for antimony
and mercury. Weigh the whole, cut up finely, and grind the matters
to a pulp with water, reserving a weighed portion of about one
third; render strongly alkaline with potash or soda previously tested
for arsenic. Pass in a current of chlorine, stopping before the
alkalinity is destroyed. Boil the solution down to a low bulk, not to
dryness, till a portion taken out and treated with acetic acid gives
no chlorinous odour, showing that the hypochlorite has been
completely decomposed. Arsenic trichloride does not escape from
alkaline solutions, so there is no loss. Add sufficient pure aqueous
sulphurous acid, to reduce the arsenic acid to arsenious. Now
transfer to a large retort provided with a tube-funnel and condenser,
the end dipping into water in a well-cooled tubulated receiver, itself
connected by a tube with a flask containing dilute potash solution.
Through the tube-funnel pour in pure concent. sulphuric acid in
volume about equal to the liquid, adding it gradually, as there is
much heat and effervescence. Mix well by shaking, and distil
slowly from a sand bath. In distilling a moderately strong solution
of mixed arsenious and antimonious chlorides in concent.
hydrochloric acid, I have found that the arsenic all comes over in
the first third of the distillate, and that after two-thirds have passed
over, the antimony also begins to distil. Hence, in the above
process the distillation should not be carried beyond half the
volume of the liquid in the retort, when all the arsenic, in whatever
form it originally existed, will be found as chloride in the receiver,
except a little which may have escaped into the potash. Test a
portion of the potash solution by Marsh’s or Reinsch’s process as
hereafter described: if any arsenic be present, add the remainder to
Page 454
the liquid in the receiver, taking care that excess of free acid is left.
Pass into the distillate washed sulphuretted hydrogen in excess (or
add a solution of the gas in water), warm, cover, and allow to stand.
(The excess of sulphuretted hydrogen may afterwards be removed
by warming and passing in carbonic acid gas.) If any arsenic be
present, a yellow precipitate of arsenious sulphide, As2S3, will
appear; if the precipitate be pale, it will consist mainly of sulphur,
formed by the action of the sulphuretted hydrogen on the
sulphurous acid which is present. Some organic matters are also
generally present. Collect the precipitate on a filter, wash with
sulphuretted hydrogen water, dissolve in a dilute solution of
ammonium carbonate, and again precipitate with hydrochloric acid.
The precipitated arsenious sulphide is now nearly pure: it may be
collected on a small filter, washed rapidly, again dissolved in
ammonia, the solution received in a porcelain dish, evaporated to a
low bulk, transferred to a weighed porcelain boat, and heated
cautiously in a current of carbon dioxide to a temperature not above
400° C., sufficient, in fact, just to melt the arsenious sulphide.
[Sulphur boils at 446° C., As2S3 at 700° C.] Any remaining sulphur
is thus removed, and the arsenious sulphide may then be weighed.
The weight multiplied by 0·805 gives the amount of arsenic
trioxide.
A less preferable way is to collect the arsenious sulphide on a
weighed filter, to dry, and dissolve out any sulphur by carbon
disulphide. Yet another method is to oxidize by nitric acid,
evaporate, precipitate the arsenic acid by a mixture of ammonic
chloride, magnesic sulphate, and strong ammonia —“magnesia
mixture”) as ammonio-magnesic arsenate, and weigh, either as that
salt, or, after ignition, as pyroarsenate of magnesia. The former,
dried at 100° C., contains 39·57, the latter 48·29 per cent. of As.
Lastly, if the sulphide, oxidized by nitric acid, be alkalized with
Pass into the distillate washed sulphuretted hydrogen in excess (or
add a solution of the gas in water), warm, cover, and allow to stand.
(The excess of sulphuretted hydrogen may afterwards be removed
by warming and passing in carbonic acid gas.) If any arsenic be
present, a yellow precipitate of arsenious sulphide, As2S3, will
appear; if the precipitate be pale, it will consist mainly of sulphur,
formed by the action of the sulphuretted hydrogen on the
sulphurous acid which is present. Some organic matters are also
generally present. Collect the precipitate on a filter, wash with
sulphuretted hydrogen water, dissolve in a dilute solution of
ammonium carbonate, and again precipitate with hydrochloric acid.
The precipitated arsenious sulphide is now nearly pure: it may be
collected on a small filter, washed rapidly, again dissolved in
ammonia, the solution received in a porcelain dish, evaporated to a
low bulk, transferred to a weighed porcelain boat, and heated
cautiously in a current of carbon dioxide to a temperature not above
400° C., sufficient, in fact, just to melt the arsenious sulphide.
[Sulphur boils at 446° C., As2S3 at 700° C.] Any remaining sulphur
is thus removed, and the arsenious sulphide may then be weighed.
The weight multiplied by 0·805 gives the amount of arsenic
trioxide.
A less preferable way is to collect the arsenious sulphide on a
weighed filter, to dry, and dissolve out any sulphur by carbon
disulphide. Yet another method is to oxidize by nitric acid,
evaporate, precipitate the arsenic acid by a mixture of ammonic
chloride, magnesic sulphate, and strong ammonia —“magnesia
mixture”) as ammonio-magnesic arsenate, and weigh, either as that
salt, or, after ignition, as pyroarsenate of magnesia. The former,
dried at 100° C., contains 39·57, the latter 48·29 per cent. of As.
Lastly, if the sulphide, oxidized by nitric acid, be alkalized with
Page 455
ammonia, and warmed to 70° or 80° C. with a solution of
ammonium molybdate in nitric acid, as used for the ordinary
determination of phosphates (see Fresenius, Qual. Anal., p. 54), a
yellow precipitate of arsenomolybdate of ammonia appears, which
can be weighed: it contains 3·3 per cent. of As (Bull. Soc. Chem.,
Jan. 7th, 1877).
But where such importance may hang on quantities, the use of
weighed filters for such small amounts is simply courting error.
When the As2S3 has been weighed in the porcelain boat, calculate it
into As2O3, or into As (it contains 61 per per cent. of As), then
cover it with a mixture of pure potassic cyanide and sodium
carbonate, place it in a piece of combustion tubing drawn out at the
end into a long thin point, pass washed dry carbon dioxide over it,
and heat cautiously till all the water is expelled. Finally raise the
temperature to full redness, and pass a slow continuous current of
the gas, keeping the narrow part of the tube cool with moistened
blotting paper. The sulphide will be reduced to As, which will
deposit in a metallic coating on the narrow portion. Seal this part,
and preserve it as evidence.
It is obvious that the residue in the retort may be tested for
other metals.
The presence of arsenic ascertained, and the quantity known, it
would seem as if nothing more was necessary. Still, it is useful to
confirm results by the other tests. The reserved portion may now be
divided and used as follows:—
MARSH’S TEST.
If hydrogen be evolved in presence of arsenical compounds, it
combines with the element to form “arseniuretted hydrogen,” or
arsine, AsH3, a colourless gas of alliaceous odour, extremely
ammonium molybdate in nitric acid, as used for the ordinary
determination of phosphates (see Fresenius, Qual. Anal., p. 54), a
yellow precipitate of arsenomolybdate of ammonia appears, which
can be weighed: it contains 3·3 per cent. of As (Bull. Soc. Chem.,
Jan. 7th, 1877).
But where such importance may hang on quantities, the use of
weighed filters for such small amounts is simply courting error.
When the As2S3 has been weighed in the porcelain boat, calculate it
into As2O3, or into As (it contains 61 per per cent. of As), then
cover it with a mixture of pure potassic cyanide and sodium
carbonate, place it in a piece of combustion tubing drawn out at the
end into a long thin point, pass washed dry carbon dioxide over it,
and heat cautiously till all the water is expelled. Finally raise the
temperature to full redness, and pass a slow continuous current of
the gas, keeping the narrow part of the tube cool with moistened
blotting paper. The sulphide will be reduced to As, which will
deposit in a metallic coating on the narrow portion. Seal this part,
and preserve it as evidence.
It is obvious that the residue in the retort may be tested for
other metals.
The presence of arsenic ascertained, and the quantity known, it
would seem as if nothing more was necessary. Still, it is useful to
confirm results by the other tests. The reserved portion may now be
divided and used as follows:—
MARSH’S TEST.
If hydrogen be evolved in presence of arsenical compounds, it
combines with the element to form “arseniuretted hydrogen,” or
arsine, AsH3, a colourless gas of alliaceous odour, extremely
Page 456
poisonous, giving, when passed into silver nitrate solution, a
precipitate of silver and a solution of As2O3; decomposed at a red
heat into As and hydrogen, and burning with a livid flame into
As2O3 and water. The flame yields, when a cold surface, such as a
porcelain crucible-lid or dish, is depressed into it, a steel-grey
lustrous stain or ring of metallic arsenic.
To evolve the hydrogen, Marsh originally used zinc and
sulphuric acid. As it is so difficult to obtain zinc pure, magnesium
has been proposed. But the evolution is then too rapid. Moreover,
the reputed “pure” acids of commerce are scarcely ever free from a
trace of arsenic. This difficulty affects equally the galvanic method.
Hence it is better to employ sodium amalgam (Edmund Davy,
Chem. News, xxxiii., 58, and ditto, 94). One part of sodium,
scraped free from oxide, is melted under solid paraffin, and
gradually added to ten parts of mercury (previously purified by
nitric acid) with constant stirring, the paraffin poured off, and the
amalgam cleaned by washing with pure dry benzine. The result is a
solid crystalline alloy.
A few fragments of this alloy are placed with water in a flask
provided with a thistle funnel, and with a delivery tube dipping into
a 4 per cent. solution of silver nitrate. The horizontal part of the
delivery tube is heated to just below redness by a lamp, meanwhile
being supported to prevent its bending. If, after about an hour, no
As ring appears in the tube, and if the silver nitrate, after
precipitation of the silver by hydrochloric acid and filtration, gives
no arsenious sulphide on addition of sulphuretted hydrogen, the
amalgam is pure. Now add to the flask the suspected liquid, put in
more amalgam, and continue the heating of the tube and passing of
the hydrogen till no further evolution of As occurs. The portion of
tube containing the deposit of As may be cut off, weighed, the As
dissolved off by aqua regia, and the tube washed, dried, and
precipitate of silver and a solution of As2O3; decomposed at a red
heat into As and hydrogen, and burning with a livid flame into
As2O3 and water. The flame yields, when a cold surface, such as a
porcelain crucible-lid or dish, is depressed into it, a steel-grey
lustrous stain or ring of metallic arsenic.
To evolve the hydrogen, Marsh originally used zinc and
sulphuric acid. As it is so difficult to obtain zinc pure, magnesium
has been proposed. But the evolution is then too rapid. Moreover,
the reputed “pure” acids of commerce are scarcely ever free from a
trace of arsenic. This difficulty affects equally the galvanic method.
Hence it is better to employ sodium amalgam (Edmund Davy,
Chem. News, xxxiii., 58, and ditto, 94). One part of sodium,
scraped free from oxide, is melted under solid paraffin, and
gradually added to ten parts of mercury (previously purified by
nitric acid) with constant stirring, the paraffin poured off, and the
amalgam cleaned by washing with pure dry benzine. The result is a
solid crystalline alloy.
A few fragments of this alloy are placed with water in a flask
provided with a thistle funnel, and with a delivery tube dipping into
a 4 per cent. solution of silver nitrate. The horizontal part of the
delivery tube is heated to just below redness by a lamp, meanwhile
being supported to prevent its bending. If, after about an hour, no
As ring appears in the tube, and if the silver nitrate, after
precipitation of the silver by hydrochloric acid and filtration, gives
no arsenious sulphide on addition of sulphuretted hydrogen, the
amalgam is pure. Now add to the flask the suspected liquid, put in
more amalgam, and continue the heating of the tube and passing of
the hydrogen till no further evolution of As occurs. The portion of
tube containing the deposit of As may be cut off, weighed, the As
dissolved off by aqua regia, and the tube washed, dried, and
Page 457
weighed again. The silver nitrate solution contains the remainder of
the As dissolved as As2O3: after removal of the silver by
hydrochloric acid and filtration, the arsenious acid solution may be
divided, a portion titrated by iodine (see Blyth’s Pract. Chem., p.
392), and the rest tested qualitatively by sulphuretted hydrogen,
ammonio-silver nitrate, and ammonio-cupric sulphate (see these
tests, post).
If the original liquid be rendered strongly alkaline before
adding the amalgam, no antimony will pass off with the arsenic.
But from acid liquids, arsenic and antimony pass off together. They
both give metallic rings in the tube, and stains on a cold surface.
The chief distinctions between them are as follows:—
1. Arsenic.—More volatile, hence deposited further from the
flame; bounded by a “hair brown” fringe of suboxide; heated in a
current of sulphuretted hydrogen gives yellow As2S3, unchanged by
passing dry hydrochloric acid gas: heated in air, it gives easily a
sublimate of As2O3 in glistening octahedral crystals. It is soluble at
once in chloride of lime solution.
2. Antimony.—Less volatile, hence forming close to the flame;
no brown fringe; heated in a current of sulphuretted hydrogen,
gives orange or black Sb2S3, volatilized by passing dry
hydrochloric acid; heated in air, it gives a white oxide, volatile with
great difficulty, and not generally crystalline. It is insoluble in
chloride of lime solution.
By the above process, Edmund Davy has detected one-
millionth of a grain of As; 1/1000 grain gives a very decided effect in
a few minutes. It is applicable not only to As2O3, but to all other
arsenical compounds in powder, whether soluble or insoluble.
Organic matter interferes very little.
the As dissolved as As2O3: after removal of the silver by
hydrochloric acid and filtration, the arsenious acid solution may be
divided, a portion titrated by iodine (see Blyth’s Pract. Chem., p.
392), and the rest tested qualitatively by sulphuretted hydrogen,
ammonio-silver nitrate, and ammonio-cupric sulphate (see these
tests, post).
If the original liquid be rendered strongly alkaline before
adding the amalgam, no antimony will pass off with the arsenic.
But from acid liquids, arsenic and antimony pass off together. They
both give metallic rings in the tube, and stains on a cold surface.
The chief distinctions between them are as follows:—
1. Arsenic.—More volatile, hence deposited further from the
flame; bounded by a “hair brown” fringe of suboxide; heated in a
current of sulphuretted hydrogen gives yellow As2S3, unchanged by
passing dry hydrochloric acid gas: heated in air, it gives easily a
sublimate of As2O3 in glistening octahedral crystals. It is soluble at
once in chloride of lime solution.
2. Antimony.—Less volatile, hence forming close to the flame;
no brown fringe; heated in a current of sulphuretted hydrogen,
gives orange or black Sb2S3, volatilized by passing dry
hydrochloric acid; heated in air, it gives a white oxide, volatile with
great difficulty, and not generally crystalline. It is insoluble in
chloride of lime solution.
By the above process, Edmund Davy has detected one-
millionth of a grain of As; 1/1000 grain gives a very decided effect in
a few minutes. It is applicable not only to As2O3, but to all other
arsenical compounds in powder, whether soluble or insoluble.
Organic matter interferes very little.
Page 458
It must be observed that hydrogen alone may give a slight
reduction and precipitate in solutions of silver nitrate.
To prepare pure sulphuric acid and pure zinc, see Selmi, Chem.
Soc. Journal, May, 1881, p. 311.
REINSCH’S TEST.
If a fragment of pure copper be boiled with pure hydrochloric
acid for ten minutes, no discolouration occurs. If now a solution
containing arsenic be added, the copper turns black or grey, from
formation of an alloy of copper and arsenicum. On drying the
copper, and heating it in a small glass tube closed at one end, the
arsenicum is oxidized, with production of crystals of As2 O3.
Organic matter does not interfere. Antimony, sulphides, and some
metals produce a similar grey deposit, but do not yield a crystalline
sublimate. Mercury also precipitates on the copper, but the
sublimate consists of metallic globules.
Any compound of arsenicum, mixed with dried potassium
cyanide and carbonate of soda, introduced into a piece of hard glass
tubing drawn to a point, and heated in a slow stream of dry carbon
dioxide, gives a deposit, in the narrow portion, of the whole of its
arsenic in the metallic form (Fresenius).
As2 O3 heated in a tube with dry potassium or sodium acetate
gives cacodyl-oxide (Bunsen) of an exceedingly offensive
alliaceous odour.
In solution, arsenious acid gives:—
1. With ammonio-silver nitrate (prepared by adding silver
nitrate to dilute ammonia till a precipitate just forms) a yellow
precipitate of silver arsenite, soluble in ammonia and in nitric acid.
reduction and precipitate in solutions of silver nitrate.
To prepare pure sulphuric acid and pure zinc, see Selmi, Chem.
Soc. Journal, May, 1881, p. 311.
REINSCH’S TEST.
If a fragment of pure copper be boiled with pure hydrochloric
acid for ten minutes, no discolouration occurs. If now a solution
containing arsenic be added, the copper turns black or grey, from
formation of an alloy of copper and arsenicum. On drying the
copper, and heating it in a small glass tube closed at one end, the
arsenicum is oxidized, with production of crystals of As2 O3.
Organic matter does not interfere. Antimony, sulphides, and some
metals produce a similar grey deposit, but do not yield a crystalline
sublimate. Mercury also precipitates on the copper, but the
sublimate consists of metallic globules.
Any compound of arsenicum, mixed with dried potassium
cyanide and carbonate of soda, introduced into a piece of hard glass
tubing drawn to a point, and heated in a slow stream of dry carbon
dioxide, gives a deposit, in the narrow portion, of the whole of its
arsenic in the metallic form (Fresenius).
As2 O3 heated in a tube with dry potassium or sodium acetate
gives cacodyl-oxide (Bunsen) of an exceedingly offensive
alliaceous odour.
In solution, arsenious acid gives:—
1. With ammonio-silver nitrate (prepared by adding silver
nitrate to dilute ammonia till a precipitate just forms) a yellow
precipitate of silver arsenite, soluble in ammonia and in nitric acid.
Page 459
2. With ammonio-cupric sulphate (prepared by similarly
treating cupric sulphate), a bright green precipitate of cupric
arsenite.
3. With sulphuretted hydrogen a yellow colour (the intensity of
this has been proposed as a method of estimating small quantities
of arsenic by comparison à la Nessler), but no precipitate till
hydrochloric or other acid be added, when yellow arsenious
sulphide falls. This is a most delicate test, as arsenious sulphide is
only soluble to the extent of one part in one million of water
(Fresenius, Quant. Anal. p. 137), and not much more soluble in
acids. The precipitate may be weighed, or treated as already
mentioned (pp. 386-7). Tin and cadmium solutions also give yellow
sulphides, but they are insoluble in ammonia, and do not yield the
other tests.
4. Stannous chloride (protochloride of tin) gives a brown
deposit of metallic arsenic. With acids containing traces of arsenic
it gives a brown colour.
DOSES.
1. Medicinal (British Pharmacopœia).—Acidum arseniosum
(As2 O3), 1/60 to 1/12 grain in solution. Liquor arsenicalis (solution of
potassium arsenite), 2 to 8 minims. Liquor arsenicalis
hydrochloricus (solution of chloride of arsenic), 2 to 8 minims.
Sodæ arsenias (sodium arsenate), 1/16 to ⅛ grain. Liquor sodæ
arseniatis (solution of the preceding), 5 to 10 minims. Ferri arsenias
(ferric arsenate), 1/16 to ½ grain.
2. Poisonous.—Smallest recorded: one grain, (Lancet, Dec.
16th, 1837), two grains, (Provincial Journal, 1848, p. 347); average
smallest, 2½ grains. Recoveries have been described after
treating cupric sulphate), a bright green precipitate of cupric
arsenite.
3. With sulphuretted hydrogen a yellow colour (the intensity of
this has been proposed as a method of estimating small quantities
of arsenic by comparison à la Nessler), but no precipitate till
hydrochloric or other acid be added, when yellow arsenious
sulphide falls. This is a most delicate test, as arsenious sulphide is
only soluble to the extent of one part in one million of water
(Fresenius, Quant. Anal. p. 137), and not much more soluble in
acids. The precipitate may be weighed, or treated as already
mentioned (pp. 386-7). Tin and cadmium solutions also give yellow
sulphides, but they are insoluble in ammonia, and do not yield the
other tests.
4. Stannous chloride (protochloride of tin) gives a brown
deposit of metallic arsenic. With acids containing traces of arsenic
it gives a brown colour.
DOSES.
1. Medicinal (British Pharmacopœia).—Acidum arseniosum
(As2 O3), 1/60 to 1/12 grain in solution. Liquor arsenicalis (solution of
potassium arsenite), 2 to 8 minims. Liquor arsenicalis
hydrochloricus (solution of chloride of arsenic), 2 to 8 minims.
Sodæ arsenias (sodium arsenate), 1/16 to ⅛ grain. Liquor sodæ
arseniatis (solution of the preceding), 5 to 10 minims. Ferri arsenias
(ferric arsenate), 1/16 to ½ grain.
2. Poisonous.—Smallest recorded: one grain, (Lancet, Dec.
16th, 1837), two grains, (Provincial Journal, 1848, p. 347); average
smallest, 2½ grains. Recoveries have been described after
Page 460
enormous doses, up to 1½ ounce, taken solid and therefore not
dissolved, rejected by vomiting or purging, or prevented from
irritant action by abundance of food (see a case in the Lancet, Jan.
13th, 1849, when 1oz. was taken with recovery).[139]
Idiosyncrasy may cause smaller doses to be dangerous; on the
other hand, habit may cause tolerance of the poison, as already
mentioned with regard to arsenic eaters. Nitre is said to increase the
poisonous action (Med. Times, 1844, p. 216). Antimony by its
prostrating action would have the same effect.
PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS.
The symptoms usually commence in ½ to 1 hour after
administration (Taylor), but vary with dose, form, &c. They have
also been immediate (case of Lofthouse, York, 1835); in ten
minutes (Guy and Ferrier); in ¼ hour (Taylor); in 5, 7, 8, and 10
hours (Med. Gaz. xlvii. 722); in 23 hours (Med. Times, Oct. 21,
1848); in four days (Woodman and Tidy, Forens. Med. p. 134).
As to the character of the symptoms, irritation of the stomach
and intestines is the main feature. Burning pain, vomiting and
purging, cramps and occasionally tetanus (Orfila, i., 449) occur.
Rarely there is insensibility and no pain. Great thirst, constriction
of the throat, headache, and finally exhaustion are common.
Sometimes epilepsy or paralysis has been caused. The truth is, that
every variety of constitutional disturbance may be caused by the
violent irritation of the alimentary canal, except that the intellect is
rarely affected. In many cases the effects closely resemble those of
acute diarrhœa or English Cholera. One anomalous case is on
record when death occurred in four hours after sound sleep, and no
inflammation of the stomach was found (Lancet, xii., 194). For a
detailed list of cases, see Guy and Ferrier’s Forens. Med. p. 457.
dissolved, rejected by vomiting or purging, or prevented from
irritant action by abundance of food (see a case in the Lancet, Jan.
13th, 1849, when 1oz. was taken with recovery).[139]
Idiosyncrasy may cause smaller doses to be dangerous; on the
other hand, habit may cause tolerance of the poison, as already
mentioned with regard to arsenic eaters. Nitre is said to increase the
poisonous action (Med. Times, 1844, p. 216). Antimony by its
prostrating action would have the same effect.
PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS.
The symptoms usually commence in ½ to 1 hour after
administration (Taylor), but vary with dose, form, &c. They have
also been immediate (case of Lofthouse, York, 1835); in ten
minutes (Guy and Ferrier); in ¼ hour (Taylor); in 5, 7, 8, and 10
hours (Med. Gaz. xlvii. 722); in 23 hours (Med. Times, Oct. 21,
1848); in four days (Woodman and Tidy, Forens. Med. p. 134).
As to the character of the symptoms, irritation of the stomach
and intestines is the main feature. Burning pain, vomiting and
purging, cramps and occasionally tetanus (Orfila, i., 449) occur.
Rarely there is insensibility and no pain. Great thirst, constriction
of the throat, headache, and finally exhaustion are common.
Sometimes epilepsy or paralysis has been caused. The truth is, that
every variety of constitutional disturbance may be caused by the
violent irritation of the alimentary canal, except that the intellect is
rarely affected. In many cases the effects closely resemble those of
acute diarrhœa or English Cholera. One anomalous case is on
record when death occurred in four hours after sound sleep, and no
inflammation of the stomach was found (Lancet, xii., 194). For a
detailed list of cases, see Guy and Ferrier’s Forens. Med. p. 457.
Page 461
Fatal period.—Shortest, twenty minutes (Taylor); average,
about twenty-four hours. Death in three to eight hours is common.
But the end has been sometimes far more protracted, even to two
years (Ibid., Med. Jur. i., 256).
The vomit is usually yellowish (L’Angelier) from bile:
occasionally it is tinged with blood; rarely white. If the arsenic has
been mixed with soot or indigo, these will affect its colour.
Post Mortem Appearances.—The lining membrane of the
stomach and intestines is almost always inflamed and reddened,
rarely darker from congestion. White patches, covered with mucus,
should be examined for solid arsenic. Perforation, ulceration, and
gangrene are rare. In bodies long buried, the arsenic is often
converted into sulphide by putrefaction, and then appears as a
yellow coating. Occasionally inflammatory appearances are found
in the mouth, throat and other organs. Congestion of the brain is
uncommon.
Among the effects of chronic poisoning by arsenic may be
noted inflammation of the eyelids (conjunctivitis), skin eruptions,
irritability of the stomach, jaundice, and local paralysis (for cases
see Taylor’s Med. Jur., i. 252).
TREATMENT AND ANTIDOTES.
Vomiting should be encouraged by emetics or tickling the
throat; the stomach pump being used if judicious. To obviate the
irritation, demulcents such as arrowroot, mucilage, &c., are useful.
Albumen (white of egg) has proved serviceable (Lancet, Jan. 13th,
1849). To render the arsenic insoluble, magnesia or chalk may be
given. But the best chemical antidote is hydrated ferric oxide,
freshly prepared by precipitating ferric chloride or tinct. ferri
sesquichlor. with carbonate of soda (washing soda), or by similarly
about twenty-four hours. Death in three to eight hours is common.
But the end has been sometimes far more protracted, even to two
years (Ibid., Med. Jur. i., 256).
The vomit is usually yellowish (L’Angelier) from bile:
occasionally it is tinged with blood; rarely white. If the arsenic has
been mixed with soot or indigo, these will affect its colour.
Post Mortem Appearances.—The lining membrane of the
stomach and intestines is almost always inflamed and reddened,
rarely darker from congestion. White patches, covered with mucus,
should be examined for solid arsenic. Perforation, ulceration, and
gangrene are rare. In bodies long buried, the arsenic is often
converted into sulphide by putrefaction, and then appears as a
yellow coating. Occasionally inflammatory appearances are found
in the mouth, throat and other organs. Congestion of the brain is
uncommon.
Among the effects of chronic poisoning by arsenic may be
noted inflammation of the eyelids (conjunctivitis), skin eruptions,
irritability of the stomach, jaundice, and local paralysis (for cases
see Taylor’s Med. Jur., i. 252).
TREATMENT AND ANTIDOTES.
Vomiting should be encouraged by emetics or tickling the
throat; the stomach pump being used if judicious. To obviate the
irritation, demulcents such as arrowroot, mucilage, &c., are useful.
Albumen (white of egg) has proved serviceable (Lancet, Jan. 13th,
1849). To render the arsenic insoluble, magnesia or chalk may be
given. But the best chemical antidote is hydrated ferric oxide,
freshly prepared by precipitating ferric chloride or tinct. ferri
sesquichlor. with carbonate of soda (washing soda), or by similarly
Page 462
precipitating ferrous sulphate (copperas), and then shaking the
mixture with air till it turns red, or by the following formula:—
Tinct. ferr. perchlor. 1 oz.
Sod. bicarb. 1 oz.
Tepid water, a teacupful.
(Hoglan, Year Book of Pharm. 1881, p. 211).
M. Lucas of Beauvais has stated, that in nine cases of arsenical
poisoning, calcined magnesia arrested the symptoms and
eventually removed the effects (J. Chim. Medi. 1850).
REMARKS.
Arsenic has been given in pessaries by the vagina, in ointment
for skin diseases and by “cancer doctors,” also inhaled as vapour
for asthma, in each case with dangerous result.
The frequent occurrence of this poison in common articles of
use gives an opportunity to the defence which has led to analyses
of multitudes of articles—wall-papers, clothing, cooking vessels,
&c. It may be positively affirmed that if white arsenic in the solid
state be found in the stomach, it could not have come from any of
these sources. The trace that could be derived from wall-papers
would be infinitesimal. The tests for arsenic are almost
inconveniently delicate, so that the slightest impurity of the
reagents will make it appear to be present. Reichardt (Archiv. der
Pharm., xiv. 1-23), states that 1/1000 milligramme of As2O3 evolved
as arseniuretted hydrogen will precipitate silver nitrate, and that by
this means he has found it in the urine of patients suffering from
arsenical wall-papers. The effect of such papers is certainly
pernicious, though it may be mentioned that in Silesia mortar is
mixture with air till it turns red, or by the following formula:—
Tinct. ferr. perchlor. 1 oz.
Sod. bicarb. 1 oz.
Tepid water, a teacupful.
(Hoglan, Year Book of Pharm. 1881, p. 211).
M. Lucas of Beauvais has stated, that in nine cases of arsenical
poisoning, calcined magnesia arrested the symptoms and
eventually removed the effects (J. Chim. Medi. 1850).
REMARKS.
Arsenic has been given in pessaries by the vagina, in ointment
for skin diseases and by “cancer doctors,” also inhaled as vapour
for asthma, in each case with dangerous result.
The frequent occurrence of this poison in common articles of
use gives an opportunity to the defence which has led to analyses
of multitudes of articles—wall-papers, clothing, cooking vessels,
&c. It may be positively affirmed that if white arsenic in the solid
state be found in the stomach, it could not have come from any of
these sources. The trace that could be derived from wall-papers
would be infinitesimal. The tests for arsenic are almost
inconveniently delicate, so that the slightest impurity of the
reagents will make it appear to be present. Reichardt (Archiv. der
Pharm., xiv. 1-23), states that 1/1000 milligramme of As2O3 evolved
as arseniuretted hydrogen will precipitate silver nitrate, and that by
this means he has found it in the urine of patients suffering from
arsenical wall-papers. The effect of such papers is certainly
pernicious, though it may be mentioned that in Silesia mortar is
Page 463
made with arsenical sand, and people living in houses thus built do
not suffer (Lancet, 1849, April 7th). On the whole it may be
concluded that in a trial, traces of arsenic will not be sufficient, a
tangible quantity found and weighed will be the only sufficient
evidence of poisoning by the mouth.
To illustrate the value of a knowledge of chemistry to a medical
man in such cases the following may be quoted. A child of ten was
supposed to have eaten a quantity of meal mixed with arsenic for
rats. An emetic of sulphate of zinc was given: the first vomit gave
with ammon. sulphate of copper a bright green, with ammon.
nitrate of silver, a yellow precipitate, thus establishing that the
poison was arsenic. Emetics and diluents were continued, then
albumen was given. Some hydrated ferric oxide was hurriedly
made from common green vitriol (ferrous sulphate) and ammonia:
the washed precipitate was administered in successive
teaspoonfuls. Recovery on the third day. In the vomit 10 grains of
white arsenic were found. (Lancet, 1849, p. 311.)
The following is a curious form of attempted poisoning. A
person lately presented this prescription in Paris: “Decoct. barley, 8
oz.; hydroch. acid, 1 drachm; arsenious acid, 10 grains.” The
signature of a physician was appended, but, on suspicion being
aroused, was found to be a forgery.
In Ann Merritt’s case, Dr. Letheby stated that arsenic had been
taken not more than two or three hours (afterwards he said four)
before death, because he found undigested gruel in the stomach,
containing arsenic in solution, and because the intestines contained
very little arsenic. This conclusion was considered by weighty
authorities to be rash, and probably wrong, because:—
1. He found 2 grains (a poisonous dose) in the liver. This could
hardly have got there within so short a time.
not suffer (Lancet, 1849, April 7th). On the whole it may be
concluded that in a trial, traces of arsenic will not be sufficient, a
tangible quantity found and weighed will be the only sufficient
evidence of poisoning by the mouth.
To illustrate the value of a knowledge of chemistry to a medical
man in such cases the following may be quoted. A child of ten was
supposed to have eaten a quantity of meal mixed with arsenic for
rats. An emetic of sulphate of zinc was given: the first vomit gave
with ammon. sulphate of copper a bright green, with ammon.
nitrate of silver, a yellow precipitate, thus establishing that the
poison was arsenic. Emetics and diluents were continued, then
albumen was given. Some hydrated ferric oxide was hurriedly
made from common green vitriol (ferrous sulphate) and ammonia:
the washed precipitate was administered in successive
teaspoonfuls. Recovery on the third day. In the vomit 10 grains of
white arsenic were found. (Lancet, 1849, p. 311.)
The following is a curious form of attempted poisoning. A
person lately presented this prescription in Paris: “Decoct. barley, 8
oz.; hydroch. acid, 1 drachm; arsenious acid, 10 grains.” The
signature of a physician was appended, but, on suspicion being
aroused, was found to be a forgery.
In Ann Merritt’s case, Dr. Letheby stated that arsenic had been
taken not more than two or three hours (afterwards he said four)
before death, because he found undigested gruel in the stomach,
containing arsenic in solution, and because the intestines contained
very little arsenic. This conclusion was considered by weighty
authorities to be rash, and probably wrong, because:—
1. He found 2 grains (a poisonous dose) in the liver. This could
hardly have got there within so short a time.
Page 464
2. In a stomach irritated by arsenic or disease, food may remain
undigested for seven, eight, or more hours.
8. A previous dose of arsenic, adherent to the coats of the
stomach, might be dissolved by an influx of warm gruel.
4. The portion in the intestines might have been evacuated by
purging.
5. The “pinkish liquid” described by the surgeon who
performed the post-mortem, pointed to admixture with blood,
therefore to inflammation of some standing, and certainly did not
tally with Dr. Letheby’s description of “gruel.”
With reference to the alleged administration of arsenic in cocoa
in Madeline Smith’s case, the following details will be illustrative.
100 grains of white arsenic were found to be a small
teaspoonful, not heaped. This quantity was mixed with two
teaspoonfuls of Epps’s cocoa. The colour was rendered lighter, but
still looked natural. On making up with boiling water and milk, as
directed, a cup of cocoa was obtained, in which neither appearance,
taste, nor smell, betrayed anything unusual. On standing the milk
rapidly curdled, and the arsenic deposited, but this would not be
seen in an opaque cup. With arrowroot or gruel a similar result was
obtained.[140]
It has been stated that arsenic trioxide volatilizes with the
vapour of water. I have not found this to be the case to any
appreciable extent, but it does volatilize slowly at 100° C., and still
more at 120°. About ½ gramme of As2 O3 lost, after six hours on
the water-bath, 3 per cent. of its weight; after six hours at 120° C. it
lost six per cent. When chlorides are present, as in the body, it is
still more liable to volatilization as arsenic trichloride. Hence
matters containing it cannot be boiled down or dried without
danger of loss, unless previously rendered alkaline.
undigested for seven, eight, or more hours.
8. A previous dose of arsenic, adherent to the coats of the
stomach, might be dissolved by an influx of warm gruel.
4. The portion in the intestines might have been evacuated by
purging.
5. The “pinkish liquid” described by the surgeon who
performed the post-mortem, pointed to admixture with blood,
therefore to inflammation of some standing, and certainly did not
tally with Dr. Letheby’s description of “gruel.”
With reference to the alleged administration of arsenic in cocoa
in Madeline Smith’s case, the following details will be illustrative.
100 grains of white arsenic were found to be a small
teaspoonful, not heaped. This quantity was mixed with two
teaspoonfuls of Epps’s cocoa. The colour was rendered lighter, but
still looked natural. On making up with boiling water and milk, as
directed, a cup of cocoa was obtained, in which neither appearance,
taste, nor smell, betrayed anything unusual. On standing the milk
rapidly curdled, and the arsenic deposited, but this would not be
seen in an opaque cup. With arrowroot or gruel a similar result was
obtained.[140]
It has been stated that arsenic trioxide volatilizes with the
vapour of water. I have not found this to be the case to any
appreciable extent, but it does volatilize slowly at 100° C., and still
more at 120°. About ½ gramme of As2 O3 lost, after six hours on
the water-bath, 3 per cent. of its weight; after six hours at 120° C. it
lost six per cent. When chlorides are present, as in the body, it is
still more liable to volatilization as arsenic trichloride. Hence
matters containing it cannot be boiled down or dried without
danger of loss, unless previously rendered alkaline.
Page 465
R. Otto has stated that ordinary sulphuretted hydrogen may
contain arsenic from the sulphate of iron used. He proposes to
prepare the gas by the action of pure hydrochloric acid on pure
calcium sulphide obtained by roasting gypsum with charcoal (Ber.
Chem. Ges. xii. 250). I have tested water into which sulphuretted
hydrogen has been repeatedly passed, and have found no arsenic: if
really present in the gas, the As H3 is not absorbed in the liquid.
contain arsenic from the sulphate of iron used. He proposes to
prepare the gas by the action of pure hydrochloric acid on pure
calcium sulphide obtained by roasting gypsum with charcoal (Ber.
Chem. Ges. xii. 250). I have tested water into which sulphuretted
hydrogen has been repeatedly passed, and have found no arsenic: if
really present in the gas, the As H3 is not absorbed in the liquid.
Page 466
CHAPTER VIII.
POISONING BY ANTIMONY.
The cases under this head are very numerous, and, therefore,
difficult of selection. I have given, as the leading cases, full reports,
(1), of that of Dr. Pritchard, of Glasgow, tried in the High Court of
Justiciary, in July, 1865, for the poisoning of his wife by repeated
small doses of antimony, and his mother-in-law by antimony and
aconite; (2), of that of Dr. Smethurst (the Richmond poisoning
case), tried for the poisoning of his mistress by small doses of
antimony and arsenic, at the Central Criminal Court, August 15th,
1859[141]; (3), I have added a report of the Liverpool poisoning case
—that of Thomas Waislow, for the poisoning of Ann James, by
antimony, tried at Liverpool, August 20th, 1860.
TRIAL OF DR. PRITCHARD.[142]
Before The Lord Justice Clerk (Right Hon. John Inglis), Lord Ardmillan,
and Lord Jerviswoode, at the High Court of Justiciary, Edinburgh,
July, 1865.
POISONING BY ANTIMONY.
The cases under this head are very numerous, and, therefore,
difficult of selection. I have given, as the leading cases, full reports,
(1), of that of Dr. Pritchard, of Glasgow, tried in the High Court of
Justiciary, in July, 1865, for the poisoning of his wife by repeated
small doses of antimony, and his mother-in-law by antimony and
aconite; (2), of that of Dr. Smethurst (the Richmond poisoning
case), tried for the poisoning of his mistress by small doses of
antimony and arsenic, at the Central Criminal Court, August 15th,
1859[141]; (3), I have added a report of the Liverpool poisoning case
—that of Thomas Waislow, for the poisoning of Ann James, by
antimony, tried at Liverpool, August 20th, 1860.
TRIAL OF DR. PRITCHARD.[142]
Before The Lord Justice Clerk (Right Hon. John Inglis), Lord Ardmillan,
and Lord Jerviswoode, at the High Court of Justiciary, Edinburgh,
July, 1865.
Page 467
For the Prosecution: The Solicitor-General (now Lord Young),
Mr. Gifford, and Mr. Chrichton.
For the Defence: Mr. Rutherford Clark, Mr. Watson, and Mr.
Brand.
By the first count of the indictment the prisoner was charged
with the murder of his mother-in-law, Mrs. Taylor, by
administering to her, between the 10th and 25th of February, 1865,
in Battley’s sedative solution, tapioca, porter, or some other
medicine or food, to the prosecutor, unknown, tartarised antimony,
aconite, and opium, or one or more of them. In the second count he
was charged with the murder of his wife by administering the like
poisons, or one or more of them, between the 22nd day of
December, 1864, and the 25th of March, 1865, in egg flip, cheese,
porter, beer, or wine, or some other articles of food, to the
prosecutor, unknown. To the relevancy of the indictment several
objections were taken, but overruled, and the prisoner pleaded “Not
Guilty.”
THE HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Edward William Pritchard, a native of England, and member of
the Royal College of Surgeons since 1846, before he came to
Glasgow, had been a traveller in the Polar and Pacific Seas, and in
the countries bordering the Mediterranean, and first set up in
practice at Filey, in Yorkshire, where he married the daughter of a
Glasgow silk merchant, by whom he had a family. In consequence
of this connection, about 1859 he removed to Glasgow, where,
from his writings on several diseases, he became favourably known
as a person of superior attainments, and gradually obtained a fair
practice. Whilst thus apparently in the enjoyment of popularity and
success, he, in 1863, became the subject of much adverse report,
Mr. Gifford, and Mr. Chrichton.
For the Defence: Mr. Rutherford Clark, Mr. Watson, and Mr.
Brand.
By the first count of the indictment the prisoner was charged
with the murder of his mother-in-law, Mrs. Taylor, by
administering to her, between the 10th and 25th of February, 1865,
in Battley’s sedative solution, tapioca, porter, or some other
medicine or food, to the prosecutor, unknown, tartarised antimony,
aconite, and opium, or one or more of them. In the second count he
was charged with the murder of his wife by administering the like
poisons, or one or more of them, between the 22nd day of
December, 1864, and the 25th of March, 1865, in egg flip, cheese,
porter, beer, or wine, or some other articles of food, to the
prosecutor, unknown. To the relevancy of the indictment several
objections were taken, but overruled, and the prisoner pleaded “Not
Guilty.”
THE HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Edward William Pritchard, a native of England, and member of
the Royal College of Surgeons since 1846, before he came to
Glasgow, had been a traveller in the Polar and Pacific Seas, and in
the countries bordering the Mediterranean, and first set up in
practice at Filey, in Yorkshire, where he married the daughter of a
Glasgow silk merchant, by whom he had a family. In consequence
of this connection, about 1859 he removed to Glasgow, where,
from his writings on several diseases, he became favourably known
as a person of superior attainments, and gradually obtained a fair
practice. Whilst thus apparently in the enjoyment of popularity and
success, he, in 1863, became the subject of much adverse report,
Page 468
from the suspicious circumstances attending a fire in his house, by
which a maid servant was killed—the Insurance Company refusing
to pay his claim, and the doctor not taking legal steps to enforce its
recovery. The ugly rumours about this affair, however, gradually
subsided, and his social and professional position was retained,
until the sudden death of his mother-in-law, whilst staying in his
house to nurse his sick wife, was quickly followed by that of the
wife herself. As the mother-in-law was 70 years of age, the
statement that she had died of apoplexy was at first accepted.
When, however, the death of the wife so quickly followed,
suspicion was excited, inquiries were instituted by the police, and
on the 21st of March, 1865, Dr. Pritchard was arrested on the
charge of poisoning her. A post-mortem examination of her remains
had proved that her death had not been due to natural causes, and a
subsequent examination of the body of his mother-in-law, exhumed
for the purpose, led to the same result in her case. Chemical
analyzations of the interior portions of both bodies disclosed in that
of the wife the presence of antimony in sufficient quantities to
account for her death; and in that of the mother-in-law to reduce the
powers of her constitution so far as to increase and facilitate the
effects of a narcotic poison.
THE SYMPTOMS.
The details of the progress of the lingering illness of Mrs.
Pritchard until her death, and of the sudden seizure of Mrs. Taylor
with what proved to be a fatal attack apparently of apoplexy, were
given in great minuteness by several non-professional witnesses,
servants in the house at the time, pupils of Dr. Pritchard’s, and a
girl whom Dr. Pritchard had seduced and promised to marry when
his wife died.
which a maid servant was killed—the Insurance Company refusing
to pay his claim, and the doctor not taking legal steps to enforce its
recovery. The ugly rumours about this affair, however, gradually
subsided, and his social and professional position was retained,
until the sudden death of his mother-in-law, whilst staying in his
house to nurse his sick wife, was quickly followed by that of the
wife herself. As the mother-in-law was 70 years of age, the
statement that she had died of apoplexy was at first accepted.
When, however, the death of the wife so quickly followed,
suspicion was excited, inquiries were instituted by the police, and
on the 21st of March, 1865, Dr. Pritchard was arrested on the
charge of poisoning her. A post-mortem examination of her remains
had proved that her death had not been due to natural causes, and a
subsequent examination of the body of his mother-in-law, exhumed
for the purpose, led to the same result in her case. Chemical
analyzations of the interior portions of both bodies disclosed in that
of the wife the presence of antimony in sufficient quantities to
account for her death; and in that of the mother-in-law to reduce the
powers of her constitution so far as to increase and facilitate the
effects of a narcotic poison.
THE SYMPTOMS.
The details of the progress of the lingering illness of Mrs.
Pritchard until her death, and of the sudden seizure of Mrs. Taylor
with what proved to be a fatal attack apparently of apoplexy, were
given in great minuteness by several non-professional witnesses,
servants in the house at the time, pupils of Dr. Pritchard’s, and a
girl whom Dr. Pritchard had seduced and promised to marry when
his wife died.
Page 469
Up to October, 1864, Mrs. Pritchard, never apparently a very
strong woman, had been in her usual state of health. Towards the
end of that month, however, she began to look pale and lose her
strength from frequent vomitings, and had to keep her bed, as she
believed, from a severe cold, for four or five days. About this time,
on her temporary recovery, she went on a visit to her parents in
Edinburgh, and there gradually recovered, returning home about
Christmas in her former state of health. After a week or so the
vomiting returned, and on the 1st of February, 1865, she had a
severe attack of cramp. Some few days after, as the prisoner said,
Dr. Cowan, a relative, saw her, and prescribed small doses of
champagne as a stimulant. However, the vomiting returned, and
about midnight on the 8th she was seized with such a violent attack
of cramp that, at her request, Dr. Gairdner was called in, who at
once stopped all stimulants. Dr. Pritchard told every one that his
wife was suffering from gastric fever. Dr. Gairdner, however, could
not find any feverish symptoms, and based his advice on their
absence, confessing himself “puzzled with the case.” On the 10th
Mrs. Taylor, her mother, came from Edinburgh to nurse her
daughter. She was a hale, hearty woman, though 70 years of age,
but at times affected with severe headaches, as a remedy for which
she had been accustomed for some years to have recourse to
Battley’s sedative solution. On the 13th, at her suggestion, some
tapioca was bought, brought into the house, and left for some time
on the lobby table. Of this, afterwards, a cupful was made, and
fetched by Mary McLeod, the younger servant, and by her carried
up to her mistress’s bedroom. Whether Mrs. Pritchard partook of
this or not was not known, but Mrs. Taylor ate a portion of it, and
the cook tasted it before it left the kitchen. Both Mrs. Taylor and
the cook were violently sick after taking the tapioca, the old lady
saying that she feared she was suffering from the same complaint
as her daughter. The tapioca had not been tampered with when
strong woman, had been in her usual state of health. Towards the
end of that month, however, she began to look pale and lose her
strength from frequent vomitings, and had to keep her bed, as she
believed, from a severe cold, for four or five days. About this time,
on her temporary recovery, she went on a visit to her parents in
Edinburgh, and there gradually recovered, returning home about
Christmas in her former state of health. After a week or so the
vomiting returned, and on the 1st of February, 1865, she had a
severe attack of cramp. Some few days after, as the prisoner said,
Dr. Cowan, a relative, saw her, and prescribed small doses of
champagne as a stimulant. However, the vomiting returned, and
about midnight on the 8th she was seized with such a violent attack
of cramp that, at her request, Dr. Gairdner was called in, who at
once stopped all stimulants. Dr. Pritchard told every one that his
wife was suffering from gastric fever. Dr. Gairdner, however, could
not find any feverish symptoms, and based his advice on their
absence, confessing himself “puzzled with the case.” On the 10th
Mrs. Taylor, her mother, came from Edinburgh to nurse her
daughter. She was a hale, hearty woman, though 70 years of age,
but at times affected with severe headaches, as a remedy for which
she had been accustomed for some years to have recourse to
Battley’s sedative solution. On the 13th, at her suggestion, some
tapioca was bought, brought into the house, and left for some time
on the lobby table. Of this, afterwards, a cupful was made, and
fetched by Mary McLeod, the younger servant, and by her carried
up to her mistress’s bedroom. Whether Mrs. Pritchard partook of
this or not was not known, but Mrs. Taylor ate a portion of it, and
the cook tasted it before it left the kitchen. Both Mrs. Taylor and
the cook were violently sick after taking the tapioca, the old lady
saying that she feared she was suffering from the same complaint
as her daughter. The tapioca had not been tampered with when
Page 470
purchased, but when the remainder of it was analysed it was found
to be charged with nearly five grains of tartarised antimony. On the
16th the old cook left, and Mary Patterson came. She found her
mistress suffering from continual vomits, and gradually getting
weaker—as Mrs. Taylor said, “one day better, and two days
worse.” For the next twelve days this state continued, and then a
dreadful scene occurred. Mrs. Taylor, who, whilst at Dr.
Pritchard’s, had sent for a bottle of Battley’s solution, was violently
sick in the evening of the 24th of February, and about nine on that
night rang the bell violently, and was found by the servant vainly
endeavouring to vomit and asking for hot water to assist her. By the
prisoner’s orders this was twice brought, and when on the second
occasion Mary Patterson entered the room Mrs. Taylor was sitting
in her chair with her head down, apparently insensible, and with
her eyes closed. She was lifted into bed, and died in about three
hours. Whilst dressing her corpse a bottle, about two-thirds full of
Battley’s solution, was found in her pocket, and identified as that
which she had last purchased. That this also was pure and free from
poison when sold was clearly proved. When, however, it was
analysed, it was found to be charged with antimony and aconite.
Dr. Pritchard declared that she had died of apoplexy following on
paralysis; but Dr. Paterson, who had been called in at the last
moment, distinctly declared that there were no such symptoms. An
attempt was made by the prisoner to get Dr. Paterson to give the
usual certificate of the cause of death, and on his indignant refusal,
the prisoner himself filled up the form with the words, “Paralysis
for twelve hours, followed by apoplexy,” and the first victim was
buried.[143]
Mrs. Pritchard still lingered. She had been sick on the day
before her mother’s death, but not for two or three days afterwards.
Then, however, the attacks returned, coming on, as before, within
to be charged with nearly five grains of tartarised antimony. On the
16th the old cook left, and Mary Patterson came. She found her
mistress suffering from continual vomits, and gradually getting
weaker—as Mrs. Taylor said, “one day better, and two days
worse.” For the next twelve days this state continued, and then a
dreadful scene occurred. Mrs. Taylor, who, whilst at Dr.
Pritchard’s, had sent for a bottle of Battley’s solution, was violently
sick in the evening of the 24th of February, and about nine on that
night rang the bell violently, and was found by the servant vainly
endeavouring to vomit and asking for hot water to assist her. By the
prisoner’s orders this was twice brought, and when on the second
occasion Mary Patterson entered the room Mrs. Taylor was sitting
in her chair with her head down, apparently insensible, and with
her eyes closed. She was lifted into bed, and died in about three
hours. Whilst dressing her corpse a bottle, about two-thirds full of
Battley’s solution, was found in her pocket, and identified as that
which she had last purchased. That this also was pure and free from
poison when sold was clearly proved. When, however, it was
analysed, it was found to be charged with antimony and aconite.
Dr. Pritchard declared that she had died of apoplexy following on
paralysis; but Dr. Paterson, who had been called in at the last
moment, distinctly declared that there were no such symptoms. An
attempt was made by the prisoner to get Dr. Paterson to give the
usual certificate of the cause of death, and on his indignant refusal,
the prisoner himself filled up the form with the words, “Paralysis
for twelve hours, followed by apoplexy,” and the first victim was
buried.[143]
Mrs. Pritchard still lingered. She had been sick on the day
before her mother’s death, but not for two or three days afterwards.
Then, however, the attacks returned, coming on, as before, within
Page 471
an hour or two after her meals, which were uniformly sent to her by
her husband—generally by the hands of McLeod. It was during the
last three weeks of her miserable existence, that on one occasion he
sent to her from the supper table a small bit of cheese, which
McLeod tasted at Mrs. Pritchard’s request, when it gave her a
burning sensation in the throat, and made her thirsty. At another
time he sent her a jug of camomile tea, after taking a wine-glass of
which, from time to time, as ordered, she uniformly vomited. At
another time, he had some egg-flip prepared for her in the kitchen,
and brought down the pieces of sugar for it, taking them, as the
witness believed, into his consulting room, where he kept his drugs
and poisons, before he put them into the glass. Patterson, who
tasted it, was struck with the taste, and Mrs. Pritchard, who drank
it, was sick very soon after, and in the following night. In the week
in which Mrs. Pritchard died she drank some port wine which Dr.
Pritchard had sent up, and again was sick. On the 17th of March,
the day before she died, Patterson, who had gone up to her
bedroom to speak about some linen, found Dr. Pritchard handing
his wife a glass of porter, which she drank. At that time Mrs.
Pritchard was in her senses. About five o’clock the bell rang
violently. McLeod called Patterson to come up at once. She did so,
and found her mistress raving about her mother, and calling on
them to leave her and assist Mrs. Taylor; her hands severely
cramped—speaking wildly about her children. After her hands had
been rubbed, Mrs. Pritchard seemed to get more calm, and Mary
Patterson left, having handed the patient’s supper to her husband.
Until about half-past one the next morning Patterson heard nothing.
Then she was called up by McLeod to get a mustard poultice,
which the latter took up to the bedroom, and in a few minutes after
the bell again rang violently. She hurried up, and found the prisoner
in bed by his wife’s side. Her mistress was dead. The long agony of
months was at an end.
her husband—generally by the hands of McLeod. It was during the
last three weeks of her miserable existence, that on one occasion he
sent to her from the supper table a small bit of cheese, which
McLeod tasted at Mrs. Pritchard’s request, when it gave her a
burning sensation in the throat, and made her thirsty. At another
time he sent her a jug of camomile tea, after taking a wine-glass of
which, from time to time, as ordered, she uniformly vomited. At
another time, he had some egg-flip prepared for her in the kitchen,
and brought down the pieces of sugar for it, taking them, as the
witness believed, into his consulting room, where he kept his drugs
and poisons, before he put them into the glass. Patterson, who
tasted it, was struck with the taste, and Mrs. Pritchard, who drank
it, was sick very soon after, and in the following night. In the week
in which Mrs. Pritchard died she drank some port wine which Dr.
Pritchard had sent up, and again was sick. On the 17th of March,
the day before she died, Patterson, who had gone up to her
bedroom to speak about some linen, found Dr. Pritchard handing
his wife a glass of porter, which she drank. At that time Mrs.
Pritchard was in her senses. About five o’clock the bell rang
violently. McLeod called Patterson to come up at once. She did so,
and found her mistress raving about her mother, and calling on
them to leave her and assist Mrs. Taylor; her hands severely
cramped—speaking wildly about her children. After her hands had
been rubbed, Mrs. Pritchard seemed to get more calm, and Mary
Patterson left, having handed the patient’s supper to her husband.
Until about half-past one the next morning Patterson heard nothing.
Then she was called up by McLeod to get a mustard poultice,
which the latter took up to the bedroom, and in a few minutes after
the bell again rang violently. She hurried up, and found the prisoner
in bed by his wife’s side. Her mistress was dead. The long agony of
months was at an end.
Page 472
EVIDENCE OF THE MEDICAL ATTENDANTS.
Dr. James Moffat Cowan, her second cousin, in consequence of
a letter from the prisoner, saw Mrs. Pritchard on the 7th and 8th of
February. She was then in the drawing-room, and complained of
great irritability of the stomach, combined with an inability to keep
down her food, and vomiting for some time back. He visited her
rather as an old friend than as a professional man, recommended
her to go to bed, and advised small quantities of champagne with
ice to be taken at intervals, and as she expressed a desire for food,
recommended her husband to try injections of beef tea. She was
seized with vomiting during the evening, but when he saw her
before he left on the following day, seemed better, and he never
saw her again alive. He spoke to the apparent happiness in which
she lived with her husband, and to the fact that, after her death Dr.
Pritchard, to enable the servants to take a last look at their mistress,
had the coffin opened. Mrs. Taylor, with whom he was intimately
acquainted, Dr. Cowan described as a person of very temperate
habits.
Dr. William Tennent Gairdner, who was sent for during the
night between the 8th and 9th of February, immediately after Dr.
Cowan left, was told by the prisoner that for some time his wife
had suffered from sickness and spasms, and that Dr. Cowan had
recommended stimulants, and that she had had champagne and
chloroform.
“I found her,” said the witness, “in bed, lying on her back, with a
considerably flushed face, and in a state of pretty considerable
excitement. She told me of Dr. Cowan’s previous visit and of her
wish that I should be sent for, and we had a good deal of general
conversation about her symptoms. I found her to a certain extent
exhausted, but by no means extremely so. She had a pretty good
pulse. There was nothing in her symptoms to indicate immediate
Dr. James Moffat Cowan, her second cousin, in consequence of
a letter from the prisoner, saw Mrs. Pritchard on the 7th and 8th of
February. She was then in the drawing-room, and complained of
great irritability of the stomach, combined with an inability to keep
down her food, and vomiting for some time back. He visited her
rather as an old friend than as a professional man, recommended
her to go to bed, and advised small quantities of champagne with
ice to be taken at intervals, and as she expressed a desire for food,
recommended her husband to try injections of beef tea. She was
seized with vomiting during the evening, but when he saw her
before he left on the following day, seemed better, and he never
saw her again alive. He spoke to the apparent happiness in which
she lived with her husband, and to the fact that, after her death Dr.
Pritchard, to enable the servants to take a last look at their mistress,
had the coffin opened. Mrs. Taylor, with whom he was intimately
acquainted, Dr. Cowan described as a person of very temperate
habits.
Dr. William Tennent Gairdner, who was sent for during the
night between the 8th and 9th of February, immediately after Dr.
Cowan left, was told by the prisoner that for some time his wife
had suffered from sickness and spasms, and that Dr. Cowan had
recommended stimulants, and that she had had champagne and
chloroform.
“I found her,” said the witness, “in bed, lying on her back, with a
considerably flushed face, and in a state of pretty considerable
excitement. She told me of Dr. Cowan’s previous visit and of her
wish that I should be sent for, and we had a good deal of general
conversation about her symptoms. I found her to a certain extent
exhausted, but by no means extremely so. She had a pretty good
pulse. There was nothing in her symptoms to indicate immediate
Page 473
danger, and the most remarkable thing about her symptoms was the
violent state of mental excitement she was in and the spasms of the
hands. She held her hands outside the bedclothes above her head,
and I saw that the wrists were turned in, and the thumbs somewhat
inverted towards the wrists—a very peculiar state of the hand. I
thought she was intoxicated from the combination of champagne
and chloroform. When I turned to the fire to warm my hands before
feeling her, she called me very unfeeling, and begged me not to
leave her, using expressions for which I thought she was not
responsible, from her temporary intoxication. I then examined her
belly, and asked particularly if there was any chance of her being
pregnant,—that being a frequent cause of vomitings,—and found
there was none; and, after various inquiries, feeling her pulse and
her skin, spoke strongly against the use of stimulants, which I
ordered to be at once discontinued until I saw her again. Next day
when I saw her, she assured me that she felt better and had had no
return of the vomiting, but had still the remains of the spasms in her
hands. I repeated my injunctions of no stimulants or medicine, and
that her only food should be a plain boiled egg and bread and milk
—that is, nothing that could produce sickness or sit heavy on her
stomach. I told her that if her stomach had fair play it would digest
the simple food I indicated. I was very much puzzled as to what was
the matter with her, and, had I been attending her as a general
practitioner, should probably have seen her once or twice a day; but
there was a doctor in the house, and my habit is to act as a
consulting physician, and not as a general practitioner. I had to
leave town for a distant engagement, but before I left I wrote to Dr.
Pritchard to inquire how his wife was, and received the reply that
she was better. I wrote also to her brother, Mr. Michael Taylor, as I
was very much puzzled with the case, and asked to be backed up by
him in forbidding the use of stimulants. On my return Dr. Pritchard
called, and left word that his wife was better, and that I need not call
again. I do not think that there was any fever at all.”
violent state of mental excitement she was in and the spasms of the
hands. She held her hands outside the bedclothes above her head,
and I saw that the wrists were turned in, and the thumbs somewhat
inverted towards the wrists—a very peculiar state of the hand. I
thought she was intoxicated from the combination of champagne
and chloroform. When I turned to the fire to warm my hands before
feeling her, she called me very unfeeling, and begged me not to
leave her, using expressions for which I thought she was not
responsible, from her temporary intoxication. I then examined her
belly, and asked particularly if there was any chance of her being
pregnant,—that being a frequent cause of vomitings,—and found
there was none; and, after various inquiries, feeling her pulse and
her skin, spoke strongly against the use of stimulants, which I
ordered to be at once discontinued until I saw her again. Next day
when I saw her, she assured me that she felt better and had had no
return of the vomiting, but had still the remains of the spasms in her
hands. I repeated my injunctions of no stimulants or medicine, and
that her only food should be a plain boiled egg and bread and milk
—that is, nothing that could produce sickness or sit heavy on her
stomach. I told her that if her stomach had fair play it would digest
the simple food I indicated. I was very much puzzled as to what was
the matter with her, and, had I been attending her as a general
practitioner, should probably have seen her once or twice a day; but
there was a doctor in the house, and my habit is to act as a
consulting physician, and not as a general practitioner. I had to
leave town for a distant engagement, but before I left I wrote to Dr.
Pritchard to inquire how his wife was, and received the reply that
she was better. I wrote also to her brother, Mr. Michael Taylor, as I
was very much puzzled with the case, and asked to be backed up by
him in forbidding the use of stimulants. On my return Dr. Pritchard
called, and left word that his wife was better, and that I need not call
again. I do not think that there was any fever at all.”
Page 474
In his cross-examination Mr. Clark, in consequence of Dr.
Pritchard having said to the witness that it was a case of catalepsy,
elicited that Dr. Pritchard was somewhat careless in his
nomenclature of disease—“that he spoke occasionally a little at
random, and was not a model of wisdom, accuracy, and caution, in
applying names to things;” and that, in writing to her brother—who
had been a fellow-student with him—“he had not indicated to him
that there had been any foul play, but nothing more than improper
treatment.”
Dr. James Paterson, who gave his evidence with an apparently
strong feeling against the prisoner, a man of very large experience,
living within two hundred yards of Dr. Pritchard’s house, had been
called in a little before eleven on the night of the 24th of February,
to see the mother-in-law.
“Dr. Pritchard,” said the witness, “met me in his hall, and
conducted me to the bedroom, telling me that his mother-in-law,
whilst in the act of writing a letter, had fallen off her chair on to the
floor, and been conveyed upstairs about half an hour before I came.
She and his wife, said the prisoner, had partaken of some bitter beer
for supper, and soon after both became sick and vomited, and
complained of its being more bitter than usual. From the quantity
remaining in the bottle they could not have taken more than a third
of a pint each.[144] I asked in regard to the previous state of his
mother-in-law’s health, and particularly as to her social habits, when
he led me distinctly to understand that she drank spirits
occasionally. He also stated that his wife had been very poorly for
some time with gastric fever, and that, some days previously, he had
telegraphed for her mother to come and nurse her. On entering the
bedroom I observed Mrs. Taylor lying on the edge of the bed nearest
to me on her right side, with all her clothes on. She had all the
appearance of a sudden seizure. Mrs. Pritchard, in her night-dress
and nothing on her head, and her hair very much dishevelled, was in
the same bed, but underneath the clothes, sitting up immediately
Pritchard having said to the witness that it was a case of catalepsy,
elicited that Dr. Pritchard was somewhat careless in his
nomenclature of disease—“that he spoke occasionally a little at
random, and was not a model of wisdom, accuracy, and caution, in
applying names to things;” and that, in writing to her brother—who
had been a fellow-student with him—“he had not indicated to him
that there had been any foul play, but nothing more than improper
treatment.”
Dr. James Paterson, who gave his evidence with an apparently
strong feeling against the prisoner, a man of very large experience,
living within two hundred yards of Dr. Pritchard’s house, had been
called in a little before eleven on the night of the 24th of February,
to see the mother-in-law.
“Dr. Pritchard,” said the witness, “met me in his hall, and
conducted me to the bedroom, telling me that his mother-in-law,
whilst in the act of writing a letter, had fallen off her chair on to the
floor, and been conveyed upstairs about half an hour before I came.
She and his wife, said the prisoner, had partaken of some bitter beer
for supper, and soon after both became sick and vomited, and
complained of its being more bitter than usual. From the quantity
remaining in the bottle they could not have taken more than a third
of a pint each.[144] I asked in regard to the previous state of his
mother-in-law’s health, and particularly as to her social habits, when
he led me distinctly to understand that she drank spirits
occasionally. He also stated that his wife had been very poorly for
some time with gastric fever, and that, some days previously, he had
telegraphed for her mother to come and nurse her. On entering the
bedroom I observed Mrs. Taylor lying on the edge of the bed nearest
to me on her right side, with all her clothes on. She had all the
appearance of a sudden seizure. Mrs. Pritchard, in her night-dress
and nothing on her head, and her hair very much dishevelled, was in
the same bed, but underneath the clothes, sitting up immediately
Page 475
beyond her mother. Mrs. Taylor was then alive, and she gave me the
impression of a healthy-looking old lady, and previously in very
good health—rather beyond the usual size, well-formed; a very
superior-looking person, not having the slightest appearance of
being addicted to the use of spirituous or intoxicating liquors. Her
face was rather pale, but the expression was calm and placid. The
eyelids partially closed, the lips rather pale and livid; the breathing
slow and laborious; the skin cool, and covered with a clammy
perspiration; the pulse almost imperceptible, and she seemed to me
perfectly unconscious. On my opening up the eyelids, I found both
pupils very much contracted. From these symptoms, and judging
from her general appearance, my conviction was that she was under
the influence of opium or of some other powerful narcotic, and I at
once pronounced my opinion that she was dying.
“I and Dr. Pritchard retired a little from the bedside, and went to
the fireplace, and I then stated distinctly that she was dying.
Pritchard said she had frequently had attacks of a similar kind
before, but never one so severe. I said, nothing that we could do
would have the slightest effect, but that, as a last resource, we might
try mustard poultices to the soles of the feet, the calves of the legs,
and the inside of the thighs, and as quickly as possible administer a
strong turpentine enema. Pritchard at once proceeded to prepare the
enema, and said he had a little before given her one, in which he had
administered a glass of brandy. The old lady lay apparently
comatose, or unconscious; but on being roused a little, and the head
and shoulders slightly elevated, there was a degree of consciousness
came on, and the pulse became perceptible at the wrist. She had not
manifested consciousness before. I directed Pritchard’s attention to
the pulse, and he then clapped the old lady on the shoulder and said,
‘You are getting better, darling.’ I looked at him and shook my head
ominously, as much as to say, ‘Never in this world.’ A slight fit of
retching now came on, and she put up a small quantity of a frothy
kind of mucus, immediately after which the ‘coma,’ or insensibility,
returned—the breathing became more oppressed, more laboured,
and the alvine evacuations were passed involuntarily, I then
impression of a healthy-looking old lady, and previously in very
good health—rather beyond the usual size, well-formed; a very
superior-looking person, not having the slightest appearance of
being addicted to the use of spirituous or intoxicating liquors. Her
face was rather pale, but the expression was calm and placid. The
eyelids partially closed, the lips rather pale and livid; the breathing
slow and laborious; the skin cool, and covered with a clammy
perspiration; the pulse almost imperceptible, and she seemed to me
perfectly unconscious. On my opening up the eyelids, I found both
pupils very much contracted. From these symptoms, and judging
from her general appearance, my conviction was that she was under
the influence of opium or of some other powerful narcotic, and I at
once pronounced my opinion that she was dying.
“I and Dr. Pritchard retired a little from the bedside, and went to
the fireplace, and I then stated distinctly that she was dying.
Pritchard said she had frequently had attacks of a similar kind
before, but never one so severe. I said, nothing that we could do
would have the slightest effect, but that, as a last resource, we might
try mustard poultices to the soles of the feet, the calves of the legs,
and the inside of the thighs, and as quickly as possible administer a
strong turpentine enema. Pritchard at once proceeded to prepare the
enema, and said he had a little before given her one, in which he had
administered a glass of brandy. The old lady lay apparently
comatose, or unconscious; but on being roused a little, and the head
and shoulders slightly elevated, there was a degree of consciousness
came on, and the pulse became perceptible at the wrist. She had not
manifested consciousness before. I directed Pritchard’s attention to
the pulse, and he then clapped the old lady on the shoulder and said,
‘You are getting better, darling.’ I looked at him and shook my head
ominously, as much as to say, ‘Never in this world.’ A slight fit of
retching now came on, and she put up a small quantity of a frothy
kind of mucus, immediately after which the ‘coma,’ or insensibility,
returned—the breathing became more oppressed, more laboured,
and the alvine evacuations were passed involuntarily, I then
Page 476
concluded that the case was hopeless, but Pritchard administered his
enema. I then left the room, and went downstairs with Pritchard to
his consulting room, and there repeated my opinion that she was in a
state of narcotism. Pritchard then said that the old lady was in the
habit of regularly using Battley’s Sedative Solution, and that she had
a few days before purchased not less than a half-pound bottle of that
medicine, and that he had no doubt, or it was very likely, that she
might have taken a good swig of it. I know that medicine, but
seldom use it. My impression was that she was not what is called an
opium-eater, or one that used opium to any great extent. She
presented no appearance of that.”
At this visit Dr. Paterson’s attention was forcibly attracted to
the appearances presented by Mrs. Pritchard.
“She seemed,” said the witness, “exceedingly weak and
exhausted. Her features were sharp or thin, with a high hectic flush
on her cheeks, and her voice was very weak and peculiar—in fact,
very much resembling a person verging into the collapsed stage of
cholera. The expression of her countenance conveyed to me the idea
of a kind of silly or semi-imbecile person at the time. At first I was
inclined to attribute her appearance to the recent severe attack of
gastric fever, which I was told by the prisoner she had had, and her
symptoms aggravated, of course, by the great consternation and
grief not unnaturally caused by the sudden and alarming condition
of her mother. At the same time I must say that I could not banish
from my mind the idea, or rather conviction, that her symptoms
betokened that she was under the depressing influence of antimony
—that conviction came upon me while in her presence, and I could
not get quit of it. I did not put a single question to her.”
At half-past eleven Dr. Paterson went home, and about one the
next morning he was sent for again, but refused to go, as he was
certain he could do nothing, but sent word that he would do so if
Dr. Pritchard thought he could be of any use. No answer came, and
enema. I then left the room, and went downstairs with Pritchard to
his consulting room, and there repeated my opinion that she was in a
state of narcotism. Pritchard then said that the old lady was in the
habit of regularly using Battley’s Sedative Solution, and that she had
a few days before purchased not less than a half-pound bottle of that
medicine, and that he had no doubt, or it was very likely, that she
might have taken a good swig of it. I know that medicine, but
seldom use it. My impression was that she was not what is called an
opium-eater, or one that used opium to any great extent. She
presented no appearance of that.”
At this visit Dr. Paterson’s attention was forcibly attracted to
the appearances presented by Mrs. Pritchard.
“She seemed,” said the witness, “exceedingly weak and
exhausted. Her features were sharp or thin, with a high hectic flush
on her cheeks, and her voice was very weak and peculiar—in fact,
very much resembling a person verging into the collapsed stage of
cholera. The expression of her countenance conveyed to me the idea
of a kind of silly or semi-imbecile person at the time. At first I was
inclined to attribute her appearance to the recent severe attack of
gastric fever, which I was told by the prisoner she had had, and her
symptoms aggravated, of course, by the great consternation and
grief not unnaturally caused by the sudden and alarming condition
of her mother. At the same time I must say that I could not banish
from my mind the idea, or rather conviction, that her symptoms
betokened that she was under the depressing influence of antimony
—that conviction came upon me while in her presence, and I could
not get quit of it. I did not put a single question to her.”
At half-past eleven Dr. Paterson went home, and about one the
next morning he was sent for again, but refused to go, as he was
certain he could do nothing, but sent word that he would do so if
Dr. Pritchard thought he could be of any use. No answer came, and
Page 477
it was not until the Saturday morning that he heard of Mrs. Taylor’s
death, when her husband called on him to ask him to certify the
cause of death, and the duration of her disease. This he refused,
telling Mr. Taylor that that document was not given to friends of
the deceased, but only to the Registrar. Soon after Dr. Paterson
received from the Registrar the usual form to fill up, which he
returned at once in blank as it came, with this note:—“Dear Sir,—I
am surprised that I am called on to certify the cause of death in this
case. I only saw the person for a few minutes a very short period
before her death. She seemed to be under some narcotic; but Dr.
Pritchard, who was present from the first moment of the illness
until death occurred, and which happened in his own house, may
certify the cause. The death was certainly sudden, unexpected, and
to me mysterious.” The words “the cause of death” he rendered
emphatic by underlining them. That was the only communication
which he made to anyone, beyond speaking about it in his own
family. The certificate was eventually given by Dr. Pritchard,
assigning as the cause of death “paralysis for twelve hours as the
primary cause, and the secondary, apoplexy,” the duration of which
had been one hour.[145]
On the 1st of March he met Pritchard accidentally, who asked
him to come and see his wife, which he did the next day.[146]
“She was in bed, still very weak and prostrate, and in a weak
voice expressed her satisfaction and her gratitude at my calling.
Then, in a very earnest manner, she asked me if I really thought that
her mother was dying when I saw her. I said most decidedly I did,
and had told Pritchard so. She then clasped her hands, looked up,
and feebly exclaimed, ‘Good God, is it possible!’ and burst into a
flood of tears. I put some questions then as to her mother’s previous
state of health, especially if she was habitually addicted to the use of
Battley’s solution. She told me that her mother’s health, generally
death, when her husband called on him to ask him to certify the
cause of death, and the duration of her disease. This he refused,
telling Mr. Taylor that that document was not given to friends of
the deceased, but only to the Registrar. Soon after Dr. Paterson
received from the Registrar the usual form to fill up, which he
returned at once in blank as it came, with this note:—“Dear Sir,—I
am surprised that I am called on to certify the cause of death in this
case. I only saw the person for a few minutes a very short period
before her death. She seemed to be under some narcotic; but Dr.
Pritchard, who was present from the first moment of the illness
until death occurred, and which happened in his own house, may
certify the cause. The death was certainly sudden, unexpected, and
to me mysterious.” The words “the cause of death” he rendered
emphatic by underlining them. That was the only communication
which he made to anyone, beyond speaking about it in his own
family. The certificate was eventually given by Dr. Pritchard,
assigning as the cause of death “paralysis for twelve hours as the
primary cause, and the secondary, apoplexy,” the duration of which
had been one hour.[145]
On the 1st of March he met Pritchard accidentally, who asked
him to come and see his wife, which he did the next day.[146]
“She was in bed, still very weak and prostrate, and in a weak
voice expressed her satisfaction and her gratitude at my calling.
Then, in a very earnest manner, she asked me if I really thought that
her mother was dying when I saw her. I said most decidedly I did,
and had told Pritchard so. She then clasped her hands, looked up,
and feebly exclaimed, ‘Good God, is it possible!’ and burst into a
flood of tears. I put some questions then as to her mother’s previous
state of health, especially if she was habitually addicted to the use of
Battley’s solution. She told me that her mother’s health, generally
Page 478
speaking, was good, but that she suffered occasionally from what
she called neuralgic headaches, and for relief of these attacks she
did take a little Battley’s solution; but she added that she could not
be said to be in the habitual use of that medicine.
“I then questioned her about herself. She told me that for a
considerable time past she had suffered very much from sickness,
retching, and vomiting, with severe pains in the stomach and
throughout the bowels, accompanied with purgings, great heat and
uneasiness about the throat and mouth, and a constant urgent thirst. I
examined her tongue; it was very foul, and of a lightish brown
colour. Her features were still very sharp and deeply flushed. Her
pulse was weak, contracted, and very rapid. Her skin was moist, but
defective in animal heat, and altogether she presented the
appearance of great general prostration. Her eyes were watery, but
clear and intelligent. I prescribed for her small quantities of brandy
and champagne to recruit her strength, and small pieces of ice to
relieve the thirst and irritability of her stomach. If she tired of these,
she should have recourse to granulated citrate of magnesia as a
cooling effervescent drink, and have a mustard poultice applied on
the pit of the stomach—these were verbal directions. I also
recommended, at short intervals, small quantities of easily digested
nutritious food, such as beef tea, calves’ foot jelly, chicken soup,
arrowroot, and so on. I then wrote a prescription for 12 grains of
camomile, 24 of blue or gray powder, 12 of powdered ipecacuanha,
and 6 grains of aromatic powder, to be carefully mixed and divided
into six parts, one to be taken daily, to relieve the biliary disturbance
and soothe the mucous lining of the alimentary canal. I gave her the
prescription, and told her to show it to Pritchard when he came
home.”
From then until the day before her death the witness did not see
Mrs. Pritchard. On the 5th of March Dr. Pritchard had called on
him, and reported that his wife was better for his advice, but still
very weakly, and her stomach irritable, and had been strongly
she called neuralgic headaches, and for relief of these attacks she
did take a little Battley’s solution; but she added that she could not
be said to be in the habitual use of that medicine.
“I then questioned her about herself. She told me that for a
considerable time past she had suffered very much from sickness,
retching, and vomiting, with severe pains in the stomach and
throughout the bowels, accompanied with purgings, great heat and
uneasiness about the throat and mouth, and a constant urgent thirst. I
examined her tongue; it was very foul, and of a lightish brown
colour. Her features were still very sharp and deeply flushed. Her
pulse was weak, contracted, and very rapid. Her skin was moist, but
defective in animal heat, and altogether she presented the
appearance of great general prostration. Her eyes were watery, but
clear and intelligent. I prescribed for her small quantities of brandy
and champagne to recruit her strength, and small pieces of ice to
relieve the thirst and irritability of her stomach. If she tired of these,
she should have recourse to granulated citrate of magnesia as a
cooling effervescent drink, and have a mustard poultice applied on
the pit of the stomach—these were verbal directions. I also
recommended, at short intervals, small quantities of easily digested
nutritious food, such as beef tea, calves’ foot jelly, chicken soup,
arrowroot, and so on. I then wrote a prescription for 12 grains of
camomile, 24 of blue or gray powder, 12 of powdered ipecacuanha,
and 6 grains of aromatic powder, to be carefully mixed and divided
into six parts, one to be taken daily, to relieve the biliary disturbance
and soothe the mucous lining of the alimentary canal. I gave her the
prescription, and told her to show it to Pritchard when he came
home.”
From then until the day before her death the witness did not see
Mrs. Pritchard. On the 5th of March Dr. Pritchard had called on
him, and reported that his wife was better for his advice, but still
very weakly, and her stomach irritable, and had been strongly
Page 479
advised by Dr. Paterson to continue the treatment he had
recommended.
“On Friday evening,” continued the witness, “Dr. Pritchard
called upon me personally and requested me to come and see his
wife. I did so. She was in bed in a sitting posture, supported by
pillows, and I was very much struck with her terribly altered
appearance. She seemed quite conscious. I went up to her bedside
and she caught my hand, and I could see a half-smile of recognition
on her countenance. She very soon began to mutter something about
her having been vomiting. Dr. Pritchard was standing beside me,
and he volunteered to say that she had not been vomiting—that she
was raving. She complained of great thirst, and Pritchard poured
some water out of a carafe into a tumbler and gave it her, and she
drank it. I observed her countenance very much changed from what
it had been when I saw her last. Her cheeks were hollow, sharp,
pinched-looking, and still very much flushed. There was a
peculiarly wild expression: the eyes were of a fiery red and sunk-
looking. Her pulse was very weak and exceedingly rapid. Her
tongue was a darkish brown colour, very foul; and she immediately
began to grasp with her hand as if to catch some imaginary object
on the bedclothes. She muttered something about the clock, but
there was none in the room. I expressed my surprise at the great
change and alarming appearances, and asked Pritchard how long she
had been confined to bed since I saw her. He said only since
morning, that yesterday and yesterday afternoon she was in the
drawing room amusing herself with the children. I again expressed
my surprise at her alarming condition. He said she had not slept for
four or five nights, and I replied that we must endeavour to procure
some refreshing sleep. We went downstairs, and I then prescribed 30
drops of solution of morphia, 30 drops of ipecacuanha wine, 10
drops of chlorodyne, and an ounce of cinnamon water, to be taken
every four hours if the first dose did not give relief. Pritchard wrote
the prescription at my dictation. I said it was unnecessary; it was
simple, and he might mix it himself. I was anxious to save time, and
recommended.
“On Friday evening,” continued the witness, “Dr. Pritchard
called upon me personally and requested me to come and see his
wife. I did so. She was in bed in a sitting posture, supported by
pillows, and I was very much struck with her terribly altered
appearance. She seemed quite conscious. I went up to her bedside
and she caught my hand, and I could see a half-smile of recognition
on her countenance. She very soon began to mutter something about
her having been vomiting. Dr. Pritchard was standing beside me,
and he volunteered to say that she had not been vomiting—that she
was raving. She complained of great thirst, and Pritchard poured
some water out of a carafe into a tumbler and gave it her, and she
drank it. I observed her countenance very much changed from what
it had been when I saw her last. Her cheeks were hollow, sharp,
pinched-looking, and still very much flushed. There was a
peculiarly wild expression: the eyes were of a fiery red and sunk-
looking. Her pulse was very weak and exceedingly rapid. Her
tongue was a darkish brown colour, very foul; and she immediately
began to grasp with her hand as if to catch some imaginary object
on the bedclothes. She muttered something about the clock, but
there was none in the room. I expressed my surprise at the great
change and alarming appearances, and asked Pritchard how long she
had been confined to bed since I saw her. He said only since
morning, that yesterday and yesterday afternoon she was in the
drawing room amusing herself with the children. I again expressed
my surprise at her alarming condition. He said she had not slept for
four or five nights, and I replied that we must endeavour to procure
some refreshing sleep. We went downstairs, and I then prescribed 30
drops of solution of morphia, 30 drops of ipecacuanha wine, 10
drops of chlorodyne, and an ounce of cinnamon water, to be taken
every four hours if the first dose did not give relief. Pritchard wrote
the prescription at my dictation. I said it was unnecessary; it was
simple, and he might mix it himself. I was anxious to save time, and
Page 480
give relief as soon as possible. He said he kept no medicines but
chloroform and Battley’s solution; he did not keep a small stock for
any emergency, which I thought strange.[147] I then left the house,
and at one o’clock the next morning a message came that Mrs.
Pritchard was dying, and in less than three minutes after another that
she was dead. I never entered Dr. Pritchard’s house except on the
occasions I have mentioned. I never told him that I thought his wife
had taken too much wine, and I never recommended Dublin stout
for her.”[148]
The cross-examination of Dr. Paterson was confined to two
points, the grounds on which he held that Mrs. Taylor had not the
appearance of having been in the habit of using opium, and his
conduct in not disclosing to some member of her family the
impression he had formed that Mrs. Pritchard was being slowly
poisoned by antimony. “When a person is in the habit of taking
opium to a great extent,” he said, “you generally find that they are
not very good in colour. They are generally thin in features and
hollow about the eyes—in fact, not of a healthy appearance. Mrs.
Taylor being stout and healthy-looking, my impression was that she
was not an habitual consumer of opium, though she might take it
occasionally as medicine.” On the second point he stood on
professional etiquette as a consulting physician, and not the regular
medical attendant, insisting that he had no right to revisit his
patient unless sent for, and saying that he believed he should never
have been called in the second time had he not accidentally met Dr.
Pritchard in the street.
“His first impression arose simply from seeing Mrs. Pritchard at
the time of her mother’s fatal seizure, when he formed his diagnosis
from the symptoms that were present, just as he was in the habit of
forming his opinion of any patient he saw for the first time—
judging from symptomatology, the science of the signs of disease. It
chloroform and Battley’s solution; he did not keep a small stock for
any emergency, which I thought strange.[147] I then left the house,
and at one o’clock the next morning a message came that Mrs.
Pritchard was dying, and in less than three minutes after another that
she was dead. I never entered Dr. Pritchard’s house except on the
occasions I have mentioned. I never told him that I thought his wife
had taken too much wine, and I never recommended Dublin stout
for her.”[148]
The cross-examination of Dr. Paterson was confined to two
points, the grounds on which he held that Mrs. Taylor had not the
appearance of having been in the habit of using opium, and his
conduct in not disclosing to some member of her family the
impression he had formed that Mrs. Pritchard was being slowly
poisoned by antimony. “When a person is in the habit of taking
opium to a great extent,” he said, “you generally find that they are
not very good in colour. They are generally thin in features and
hollow about the eyes—in fact, not of a healthy appearance. Mrs.
Taylor being stout and healthy-looking, my impression was that she
was not an habitual consumer of opium, though she might take it
occasionally as medicine.” On the second point he stood on
professional etiquette as a consulting physician, and not the regular
medical attendant, insisting that he had no right to revisit his
patient unless sent for, and saying that he believed he should never
have been called in the second time had he not accidentally met Dr.
Pritchard in the street.
“His first impression arose simply from seeing Mrs. Pritchard at
the time of her mother’s fatal seizure, when he formed his diagnosis
from the symptoms that were present, just as he was in the habit of
forming his opinion of any patient he saw for the first time—
judging from symptomatology, the science of the signs of disease. It
Page 481
was not his duty to interfere in the family without being invited, as
there was another doctor in the house, and he did the best he could
by apprising the registrar when refusing to sign the certificate of
Mrs. Taylor’s death. Had he been called in consultation with another
medical man, he should have felt it his duty to state his medical
opinion; and had there been a post-mortem examination of Mrs.
Taylor’s body at the time, he believed that in all probability the
drugging of Mrs. Pritchard with antimony would have gone no
further, at least at that time.”
When called in the second time on the 2nd of March, he said:—
“I believed her to be suffering under poisoning by antimony,”
and I prescribed accordingly. I saw her alone, but I did not give her
any indication of what I thought her ailment. I did not mention
antimony or poison in the slightest. I did not give her any idea that
she was labouring under any but a natural disease, because the
treatment which I prescribed for her, provided she got nothing else,
was in my mind quite sufficient to have very soon brought her
round, taking it for granted that my advice was carefully walked up
to. I did not mention to Dr. Pritchard that his wife was being
poisoned by antimony. It would not have been a very safe matter to
have done so. I did not go back the next day to see if my advice had
been acted on. I did not consider that she was my patient at all. I had
no right or title to go back and see her. In any case where a
consultation is held, the consulting physician has no right to go back
to see the patient; it would be a breach of the etiquette of the
profession.”[149]
On re-examination Dr. Paterson stoutly adhered to his opinion
that his being called in to see Mrs. Pritchard was purely accidental,
and that it would not have been very natural to have communicated
his suspicions to the husband.
there was another doctor in the house, and he did the best he could
by apprising the registrar when refusing to sign the certificate of
Mrs. Taylor’s death. Had he been called in consultation with another
medical man, he should have felt it his duty to state his medical
opinion; and had there been a post-mortem examination of Mrs.
Taylor’s body at the time, he believed that in all probability the
drugging of Mrs. Pritchard with antimony would have gone no
further, at least at that time.”
When called in the second time on the 2nd of March, he said:—
“I believed her to be suffering under poisoning by antimony,”
and I prescribed accordingly. I saw her alone, but I did not give her
any indication of what I thought her ailment. I did not mention
antimony or poison in the slightest. I did not give her any idea that
she was labouring under any but a natural disease, because the
treatment which I prescribed for her, provided she got nothing else,
was in my mind quite sufficient to have very soon brought her
round, taking it for granted that my advice was carefully walked up
to. I did not mention to Dr. Pritchard that his wife was being
poisoned by antimony. It would not have been a very safe matter to
have done so. I did not go back the next day to see if my advice had
been acted on. I did not consider that she was my patient at all. I had
no right or title to go back and see her. In any case where a
consultation is held, the consulting physician has no right to go back
to see the patient; it would be a breach of the etiquette of the
profession.”[149]
On re-examination Dr. Paterson stoutly adhered to his opinion
that his being called in to see Mrs. Pritchard was purely accidental,
and that it would not have been very natural to have communicated
his suspicions to the husband.
Page 482
PURCHASE AND POSSESSION OF MEDICINES AND
POISONS BY THE PRISONER.
The prisoner, when it was suggested by Dr. Paterson that he
should mix in his own consulting-room the prescription, on the
17th of March, told the doctor that he did not, like other medical
men, keep in his house a small stock of medicines for any
emergency. It was, however, proved that in the presses in his room
were at least five-and-thirty bottles of medicinal preparations, and
several papers and bottles of poisons; and that he had been a
constant purchaser of poisons, and especially of Fleming’s tincture
of aconite and tartarised antimony, from September, 1864, to as late
as the 16th of March, 1865.[150] According to the witnesses for the
prosecution, the quantities of antimony and tincture of aconite
bought by him were largely in excess of the amounts sold to other
medical men, though not so according to the experience of two
druggists called by the prisoner. Anyhow, as will be seen by the list
in the note, the purchases were larger than could have been
required in any ordinary practice. Besides the phials and papers
subsequently proved to contain poison, in one of the presses was a
bottle labelled Battley’s solution, which was found to contain an
appreciable quantity of antimony, to the extent of 1·5 of a grain per
fluid ounce, and the remainder of the tapioca to be charged with
4·62 grains of antimony to the pound. A phial containing 3·5 grains
of tartarised antimony, and three others containing tincture of
conium, and six other phials with small portions of tincture of
aconite, conium, and digitalis, were found in the prisoner’s
cupboard. In the chloroform, no metallic poison was discovered;
but in a small wooden box with a screw cover were 15·5 grains of
tartarised antimony and arsenious acid (the common poison of
arsenic), in nearly equal proportions; 35 grains of tartarised
antimony in a pasteboard box, and about ten drops of aqueous
POISONS BY THE PRISONER.
The prisoner, when it was suggested by Dr. Paterson that he
should mix in his own consulting-room the prescription, on the
17th of March, told the doctor that he did not, like other medical
men, keep in his house a small stock of medicines for any
emergency. It was, however, proved that in the presses in his room
were at least five-and-thirty bottles of medicinal preparations, and
several papers and bottles of poisons; and that he had been a
constant purchaser of poisons, and especially of Fleming’s tincture
of aconite and tartarised antimony, from September, 1864, to as late
as the 16th of March, 1865.[150] According to the witnesses for the
prosecution, the quantities of antimony and tincture of aconite
bought by him were largely in excess of the amounts sold to other
medical men, though not so according to the experience of two
druggists called by the prisoner. Anyhow, as will be seen by the list
in the note, the purchases were larger than could have been
required in any ordinary practice. Besides the phials and papers
subsequently proved to contain poison, in one of the presses was a
bottle labelled Battley’s solution, which was found to contain an
appreciable quantity of antimony, to the extent of 1·5 of a grain per
fluid ounce, and the remainder of the tapioca to be charged with
4·62 grains of antimony to the pound. A phial containing 3·5 grains
of tartarised antimony, and three others containing tincture of
conium, and six other phials with small portions of tincture of
aconite, conium, and digitalis, were found in the prisoner’s
cupboard. In the chloroform, no metallic poison was discovered;
but in a small wooden box with a screw cover were 15·5 grains of
tartarised antimony and arsenious acid (the common poison of
arsenic), in nearly equal proportions; 35 grains of tartarised
antimony in a pasteboard box, and about ten drops of aqueous
Page 483
solution of corrosive sublimate were found in a quart wine-bottle.
[151]
MEDICAL AND CHEMICAL ANALYSES OF THE BODIES OF
MRS. TAYLOR AND MRS. PRITCHARD.
Mrs. Taylor.
On the 29th and 30th of March the exhumed body of Mrs.
Taylor was medically and chemically examined by Dr. Maclagan,
the professor of medical jurisprudence in the university of
Edinburgh, and Dr. Henry Duncan Littlejohn, surgeon of the
Edinburgh police. In accordance with the admirable practice of the
Scotch courts these experts gave in formal certificates “on soul and
conscience,” which were read in court before any personal
examination was allowed. The medical report, after detailing the
healthy condition in which the different portions of the body were
found, concluded by stating that the examiners “had not been able
to discover in the body any morbid appearances capable of
accounting for death, and that they were of opinion that the cause
of death could not be determined without chemical analysis, and
that for that purpose they had secured the alimentary canal and its
contents, the heart and some of the blood, the liver, the kidneys, the
bladder and uterus, and a portion of the brain,” which had been
entrusted to Dr. Maclagan, of whose report the substance is now
given:—
“Contents of stomach, amounting to five ounces, having been
first tested for vegetable poisons, and then for meconic acid, without
success, ‘the residues of the above process were tested for mineral
poisons; and a preliminary trial, by Reinsch’s method, having
revealed the presence of antimony, I subjected the whole to a
[151]
MEDICAL AND CHEMICAL ANALYSES OF THE BODIES OF
MRS. TAYLOR AND MRS. PRITCHARD.
Mrs. Taylor.
On the 29th and 30th of March the exhumed body of Mrs.
Taylor was medically and chemically examined by Dr. Maclagan,
the professor of medical jurisprudence in the university of
Edinburgh, and Dr. Henry Duncan Littlejohn, surgeon of the
Edinburgh police. In accordance with the admirable practice of the
Scotch courts these experts gave in formal certificates “on soul and
conscience,” which were read in court before any personal
examination was allowed. The medical report, after detailing the
healthy condition in which the different portions of the body were
found, concluded by stating that the examiners “had not been able
to discover in the body any morbid appearances capable of
accounting for death, and that they were of opinion that the cause
of death could not be determined without chemical analysis, and
that for that purpose they had secured the alimentary canal and its
contents, the heart and some of the blood, the liver, the kidneys, the
bladder and uterus, and a portion of the brain,” which had been
entrusted to Dr. Maclagan, of whose report the substance is now
given:—
“Contents of stomach, amounting to five ounces, having been
first tested for vegetable poisons, and then for meconic acid, without
success, ‘the residues of the above process were tested for mineral
poisons; and a preliminary trial, by Reinsch’s method, having
revealed the presence of antimony, I subjected the whole to a
Page 484
process by which I was enabled to determine the amount of this
metal (process then described). Assuming, for reasons afterwards to
be given, that the antimony existed in the form of tartar emetic, the
amount of this represented by the sulphuret which I obtained from
the stomach was a little more than a quarter of a grain (0·279).
“Contents of intestines.—The whole contents were evaporated at
a gentle heat on the water-bath, and a dry residue obtained,
weighing 430 grains. Ten grains of this, by Reinsch’s process,
yielded a characteristic deposit of antimony. To determine in what
form this antimony existed, other ten grains were treated with
distilled water, the solution filtered, and the fluid subjected to
Reinsch’s process. A characteristic antimonial deposit was obtained,
thus proving that this metal was present in a soluble form. There are
only two soluble forms of antimony met with in commerce. One of
these, the chloride, is a dark-coloured, acid, corrosive fluid, totally
unsuited for internal administration. The other is what is known
scientifically as ‘tartarised antimony,’ and popularly as ‘tartar
emetic,’ a colourless substance possessed of comparatively little
taste, and in daily use as a medicinal agent. I have no doubt it was in
this form that the antimony had been taken, which I found in the
alimentary canal of Mrs. Taylor. I endeavoured to determine the
amount of antimony in the contents of the intestines, but the deposit
was too small to enable me with confidence to make it the subject of
a quantitative determination. No arsenic was found.
“The Blood.—From one ounce a characteristic antimonial
deposit was obtained.
“The Liver.—By operating on 1000 grains of this, I obtained a
quantity of sulphuret, indicating that the whole liver contained one
grain and one-tenth (1·151) of tartar emetic. I also examined the
other solid organs and tissues removed from Mrs. Taylor’s body, in
each case following Reinsch’s method, and in each case obtaining
on copper a characteristic antimonial deposit. I thus found that there
was more or less of antimony present in the muscular substance of
the heart, the spleen, the kidney, the coats of the stomach, and of the
rectum, the uterus, and the brain.
metal (process then described). Assuming, for reasons afterwards to
be given, that the antimony existed in the form of tartar emetic, the
amount of this represented by the sulphuret which I obtained from
the stomach was a little more than a quarter of a grain (0·279).
“Contents of intestines.—The whole contents were evaporated at
a gentle heat on the water-bath, and a dry residue obtained,
weighing 430 grains. Ten grains of this, by Reinsch’s process,
yielded a characteristic deposit of antimony. To determine in what
form this antimony existed, other ten grains were treated with
distilled water, the solution filtered, and the fluid subjected to
Reinsch’s process. A characteristic antimonial deposit was obtained,
thus proving that this metal was present in a soluble form. There are
only two soluble forms of antimony met with in commerce. One of
these, the chloride, is a dark-coloured, acid, corrosive fluid, totally
unsuited for internal administration. The other is what is known
scientifically as ‘tartarised antimony,’ and popularly as ‘tartar
emetic,’ a colourless substance possessed of comparatively little
taste, and in daily use as a medicinal agent. I have no doubt it was in
this form that the antimony had been taken, which I found in the
alimentary canal of Mrs. Taylor. I endeavoured to determine the
amount of antimony in the contents of the intestines, but the deposit
was too small to enable me with confidence to make it the subject of
a quantitative determination. No arsenic was found.
“The Blood.—From one ounce a characteristic antimonial
deposit was obtained.
“The Liver.—By operating on 1000 grains of this, I obtained a
quantity of sulphuret, indicating that the whole liver contained one
grain and one-tenth (1·151) of tartar emetic. I also examined the
other solid organs and tissues removed from Mrs. Taylor’s body, in
each case following Reinsch’s method, and in each case obtaining
on copper a characteristic antimonial deposit. I thus found that there
was more or less of antimony present in the muscular substance of
the heart, the spleen, the kidney, the coats of the stomach, and of the
rectum, the uterus, and the brain.
Page 485
“Lastly. As Mrs. Taylor’s body had been exhumed, I thought it
my duty to examine some of the earth in which it had been interred,
though this was superfluous, from the fact of the soil being dry, and
the coffin entire: it was not found to contain a trace of soluble
antimony, and was therefore incapable of impregnating with this
metal any body buried in it.”
Mrs. Pritchard.
On the 21st of March a similar examination was made of the
body of Mrs. Pritchard three days after death by the same medical
men, who reported “that it presented no appearances of recent
morbid action beyond a certain irritation of the alimentary canal,
and nothing at all capable of accounting for death.” They had
therefore secured for chemical analysis those parts of the body
which they deemed likely to disclose the cause of death. As a
portion of this analysis had been conducted during the temporary
absence of Dr. Maclagan in London by Dr. Gamgee and Dr.
Littlejohn, previously to the report being read they were called to
prove that Dr. Maclagan’s report of what they had done in his
absence was correct. The following was the substance of the report
of the chemical analysis:—
“(1.) Contents of stomach amounted to little more than ½ an
ounce, and free from all odour of any poisonous drug. Not a trace of
any vegetable poison or of antimony was found.
“(2.) Urine.—The presence of antimony having already been
ascertained in a portion of this secretion, the remainder (7 ounces)
was employed to determine the quantity. The process followed was
that by which antimony is obtained in the form of the sulphuret,
after destroying the organic matter by means of hydrochloric acid
and potash. The quantity was readily weighed, and found to be
my duty to examine some of the earth in which it had been interred,
though this was superfluous, from the fact of the soil being dry, and
the coffin entire: it was not found to contain a trace of soluble
antimony, and was therefore incapable of impregnating with this
metal any body buried in it.”
Mrs. Pritchard.
On the 21st of March a similar examination was made of the
body of Mrs. Pritchard three days after death by the same medical
men, who reported “that it presented no appearances of recent
morbid action beyond a certain irritation of the alimentary canal,
and nothing at all capable of accounting for death.” They had
therefore secured for chemical analysis those parts of the body
which they deemed likely to disclose the cause of death. As a
portion of this analysis had been conducted during the temporary
absence of Dr. Maclagan in London by Dr. Gamgee and Dr.
Littlejohn, previously to the report being read they were called to
prove that Dr. Maclagan’s report of what they had done in his
absence was correct. The following was the substance of the report
of the chemical analysis:—
“(1.) Contents of stomach amounted to little more than ½ an
ounce, and free from all odour of any poisonous drug. Not a trace of
any vegetable poison or of antimony was found.
“(2.) Urine.—The presence of antimony having already been
ascertained in a portion of this secretion, the remainder (7 ounces)
was employed to determine the quantity. The process followed was
that by which antimony is obtained in the form of the sulphuret,
after destroying the organic matter by means of hydrochloric acid
and potash. The quantity was readily weighed, and found to be
Page 486
rather more than one-tenth of a grain (0·1078). This corresponds to
nearly one-fourth of a grain (0·121) of tartar emetic.
“(3.) The Bile.—A little more than ½ an ounce of this fluid was
obtained from the gall-bladder. By Reinsch’s process 50 minims
readily gave an antimonial deposit. The remainder (4 drachms) used
to determine the amount, yielded sulphuret of antimony
corresponding to more than one-tenth of a grain (0·121) of tartar
emetic.
“(4.) The Blood.—1 ounce, by Reinsch’s process, readily gave
evidence of the presence of antimony.
“(5.) The Liver.—The weight was 36 ounces, a portion of which,
weighing less than 4 ounces (1460 grains), by Reinsch’s process,
gave sufficient antimony to coat rather more than four square inches
of copper foil. (This experiment was satisfactorily tested by another
process described in the report.) As to quantity, 1,000 grains gave of
sulphuret of antimony 0·1234 grains, corresponding to a quarter of a
grain of tartar emetic, making the whole amount contained in the
liver almost exactly 4 grains (3·93 grains).
“I next examined the remainder of the solid organs removed
from the body of Mrs. Pritchard, and found more or less antimony
in the whole of them.
“I also examined certain articles of clothing and bed-linen
handed to me by the officer, and in the stains on four of them—the
chemise, two sheets, and a toilet-cover, on which was a stain as of
wine—I found antimony. From these experiments I have been led to
the following conclusions:—
“(1.) Mrs. Pritchard had taken a large quantity of antimony in
the form of tartar emetic.
“(2.) Having regard to the absence in her body of any morbid
appearances sufficient to account for death, and to the presence in it
of a substance known as capable of destroying life, her death must
be ascribed to the action of antimony.
“(3.) That it is most unlikely that this poison was taken in a
single large dose. Had this been the case, I should have expected to
nearly one-fourth of a grain (0·121) of tartar emetic.
“(3.) The Bile.—A little more than ½ an ounce of this fluid was
obtained from the gall-bladder. By Reinsch’s process 50 minims
readily gave an antimonial deposit. The remainder (4 drachms) used
to determine the amount, yielded sulphuret of antimony
corresponding to more than one-tenth of a grain (0·121) of tartar
emetic.
“(4.) The Blood.—1 ounce, by Reinsch’s process, readily gave
evidence of the presence of antimony.
“(5.) The Liver.—The weight was 36 ounces, a portion of which,
weighing less than 4 ounces (1460 grains), by Reinsch’s process,
gave sufficient antimony to coat rather more than four square inches
of copper foil. (This experiment was satisfactorily tested by another
process described in the report.) As to quantity, 1,000 grains gave of
sulphuret of antimony 0·1234 grains, corresponding to a quarter of a
grain of tartar emetic, making the whole amount contained in the
liver almost exactly 4 grains (3·93 grains).
“I next examined the remainder of the solid organs removed
from the body of Mrs. Pritchard, and found more or less antimony
in the whole of them.
“I also examined certain articles of clothing and bed-linen
handed to me by the officer, and in the stains on four of them—the
chemise, two sheets, and a toilet-cover, on which was a stain as of
wine—I found antimony. From these experiments I have been led to
the following conclusions:—
“(1.) Mrs. Pritchard had taken a large quantity of antimony in
the form of tartar emetic.
“(2.) Having regard to the absence in her body of any morbid
appearances sufficient to account for death, and to the presence in it
of a substance known as capable of destroying life, her death must
be ascribed to the action of antimony.
“(3.) That it is most unlikely that this poison was taken in a
single large dose. Had this been the case, I should have expected to
Page 487
have found some more decided evidence of irritant action in the
mouth, the throat, or the alimentary canal.
“(4.) That from the extent to which the whole organs and fluids
of the body were impregnated with it, it must have been taken in
repeated doses, the aggregate of which must have amounted to a
large quantity.
“(5.) That from the large amount found in the liver, from its
ready detection in the blood, and from its being found passing so
copiously out of the body by the bile and the urine, it is probable
that some of the poison had been taken at no greater interval than a
period of a few days previous to death.
“(6.) That I am inclined to believe that it had not been
administered, at all events in any great quantity, within a few hours
of her death. Had this been the case, I should have expected to have
found at least some traces of it in the contents of the stomach, and
more in those of the intestines; whereas none was found in the
former, and the amount found in the latter seems to be amply
accounted for by the bile impregnated with the poison discharged
into them from the liver.
“(7.) That the period over which the administration had extended
cannot be determined by mere chemical investigation, but must be
deduced from the history of the case, with which I am
unacquainted.”
Dr. Maclagan then stated what portions of the bodies he had
handed to Professor Penny for further analysis, and described the
result of his examination of the solid residue obtained from Mrs.
Pritchard’s body by the process adopted by Dr. Gamgee and Dr.
Littlejohn.
“I determined the presence of mercury, and found a considerable
quantity of antimony remaining in it. I got a clear fluid by operating
on that residue with chlorate of potash and hydrochloric acid; and
then passing sulphuretted hydrogen, I got a precipitate of a dirty
mouth, the throat, or the alimentary canal.
“(4.) That from the extent to which the whole organs and fluids
of the body were impregnated with it, it must have been taken in
repeated doses, the aggregate of which must have amounted to a
large quantity.
“(5.) That from the large amount found in the liver, from its
ready detection in the blood, and from its being found passing so
copiously out of the body by the bile and the urine, it is probable
that some of the poison had been taken at no greater interval than a
period of a few days previous to death.
“(6.) That I am inclined to believe that it had not been
administered, at all events in any great quantity, within a few hours
of her death. Had this been the case, I should have expected to have
found at least some traces of it in the contents of the stomach, and
more in those of the intestines; whereas none was found in the
former, and the amount found in the latter seems to be amply
accounted for by the bile impregnated with the poison discharged
into them from the liver.
“(7.) That the period over which the administration had extended
cannot be determined by mere chemical investigation, but must be
deduced from the history of the case, with which I am
unacquainted.”
Dr. Maclagan then stated what portions of the bodies he had
handed to Professor Penny for further analysis, and described the
result of his examination of the solid residue obtained from Mrs.
Pritchard’s body by the process adopted by Dr. Gamgee and Dr.
Littlejohn.
“I determined the presence of mercury, and found a considerable
quantity of antimony remaining in it. I got a clear fluid by operating
on that residue with chlorate of potash and hydrochloric acid; and
then passing sulphuretted hydrogen, I got a precipitate of a dirty
Page 488
orange colour, which was collected, washed and boiled in strong
hydrochloric acid. The yellow colour disappeared, and the
precipitate became black. The hydrochloric solution was then mixed
with water and tartaric acid, and it gave an orange precipitate which,
when collected and weighed, amounted to 0.082, equal on the whole
to 1.265 of sulphuret of antimony—rather more than a grain and a
quarter—in the whole of the solid residue. This was in addition to
what had been found in the intestines after the precipitate had been
obtained by Dr. Gamgee and Dr. Littlejohn. A grain and a quarter of
sulphuret of antimony is equal to two and a half of tartar emetic; the
amount of tartar emetic in the whole of the intestines would be
about five grains and three-quarters (5.712).”
In cross-examination, Dr. Maclagan deposed to the discovery
of about the three hundredth part of a grain of mercury in the 50
grains of sulphuret; that in some cases he was not content with the
mere presence of the deposit on the foil, but boiled the copper foil
in potash—namely, with the contents of the intestines and with the
liver—but otherwise was content with the coloured deposit.
Dr. Frederick Penny then gave in his reports on the portions of
the bodies of Mrs. Taylor and Mrs. Pritchard, given to him by Dr.
Maclagan. The following is the substance of the report in Mrs.
Pritchard’s case:—
“Dried Contents of Intestines.—By the first process employed
an abundant black precipitate was obtained, which by proper
treatment was separated into sulphide of antimony and sulphide of
mercury. The sulphide of antimony, which was obtained of a fine
orange-red colour, was washed, dried, and weighed. Its weight
corresponded to a quantity of metallic arsenic equal to 2.1 grains in
one thousand parts of the dried contents of the stomach. The same
sulphide was found to be readily soluble in sulphide of ammonium,
and also in hydrochloric acid; and the acid solution, when poured
into water, gave a white precipitate, and when boiled with copper
hydrochloric acid. The yellow colour disappeared, and the
precipitate became black. The hydrochloric solution was then mixed
with water and tartaric acid, and it gave an orange precipitate which,
when collected and weighed, amounted to 0.082, equal on the whole
to 1.265 of sulphuret of antimony—rather more than a grain and a
quarter—in the whole of the solid residue. This was in addition to
what had been found in the intestines after the precipitate had been
obtained by Dr. Gamgee and Dr. Littlejohn. A grain and a quarter of
sulphuret of antimony is equal to two and a half of tartar emetic; the
amount of tartar emetic in the whole of the intestines would be
about five grains and three-quarters (5.712).”
In cross-examination, Dr. Maclagan deposed to the discovery
of about the three hundredth part of a grain of mercury in the 50
grains of sulphuret; that in some cases he was not content with the
mere presence of the deposit on the foil, but boiled the copper foil
in potash—namely, with the contents of the intestines and with the
liver—but otherwise was content with the coloured deposit.
Dr. Frederick Penny then gave in his reports on the portions of
the bodies of Mrs. Taylor and Mrs. Pritchard, given to him by Dr.
Maclagan. The following is the substance of the report in Mrs.
Pritchard’s case:—
“Dried Contents of Intestines.—By the first process employed
an abundant black precipitate was obtained, which by proper
treatment was separated into sulphide of antimony and sulphide of
mercury. The sulphide of antimony, which was obtained of a fine
orange-red colour, was washed, dried, and weighed. Its weight
corresponded to a quantity of metallic arsenic equal to 2.1 grains in
one thousand parts of the dried contents of the stomach. The same
sulphide was found to be readily soluble in sulphide of ammonium,
and also in hydrochloric acid; and the acid solution, when poured
into water, gave a white precipitate, and when boiled with copper
Page 489
ribbon deposited a violet-coloured coating on the surface of the
copper. The coated copper, on being heated in a glass tube, gave no
distinct crystalline sublimate. All these results are eminently
characteristic of sulphide of antimony when thus treated.
“The sulphide of mercury gave metallic mercury corresponding
to 3 grains in 1,000 grains of the dried contents of the intestines.
The report then states how these tests were confirmed by further
experiments on the solution by Reinsch’s test supplemented by that
of Marsh.
“Stomach, by the same methods, yielded antimony in
appreciable proportions, equal to 0.5 of a grain in 1,000 parts, but
no mercury; that it was afterwards treated for morphia and aconite,
but not a trace of these substances was obtained.
“Liver found to contain antimony equal to one-tenth of a grain in
1,000 parts, but no mercury.
“Spleen yielded antimony in about the same proportion as the
liver, and also contained mercury in well-marked quantity.
“Kidney about the same proportion as the liver, and a minute
trace of mercury.
“Heart yielded antimony in a proportion rather larger than that
found in the liver, and less mercury than in the spleen.
“Brain yielded antimony in less quantity than the liver, and no
mercury.
“Blood yielded a small quantity of antimony, and a faint trace of
mercury.
“Rectum, antimony in less quantity than the liver, and no
indications of mercury.”
In the case of Mrs. Taylor, Dr. Penny reported:—
“That all the articles submitted to him (liver, stomach, heart,
kidney, rectum, blood, and dried contents of intestines), and
subjected to analysis, contained antimony; (2), that the contents of
the intestines contained the largest proportion of antimony (0.583
copper. The coated copper, on being heated in a glass tube, gave no
distinct crystalline sublimate. All these results are eminently
characteristic of sulphide of antimony when thus treated.
“The sulphide of mercury gave metallic mercury corresponding
to 3 grains in 1,000 grains of the dried contents of the intestines.
The report then states how these tests were confirmed by further
experiments on the solution by Reinsch’s test supplemented by that
of Marsh.
“Stomach, by the same methods, yielded antimony in
appreciable proportions, equal to 0.5 of a grain in 1,000 parts, but
no mercury; that it was afterwards treated for morphia and aconite,
but not a trace of these substances was obtained.
“Liver found to contain antimony equal to one-tenth of a grain in
1,000 parts, but no mercury.
“Spleen yielded antimony in about the same proportion as the
liver, and also contained mercury in well-marked quantity.
“Kidney about the same proportion as the liver, and a minute
trace of mercury.
“Heart yielded antimony in a proportion rather larger than that
found in the liver, and less mercury than in the spleen.
“Brain yielded antimony in less quantity than the liver, and no
mercury.
“Blood yielded a small quantity of antimony, and a faint trace of
mercury.
“Rectum, antimony in less quantity than the liver, and no
indications of mercury.”
In the case of Mrs. Taylor, Dr. Penny reported:—
“That all the articles submitted to him (liver, stomach, heart,
kidney, rectum, blood, and dried contents of intestines), and
subjected to analysis, contained antimony; (2), that the contents of
the intestines contained the largest proportion of antimony (0.583
Page 490
parts in 1,000 parts); next, the liver and stomach (0.047 of a grain in
1,000 grains in each); then the blood, and, in less quantity, the heart,
kidney, and rectum; (3), that part of the antimony in the contents of
the intestines was in a form soluble in water; (4), that the kidney
was the only article in which mercury was detected; (5), that neither
the stomach, nor the contents of the intestines, contained aconite or
morphia in quantity sufficient to be detected by known chemical
processes; (6), that the articles subjected to analysis contained no
other metallic poison than antimony and mercury as reported
above.”
Dr. Penny also handed in his reports of the examination of the
contents of the cupboards in Dr. Pritchard’s consulting room, the
substance of which has already been given. In the first of these
reports, that of the 17th of May, Dr. Penny had stated that he was at
present engaged in testing the bottle of Battley’s solution (in which
he had discovered antimony) for other substances, the result of
which inquiry he now detailed:—
“I looked for mercury and other metals. I searched for aconite,
and also for conium. I found aconite. This is tested chiefly by the
taste of the abstract obtained by evaporation, and by its
physiological action upon small animals. A portion of the fluid was
evaporated to dryness, and the extract thus obtained was very
carefully tasted, or its effects upon the tongue and on the lips
ascertained by applying them to it. The effects were a tingling and
benumbing sensation—characteristic of aconite. To another portion
of the extract, dissolved in water, ammonia was added, and a
precipitate was separated and examined in the same way, after being
dissolved in diluted hydrochloric acid. The benumbing and tingling
sensation produced by that precipitate was very slight. But the
ammoniacal liquid, after the separation of the precipitate, was
treated with hydrochloric acid, and evaporated, and the sensation
produced by this residue was very strong.
1,000 grains in each); then the blood, and, in less quantity, the heart,
kidney, and rectum; (3), that part of the antimony in the contents of
the intestines was in a form soluble in water; (4), that the kidney
was the only article in which mercury was detected; (5), that neither
the stomach, nor the contents of the intestines, contained aconite or
morphia in quantity sufficient to be detected by known chemical
processes; (6), that the articles subjected to analysis contained no
other metallic poison than antimony and mercury as reported
above.”
Dr. Penny also handed in his reports of the examination of the
contents of the cupboards in Dr. Pritchard’s consulting room, the
substance of which has already been given. In the first of these
reports, that of the 17th of May, Dr. Penny had stated that he was at
present engaged in testing the bottle of Battley’s solution (in which
he had discovered antimony) for other substances, the result of
which inquiry he now detailed:—
“I looked for mercury and other metals. I searched for aconite,
and also for conium. I found aconite. This is tested chiefly by the
taste of the abstract obtained by evaporation, and by its
physiological action upon small animals. A portion of the fluid was
evaporated to dryness, and the extract thus obtained was very
carefully tasted, or its effects upon the tongue and on the lips
ascertained by applying them to it. The effects were a tingling and
benumbing sensation—characteristic of aconite. To another portion
of the extract, dissolved in water, ammonia was added, and a
precipitate was separated and examined in the same way, after being
dissolved in diluted hydrochloric acid. The benumbing and tingling
sensation produced by that precipitate was very slight. But the
ammoniacal liquid, after the separation of the precipitate, was
treated with hydrochloric acid, and evaporated, and the sensation
produced by this residue was very strong.
Page 491
“With a view to ascertain the character of aconite when mixed
with Battley’s solution, I mixed known quantities of tincture of
aconite with Battley’s solution, treating the mixtures in the same
way. I took Fleming’s tincture and the results were precisely similar;
but when the proportion of aconite was equal to 5 per cent., the
sensation was by no means strong; but when it was in the proportion
of 10 per cent., it gave a sensation, though the same, much stronger
than that of the liquid in the bottle. I draw the conclusion, therefore,
that in this solution the proportion was between 5 and 10 per cent. I
purchased genuine Battley’s solution at several establishments in
Glasgow, including that of ‘Murdoch Brothers,’ and was satisfied
that none of them contained either antimony or aconite.”
Dr. Penny then detailed his experiments with pure and impure
Battley’s solution on rabbits. Genuine Battley, when injected under
the skin, did not kill; 40 grain drops from the bottle found in Mrs.
Taylor’s dress did.
“I made in all about ten experiments with the genuine Battley’s
mixed with Fleming’s aconite. I will tell you the result of two
experiments. In one set I injected a mixture of Battley into three
young rabbits, and in a third into full grown rabbits. In the first set
with young rabbits I injected 10 grains of genuine Battley’s solution.
In the second experiment with a young rabbit I injected 10 grains of
this Battley’s (that found in the prisoner’s cupboard); in the third, I
injected a mixture of 9 grains of genuine Battley, and 1 grain of
Fleming’s tincture of aconite. In the cases of the old rabbits I
proceeded in a similar way, only increasing the dose to 40 grains.
The symptoms manifested by the rabbits, old and young, subjected
to the action of genuine Battley, were simple in character and few in
number, and were not materially altered by the variation of the dose.
The animal soon assumed a prone position, resting on the belly and
chest, and the head invariably resting on the ground. The forelegs
were either sprawling or gathered under the body, the hind legs
always extended sideways; the eyes remained open, and the pupils
with Battley’s solution, I mixed known quantities of tincture of
aconite with Battley’s solution, treating the mixtures in the same
way. I took Fleming’s tincture and the results were precisely similar;
but when the proportion of aconite was equal to 5 per cent., the
sensation was by no means strong; but when it was in the proportion
of 10 per cent., it gave a sensation, though the same, much stronger
than that of the liquid in the bottle. I draw the conclusion, therefore,
that in this solution the proportion was between 5 and 10 per cent. I
purchased genuine Battley’s solution at several establishments in
Glasgow, including that of ‘Murdoch Brothers,’ and was satisfied
that none of them contained either antimony or aconite.”
Dr. Penny then detailed his experiments with pure and impure
Battley’s solution on rabbits. Genuine Battley, when injected under
the skin, did not kill; 40 grain drops from the bottle found in Mrs.
Taylor’s dress did.
“I made in all about ten experiments with the genuine Battley’s
mixed with Fleming’s aconite. I will tell you the result of two
experiments. In one set I injected a mixture of Battley into three
young rabbits, and in a third into full grown rabbits. In the first set
with young rabbits I injected 10 grains of genuine Battley’s solution.
In the second experiment with a young rabbit I injected 10 grains of
this Battley’s (that found in the prisoner’s cupboard); in the third, I
injected a mixture of 9 grains of genuine Battley, and 1 grain of
Fleming’s tincture of aconite. In the cases of the old rabbits I
proceeded in a similar way, only increasing the dose to 40 grains.
The symptoms manifested by the rabbits, old and young, subjected
to the action of genuine Battley, were simple in character and few in
number, and were not materially altered by the variation of the dose.
The animal soon assumed a prone position, resting on the belly and
chest, and the head invariably resting on the ground. The forelegs
were either sprawling or gathered under the body, the hind legs
always extended sideways; the eyes remained open, and the pupils
Page 492
were natural and not contracted; the breathing was invariably gentle;
no cries were uttered, and no convulsions or spasms of the body
were apparent. There was a complete condition of inanity, and, with
the exception of the open state of the eyes, the animal seemed to be
in a state of profound sleep. There was no indication of spasmodic
movement, and, when aroused and urged to motion, the movements
were always performed in a crawling, tortoise-like manner. In this
state the animal remained for several hours, and then gradually
recovered.
“The effects produced by the mixture of genuine Battley with
aconite presented a striking contrast to those resulting from pure
Battley. Very soon after the injection the animal became restless and
uneasy, and then began to crouch, resting on its flank, with the hind
legs extending laterally, and the head erect. It next assumed a sitting
posture, in an attitude of watchful expectancy, and commenced to
twitch its lips and move its jaws as if chewing. Suddenly it staggers,
rolls over, and quickly regains its feet. Saliva begins to flow from
the mouth, and soon after piteous and peculiar choking cries are
emitted. Its head is retracted, and the breathing is painfully
laborious. Convulsions now set in, followed by intervals in which
the limbs are quite relaxed, and the animal lies helpless on its side.
Frantic leaps are now frequently taken, accompanied by movements
of a paralytic character. A state of utter prostration also occurs,
variable in duration, and then a strong convulsion comes on, during
which, or immediately after which, the animal expires, the limbs
becoming instantly relaxed.
“The symptoms exhibited by the rabbits subjected to the Battley
from the prisoner’s cupboard responded in every important respect
with the effects produced by this mixture, and it was impossible to
detect any essential difference in them.”
The Battley’s solution used by Dr. Penny was not purchased
from “Murdoch Brothers,” but he had purchased and analysed
some from that house, and it was exactly similar to that which he
had used. He had also been present when the same experiments as
no cries were uttered, and no convulsions or spasms of the body
were apparent. There was a complete condition of inanity, and, with
the exception of the open state of the eyes, the animal seemed to be
in a state of profound sleep. There was no indication of spasmodic
movement, and, when aroused and urged to motion, the movements
were always performed in a crawling, tortoise-like manner. In this
state the animal remained for several hours, and then gradually
recovered.
“The effects produced by the mixture of genuine Battley with
aconite presented a striking contrast to those resulting from pure
Battley. Very soon after the injection the animal became restless and
uneasy, and then began to crouch, resting on its flank, with the hind
legs extending laterally, and the head erect. It next assumed a sitting
posture, in an attitude of watchful expectancy, and commenced to
twitch its lips and move its jaws as if chewing. Suddenly it staggers,
rolls over, and quickly regains its feet. Saliva begins to flow from
the mouth, and soon after piteous and peculiar choking cries are
emitted. Its head is retracted, and the breathing is painfully
laborious. Convulsions now set in, followed by intervals in which
the limbs are quite relaxed, and the animal lies helpless on its side.
Frantic leaps are now frequently taken, accompanied by movements
of a paralytic character. A state of utter prostration also occurs,
variable in duration, and then a strong convulsion comes on, during
which, or immediately after which, the animal expires, the limbs
becoming instantly relaxed.
“The symptoms exhibited by the rabbits subjected to the Battley
from the prisoner’s cupboard responded in every important respect
with the effects produced by this mixture, and it was impossible to
detect any essential difference in them.”
The Battley’s solution used by Dr. Penny was not purchased
from “Murdoch Brothers,” but he had purchased and analysed
some from that house, and it was exactly similar to that which he
had used. He had also been present when the same experiments as
Page 493
his were tried on rabbits by Dr. Maclagan, in the presence of Drs.
Christison, Gamgee, and Littlejohn, with the same result as in his
experiments. Dr. Penny was then examined on Dr. Maclagan’s
report of his post-mortem examination of Mrs. Pritchard’s body,
and on the symptoms exhibited by her from the time she was taken
ill in 1865 down to her death. Replying purely as a chemist, and not
as a medical man, he declared them to correspond with the action
of tartar emetic or tartarised antimony. He further accounted for the
presence of the small portions of mercury by the administration of
Dr. Paterson’s powders, Hydrargyrum cum creta, shortly before
death. In Mrs. Taylor’s case he considered the vomitings to be the
result of the antimony, which had been traced by the analyses, and
repeated the conclusions, already given, to his reports on both
bodies.
Dr. Maclagan, who was recalled, declared that the whole of the
symptoms in Mrs. Pritchard’s case, from Christmas, 1864, until her
death—the sickness and vomiting, muscular depression, irritation
of the bowels, and cramp in the stomach—were symptoms of
poisoning by antimony, and could not, as a medical man, suggest
any natural disease to which they were due, that he could assign as
the cause of death. He had never seen antimony when rubbed into
the skin (referring to the prisoner’s statement that he had done so
for a swollen gland in his wife’s neck) produce any constitutional
effect. The fact of Mrs. Pritchard some years ago having taken
antimony internally for inflammation of the eyelids would not
account for the symptoms; and he agreed with Dr. Penny that the
traces of mercury were due to the powders prescribed by Dr.
Paterson. “There was nothing in the case,” he added, “to indicate to
a medical man of ordinary intelligence that she was suffering from
gastric fever, or any other fever”; and he adhered to the conclusions
already given in his report, that she had been poisoned by minute
Christison, Gamgee, and Littlejohn, with the same result as in his
experiments. Dr. Penny was then examined on Dr. Maclagan’s
report of his post-mortem examination of Mrs. Pritchard’s body,
and on the symptoms exhibited by her from the time she was taken
ill in 1865 down to her death. Replying purely as a chemist, and not
as a medical man, he declared them to correspond with the action
of tartar emetic or tartarised antimony. He further accounted for the
presence of the small portions of mercury by the administration of
Dr. Paterson’s powders, Hydrargyrum cum creta, shortly before
death. In Mrs. Taylor’s case he considered the vomitings to be the
result of the antimony, which had been traced by the analyses, and
repeated the conclusions, already given, to his reports on both
bodies.
Dr. Maclagan, who was recalled, declared that the whole of the
symptoms in Mrs. Pritchard’s case, from Christmas, 1864, until her
death—the sickness and vomiting, muscular depression, irritation
of the bowels, and cramp in the stomach—were symptoms of
poisoning by antimony, and could not, as a medical man, suggest
any natural disease to which they were due, that he could assign as
the cause of death. He had never seen antimony when rubbed into
the skin (referring to the prisoner’s statement that he had done so
for a swollen gland in his wife’s neck) produce any constitutional
effect. The fact of Mrs. Pritchard some years ago having taken
antimony internally for inflammation of the eyelids would not
account for the symptoms; and he agreed with Dr. Penny that the
traces of mercury were due to the powders prescribed by Dr.
Paterson. “There was nothing in the case,” he added, “to indicate to
a medical man of ordinary intelligence that she was suffering from
gastric fever, or any other fever”; and he adhered to the conclusions
already given in his report, that she had been poisoned by minute
Page 494
doses of antimony in the form of tartar emetic given at intervals
over a long period of time.
Dr. Maclagan attributed Mrs. Taylor’s death to something more
than antimony—some powerful, depressing poison.
“The symptoms,” he said, “might be produced by aconite—being
found with her head fallen on her neck, and hardly observed to
breathe, her pulse almost if not absolutely imperceptible, and the
dozing, torpid state in which she lay, were such as would result from
aconite. Though he might know in a case that aconite had been
taken, he might not be able to find it by chemical analysis: these
organic poisons—all the alkaloids—are very often not found,
though known to have been taken. The administration of opium
might diminish the effect of antimony in causing vomiting and
purging, but its depressing effect on the muscular system would still
remain; and if opium, aconite, and antimony were being
administered at the same time, he should anticipate symptoms such
as appeared in Mrs. Taylor’s case. Taking the symptoms and the
results of the post-mortem examination together, the idea of
apoplexy was satisfactorily excluded from his judgment; and
assuming the correctness of Dr. Paterson’s description of the
symptoms he saw, he should not have concluded that it was
apoplexy, nor did he think any other medical man would have. He
was satisfied with the presence of aconite in the Battley’s solution,
without the experiments on the rabbits, which only confirmed it.”
The cross-examination of this witness was directed to the
question whether the symptoms in Mrs. Taylor’s case did not
indicate poisoning by opium, probably arising from an overdose of
Battley’s solution.
“I saw,” said the witness, “no precise indications of poisoning by
opium, though I cannot say that she had not taken some. I think
aconite was the leading feature in the final part of the case. The
symptoms described by Dr. Paterson did not, in my mind, indicate
over a long period of time.
Dr. Maclagan attributed Mrs. Taylor’s death to something more
than antimony—some powerful, depressing poison.
“The symptoms,” he said, “might be produced by aconite—being
found with her head fallen on her neck, and hardly observed to
breathe, her pulse almost if not absolutely imperceptible, and the
dozing, torpid state in which she lay, were such as would result from
aconite. Though he might know in a case that aconite had been
taken, he might not be able to find it by chemical analysis: these
organic poisons—all the alkaloids—are very often not found,
though known to have been taken. The administration of opium
might diminish the effect of antimony in causing vomiting and
purging, but its depressing effect on the muscular system would still
remain; and if opium, aconite, and antimony were being
administered at the same time, he should anticipate symptoms such
as appeared in Mrs. Taylor’s case. Taking the symptoms and the
results of the post-mortem examination together, the idea of
apoplexy was satisfactorily excluded from his judgment; and
assuming the correctness of Dr. Paterson’s description of the
symptoms he saw, he should not have concluded that it was
apoplexy, nor did he think any other medical man would have. He
was satisfied with the presence of aconite in the Battley’s solution,
without the experiments on the rabbits, which only confirmed it.”
The cross-examination of this witness was directed to the
question whether the symptoms in Mrs. Taylor’s case did not
indicate poisoning by opium, probably arising from an overdose of
Battley’s solution.
“I saw,” said the witness, “no precise indications of poisoning by
opium, though I cannot say that she had not taken some. I think
aconite was the leading feature in the final part of the case. The
symptoms described by Dr. Paterson did not, in my mind, indicate
Page 495
poisoning by opium or laudanum at all. They were not inconsistent
with her having taken opium, but they were not consistent with her
having been poisoned by it, and with the ordinary symptoms. The
symptoms of aconite predominated. If she had taken opium alone I
should have expected to find the pulse full and slow, and probably
the breathing laborious and stertorous. Though these were absent, I
could not say that she had not taken opium, particularly if she had
been accustomed to its use.” When reminded from the judge’s notes
that Dr. Paterson had described the breathing as “laborious,” he
said, “It does not make much, indeed not any, modification of my
view, because the condition of the pulse showed the action of
aconite on the heart. Laborious breathing is an indication of many
things besides opium.” When reminded that Dr. Paterson spoke of
her being in a state of “coma,” he admitted that that generally
indicated opium and not aconite, but added that here “it was more
oppression than true coma,” and assumed that Dr. Paterson did not
use the word scientifically, but as many persons did to describe
insensibility. “But,” said Mr. Clark, “you pointed to the absence of
‘coma’ as indicative of poisoning by aconite.” “I spoke of her,”
replied Dr. Maclagan, “being in a torpid condition, which I think
was connected with the weakened state of the circulation and not
from fulness of the brain. Opium, like aconite, is a vegetable poison,
and is absorbed into the system: a person may be poisoned by it
without any trace remaining in the stomach or the system capable of
being detected by chemical analysis. All mineral poisons are more
easily detected, but I am not prepared to give into the statement
broadly that a person cannot be poisoned by antimony without it
being capable of detection, though I cannot recollect such a case.
The quantity here found in both cases was considerable. The
expectation is that the chemical analysis will detect it, but there may
be exceptions. The fact that Mrs. Taylor’s eyes were contracted is an
indication of poisoning by opium, but it also occurs in aconite,
though the cases vary a good deal in that respect, from people, as I
think, having observed the symptoms at different stages; and the
probability is that contraction had been produced at first, and then
relaxation at the time all the muscular parts became relaxed—
with her having taken opium, but they were not consistent with her
having been poisoned by it, and with the ordinary symptoms. The
symptoms of aconite predominated. If she had taken opium alone I
should have expected to find the pulse full and slow, and probably
the breathing laborious and stertorous. Though these were absent, I
could not say that she had not taken opium, particularly if she had
been accustomed to its use.” When reminded from the judge’s notes
that Dr. Paterson had described the breathing as “laborious,” he
said, “It does not make much, indeed not any, modification of my
view, because the condition of the pulse showed the action of
aconite on the heart. Laborious breathing is an indication of many
things besides opium.” When reminded that Dr. Paterson spoke of
her being in a state of “coma,” he admitted that that generally
indicated opium and not aconite, but added that here “it was more
oppression than true coma,” and assumed that Dr. Paterson did not
use the word scientifically, but as many persons did to describe
insensibility. “But,” said Mr. Clark, “you pointed to the absence of
‘coma’ as indicative of poisoning by aconite.” “I spoke of her,”
replied Dr. Maclagan, “being in a torpid condition, which I think
was connected with the weakened state of the circulation and not
from fulness of the brain. Opium, like aconite, is a vegetable poison,
and is absorbed into the system: a person may be poisoned by it
without any trace remaining in the stomach or the system capable of
being detected by chemical analysis. All mineral poisons are more
easily detected, but I am not prepared to give into the statement
broadly that a person cannot be poisoned by antimony without it
being capable of detection, though I cannot recollect such a case.
The quantity here found in both cases was considerable. The
expectation is that the chemical analysis will detect it, but there may
be exceptions. The fact that Mrs. Taylor’s eyes were contracted is an
indication of poisoning by opium, but it also occurs in aconite,
though the cases vary a good deal in that respect, from people, as I
think, having observed the symptoms at different stages; and the
probability is that contraction had been produced at first, and then
relaxation at the time all the muscular parts became relaxed—
Page 496
namely, at the time of death. Aconite is applied externally in
neuralgia.”[152]
Dr. Littlejohn, who was next called, concurred in the opinion
that there was nothing to indicate gastric fever in Mrs. Pritchard’s
case, and that her death was due to the continuous administration of
small doses of antimony from the commencement of her illness to
the day of her death, and that the result of the chemical analysis
was such as he should, on that supposition, have expected. On the
cause of Mrs. Taylor’s death he was not so certain.
“It seemed to me,” said the witness, “that she might have died
from a dose of antimony administered shortly before death, or else
from some sedative narcotic poison. I have no difficulty in saying
that she died of poison, but only as to the particular poison which
killed her. I am inclined to believe that the symptoms in her case
were mixed to some extent, like the symptoms of narcotic poison,
and to some extent like the symptoms of antimony. There was
nothing to show that she died of apoplexy, and the post-mortem
examination did not indicate any such. In the failure of circulation
and great depression and spasms, and the state of insensibility, I
recognise the action of antimony; in the later stages of antimonial
poisoning we have generally great insensibility. The hot taste in the
mouth and burning sensation in the throat after taking the bit of
cheese suggest a large dose of antimony, and also suggest a strong
dose of narcotic poison—they suggest many things besides cheese.
That it caused violent sickness in the case of one of the servants for
some hours is quite consistent with antimonial poisoning. In large
quantities it would produce a burning sensation in the throat. I have
tried it in large quantities, and the secondary sensation is always in
the throat, and it did produce a burning sensation. That the egg flip
gave the same effect in the case of the servant points to the use of
antimony or some substance resembling it. Various other emetics
might produce these effects. Egg flip is a convenient medium for
administering antimony, as it readily dissolves in it, and sufficient
neuralgia.”[152]
Dr. Littlejohn, who was next called, concurred in the opinion
that there was nothing to indicate gastric fever in Mrs. Pritchard’s
case, and that her death was due to the continuous administration of
small doses of antimony from the commencement of her illness to
the day of her death, and that the result of the chemical analysis
was such as he should, on that supposition, have expected. On the
cause of Mrs. Taylor’s death he was not so certain.
“It seemed to me,” said the witness, “that she might have died
from a dose of antimony administered shortly before death, or else
from some sedative narcotic poison. I have no difficulty in saying
that she died of poison, but only as to the particular poison which
killed her. I am inclined to believe that the symptoms in her case
were mixed to some extent, like the symptoms of narcotic poison,
and to some extent like the symptoms of antimony. There was
nothing to show that she died of apoplexy, and the post-mortem
examination did not indicate any such. In the failure of circulation
and great depression and spasms, and the state of insensibility, I
recognise the action of antimony; in the later stages of antimonial
poisoning we have generally great insensibility. The hot taste in the
mouth and burning sensation in the throat after taking the bit of
cheese suggest a large dose of antimony, and also suggest a strong
dose of narcotic poison—they suggest many things besides cheese.
That it caused violent sickness in the case of one of the servants for
some hours is quite consistent with antimonial poisoning. In large
quantities it would produce a burning sensation in the throat. I have
tried it in large quantities, and the secondary sensation is always in
the throat, and it did produce a burning sensation. That the egg flip
gave the same effect in the case of the servant points to the use of
antimony or some substance resembling it. Various other emetics
might produce these effects. Egg flip is a convenient medium for
administering antimony, as it readily dissolves in it, and sufficient
Page 497
antimony could be dusted on loaf sugar to produce sickness. Sugar
is very porous, and antimony, being a white powder, could be dusted
over it, and a large quantity absorbed in it—sufficient, not to kill,
but to keep up the illness.”
In cross-examination, the witness adhered to his opinion as to
the suitableness of egg flip when the hot water had been poured on
it, as a medium for antimony, and to the possibility of a sufficient
quantity to produce sickness being conveyed into the cup on two
pieces of loaf sugar. Though he had not made any special
experiments to support this opinion, he considered himself, from
his special acquaintance with tartar emetic, entitled to answer in the
way he had done. He did not consider opium as a sedative but as a
narcotic, and, in his opinion, aconite was a sedative narcotic. There
was nothing impossible for Mrs. Taylor to take opium, and for that
to contribute to the symptoms.
Dr. Paterson, who was re-called, was quite confirmed in his
previous opinion of the cause of Mrs. Pritchard’s death from the
evidence he had heard. Mrs. Taylor’s death, he thought, had been
caused by opium, but there might have been some other narcotic
combined to him unknown, and he thought that aconite and opium
combined would contribute to the effect and hurry the termination;
but he never in his practice had seen any person poisoned by such a
combination. He had not the slightest suspicion of antimony, and
the narcotic effect was such when he saw Mrs. Taylor that he did
not believe that he could recognise the effect of antimony. The
narcotic effect would overpower the other, and laudanum would
interfere with the usual effect of antimony. What he called
stertorous breathing was rather oppressed breathing—snoring and
stertorous breathing were the same thing. “By coma,” he added, “I
meant insensibility—it means that, especially insensibility under
opium; and my impression was that it was opium alone, or some of
is very porous, and antimony, being a white powder, could be dusted
over it, and a large quantity absorbed in it—sufficient, not to kill,
but to keep up the illness.”
In cross-examination, the witness adhered to his opinion as to
the suitableness of egg flip when the hot water had been poured on
it, as a medium for antimony, and to the possibility of a sufficient
quantity to produce sickness being conveyed into the cup on two
pieces of loaf sugar. Though he had not made any special
experiments to support this opinion, he considered himself, from
his special acquaintance with tartar emetic, entitled to answer in the
way he had done. He did not consider opium as a sedative but as a
narcotic, and, in his opinion, aconite was a sedative narcotic. There
was nothing impossible for Mrs. Taylor to take opium, and for that
to contribute to the symptoms.
Dr. Paterson, who was re-called, was quite confirmed in his
previous opinion of the cause of Mrs. Pritchard’s death from the
evidence he had heard. Mrs. Taylor’s death, he thought, had been
caused by opium, but there might have been some other narcotic
combined to him unknown, and he thought that aconite and opium
combined would contribute to the effect and hurry the termination;
but he never in his practice had seen any person poisoned by such a
combination. He had not the slightest suspicion of antimony, and
the narcotic effect was such when he saw Mrs. Taylor that he did
not believe that he could recognise the effect of antimony. The
narcotic effect would overpower the other, and laudanum would
interfere with the usual effect of antimony. What he called
stertorous breathing was rather oppressed breathing—snoring and
stertorous breathing were the same thing. “By coma,” he added, “I
meant insensibility—it means that, especially insensibility under
opium; and my impression was that it was opium alone, or some of
Page 498
its preparations: it might be morphia.” Now that he had heard of the
discovery of antimony in the body, he believed the death to be due
to a combination of antimony and opium, a smaller dose of the
latter being likely to have a greater effect, in consequence of the
condition of the body produced by the former. If the opium
contained upwards of five per cent. of aconite, the effect, he
considered, would be much more rapid and more likely to be fatal.
On the conclusion of the medical testimony witnesses were
called to prove that at two banks in Glasgow, where Dr. Pritchard
had accounts, these were overdrawn on the 20th of March—that he
borrowed to the extent of £255 on his life policy, the last advance
being as late as the 13th of May—that his mother-in-law had
advanced him £500 towards the purchase of his house, and that
under her will he would be entitled, in the event of the previous
death of his wife, to the interest on two-thirds of her property for
the benefit of his children until they attained twenty-one years, and
then “for his own use as he might consider proper.” Letters of Mrs.
Taylor and Dr. Pritchard were identified, in one of the latter being
an entry under February 7th, “Dr. J. M. C. here; on February 8th
Dr. J. M. C. left”—namely, Dr. Cowan.
THE PRISONER’S STATEMENTS.
In accordance with the Scotch practice, two declarations were
made by Dr. Pritchard before the sheriff, one on the 22nd of March,
and the other on the 21st of April. The first declaration was as
follows:—
“I have always attended my wife in all her ailments of every kind
during the whole period of our married lives, now fifteen years, and
some of these illnesses were very severe; but I never saw her so ill
as she was on the occasion which terminated fatally. As far as my
discovery of antimony in the body, he believed the death to be due
to a combination of antimony and opium, a smaller dose of the
latter being likely to have a greater effect, in consequence of the
condition of the body produced by the former. If the opium
contained upwards of five per cent. of aconite, the effect, he
considered, would be much more rapid and more likely to be fatal.
On the conclusion of the medical testimony witnesses were
called to prove that at two banks in Glasgow, where Dr. Pritchard
had accounts, these were overdrawn on the 20th of March—that he
borrowed to the extent of £255 on his life policy, the last advance
being as late as the 13th of May—that his mother-in-law had
advanced him £500 towards the purchase of his house, and that
under her will he would be entitled, in the event of the previous
death of his wife, to the interest on two-thirds of her property for
the benefit of his children until they attained twenty-one years, and
then “for his own use as he might consider proper.” Letters of Mrs.
Taylor and Dr. Pritchard were identified, in one of the latter being
an entry under February 7th, “Dr. J. M. C. here; on February 8th
Dr. J. M. C. left”—namely, Dr. Cowan.
THE PRISONER’S STATEMENTS.
In accordance with the Scotch practice, two declarations were
made by Dr. Pritchard before the sheriff, one on the 22nd of March,
and the other on the 21st of April. The first declaration was as
follows:—
“I have always attended my wife in all her ailments of every kind
during the whole period of our married lives, now fifteen years, and
some of these illnesses were very severe; but I never saw her so ill
as she was on the occasion which terminated fatally. As far as my
Page 499
judgment goes, her last illness was gastric fever, which commenced
about the beginning of the present year. I gave my wife no
medicines during her illness excepting wine, champagne, and
brandy, to support her strength; and I gave her no medicines at all. I
trusted to nature to right itself, with the assistance of these
restoratives. During the last six weeks her power of sleeping entirely
went away. In order to procure sleep I gave her, at the
commencement of her sleeplessness, a small quantity of chloroform,
but it entirely disagreed with her, and I discontinued it. I then called
in Dr. Gairdner, professor of medicine in the university, and he
visited and saw her several times; and he continued to attend her till
her old medical friend, Dr. James M. Cowan, returned, and he came
from Edinburgh to see her.[153] I then wrote to her mother to come
and nurse her, and she arrived about the 11th of February last; and
her arrival had a beneficial effect upon Mrs. Pritchard for some
time, but still the sleeplessness continued; and shortly after her
mother’s death, which happened on the 25th of February, she
relapsed and became much worse, and very apprehensive about
herself, and she suggested to me the adoption of a medicine with
which her mother was very familiar—Battley’s solution of opium—
but I declined to give her any without first consulting Dr. J.
Paterson, who lived close by. I saw him, and consulted him, but he
did not see Mrs. Pritchard on that occasion, and he did not approve
of using the solution of opium. He prescribed granulated citrate of
magnesia, calomel, mercury, and chalk, and I acted on his advice
and administered the medicine, and it seemed to have a beneficial
effect.[154] Some time after, finding her sleeplessness still continued,
I, at her own suggestion, applied a solution of atropine to the
external parts of the eye, and it had a little effect for some time, but
the effects soon ceased. After her mother’s death, she became
rapidly worse; indeed, I ascribed her decease to the agitation
consequent on her mother’s death. At the time of the last event she
was strongly impressed with the idea that she would herself die at
the same time as her mother; in fact, she did die on a subsequent day
at exactly the same hour. On the night preceding her death she was
about the beginning of the present year. I gave my wife no
medicines during her illness excepting wine, champagne, and
brandy, to support her strength; and I gave her no medicines at all. I
trusted to nature to right itself, with the assistance of these
restoratives. During the last six weeks her power of sleeping entirely
went away. In order to procure sleep I gave her, at the
commencement of her sleeplessness, a small quantity of chloroform,
but it entirely disagreed with her, and I discontinued it. I then called
in Dr. Gairdner, professor of medicine in the university, and he
visited and saw her several times; and he continued to attend her till
her old medical friend, Dr. James M. Cowan, returned, and he came
from Edinburgh to see her.[153] I then wrote to her mother to come
and nurse her, and she arrived about the 11th of February last; and
her arrival had a beneficial effect upon Mrs. Pritchard for some
time, but still the sleeplessness continued; and shortly after her
mother’s death, which happened on the 25th of February, she
relapsed and became much worse, and very apprehensive about
herself, and she suggested to me the adoption of a medicine with
which her mother was very familiar—Battley’s solution of opium—
but I declined to give her any without first consulting Dr. J.
Paterson, who lived close by. I saw him, and consulted him, but he
did not see Mrs. Pritchard on that occasion, and he did not approve
of using the solution of opium. He prescribed granulated citrate of
magnesia, calomel, mercury, and chalk, and I acted on his advice
and administered the medicine, and it seemed to have a beneficial
effect.[154] Some time after, finding her sleeplessness still continued,
I, at her own suggestion, applied a solution of atropine to the
external parts of the eye, and it had a little effect for some time, but
the effects soon ceased. After her mother’s death, she became
rapidly worse; indeed, I ascribed her decease to the agitation
consequent on her mother’s death. At the time of the last event she
was strongly impressed with the idea that she would herself die at
the same time as her mother; in fact, she did die on a subsequent day
at exactly the same hour. On the night preceding her death she was
Page 500
apprehensive that, unless she got sleep, she should not get through
the night. I went for Dr. Paterson, who came immediately and sat for
a considerable time by the bedside, and afterwards dictated a
prescription, which was made up at the Glasgow Apothecary
Company’s shop at Elmbank-street. It will be found in my desk at
home. It was for two draughts to be given four hours after the first if
it did not succeed. She got the first draught as prescribed by Dr.
Paterson about ten o’clock, but she said after drinking it that it was
not half strong enough, and asked if she might have some of her
mother’s medicine. I refused to give it her, and said I dare not do it.
I gave her a glass of port wine, and sat carefully watching for a short
time. I then went down stairs and had supper, and, after being absent
for some time, returned to see if she had got to sleep. I found her
awake, and she wished me to give her something to make her sleep.
I refused, and she then asked me to come to bed, as I must be tired
with the weary nights of watching. It was then about twelve o’clock.
I tried to persuade her that I should sit up to watch her till past the
time when her mother had died; but to please her I got into bed, and
almost immediately I fell asleep from the state of exhaustion I was
in; was awoke by her pulling at my beard, and found my wife
struggling to get into bed. She appeared to have got out of bed. She
said, ‘Edward, I am faint.’ I assisted her into bed, and asked her how
long I had been asleep, but she answered, ‘Don’t speak; look! do
you see my mother?’ I said ‘No, it is only a vision; only
imagination,’ and asked if she felt pain. She said she felt cold, and I
need try no more skill; that I had failed this time, and that she was
going to her mother. I got alarmed and rang the bell violently, and
the youngest servant came. I desired her to make a mustard plaster
as quickly as she could, and on that my wife turned round and said,
‘Edward, I’m in my senses; mustard plasters will do no good,’ and
almost immediately she fell back in my arms and died. The servant
came with the mustard plaster, and found her in that position. I did
not give her any other medicine at that time except a little brandy
applied to her lips.[155] During the whole course of her illness I
never gave her any antimony, nor any medicine in which there was
the night. I went for Dr. Paterson, who came immediately and sat for
a considerable time by the bedside, and afterwards dictated a
prescription, which was made up at the Glasgow Apothecary
Company’s shop at Elmbank-street. It will be found in my desk at
home. It was for two draughts to be given four hours after the first if
it did not succeed. She got the first draught as prescribed by Dr.
Paterson about ten o’clock, but she said after drinking it that it was
not half strong enough, and asked if she might have some of her
mother’s medicine. I refused to give it her, and said I dare not do it.
I gave her a glass of port wine, and sat carefully watching for a short
time. I then went down stairs and had supper, and, after being absent
for some time, returned to see if she had got to sleep. I found her
awake, and she wished me to give her something to make her sleep.
I refused, and she then asked me to come to bed, as I must be tired
with the weary nights of watching. It was then about twelve o’clock.
I tried to persuade her that I should sit up to watch her till past the
time when her mother had died; but to please her I got into bed, and
almost immediately I fell asleep from the state of exhaustion I was
in; was awoke by her pulling at my beard, and found my wife
struggling to get into bed. She appeared to have got out of bed. She
said, ‘Edward, I am faint.’ I assisted her into bed, and asked her how
long I had been asleep, but she answered, ‘Don’t speak; look! do
you see my mother?’ I said ‘No, it is only a vision; only
imagination,’ and asked if she felt pain. She said she felt cold, and I
need try no more skill; that I had failed this time, and that she was
going to her mother. I got alarmed and rang the bell violently, and
the youngest servant came. I desired her to make a mustard plaster
as quickly as she could, and on that my wife turned round and said,
‘Edward, I’m in my senses; mustard plasters will do no good,’ and
almost immediately she fell back in my arms and died. The servant
came with the mustard plaster, and found her in that position. I did
not give her any other medicine at that time except a little brandy
applied to her lips.[155] During the whole course of her illness I
never gave her any antimony, nor any medicine in which there was
Page 501
any preparation of antimony. Antimony is a poison, but it is used
occasionally to subdue inflammations, and I applied it to her neck,
in October last, when she was plagued with a swelling gland in the
neck. I rubbed it in externally on that occasion, and I have never
given her any antimony since. On that occasion I recommended
change of air, and I gave her a little bottle of antimony with her for
the same purpose of rubbing in behind the ear. She went to
Edinburgh at that time, and she returned to Glasgow very much
better, and I have never seen the bottle of antimony since she got it
away with her. There was a considerable quantity of antimony in my
repositories at the time of my wife’s last illness, as I used it
extensively in my practice, and it was kept in a cupboard of which I
had the key, but which was not always locked. I did not see any of it
brought out, or lying about, during her illness. The cupboard where
the antimony was is in the consulting-room on the ground flat, and
she was so weak on the day of her death—Saturday—and on the
Friday preceding, that I do not think she had strength to have gone
to the cupboard herself. My wife took the antimony internally on
one occasion when she had a tendency to inflammation of the
eyelids. This was years ago, and I never knew her to use it
internally, except on this occasion. I never administered antimony to
her internally on any occasion, nor any other substance calculated to
injure or destroy life.”
In the second declaration, made on the 21st day of April, 1865,
he confirmed the correctness of the former one when read to him,
denied the charges as laid in the indictment, and elected to make
the following voluntary statement with reference to Mrs. Taylor’s
death:—
“I never administered poison to her. I did, and I do believe, that
she died from paralysis and apoplexy. I have no further statements
to make, and by the advice of my agent will make none, with the
exception that I am entirely innocent of the charge preferred against
me.”
occasionally to subdue inflammations, and I applied it to her neck,
in October last, when she was plagued with a swelling gland in the
neck. I rubbed it in externally on that occasion, and I have never
given her any antimony since. On that occasion I recommended
change of air, and I gave her a little bottle of antimony with her for
the same purpose of rubbing in behind the ear. She went to
Edinburgh at that time, and she returned to Glasgow very much
better, and I have never seen the bottle of antimony since she got it
away with her. There was a considerable quantity of antimony in my
repositories at the time of my wife’s last illness, as I used it
extensively in my practice, and it was kept in a cupboard of which I
had the key, but which was not always locked. I did not see any of it
brought out, or lying about, during her illness. The cupboard where
the antimony was is in the consulting-room on the ground flat, and
she was so weak on the day of her death—Saturday—and on the
Friday preceding, that I do not think she had strength to have gone
to the cupboard herself. My wife took the antimony internally on
one occasion when she had a tendency to inflammation of the
eyelids. This was years ago, and I never knew her to use it
internally, except on this occasion. I never administered antimony to
her internally on any occasion, nor any other substance calculated to
injure or destroy life.”
In the second declaration, made on the 21st day of April, 1865,
he confirmed the correctness of the former one when read to him,
denied the charges as laid in the indictment, and elected to make
the following voluntary statement with reference to Mrs. Taylor’s
death:—
“I never administered poison to her. I did, and I do believe, that
she died from paralysis and apoplexy. I have no further statements
to make, and by the advice of my agent will make none, with the
exception that I am entirely innocent of the charge preferred against
me.”
Page 502
Being asked by the Procurator Fiscal whether he ever
administered or caused to be administered to the said Jane Cowan
or Taylor tartarised antimony, declares:—
“My agent recommended me to say nothing, and I decline to
answer the question, and, as I act under my agent’s advice, it is
unnecessary to put any further questions.”
EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
With this evidence the prosecution was closed late on the third
day, and on the next the defence was opened by calling witnesses
on the Prisoner’s behalf.
Dr. Michael Taylor, Mrs. Pritchard’s brother, had seen her on
the 28th of February, a few days after his mother’s death, when she
objected to Dr. Gairdner again visiting her, and to following her
brother’s advice to have a nurse, as she did not like strangers about
her. He also identified as her writing two letters from Edinburgh to
her husband at the time of her visit to her parents in November, in
which she spoke of the slowness of her recovery and her inability
to go out, except two or three times.
Mr. Simpson, a partner in Duncan & Co., Chemists, in
Edinburgh, remembered Dr. Pritchard, some four years ago,
purchasing Battley’s solution at their shop, and that shortly
afterwards other purchases of this compound were frequently made
in his name by one Thomson, whom he recognised, down to the
beginning of 1865. Fairgrieve, another chemist in Edinburgh,
spoke to repeated purchases of this compound by or for Mrs. Taylor
for several years before her death, once in a 5-oz. bottle, but
generally in bottles of 2 oz.[156]
administered or caused to be administered to the said Jane Cowan
or Taylor tartarised antimony, declares:—
“My agent recommended me to say nothing, and I decline to
answer the question, and, as I act under my agent’s advice, it is
unnecessary to put any further questions.”
EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE.
With this evidence the prosecution was closed late on the third
day, and on the next the defence was opened by calling witnesses
on the Prisoner’s behalf.
Dr. Michael Taylor, Mrs. Pritchard’s brother, had seen her on
the 28th of February, a few days after his mother’s death, when she
objected to Dr. Gairdner again visiting her, and to following her
brother’s advice to have a nurse, as she did not like strangers about
her. He also identified as her writing two letters from Edinburgh to
her husband at the time of her visit to her parents in November, in
which she spoke of the slowness of her recovery and her inability
to go out, except two or three times.
Mr. Simpson, a partner in Duncan & Co., Chemists, in
Edinburgh, remembered Dr. Pritchard, some four years ago,
purchasing Battley’s solution at their shop, and that shortly
afterwards other purchases of this compound were frequently made
in his name by one Thomson, whom he recognised, down to the
beginning of 1865. Fairgrieve, another chemist in Edinburgh,
spoke to repeated purchases of this compound by or for Mrs. Taylor
for several years before her death, once in a 5-oz. bottle, but
generally in bottles of 2 oz.[156]
Page 503
Two other witnesses proved that they consulted Dr. Pritchard
for affections of the ear, and that to the first he gave a bottle
labelled “poison—2 drops in each ear every night,” and to the other
a tonic of glycerine and strychnia; the object being to account for
the numerous poisons found in the cupboard in his consulting
room.[157] Dr. McHattie proved that there were not the necessary
drugs in the cupboard to enable the Prisoner to make up Dr.
Paterson’s prescription,[158] and afterwards his eldest son certified
that his father and mother lived happily together, and his daughter,
who lived chiefly with her grandparents, that they were fond of
each other. The evidence for the defence then was closed.
THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL’S SPEECH.
In addressing the jury on the evidence, the counsel for the
prosecution drew their especial attention to (1) the fact—not
contested and not contestable—that though none of the medicines
prescribed by the medical attendants on both of the ladies had
contained any preparation of antimony, antimony was found in
their bodies—in that of Mrs. Pritchard in such proportions as could
only be accounted for by a long continuous administration of that
drug—in Mrs. Taylor’s sufficient to so reduce her system as to
increase the operation of any narcotic poison; (2) that the notion of
this having been taken by accident was excluded even by the
prisoner’s own statement, and that the idea of suicide was entirely
at variance with the characters of the sufferers, and in the case of
the wife with the fact that suicides do not choose “a long, lingering,
and painful death;” (3) that the prisoner had in his possession the
means of administering poison as well as the opportunities; (4) that
in the three cases in which symptoms of antimonial poisoning were
felt by those who tasted the cheese, the egg flip, and the tapioca,
for affections of the ear, and that to the first he gave a bottle
labelled “poison—2 drops in each ear every night,” and to the other
a tonic of glycerine and strychnia; the object being to account for
the numerous poisons found in the cupboard in his consulting
room.[157] Dr. McHattie proved that there were not the necessary
drugs in the cupboard to enable the Prisoner to make up Dr.
Paterson’s prescription,[158] and afterwards his eldest son certified
that his father and mother lived happily together, and his daughter,
who lived chiefly with her grandparents, that they were fond of
each other. The evidence for the defence then was closed.
THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL’S SPEECH.
In addressing the jury on the evidence, the counsel for the
prosecution drew their especial attention to (1) the fact—not
contested and not contestable—that though none of the medicines
prescribed by the medical attendants on both of the ladies had
contained any preparation of antimony, antimony was found in
their bodies—in that of Mrs. Pritchard in such proportions as could
only be accounted for by a long continuous administration of that
drug—in Mrs. Taylor’s sufficient to so reduce her system as to
increase the operation of any narcotic poison; (2) that the notion of
this having been taken by accident was excluded even by the
prisoner’s own statement, and that the idea of suicide was entirely
at variance with the characters of the sufferers, and in the case of
the wife with the fact that suicides do not choose “a long, lingering,
and painful death;” (3) that the prisoner had in his possession the
means of administering poison as well as the opportunities; (4) that
in the three cases in which symptoms of antimonial poisoning were
felt by those who tasted the cheese, the egg flip, and the tapioca,
Page 504
the prisoner had the opportunities of dealing with these articles of
food before they were sent to his wife; (5) that in the remnant of
one of them—the tapioca—antimony to a large extent was found;
(6) that in a bottle of Battley’s solution found in the pocket of Mrs.
Taylor after her death aconite in deadly proportions was detected;
and (7) that there was a pecuniary motive, paltry as it might be
represented to be, to induce the prisoner to commit both these
murders.[159] Who, then, he said, put the antimony into the food?
who put that and the aconite into the Battley’s solution?
“Who, then,” continued the Solicitor-General, “was the
murderer? For there was a murder—a deliberate, cold-blooded,
cruel murder—committed in that house. Who was it? We know the
inmates. There were the two students of medicine. I suppose you
may lay them aside as having nothing to do with it. Suspicion does
not attach to them, neither had they the opportunity. The servants
change in the course of the enacting of this dreadful tragedy—all
but one. Catherine Lattimer was there until the 13th of February.
The poisoning went on after she left—the deaths both occurred after
she left. She was not the poisoner, nor was there a breath of
suspicion about her. Mary Patterson comes on the 16th of February.
The poisoning, indeed, goes on after she comes; but it had
commenced long before—weeks before. We, therefore, lay her
aside. There was Mary McLeod, a girl under seventeen, the only
remaining grown person in the house during the whole course of the
administration to which I need refer. I need not take any notice of
the children, who were the only other inmates of the house. See,
then, to what we have come. There was a murderer in the house—a
murderer practising the dreadful art of slow poisoning from the end
of December till past the middle of March. The only two grown
persons, except the boarders, who were in the house during that time
—the only two who had access to the patients—were the prisoner at
the bar and Mary McLeod. This is narrowing the case to a very short
question. I have excluded every other idea from the case, by fair,
food before they were sent to his wife; (5) that in the remnant of
one of them—the tapioca—antimony to a large extent was found;
(6) that in a bottle of Battley’s solution found in the pocket of Mrs.
Taylor after her death aconite in deadly proportions was detected;
and (7) that there was a pecuniary motive, paltry as it might be
represented to be, to induce the prisoner to commit both these
murders.[159] Who, then, he said, put the antimony into the food?
who put that and the aconite into the Battley’s solution?
“Who, then,” continued the Solicitor-General, “was the
murderer? For there was a murder—a deliberate, cold-blooded,
cruel murder—committed in that house. Who was it? We know the
inmates. There were the two students of medicine. I suppose you
may lay them aside as having nothing to do with it. Suspicion does
not attach to them, neither had they the opportunity. The servants
change in the course of the enacting of this dreadful tragedy—all
but one. Catherine Lattimer was there until the 13th of February.
The poisoning went on after she left—the deaths both occurred after
she left. She was not the poisoner, nor was there a breath of
suspicion about her. Mary Patterson comes on the 16th of February.
The poisoning, indeed, goes on after she comes; but it had
commenced long before—weeks before. We, therefore, lay her
aside. There was Mary McLeod, a girl under seventeen, the only
remaining grown person in the house during the whole course of the
administration to which I need refer. I need not take any notice of
the children, who were the only other inmates of the house. See,
then, to what we have come. There was a murderer in the house—a
murderer practising the dreadful art of slow poisoning from the end
of December till past the middle of March. The only two grown
persons, except the boarders, who were in the house during that time
—the only two who had access to the patients—were the prisoner at
the bar and Mary McLeod. This is narrowing the case to a very short
question. I have excluded every other idea from the case, by fair,
Page 505
legitimate, convincing argument, upon evidence that is not open to
dispute. I have excluded the notion of natural death. I have
established the fact of death by poison. I have excluded the idea of
death by accident, by suicide, by the administration medicinally.
You are shut up, therefore, to murderous administration.... I find that
the only two who had access to these miserable victims, and had any
opportunity to perpetrate the murders with which they are charged,
were the prisoner and this one girl. Now, pray, consider, with respect
to the wife, upon the question whether or no the prisoner is not the
man clearly proved by irresistible evidence to be so, what was the
nature of the murder? It was a murder in which you almost detect a
doctor’s finger. It is gradual poisoning—poisoning so as not to kill
but to weaken; leaving off for a day, and then resuming again—one
day better, two days worse. During the whole time the patient
exhibited the symptoms of vomiting and purging, the result of the
action of antimony. You have that going on for a long time under the
very eye of a medical man, the husband of the victim, who was in
close attendance upon her. Do you think anybody else—do you
think a girl of seventeen could have done that deed? She knew
nothing about antimony.[160] If she did not do it, the prisoner must
have done it. And what is his case? His case respecting his own
wife, who was thus demonstrably being poisoned by inches under
his very eye during this long period—what is his case? “I thought it
was gastric fever,” he says. Gastric fever! Nobody could have
thought it was gastric fever. Nothing like gastric fever in it. Nothing
like anything except what it was—slow, cruel poisoning, which
brought, in the course of two or three months, this poor woman to
the grave, with such an amount of poison in her body.”
Referring, then, to the false statements made by the prisoner in
the case of Mrs. Taylor—that she had tumbled off her chair in his
consulting room in a fit, and been carried up to bed, when it was
proved that she had walked up to her bedroom from his consulting
room—had during the evening called to one of the servants to go
out and get sausages for supper—had had no tumble or fit, and that
dispute. I have excluded the notion of natural death. I have
established the fact of death by poison. I have excluded the idea of
death by accident, by suicide, by the administration medicinally.
You are shut up, therefore, to murderous administration.... I find that
the only two who had access to these miserable victims, and had any
opportunity to perpetrate the murders with which they are charged,
were the prisoner and this one girl. Now, pray, consider, with respect
to the wife, upon the question whether or no the prisoner is not the
man clearly proved by irresistible evidence to be so, what was the
nature of the murder? It was a murder in which you almost detect a
doctor’s finger. It is gradual poisoning—poisoning so as not to kill
but to weaken; leaving off for a day, and then resuming again—one
day better, two days worse. During the whole time the patient
exhibited the symptoms of vomiting and purging, the result of the
action of antimony. You have that going on for a long time under the
very eye of a medical man, the husband of the victim, who was in
close attendance upon her. Do you think anybody else—do you
think a girl of seventeen could have done that deed? She knew
nothing about antimony.[160] If she did not do it, the prisoner must
have done it. And what is his case? His case respecting his own
wife, who was thus demonstrably being poisoned by inches under
his very eye during this long period—what is his case? “I thought it
was gastric fever,” he says. Gastric fever! Nobody could have
thought it was gastric fever. Nothing like gastric fever in it. Nothing
like anything except what it was—slow, cruel poisoning, which
brought, in the course of two or three months, this poor woman to
the grave, with such an amount of poison in her body.”
Referring, then, to the false statements made by the prisoner in
the case of Mrs. Taylor—that she had tumbled off her chair in his
consulting room in a fit, and been carried up to bed, when it was
proved that she had walked up to her bedroom from his consulting
room—had during the evening called to one of the servants to go
out and get sausages for supper—had had no tumble or fit, and that
Page 506
the doctor himself knew nothing about her attack till the bell rang
violently three times—that hot water had been taken up by the
servant to make her vomit—the strange statement to Dr. Paterson
before the bottle of “Battley” was found in Mrs. Taylor’s pocket,
that she had purchased half-a-pound of it a few days before—the
false certificate of her death, “paralysis for twelve hours and
apoplexy for one hour,” when there was no paralysis except the
paralytic affection caused by the aconite, and that was not before
she went upstairs at nine o’clock in the evening, only four hours
before her death: then referring to the tapioca purchased entirely
for Mrs. Taylor’s use, into which antimony was put by some one;
the Solicitor-General said:—
“Keep in view that the method of poisoning alleged against the
prisoner here is not the giving a dose that would kill, but the
introducing it into the food in such quantities that the taking would
not kill, but produce sickness merely—the intention being to
produce and continue the sickness for months, the fatal termination
then supervening. A poisoner in this way practises the dreadful art
successfully, and could not be very apprehensive of even himself or
any one else taking the food accidentally, as it would only make
them sick. He knows that to produce death it will be necessary to
continue it for a long time. Into this tapioca antimony is introduced
—sufficient to produce sickness in anybody taking it, but not death.
But Mrs. Pritchard does not get this tapioca. It is taken by Mrs.
Taylor, and she is seized immediately by symptoms of poisoning by
antimony. She is sick in the same way—I think she expressed it—as
her daughter was; because the effects were the same. That tapioca
was not put away, as it might be required again; and if Mrs.
Pritchard had wanted tapioca again, she would have got that, and the
poisoning would have been carried on by its means. If anybody else
got it, it would be a misfortune, but not much more. And who could
have introduced it but the master of the house, who was an adept in
such a mode of poisoning.—I do not know how many, if more than
violently three times—that hot water had been taken up by the
servant to make her vomit—the strange statement to Dr. Paterson
before the bottle of “Battley” was found in Mrs. Taylor’s pocket,
that she had purchased half-a-pound of it a few days before—the
false certificate of her death, “paralysis for twelve hours and
apoplexy for one hour,” when there was no paralysis except the
paralytic affection caused by the aconite, and that was not before
she went upstairs at nine o’clock in the evening, only four hours
before her death: then referring to the tapioca purchased entirely
for Mrs. Taylor’s use, into which antimony was put by some one;
the Solicitor-General said:—
“Keep in view that the method of poisoning alleged against the
prisoner here is not the giving a dose that would kill, but the
introducing it into the food in such quantities that the taking would
not kill, but produce sickness merely—the intention being to
produce and continue the sickness for months, the fatal termination
then supervening. A poisoner in this way practises the dreadful art
successfully, and could not be very apprehensive of even himself or
any one else taking the food accidentally, as it would only make
them sick. He knows that to produce death it will be necessary to
continue it for a long time. Into this tapioca antimony is introduced
—sufficient to produce sickness in anybody taking it, but not death.
But Mrs. Pritchard does not get this tapioca. It is taken by Mrs.
Taylor, and she is seized immediately by symptoms of poisoning by
antimony. She is sick in the same way—I think she expressed it—as
her daughter was; because the effects were the same. That tapioca
was not put away, as it might be required again; and if Mrs.
Pritchard had wanted tapioca again, she would have got that, and the
poisoning would have been carried on by its means. If anybody else
got it, it would be a misfortune, but not much more. And who could
have introduced it but the master of the house, who was an adept in
such a mode of poisoning.—I do not know how many, if more than
Page 507
one, partook of poisoned food; but some food had been poisoned. I
take that for granted, and that it had been taken by one of the
boarders, Connell, I think. But that is not presented as part of the
case. He was one day more or less sick. The prisoner does not seem
to have been alarmed about it—he does not seem to have been
alarmed even when he himself was sick upon some occasion in
February. He knew very well there was no occasion for alarm, for
sickness was the end of it; that it would require a long sickness in
order to produce anything like a fatal result.”
Briefly, then, reviewing the points he had made, the Solicitor-
General concluded his exhaustive address.
THE DEFENCE.
Mr. Rutherford Clark, in the opening of his speech, urged on
the jury that the enormity of the double crime required it “to be
proved by evidence strong, clear, overwhelming, that brought home
to their minds and consciences, without the slightest suspicion on
the testimony, the guilt of the prisoner,” and that “the motives
assigned for it were not such as could ever have, in the slightest
degree, actuated any human being to the commission of such
hideous offences.” Whilst he could not deny that he had the
opportunity of committing the crime, he contended “that it went a
very short way—indeed no way at all—in even suggesting or
indicating his guilt.”
“If,” he said, “you find a case where crime is committed, and
where the person charged with committing it has made an
opportunity for himself—has been zealous in obtaining
opportunities—then opportunity is of the greatest possible
importance and the strongest possible evidence; but to say that he
has opportunity in this case is nothing more than to say it was likely,
as indeed it was true, that the husband who was attending the sick
take that for granted, and that it had been taken by one of the
boarders, Connell, I think. But that is not presented as part of the
case. He was one day more or less sick. The prisoner does not seem
to have been alarmed about it—he does not seem to have been
alarmed even when he himself was sick upon some occasion in
February. He knew very well there was no occasion for alarm, for
sickness was the end of it; that it would require a long sickness in
order to produce anything like a fatal result.”
Briefly, then, reviewing the points he had made, the Solicitor-
General concluded his exhaustive address.
THE DEFENCE.
Mr. Rutherford Clark, in the opening of his speech, urged on
the jury that the enormity of the double crime required it “to be
proved by evidence strong, clear, overwhelming, that brought home
to their minds and consciences, without the slightest suspicion on
the testimony, the guilt of the prisoner,” and that “the motives
assigned for it were not such as could ever have, in the slightest
degree, actuated any human being to the commission of such
hideous offences.” Whilst he could not deny that he had the
opportunity of committing the crime, he contended “that it went a
very short way—indeed no way at all—in even suggesting or
indicating his guilt.”
“If,” he said, “you find a case where crime is committed, and
where the person charged with committing it has made an
opportunity for himself—has been zealous in obtaining
opportunities—then opportunity is of the greatest possible
importance and the strongest possible evidence; but to say that he
has opportunity in this case is nothing more than to say it was likely,
as indeed it was true, that the husband who was attending the sick
Page 508
bed of his wife, should carry to her some of her meals, and send up
others with her meals. But that he should do so is, I am sure, nothing
unnatural—nothing to suggest guilt. It would have been frightfully
suggestive of guilt, if, instead of sending up these meals, and taking
them up himself, he had always chosen some other agent to carry
them up and to administer the food she was taking. If that had been
the case, I should have been inclined to say that the Crown would
have had a case much more strong to indicate guilt, than they have
when, as it is stated here, that he was administering to the comfort
of his wife while upon her death-bed.”[161]
On the point that the prisoner was in possession of the means of
poisoning, “he was,” he said, “by profession a doctor, and had, no
doubt, as most doctors have, considerable quantities of drugs in his
possession. Whether he had more than most medical men kept in
their houses was a matter of opinion, but it was absurd to suppose
that he accumulated these large quantities of most powerful and
destructive poisons—a minute dose of many of which would have
been fatal—for the purpose of murder.”[162]
“But,” continued Mr. Clark, “it is not unimportant, in considering
this question, and it is very important especially in considering the
argument of the Solicitor-General, that these poisons were kept, not
in any locked press, but, on the contrary, within the reach of the
household. It is a remark I have made, that there was not one of the
poisoned articles of food which ever reached the lips of Mrs. Taylor
or Mrs. Pritchard without passing through other hands than the
prisoner’s, and it is odd enough that, in regard to each of them, the
person who administered it and who carried away the food left, is
this girl, Mary McLeod. It will not do for the Solicitor-General to
say, ‘I have established that one of two persons must have
committed these crimes,’ and that you can trace the particular finger
of the medical man in connection with them. Probability will never
support a conviction. It will not do for him to say, as regards the
death of Mrs. Pritchard, that it was the act either of the prisoner or
others with her meals. But that he should do so is, I am sure, nothing
unnatural—nothing to suggest guilt. It would have been frightfully
suggestive of guilt, if, instead of sending up these meals, and taking
them up himself, he had always chosen some other agent to carry
them up and to administer the food she was taking. If that had been
the case, I should have been inclined to say that the Crown would
have had a case much more strong to indicate guilt, than they have
when, as it is stated here, that he was administering to the comfort
of his wife while upon her death-bed.”[161]
On the point that the prisoner was in possession of the means of
poisoning, “he was,” he said, “by profession a doctor, and had, no
doubt, as most doctors have, considerable quantities of drugs in his
possession. Whether he had more than most medical men kept in
their houses was a matter of opinion, but it was absurd to suppose
that he accumulated these large quantities of most powerful and
destructive poisons—a minute dose of many of which would have
been fatal—for the purpose of murder.”[162]
“But,” continued Mr. Clark, “it is not unimportant, in considering
this question, and it is very important especially in considering the
argument of the Solicitor-General, that these poisons were kept, not
in any locked press, but, on the contrary, within the reach of the
household. It is a remark I have made, that there was not one of the
poisoned articles of food which ever reached the lips of Mrs. Taylor
or Mrs. Pritchard without passing through other hands than the
prisoner’s, and it is odd enough that, in regard to each of them, the
person who administered it and who carried away the food left, is
this girl, Mary McLeod. It will not do for the Solicitor-General to
say, ‘I have established that one of two persons must have
committed these crimes,’ and that you can trace the particular finger
of the medical man in connection with them. Probability will never
support a conviction. It will not do for him to say, as regards the
death of Mrs. Pritchard, that it was the act either of the prisoner or
Page 509
Mary McLeod, and that it was not likely that a girl of under
seventeen would have the skill to do it. Do you not think that he
shrinks from the onus of proof when he accepts this convenient
mode of getting rid of the difficulty, as he must prove that it is one
of those two who did it. He must prove by evidence that it was not
Mary McLeod or some one else in the house, and it was only by
showing that it was not Mary McLeod, that he can bring this charge
home, to the prisoner.” [Mr. Clark then noticed that the question was
put to Lattimer whether she put anything into the tapioca, but that
that question was not put to Mary McLeod.] “It is a singular
omission in the case of the Crown, which necessarily depends upon
being able to select between those two persons, whom the Solicitor-
General stated were the only two who could have committed the
murder, that they did not venture to put the question to exclude upon
her evidence the fact that she might have been guilty. And this is all
the more strong that I shall trace every article of poisoned food
immediately through her hands.”[163]
Subsequently he reviewed the evidence as to each of the three
poisoned articles of food.
“Let us see,” he said, “about this tapioca:—it was suggested,
apparently through Mrs. Taylor, that Mrs. Pritchard would like
some. Accordingly some tapioca is brought by a little boy, and it is
brought in, and received by Mary McLeod. She says she placed it
for some short time on the lobby table. Catherine Lattimer says
Mary McLeod took it down to her, but Mary says Mrs. Taylor did.
Now the suggestion of the Crown is that the prisoner put antimony
in this tapioca, so nicely adjusted to the quantity bought as to
produce sickness leading to death, but not so as to produce death
itself. It would certainly have been of some importance to have
shown that he had any opportunity of administering or putting any
poison into it, but it is not proved—there is not a shadow of
evidence that he had any opportunity, or to show that he was in the
house at the time. He was a man accustomed to exercise an active
seventeen would have the skill to do it. Do you not think that he
shrinks from the onus of proof when he accepts this convenient
mode of getting rid of the difficulty, as he must prove that it is one
of those two who did it. He must prove by evidence that it was not
Mary McLeod or some one else in the house, and it was only by
showing that it was not Mary McLeod, that he can bring this charge
home, to the prisoner.” [Mr. Clark then noticed that the question was
put to Lattimer whether she put anything into the tapioca, but that
that question was not put to Mary McLeod.] “It is a singular
omission in the case of the Crown, which necessarily depends upon
being able to select between those two persons, whom the Solicitor-
General stated were the only two who could have committed the
murder, that they did not venture to put the question to exclude upon
her evidence the fact that she might have been guilty. And this is all
the more strong that I shall trace every article of poisoned food
immediately through her hands.”[163]
Subsequently he reviewed the evidence as to each of the three
poisoned articles of food.
“Let us see,” he said, “about this tapioca:—it was suggested,
apparently through Mrs. Taylor, that Mrs. Pritchard would like
some. Accordingly some tapioca is brought by a little boy, and it is
brought in, and received by Mary McLeod. She says she placed it
for some short time on the lobby table. Catherine Lattimer says
Mary McLeod took it down to her, but Mary says Mrs. Taylor did.
Now the suggestion of the Crown is that the prisoner put antimony
in this tapioca, so nicely adjusted to the quantity bought as to
produce sickness leading to death, but not so as to produce death
itself. It would certainly have been of some importance to have
shown that he had any opportunity of administering or putting any
poison into it, but it is not proved—there is not a shadow of
evidence that he had any opportunity, or to show that he was in the
house at the time. He was a man accustomed to exercise an active
Page 510
profession, and, of course, would naturally be out at that period of
the day; but at all events it is not shown that he was aware that his
wife desired tapioca, or that his mother-in-law had ordered it. It is
not even shown that there was the least possibility of his introducing
antimony into that bag. It is prepared and carried up by Mary
McLeod to her mistress, who declines to take it, and it is taken by
Mrs. Taylor, who was taken ill after partaking of it.”
Again, as to the poisoned bit of cheese:—
“It is spoken to by Mary McLeod. She tells you she had taken up
the tray for supper, and that on it was the cheese and other things
which were placed on the table at which Dr. Taylor and the other
inmates of the house are sitting; that she came out, and that, on
returning again, Dr. Pritchard handed to her a piece of cheese to take
to her mistress. She did not see him cut off the piece of cheese, but
he handed it to her sitting at the table; and it is perfectly obvious it
must have been cut off the cheese eaten by the family at supper. If
he placed antimony upon it, it must have been in the presence of the
persons at supper—a piece of yellow cheese which must have
indicated the powder of tartarised antimony, if placed upon it.[164]—
It was not asked if it were possible to put this tartarised antimony
upon the cheese while sitting at supper. I leave you to judge if it
were possible. It was taken up oddly enough—I cannot help
noticing the coincidence—by Mary McLeod. She says she ate part
of it, and that it did her no harm; but the residue was taken down
into the kitchen and eaten by Patterson, and she suffered from
vomiting.”
Again, as to the poisoned egg-flip:—
“The doctor comes and tells his servant to prepare some, a thing
not unnatural to be taken by a person with a delicate stomach, and
for a medical man to order. But it is said this was a plot for Dr.
Pritchard to get in his drugs in this way. He supposes that he went
through the dining-room and got the sugar, and then into the
the day; but at all events it is not shown that he was aware that his
wife desired tapioca, or that his mother-in-law had ordered it. It is
not even shown that there was the least possibility of his introducing
antimony into that bag. It is prepared and carried up by Mary
McLeod to her mistress, who declines to take it, and it is taken by
Mrs. Taylor, who was taken ill after partaking of it.”
Again, as to the poisoned bit of cheese:—
“It is spoken to by Mary McLeod. She tells you she had taken up
the tray for supper, and that on it was the cheese and other things
which were placed on the table at which Dr. Taylor and the other
inmates of the house are sitting; that she came out, and that, on
returning again, Dr. Pritchard handed to her a piece of cheese to take
to her mistress. She did not see him cut off the piece of cheese, but
he handed it to her sitting at the table; and it is perfectly obvious it
must have been cut off the cheese eaten by the family at supper. If
he placed antimony upon it, it must have been in the presence of the
persons at supper—a piece of yellow cheese which must have
indicated the powder of tartarised antimony, if placed upon it.[164]—
It was not asked if it were possible to put this tartarised antimony
upon the cheese while sitting at supper. I leave you to judge if it
were possible. It was taken up oddly enough—I cannot help
noticing the coincidence—by Mary McLeod. She says she ate part
of it, and that it did her no harm; but the residue was taken down
into the kitchen and eaten by Patterson, and she suffered from
vomiting.”
Again, as to the poisoned egg-flip:—
“The doctor comes and tells his servant to prepare some, a thing
not unnatural to be taken by a person with a delicate stomach, and
for a medical man to order. But it is said this was a plot for Dr.
Pritchard to get in his drugs in this way. He supposes that he went
through the dining-room and got the sugar, and then into the
Page 511
consulting-room, and then into the pantry, and dropped the pieces of
sugar, on which he had put antimony, into the egg. Does he give any
proof of this? Does he suggest anything more than suspicion? The
Crown seems to have doubted whether he could on the sugar have
put in so much antimony as to have produced the effects which the
servant girl says she suffered. Dr. Littlejohn thought it possible, but
he had never tried the experiment. A possibility at the best—a large
possibility—that he could have put in the drug. Was the egg-flip
capable of producing the effects which are said to have been caused
by it? ‘Barely possible,’ according to Dr. Littlejohn. What is its
history: does it pass through his hands? No. It was left by Patterson
in the pantry, and Mary McLeod came down for it to the kitchen.
She was told it was in the pantry, and she goes up to bring it down
again. There, again, you have Mary McLeod intervening in the
matter, notwithstanding the dilemma on which the Solicitor-General
placed his case: she it is who carries it up to the bedroom, and she it
is who administers it to the patient who is suffering there. There is
another remarkable thing in this case. The amount of antimony
introduced must have been a very powerful dose, because, taking
only a teaspoonful of the egg-flip as Patterson did, she lay vomiting
and suffering all night. Mrs. Pritchard took a wine-glassful, and
vomited for about half an hour afterwards. Surely if a strong woman
took only a teaspoonful, and a weak woman a wine-glassful, she
would have been destroyed by the poison that had so powerful an
effect on the former.”[165]
Again, with reference to the bottle of Battley’s solution found
in Mrs. Taylor’s dress after her death, into which it was suggested
that the prisoner had put the aconite and antimony discovered in it,
said Mr. Clark:—
“He knew, no doubt, that she was taking it, but it is not in the
least degree proved that he knew where it was, in what bottle it was,
or where Mrs. Taylor kept the bottle. Mary McLeod did know, for
she bought it for Mrs. Taylor. But what is the ground of suggestion
sugar, on which he had put antimony, into the egg. Does he give any
proof of this? Does he suggest anything more than suspicion? The
Crown seems to have doubted whether he could on the sugar have
put in so much antimony as to have produced the effects which the
servant girl says she suffered. Dr. Littlejohn thought it possible, but
he had never tried the experiment. A possibility at the best—a large
possibility—that he could have put in the drug. Was the egg-flip
capable of producing the effects which are said to have been caused
by it? ‘Barely possible,’ according to Dr. Littlejohn. What is its
history: does it pass through his hands? No. It was left by Patterson
in the pantry, and Mary McLeod came down for it to the kitchen.
She was told it was in the pantry, and she goes up to bring it down
again. There, again, you have Mary McLeod intervening in the
matter, notwithstanding the dilemma on which the Solicitor-General
placed his case: she it is who carries it up to the bedroom, and she it
is who administers it to the patient who is suffering there. There is
another remarkable thing in this case. The amount of antimony
introduced must have been a very powerful dose, because, taking
only a teaspoonful of the egg-flip as Patterson did, she lay vomiting
and suffering all night. Mrs. Pritchard took a wine-glassful, and
vomited for about half an hour afterwards. Surely if a strong woman
took only a teaspoonful, and a weak woman a wine-glassful, she
would have been destroyed by the poison that had so powerful an
effect on the former.”[165]
Again, with reference to the bottle of Battley’s solution found
in Mrs. Taylor’s dress after her death, into which it was suggested
that the prisoner had put the aconite and antimony discovered in it,
said Mr. Clark:—
“He knew, no doubt, that she was taking it, but it is not in the
least degree proved that he knew where it was, in what bottle it was,
or where Mrs. Taylor kept the bottle. Mary McLeod did know, for
she bought it for Mrs. Taylor. But what is the ground of suggestion
Page 512
that aconite had been put into that bottle before Mrs. Taylor had it?
All that you have is that Drs. Maclagan and Littlejohn say there
was, and that they were contradicted by the person who actually
observed its effects. And what became of this bottle? It was found
on her person after her death. Is it possible to suppose that he had
the means of getting at the bottle before her death to introduce the
poison? How could he? It was carried about her person, and there is
not the slightest suggestion that he ever had access to it; and yet you
are asked to act upon that suggestion, because it is said, ‘You may
probably trace the administration of a medical hand.’ No:
probabilities are not in this case. It is proof, and proof alone, that we
can go on. What was the history of the bottle? It was found in her
clothes, no doubt, when the body was being dressed by Patterson
and Nabb, and even they did not know the very great quantity,
perhaps, that this old lady had taken. But still more, supposing that
she should take no aconite, she had taken sufficient of the mixture to
account for her death. Assuming that the highest mark on the bottle,
as taken by Dr. Paterson, is a correct one, it would come to be not
less than 2¾ ounces that had been taken. It was shown that the
bottle was put by for some time; but if it was taken away after the
murder, that is of very little consequence. If he had put antimony in
it, would it not have been very easy for him to have thrown the
bottle aside? But instead of that, we have him expressing his
surprise to these two women that she had taken such a great
quantity. He takes away the bottle, and brings it back again, and
there it remains until examined by Dr. Penny, who then finds that it
contains some aconite and antimony. But where is the shadow of a
proof that he put it there? The bottle was lying open—was not
locked up in any way: it remained in the house from the death of
Mrs. Taylor till after the prisoner was apprehended, more than a
month afterwards. Any person in the house might have access to it,
and yet all that can be suggested to prove that the prisoner put in
this antimony and aconite before her death was contained in the
observation of my learned friend, that you could trace, or that you
could probably trace here, the finger of a medical man.”[166]
All that you have is that Drs. Maclagan and Littlejohn say there
was, and that they were contradicted by the person who actually
observed its effects. And what became of this bottle? It was found
on her person after her death. Is it possible to suppose that he had
the means of getting at the bottle before her death to introduce the
poison? How could he? It was carried about her person, and there is
not the slightest suggestion that he ever had access to it; and yet you
are asked to act upon that suggestion, because it is said, ‘You may
probably trace the administration of a medical hand.’ No:
probabilities are not in this case. It is proof, and proof alone, that we
can go on. What was the history of the bottle? It was found in her
clothes, no doubt, when the body was being dressed by Patterson
and Nabb, and even they did not know the very great quantity,
perhaps, that this old lady had taken. But still more, supposing that
she should take no aconite, she had taken sufficient of the mixture to
account for her death. Assuming that the highest mark on the bottle,
as taken by Dr. Paterson, is a correct one, it would come to be not
less than 2¾ ounces that had been taken. It was shown that the
bottle was put by for some time; but if it was taken away after the
murder, that is of very little consequence. If he had put antimony in
it, would it not have been very easy for him to have thrown the
bottle aside? But instead of that, we have him expressing his
surprise to these two women that she had taken such a great
quantity. He takes away the bottle, and brings it back again, and
there it remains until examined by Dr. Penny, who then finds that it
contains some aconite and antimony. But where is the shadow of a
proof that he put it there? The bottle was lying open—was not
locked up in any way: it remained in the house from the death of
Mrs. Taylor till after the prisoner was apprehended, more than a
month afterwards. Any person in the house might have access to it,
and yet all that can be suggested to prove that the prisoner put in
this antimony and aconite before her death was contained in the
observation of my learned friend, that you could trace, or that you
could probably trace here, the finger of a medical man.”[166]
Page 513
The false statement in the certificate of death, Mr. Clark
attributed to a desire of sparing the feelings of the husband. He did
not justify the morality of the act, but, looking at the circumstances,
asked the jury “if there was any degree of guilty knowledge when
he asked Dr. Paterson to inform his father-in-law of the cause of
death, and he was only forced to take that step by his refusal.” With
Dr. Paterson’s manner in the witness-box he naturally dealt in the
most severe language of reproof and censure.
“I do not believe,” he said, in concluding his remarks on this
witness, “he saw any symptoms of poisoning, or he would have
acted as any other medical man would have acted—unselfishly,
nobly, and generously in this matter. And when you see that this is
inconsistent with the whole conduct of the profession to which he
belongs, I ask you to disbelieve many of the statements he makes.
You cannot rely on these statements, given with a bias, for he tells
you what is incredible, or only credible at the loss of his own
honour, which I am sure he will strive studiously to guard. He has
become a partisan in this matter altogether, and forgot what is due to
his position and his profession. All that can be said of Dr. Paterson
is this,—that he speaks about the prisoner, of his mother-in-law, and
speaks further about what he said of her falling; yet even after all,
this is merely an account of a circumstance given by him some
months, or, if you like, a month after the case occurred. And because
the prisoner made some statements not exactly consistent with the
truth as now disclosed on the evidence, are you to believe, on Dr.
Paterson’s statement, and upon his statement only, that these
statements were made so as to show guilty knowledge. I can quite
understand that after there is proof of administration you may
support that proof by evidence of falsehoods which the prisoner
may tell, if you have reliable evidence to prove that they were
stated. But when you have no evidence of administration of poison,
then the evidence is all the other way; then I think you cannot eke
out the probabilities of the case by appealing to these probabilities,
or to the falsehoods depending on evidence like that here, as
attributed to a desire of sparing the feelings of the husband. He did
not justify the morality of the act, but, looking at the circumstances,
asked the jury “if there was any degree of guilty knowledge when
he asked Dr. Paterson to inform his father-in-law of the cause of
death, and he was only forced to take that step by his refusal.” With
Dr. Paterson’s manner in the witness-box he naturally dealt in the
most severe language of reproof and censure.
“I do not believe,” he said, in concluding his remarks on this
witness, “he saw any symptoms of poisoning, or he would have
acted as any other medical man would have acted—unselfishly,
nobly, and generously in this matter. And when you see that this is
inconsistent with the whole conduct of the profession to which he
belongs, I ask you to disbelieve many of the statements he makes.
You cannot rely on these statements, given with a bias, for he tells
you what is incredible, or only credible at the loss of his own
honour, which I am sure he will strive studiously to guard. He has
become a partisan in this matter altogether, and forgot what is due to
his position and his profession. All that can be said of Dr. Paterson
is this,—that he speaks about the prisoner, of his mother-in-law, and
speaks further about what he said of her falling; yet even after all,
this is merely an account of a circumstance given by him some
months, or, if you like, a month after the case occurred. And because
the prisoner made some statements not exactly consistent with the
truth as now disclosed on the evidence, are you to believe, on Dr.
Paterson’s statement, and upon his statement only, that these
statements were made so as to show guilty knowledge. I can quite
understand that after there is proof of administration you may
support that proof by evidence of falsehoods which the prisoner
may tell, if you have reliable evidence to prove that they were
stated. But when you have no evidence of administration of poison,
then the evidence is all the other way; then I think you cannot eke
out the probabilities of the case by appealing to these probabilities,
or to the falsehoods depending on evidence like that here, as
Page 514
showing conclusively, beyond a reasonable doubt, that this prisoner
was the person who committed that foul crime upon the person of
his mother-in-law.”
Having thus commented on the evidence given for the
prosecution on all the leading points of the case, in masterly, if not
convincing arguments, in conclusion the prisoner’s counsel dwelt
on the admitted terms of affection in which he lived with his wife
and children—on the impossibility of believing in his commission
of such a cold-blooded murder, on the evidence adduced. “The
whole evidence of the Crown,” he said, “hangs upon probability,
and can never justify you in believing, in the first place, that he was
capable of committing the crime; and, in the second, it is hardly
conceivable that anything so unnatural should be committed by
such a man.”
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
On the fifth day, the Lord Justice Clerk summed up the
evidence in this protracted trial with great minuteness, in the course
of his charge reading to the jury nearly the whole of the evidence,
and meeting the various objections to its relevancy offered by the
prisoner’s counsel. There were three points, he said, for their
consideration. (1.) Did the two ladies, or either of them, die from
poison? (2.) If aye, was that poison administered for the purpose of
destroying life? (3.) Was it the prisoner who administered it?
On the first point, after calling their attention in detail to the
medical and analytical evidence in the case of Mrs. Pritchard, that
she died from slow antimonial poisoning, he said, did not appear to
have been contested by the prisoner’s counsel, and, upon the
evidence, he did not think it admitted of a doubt. As the evidence
showed that it was not from a large dose of antimony taken lately
was the person who committed that foul crime upon the person of
his mother-in-law.”
Having thus commented on the evidence given for the
prosecution on all the leading points of the case, in masterly, if not
convincing arguments, in conclusion the prisoner’s counsel dwelt
on the admitted terms of affection in which he lived with his wife
and children—on the impossibility of believing in his commission
of such a cold-blooded murder, on the evidence adduced. “The
whole evidence of the Crown,” he said, “hangs upon probability,
and can never justify you in believing, in the first place, that he was
capable of committing the crime; and, in the second, it is hardly
conceivable that anything so unnatural should be committed by
such a man.”
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
On the fifth day, the Lord Justice Clerk summed up the
evidence in this protracted trial with great minuteness, in the course
of his charge reading to the jury nearly the whole of the evidence,
and meeting the various objections to its relevancy offered by the
prisoner’s counsel. There were three points, he said, for their
consideration. (1.) Did the two ladies, or either of them, die from
poison? (2.) If aye, was that poison administered for the purpose of
destroying life? (3.) Was it the prisoner who administered it?
On the first point, after calling their attention in detail to the
medical and analytical evidence in the case of Mrs. Pritchard, that
she died from slow antimonial poisoning, he said, did not appear to
have been contested by the prisoner’s counsel, and, upon the
evidence, he did not think it admitted of a doubt. As the evidence
showed that it was not from a large dose of antimony taken lately
Page 515
before death that she had died, the idea of accident or mistake was
excluded. That it might have arisen from unskilful treatment by the
prisoner was negatived by his assertion that he had never
administered antimony to her, except once externally in October
last, which could have nothing to do with the state in which the
intestines were found in March. The idea of suicide by slow
poisoning, even if there had been any hint of a suicidal tendency on
Mrs. Pritchard’s part, was equally inadmissible: she must, if killed
by antimony, have had it administered to her for that purpose. In
Mrs. Taylor’s case, into the details of which he fully entered, one
was almost forced to the conclusion that her death was brought
about by the combined action of aconite, antimony, and opium. As
to the idea of accident in her case it was inconsistent with the fact
that the Battley’s solution was pure when bought. “Was it then,” he
added, “by accident that these two subtle poisons, aconite and
antimony, found their way into her medicine-bottle: if not by
accident, did she put them there herself, or had she any knowledge
of such things as to enable her, if she were willing, so to poison
herself by using her own medicine? There was no appearance of
that, and the character and conduct of the old lady, her natural
condition both of body and mind as you heard it described by the
witnesses, is such as not to suggest the idea of suicide in her case as
a possibility at all. Consider, then, with reference to both deaths,
whether you can arrive at the conclusion, or whether you can resist
the conclusion, that the poison by the means of which they were
deprived of life was wilfully given to them for the very purpose of
destroying life.”
Passing then to the third question, “Was the poison of which
these ladies died administered to them by the prisoner?” the Lord
Justice Clerk went with great minuteness through the painful
details of Mrs. Pritchard’s long and lingering illness, the symptoms
excluded. That it might have arisen from unskilful treatment by the
prisoner was negatived by his assertion that he had never
administered antimony to her, except once externally in October
last, which could have nothing to do with the state in which the
intestines were found in March. The idea of suicide by slow
poisoning, even if there had been any hint of a suicidal tendency on
Mrs. Pritchard’s part, was equally inadmissible: she must, if killed
by antimony, have had it administered to her for that purpose. In
Mrs. Taylor’s case, into the details of which he fully entered, one
was almost forced to the conclusion that her death was brought
about by the combined action of aconite, antimony, and opium. As
to the idea of accident in her case it was inconsistent with the fact
that the Battley’s solution was pure when bought. “Was it then,” he
added, “by accident that these two subtle poisons, aconite and
antimony, found their way into her medicine-bottle: if not by
accident, did she put them there herself, or had she any knowledge
of such things as to enable her, if she were willing, so to poison
herself by using her own medicine? There was no appearance of
that, and the character and conduct of the old lady, her natural
condition both of body and mind as you heard it described by the
witnesses, is such as not to suggest the idea of suicide in her case as
a possibility at all. Consider, then, with reference to both deaths,
whether you can arrive at the conclusion, or whether you can resist
the conclusion, that the poison by the means of which they were
deprived of life was wilfully given to them for the very purpose of
destroying life.”
Passing then to the third question, “Was the poison of which
these ladies died administered to them by the prisoner?” the Lord
Justice Clerk went with great minuteness through the painful
details of Mrs. Pritchard’s long and lingering illness, the symptoms
Page 516
which it exhibited, the prisoner’s misrepresentation of it as gastric
fever, when the medical men proved that there was no fever in the
case, but clear signs of antimonial poisoning, and the various acts
of the prisoner during it which were put forward as showing that he
had, and that he used, the opportunities his position offered, for the
purpose of administering the poison. The interest of this portion of
the charge, as well as of that relating to the symptoms and death of
Mrs. Taylor, and the prisoner’s conduct in relation to it, depends so
entirely on the judge’s method of marshalling the evidence, already
reported, that it could not be satisfactorily given except verbatim.
Many of the remarks of the learned judge, on these points of the
evidence, have already been reported in the notes. It will therefore
be sufficient to give, here, his remarks on the question of motive,
and on the suggestion of the prisoner’s counsel with regard to Mary
McLeod.
“In regard to the matter of motive, I would suggest to you that
the motive that his pecuniary difficulties would be relieved by the
death of Mrs. Taylor, does not seem to have been made out
satisfactorily. You will consider the evidence, but I confess I do not
think it worth while to set it before you again. Then, the question
comes to be, was there a motive? What is there in the shape of a
motive that may be supposed to account for the perpetration of two
such horrid crimes? That is the way it was stated, and ably stated, by
the prisoner’s counsel. But there are some considerations applicable
to that part of the case which I am bound to suggest to you. The
absence of motive, in the ordinary sense of the word, is not a very
uncommon thing in the experiences of a criminal court. In truth, the
existence of any adequate motive for the perpetration of a great
crime is a thing impossible. Still there may be what is called an
intelligent motive—the existence of some foul passion, or some
immediate and strong excitement, which, in a moment of half
frenzy, drives a man to the commission of murder. These are all very
evident and intelligible incentives to crime. But when we find that,
fever, when the medical men proved that there was no fever in the
case, but clear signs of antimonial poisoning, and the various acts
of the prisoner during it which were put forward as showing that he
had, and that he used, the opportunities his position offered, for the
purpose of administering the poison. The interest of this portion of
the charge, as well as of that relating to the symptoms and death of
Mrs. Taylor, and the prisoner’s conduct in relation to it, depends so
entirely on the judge’s method of marshalling the evidence, already
reported, that it could not be satisfactorily given except verbatim.
Many of the remarks of the learned judge, on these points of the
evidence, have already been reported in the notes. It will therefore
be sufficient to give, here, his remarks on the question of motive,
and on the suggestion of the prisoner’s counsel with regard to Mary
McLeod.
“In regard to the matter of motive, I would suggest to you that
the motive that his pecuniary difficulties would be relieved by the
death of Mrs. Taylor, does not seem to have been made out
satisfactorily. You will consider the evidence, but I confess I do not
think it worth while to set it before you again. Then, the question
comes to be, was there a motive? What is there in the shape of a
motive that may be supposed to account for the perpetration of two
such horrid crimes? That is the way it was stated, and ably stated, by
the prisoner’s counsel. But there are some considerations applicable
to that part of the case which I am bound to suggest to you. The
absence of motive, in the ordinary sense of the word, is not a very
uncommon thing in the experiences of a criminal court. In truth, the
existence of any adequate motive for the perpetration of a great
crime is a thing impossible. Still there may be what is called an
intelligent motive—the existence of some foul passion, or some
immediate and strong excitement, which, in a moment of half
frenzy, drives a man to the commission of murder. These are all very
evident and intelligible incentives to crime. But when we find that,
Page 517
in the opinion of the prisoner’s counsel, there is no motive, it means
no more than this, that the motive has not been discovered. There
must have been a motive or incentive, and yet we may never
discover what it was. You are never in a condition to say that there
was no motive, but only that the motive was not discovered; and the
motives of human action, we know from history and experience, are
often inscrutable. Another motive or incentive has been suggested—
the illicit relation between himself and Mary McLeod. This is a very
important part of the case undoubtedly, and one to which you are
bound to give due attention. The prosecution suggests that the
existence of that intercourse was the reason or the desire that led
him to get rid of his wife. If that was the incentive, I do not think
there will be much difficulty in explaining the incentive to the
commission of the other murder; because her presence in the course
of the chronic poisoning of his wife would have been a great
obstruction and interference with his plans.[167] But it is for you to
say whether it is a sufficient motive. It is a fair question for your
consideration, and I should desire you to turn your minds to it very
seriously; keeping only in mind this view, that even supposing you
find it impossible to assign an intelligible motive for the
commission of one or both of these murders, the absence of
evidence of motive is not sufficient reason for acquitting the
prisoner, if you are satisfied from the other evidence in the case that
he was guilty. Motive, after all, can but create a presumption one
way or another. It is not evidence of the fact of murder, that a man
has an obvious motive to commit it; and just as little can the absence
of proof of the existence of a motive be a reason for finding the
prisoner not guilty, if the evidence of the fact of the murder be
satisfactory against him.”
Again, after having shown how no imputation could rest on the
servants Lattimer and Patterson, the learned judge thus dealt with
the imputation thrown out by the prisoner’s counsel against Mary
McLeod:—
no more than this, that the motive has not been discovered. There
must have been a motive or incentive, and yet we may never
discover what it was. You are never in a condition to say that there
was no motive, but only that the motive was not discovered; and the
motives of human action, we know from history and experience, are
often inscrutable. Another motive or incentive has been suggested—
the illicit relation between himself and Mary McLeod. This is a very
important part of the case undoubtedly, and one to which you are
bound to give due attention. The prosecution suggests that the
existence of that intercourse was the reason or the desire that led
him to get rid of his wife. If that was the incentive, I do not think
there will be much difficulty in explaining the incentive to the
commission of the other murder; because her presence in the course
of the chronic poisoning of his wife would have been a great
obstruction and interference with his plans.[167] But it is for you to
say whether it is a sufficient motive. It is a fair question for your
consideration, and I should desire you to turn your minds to it very
seriously; keeping only in mind this view, that even supposing you
find it impossible to assign an intelligible motive for the
commission of one or both of these murders, the absence of
evidence of motive is not sufficient reason for acquitting the
prisoner, if you are satisfied from the other evidence in the case that
he was guilty. Motive, after all, can but create a presumption one
way or another. It is not evidence of the fact of murder, that a man
has an obvious motive to commit it; and just as little can the absence
of proof of the existence of a motive be a reason for finding the
prisoner not guilty, if the evidence of the fact of the murder be
satisfactory against him.”
Again, after having shown how no imputation could rest on the
servants Lattimer and Patterson, the learned judge thus dealt with
the imputation thrown out by the prisoner’s counsel against Mary
McLeod:—
Page 518
“He has said that there was another girl there who stands in a
very different position, and that it appears, singularly enough, that
whenever an article of food was to be carried to Mrs. Pritchard,
Mary McLeod’s is the hand that bears it. In short, if I understand
aright his theory, it is Mary McLeod who caused these murders, and
he invites you to choose between her and the prisoner, and to
pronounce upon a balance of probabilities which of the two it was.
This is a very painful position for you to be placed in. If it be
necessary that you should decide absolutely between the two it must
be done. At the same time the prisoner’s counsel did not seem
sufficiently to advert, in considering the point, to the possibility that
both might have been implicated, and, if that was so, I suppose we
should have little doubt which was the master and which was the
servant; and, although the one might be the active hand that
administered the poison, if two were concerned, you would have
very little doubt who was the actor, and who set on the other. And, in
fact, if you should arrive at this conclusion, every article that the
prisoner’s counsel alluded to for the purpose of throwing the guilt
on Mary McLeod would be an article of evidence to implicate the
prisoner at the bar. But I do not desire you to take this theory. On
the contrary, I think it quite right that you should consider on the
balance of probabilities, as has been very well said, which of the
two is the perpetrator of this crime; and in considering this, it is
necessary for you to advert to this—that the poison was
administered in doses—in doses any one of which was insufficient
to kill, but which was quite sufficient, in the agony it produced, and
by the gradual reduction of the strength of the patient, at length to
lead to a fatal termination. Is it conceivable that a girl of fifteen or
sixteen years of age, in the position of a servant maid, could of
herself have conceived and executed such a design, within this
house, under the eye and subject to the vigilance of the husband of
her victim, himself a medical man? That is very hard to believe. On
the other hand, if you can suppose that the prisoner was the person
who conceived and executed this wicked design, it is not so difficult
to believe that Mary McLeod may have been the perfectly
unconscious instrument of carrying out his purpose—suspecting
very different position, and that it appears, singularly enough, that
whenever an article of food was to be carried to Mrs. Pritchard,
Mary McLeod’s is the hand that bears it. In short, if I understand
aright his theory, it is Mary McLeod who caused these murders, and
he invites you to choose between her and the prisoner, and to
pronounce upon a balance of probabilities which of the two it was.
This is a very painful position for you to be placed in. If it be
necessary that you should decide absolutely between the two it must
be done. At the same time the prisoner’s counsel did not seem
sufficiently to advert, in considering the point, to the possibility that
both might have been implicated, and, if that was so, I suppose we
should have little doubt which was the master and which was the
servant; and, although the one might be the active hand that
administered the poison, if two were concerned, you would have
very little doubt who was the actor, and who set on the other. And, in
fact, if you should arrive at this conclusion, every article that the
prisoner’s counsel alluded to for the purpose of throwing the guilt
on Mary McLeod would be an article of evidence to implicate the
prisoner at the bar. But I do not desire you to take this theory. On
the contrary, I think it quite right that you should consider on the
balance of probabilities, as has been very well said, which of the
two is the perpetrator of this crime; and in considering this, it is
necessary for you to advert to this—that the poison was
administered in doses—in doses any one of which was insufficient
to kill, but which was quite sufficient, in the agony it produced, and
by the gradual reduction of the strength of the patient, at length to
lead to a fatal termination. Is it conceivable that a girl of fifteen or
sixteen years of age, in the position of a servant maid, could of
herself have conceived and executed such a design, within this
house, under the eye and subject to the vigilance of the husband of
her victim, himself a medical man? That is very hard to believe. On
the other hand, if you can suppose that the prisoner was the person
who conceived and executed this wicked design, it is not so difficult
to believe that Mary McLeod may have been the perfectly
unconscious instrument of carrying out his purpose—suspecting
Page 519
nothing, knowing nothing of what was being done, and seeing
nothing but great kindness on the part of the prisoner to her
mistress, and seeing them dying, not rapidly as in the case of Mrs.
Pritchard, and though rapidly in that of Mrs. Taylor, still in a way
the prisoner accounted for as a medical man. You may understand
easily enough that a girl in the position of Mary McLeod might be
made the unconscious means of carrying out these designs, and
perfectly innocent on her part. But there is no difficulty in this
question. If you are satisfied that murder was committed, somebody
did it. Some of them are plainly innocent, and therefore the
probability of guilt is reduced to two. Of these two, one or both of
them are guilty of this deed.”
Then with a remark on the suggestion of the prisoner’s counsel,
that Mrs. Taylor died of an overdose of opium in the Battley’s
solution, the learned judge left the case to the jury, who, after about
an hour’s deliberation, found the prisoner “Guilty,” and he was
sentenced to death.
After his conviction, in the hopes of exciting commiseration,
Pritchard drew up a confession implicating Mary McLeod, but the
transparent falsehood failing to gain for it any credence, he was
induced to put forward a second, and, subsequently, a third and
apparently full confession of his guilt. In this last he made the
following statements: “I am guilty of the death of my mother-in-
law, Mrs. Taylor, and of my wife. I can assign no motive for the
conduct which actuated me, beyond a species of ‘terrible madness,’
and the use of ‘ardent spirits.’ I hereby freely and fully state that the
confession made on the 11th of this month (implicating McLeod)
was not true, and I confess that I alone, and not M. McLeod,
poisoned my wife in the way brought out in the evidence at the
trial. Mrs. Taylor’s death was caused according to the wording of
the indictment and the main facts brought out at my trial. I hereby
fully acknowledge and now plead wholly and solely guilty thereto,
nothing but great kindness on the part of the prisoner to her
mistress, and seeing them dying, not rapidly as in the case of Mrs.
Pritchard, and though rapidly in that of Mrs. Taylor, still in a way
the prisoner accounted for as a medical man. You may understand
easily enough that a girl in the position of Mary McLeod might be
made the unconscious means of carrying out these designs, and
perfectly innocent on her part. But there is no difficulty in this
question. If you are satisfied that murder was committed, somebody
did it. Some of them are plainly innocent, and therefore the
probability of guilt is reduced to two. Of these two, one or both of
them are guilty of this deed.”
Then with a remark on the suggestion of the prisoner’s counsel,
that Mrs. Taylor died of an overdose of opium in the Battley’s
solution, the learned judge left the case to the jury, who, after about
an hour’s deliberation, found the prisoner “Guilty,” and he was
sentenced to death.
After his conviction, in the hopes of exciting commiseration,
Pritchard drew up a confession implicating Mary McLeod, but the
transparent falsehood failing to gain for it any credence, he was
induced to put forward a second, and, subsequently, a third and
apparently full confession of his guilt. In this last he made the
following statements: “I am guilty of the death of my mother-in-
law, Mrs. Taylor, and of my wife. I can assign no motive for the
conduct which actuated me, beyond a species of ‘terrible madness,’
and the use of ‘ardent spirits.’ I hereby freely and fully state that the
confession made on the 11th of this month (implicating McLeod)
was not true, and I confess that I alone, and not M. McLeod,
poisoned my wife in the way brought out in the evidence at the
trial. Mrs. Taylor’s death was caused according to the wording of
the indictment and the main facts brought out at my trial. I hereby
fully acknowledge and now plead wholly and solely guilty thereto,
Page 520
and may God have mercy on my soul.” He was executed on the
27th of July, at Glasgow, in the sight, it was reported at the time, of
nearly one hundred thousand persons.
THE RICHMOND POISONING CASE.[168]
Before The Lord Chief Baron Pollock, at the Central Criminal Court,
July 7 and 8, and August 15 to 19, 1859.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Serjeant Ballantine, Mr. Bodkin, Mr.
Clerk, and Mr. Mereweather.
For the Defence: Mr. Serjeant Parry and Mr. Giffard.
FIRST TRIAL—July 7 and 8.
Thomas Smethurst, æt. 48, surgeon, was indicted for the wilful
murder of Isabella Bankes. The prisoner was a person of small
stature and insignificant appearance, with reddish-brown
moustaches, probably older than he stated, and, though appearing
careworn, maintained great self-possession throughout the
proceedings, and especially during the second trial.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Serjeant Ballantine, in stating the case to the jury, said it was
alleged that the prisoner took away the life of a fellow creature by
poison, and likewise contrived to throw around the means
employed to destroy life some more than ordinary difficulties in the
way of the detection of the crime; that in order to effect this
purpose he had availed himself of the knowledge he possessed, and
27th of July, at Glasgow, in the sight, it was reported at the time, of
nearly one hundred thousand persons.
THE RICHMOND POISONING CASE.[168]
Before The Lord Chief Baron Pollock, at the Central Criminal Court,
July 7 and 8, and August 15 to 19, 1859.
For the Prosecution: Mr. Serjeant Ballantine, Mr. Bodkin, Mr.
Clerk, and Mr. Mereweather.
For the Defence: Mr. Serjeant Parry and Mr. Giffard.
FIRST TRIAL—July 7 and 8.
Thomas Smethurst, æt. 48, surgeon, was indicted for the wilful
murder of Isabella Bankes. The prisoner was a person of small
stature and insignificant appearance, with reddish-brown
moustaches, probably older than he stated, and, though appearing
careworn, maintained great self-possession throughout the
proceedings, and especially during the second trial.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
Serjeant Ballantine, in stating the case to the jury, said it was
alleged that the prisoner took away the life of a fellow creature by
poison, and likewise contrived to throw around the means
employed to destroy life some more than ordinary difficulties in the
way of the detection of the crime; that in order to effect this
purpose he had availed himself of the knowledge he possessed, and
Page 521
made use of a slow irritant poison, which he had administered with
his own hands, until, by the accumulation of poison and irritation,
she died.
The prisoner was represented to be a member of the medical
profession: he had considerable knowledge of medicine, and was
known as Dr. Smethurst. He was a married man, and had a wife
considerably older than himself now living. At the time when he
should first refer to Dr. Smethurst, he was living with his wife in a
respectable lodging-house in Bayswater. While they were living
there, in the autumn of 1858, Miss Isabella Bankes also came there
to reside. She was a lady of delicate constitution,[169] and possessed
of property under her own control of between £1,700 and £1,800,
and a life interest in £5,000, which, at her death, went to other
members of her family. The result was that an intimacy sprung up
between the parties. In November of that year, the landlady,
considering that there was too great intimacy between Miss Bankes
and the doctor, spoke to her, and, in consequence, she left the
house. On the 9th of December, Miss Bankes and the prisoner went
through the form of marriage at Battersea Church, and, two days
after, commenced to reside at Richmond. From a letter to his wife
found on him when in custody, it was evident that the doctor did
not intend this to be a permanent marriage. Until the 28th of
January, 1859, nothing was heard of them; then Miss Bankes’s
sister Louisa received a letter from her, but not dated from the
place where they were living. On the 15th of February, the sister
received another letter from her. At that time they were living in
Old Palace Gardens, Richmond. Miss Bankes was then in good
health, but, about the 28th of March, her illness commenced. On
the 3rd of April, Dr. Smethurst determined to have medical advice.
The landlady advised Dr. Julius, as he and his partner, Dr. Bird,
were the most eminent practitioners in Richmond. They were
his own hands, until, by the accumulation of poison and irritation,
she died.
The prisoner was represented to be a member of the medical
profession: he had considerable knowledge of medicine, and was
known as Dr. Smethurst. He was a married man, and had a wife
considerably older than himself now living. At the time when he
should first refer to Dr. Smethurst, he was living with his wife in a
respectable lodging-house in Bayswater. While they were living
there, in the autumn of 1858, Miss Isabella Bankes also came there
to reside. She was a lady of delicate constitution,[169] and possessed
of property under her own control of between £1,700 and £1,800,
and a life interest in £5,000, which, at her death, went to other
members of her family. The result was that an intimacy sprung up
between the parties. In November of that year, the landlady,
considering that there was too great intimacy between Miss Bankes
and the doctor, spoke to her, and, in consequence, she left the
house. On the 9th of December, Miss Bankes and the prisoner went
through the form of marriage at Battersea Church, and, two days
after, commenced to reside at Richmond. From a letter to his wife
found on him when in custody, it was evident that the doctor did
not intend this to be a permanent marriage. Until the 28th of
January, 1859, nothing was heard of them; then Miss Bankes’s
sister Louisa received a letter from her, but not dated from the
place where they were living. On the 15th of February, the sister
received another letter from her. At that time they were living in
Old Palace Gardens, Richmond. Miss Bankes was then in good
health, but, about the 28th of March, her illness commenced. On
the 3rd of April, Dr. Smethurst determined to have medical advice.
The landlady advised Dr. Julius, as he and his partner, Dr. Bird,
were the most eminent practitioners in Richmond. They were
Page 522
accordingly called in. The former treated her for diarrhœa, in the
usual way, the complaint from which he understood she was
suffering, taking his account of her symptoms from Dr. Smethurst.
Dr. Julius all through consulted with the prisoner, who took a most
active part in the matter, and sometimes pressed upon him the use
of various medicines. He, however, was only on two occasions
allowed to be alone with his patient. On the 15th of April, on the
landlady at Old Palace Gardens asking a few shillings more rent,
they removed to Alma Villas—Miss Bankes so weak that she had
to be taken in a cab and carried upstairs. Dr. Julius, when he found
that his remedies had a contrary effect to what was intended, asked
Dr. Bird to see her, but did not mention his own suspicions, though
they were very strong. On the 18th of April Dr. Bird saw her,
prescribed for her, but with the same result as his partner. At this
time she was sinking, and becoming continually weaker. On that
day the prisoner wrote a letter to her sister Louisa marked “private
and confidential.” It stated that her sister was very ill, and wished
to see her: she was to ask for Dr. and Mrs. Smethurst, and not to
breathe a word of the contents of the note to anyone. The sister was
not at this time aware of the marriage, and had her own views of
her sister’s conduct. She went, however, and found her sister in a
very feeble state. The deceased said to her, “Oh, don’t say anything
about it; it will be all right when I get well, won’t it dear?” turning
to Dr. Smethurst, who said, “Yes, it will be all right soon.” Dr.
Smethurst showed every kindness and attention to the deceased
during her illness, and to the time of her death she treated him with
love and affection. Miss Louisa, however, was never allowed to be
for a moment alone with her sister. Whilst she was there the
prisoner gave the patient a saline draught, and she vomited
immediately, and complained of its bad taste. Miss Louisa offered
to make some tapioca, but the prisoner objected on the ground that
there was not any milk. She then offered to make some arrowroot,
usual way, the complaint from which he understood she was
suffering, taking his account of her symptoms from Dr. Smethurst.
Dr. Julius all through consulted with the prisoner, who took a most
active part in the matter, and sometimes pressed upon him the use
of various medicines. He, however, was only on two occasions
allowed to be alone with his patient. On the 15th of April, on the
landlady at Old Palace Gardens asking a few shillings more rent,
they removed to Alma Villas—Miss Bankes so weak that she had
to be taken in a cab and carried upstairs. Dr. Julius, when he found
that his remedies had a contrary effect to what was intended, asked
Dr. Bird to see her, but did not mention his own suspicions, though
they were very strong. On the 18th of April Dr. Bird saw her,
prescribed for her, but with the same result as his partner. At this
time she was sinking, and becoming continually weaker. On that
day the prisoner wrote a letter to her sister Louisa marked “private
and confidential.” It stated that her sister was very ill, and wished
to see her: she was to ask for Dr. and Mrs. Smethurst, and not to
breathe a word of the contents of the note to anyone. The sister was
not at this time aware of the marriage, and had her own views of
her sister’s conduct. She went, however, and found her sister in a
very feeble state. The deceased said to her, “Oh, don’t say anything
about it; it will be all right when I get well, won’t it dear?” turning
to Dr. Smethurst, who said, “Yes, it will be all right soon.” Dr.
Smethurst showed every kindness and attention to the deceased
during her illness, and to the time of her death she treated him with
love and affection. Miss Louisa, however, was never allowed to be
for a moment alone with her sister. Whilst she was there the
prisoner gave the patient a saline draught, and she vomited
immediately, and complained of its bad taste. Miss Louisa offered
to make some tapioca, but the prisoner objected on the ground that
there was not any milk. She then offered to make some arrowroot,
Page 523
but again he objected on the ground that the landlady might not like
it. That evening the sister left, and next day wrote to the deceased,
to which letter she received the following reply from the prisoner:
—“After your departure, dear Bella had a very bad evening and
night of it, purely from the excitement of seeing you, and the
fatigue consequent thereon. Vomiting and purging set in at a fearful
rate, which of course prostrated her greatly. The doctor at once
forbade any visitors for the present, or he would not be responsible
for the effects attendant thereon.” The prisoner had no doubt made
such representations to Dr. Bird as induced him to say that she had
better not receive visitors for the present. On subsequent days the
sister received other letters from the prisoner postponing her
intended visits from time to time; describing her sister’s condition,
and mentioning that he had insisted on having a consultation with
“Dr. Todd, the first physician of the day, and the two regular
attendants who were the first doctors in the place.” One of these
letters was dated April 30, but made no mention of his having on
that day instructed an attorney in Richmond to draw up a will upon
what he said was a draft by a barrister in London, but was really
entirely in his own handwriting. On the following day (Sunday) he
called on the attorney, and, representing that the case was urgent,
induced him to come to the lodging, where the will was formally
executed. By this will the whole of her property was left to the
prisoner.[170] The consultation with Dr. Todd took place, and he
agreed with other medical attendants that the patient was suffering
from unfair treatment. The prisoner, however, on the 29th, wrote to
the sister that Dr. Todd not only acquiesced in what was being
done, but recommended a perseverance of the treatment, with some
slight additions of his own. This was not the fact, but the prisoner
was not made aware of the suspicions entertained by the medical
attendants. They, however, caused the evacuations of the deceased
it. That evening the sister left, and next day wrote to the deceased,
to which letter she received the following reply from the prisoner:
—“After your departure, dear Bella had a very bad evening and
night of it, purely from the excitement of seeing you, and the
fatigue consequent thereon. Vomiting and purging set in at a fearful
rate, which of course prostrated her greatly. The doctor at once
forbade any visitors for the present, or he would not be responsible
for the effects attendant thereon.” The prisoner had no doubt made
such representations to Dr. Bird as induced him to say that she had
better not receive visitors for the present. On subsequent days the
sister received other letters from the prisoner postponing her
intended visits from time to time; describing her sister’s condition,
and mentioning that he had insisted on having a consultation with
“Dr. Todd, the first physician of the day, and the two regular
attendants who were the first doctors in the place.” One of these
letters was dated April 30, but made no mention of his having on
that day instructed an attorney in Richmond to draw up a will upon
what he said was a draft by a barrister in London, but was really
entirely in his own handwriting. On the following day (Sunday) he
called on the attorney, and, representing that the case was urgent,
induced him to come to the lodging, where the will was formally
executed. By this will the whole of her property was left to the
prisoner.[170] The consultation with Dr. Todd took place, and he
agreed with other medical attendants that the patient was suffering
from unfair treatment. The prisoner, however, on the 29th, wrote to
the sister that Dr. Todd not only acquiesced in what was being
done, but recommended a perseverance of the treatment, with some
slight additions of his own. This was not the fact, but the prisoner
was not made aware of the suspicions entertained by the medical
attendants. They, however, caused the evacuations of the deceased
Page 524
to be tested, and the result was so confirmatory of their views, that
they communicated with the police, and the prisoner was arrested.
A number of bottles containing drugs and medicines were taken
possession of, and on his person was found the following letter to
his wife, sealed and stamped for post:—
Monday, May 2, 1859.
“My Dear Mary,—I have not been able to leave for town as I
expected, in consequence of my medical aid being required in a case
of illness. I shall, however, see you as soon as possible. Should
anything unforeseen prevent my leaving for town before the 11th, I
will send you a cheque for Smith’s money and extras. I will send £5.
I am quite well, and hope you are the same, and that I shall find you
so when I see you—which, I trust, will not be long first. Present my
kind regards to the Smiths and old friends in the house. I heard from
James the other day, who said he had called on you, but that you had
gone out for a walk. With best love, believe me,
“Yours affectionately,
“Thomas Smethurst.”
The case not being, in the opinion of the Richmond magistrates,
strong enough to justify his committal, the prisoner was discharged.
On the following day, the 3rd of May, Miss Bankes died, a
coroner’s inquest was held, and the result was the re-arrest of the
prisoner, and his subsequent committal for wilful murder, for which
he was put on his trial on the 7th of July.[171]
EVIDENCE OF MEDICAL ATTENDANTS.
Dr. Julius said:—
“He was called in on the 3rd of April to the deceased, who was
represented to be suffering from vomiting and diarrhœa. The
prisoner said he believed that her liver was overloaded with bile.
they communicated with the police, and the prisoner was arrested.
A number of bottles containing drugs and medicines were taken
possession of, and on his person was found the following letter to
his wife, sealed and stamped for post:—
Monday, May 2, 1859.
“My Dear Mary,—I have not been able to leave for town as I
expected, in consequence of my medical aid being required in a case
of illness. I shall, however, see you as soon as possible. Should
anything unforeseen prevent my leaving for town before the 11th, I
will send you a cheque for Smith’s money and extras. I will send £5.
I am quite well, and hope you are the same, and that I shall find you
so when I see you—which, I trust, will not be long first. Present my
kind regards to the Smiths and old friends in the house. I heard from
James the other day, who said he had called on you, but that you had
gone out for a walk. With best love, believe me,
“Yours affectionately,
“Thomas Smethurst.”
The case not being, in the opinion of the Richmond magistrates,
strong enough to justify his committal, the prisoner was discharged.
On the following day, the 3rd of May, Miss Bankes died, a
coroner’s inquest was held, and the result was the re-arrest of the
prisoner, and his subsequent committal for wilful murder, for which
he was put on his trial on the 7th of July.[171]
EVIDENCE OF MEDICAL ATTENDANTS.
Dr. Julius said:—
“He was called in on the 3rd of April to the deceased, who was
represented to be suffering from vomiting and diarrhœa. The
prisoner said he believed that her liver was overloaded with bile.
Page 525
The witness prescribed accordingly, but without any abatement of
the symptoms. There was no appearance of bile in the evacuations
after the third or fourth day that he saw her, yet the symptoms of
diarrhœa and vomiting continued, with a burning sensation in the
bowels and soreness of the mouth. She complained of a parching
throat and a burning thirst. He could not account for any of these
appearances from any natural disease, and began to entertain an
opinion that something of an irritant character was being
administered, and in consequence desired that his partner, Dr. Bird,
should see her. Did not communicate his suspicions to Dr. Bird,
who, taking the prisoner’s account of the symptoms, and knowing
the witness’s prescriptions, adopted his mode of treatment, but with
the same want of success. The medicines were varied, but the
symptoms continued the same. On this the witness communicated
his fears to Dr. Bird, and he on further observation agreed that the
patient was suffering from some irritant, of the administration of
which they knew nothing. During this period the prisoner always
saw the medical attendants, and was always present in the room
when they were with the patient, and recommended or dissuaded the
use of various medicines. He displayed a considerable knowledge of
medicine. On the 28th of April the patient was very ill, and she
repeatedly said to Dr. Bird in the prisoner’s presence that she should
like some one else to be called in. On the same day the prisoner
(who had always expressed a desire that the best medical advice
should be obtained) suggested that Dr. Todd should be called in. On
Dr. Todd’s arrival, witness gave him an outline of the case and
treatment, but did not say anything of the suspicions that had arisen
in his mind. Subsequent to Dr. Todd’s attendance witness procured
some of the evacuations, and in consequence of the examination of
them, thought it his duty to communicate with the magistrates, and
the prisoner was arrested, but released on his own recognizances.
Witness was unable to ascribe the symptoms to any natural cause,
but if small doses of some irritant poison were administered from
time to time, it would have accounted for all the appearances that
had exhibited themselves. Antimony and arsenic would be the
character of poisons likely to produce such results. There was
the symptoms. There was no appearance of bile in the evacuations
after the third or fourth day that he saw her, yet the symptoms of
diarrhœa and vomiting continued, with a burning sensation in the
bowels and soreness of the mouth. She complained of a parching
throat and a burning thirst. He could not account for any of these
appearances from any natural disease, and began to entertain an
opinion that something of an irritant character was being
administered, and in consequence desired that his partner, Dr. Bird,
should see her. Did not communicate his suspicions to Dr. Bird,
who, taking the prisoner’s account of the symptoms, and knowing
the witness’s prescriptions, adopted his mode of treatment, but with
the same want of success. The medicines were varied, but the
symptoms continued the same. On this the witness communicated
his fears to Dr. Bird, and he on further observation agreed that the
patient was suffering from some irritant, of the administration of
which they knew nothing. During this period the prisoner always
saw the medical attendants, and was always present in the room
when they were with the patient, and recommended or dissuaded the
use of various medicines. He displayed a considerable knowledge of
medicine. On the 28th of April the patient was very ill, and she
repeatedly said to Dr. Bird in the prisoner’s presence that she should
like some one else to be called in. On the same day the prisoner
(who had always expressed a desire that the best medical advice
should be obtained) suggested that Dr. Todd should be called in. On
Dr. Todd’s arrival, witness gave him an outline of the case and
treatment, but did not say anything of the suspicions that had arisen
in his mind. Subsequent to Dr. Todd’s attendance witness procured
some of the evacuations, and in consequence of the examination of
them, thought it his duty to communicate with the magistrates, and
the prisoner was arrested, but released on his own recognizances.
Witness was unable to ascribe the symptoms to any natural cause,
but if small doses of some irritant poison were administered from
time to time, it would have accounted for all the appearances that
had exhibited themselves. Antimony and arsenic would be the
character of poisons likely to produce such results. There was
Page 526
neither antimony nor arsenic in any of the medicines he prescribed
for her. The prisoner told him that she was not in the family way. Dr.
Todd had prescribed a pill containing a quarter of a grain of sulphate
of copper and a quarter of a grain of opium, to which the prisoner
objected, as the copper often produced symptoms of poisoning. On
the Saturday the prisoner said this medicine had produced intense
burning in the mouth and throat, constant vomiting, and fifteen
bloody motions—that the burning was from the “mouth to the
anus.” In my judgment it could not have produced these effects. The
evacuation which I obtained was previous to her taking any of these
pills, as they did not arrive until afterwards. When in prison Dr.
Smethurst wrote to me three letters for the particulars of the
medicines that had been given, which I answered. In the first he also
wished to know what solutions of arsenic were kept in our surgery,
and in the third letter ashed for the date of the prescription for
antimony, which had never been prescribed. He also told me that
she had been ill just a week—that previously she had been in very
good health, able to take long walks, in fact out a good deal.”
On his cross-examination, Dr. Julius
“Admitted that Smethurst’s communications to him of the
symptoms were made in the clearest and plainest manner, and tallied
with his own observations—that twice he believed he saw the
patient without the prisoner being present; that previous to the 15th
of April the prisoner had suggested to the witness that Drs. Hills or
Hassell should be called in, and a different treatment—one of a very
sedative character, which the witness considered as too powerful,
and, therefore, gave in a more diluted form; that witness had not,
whilst in attendance on Miss Bankes, the slightest suspicion of her
pregnancy, but that, if he had known of it, he should not have made
any difference in his treatment, and now that he did know of it, it
made no difference in his opinion as to the cause of her death.
Whilst admitting that the delivery of a woman who had a first child
at the age of forty-three would be very critical, he stated decidedly,
as the result of his experience, that the period of pregnancy would
for her. The prisoner told him that she was not in the family way. Dr.
Todd had prescribed a pill containing a quarter of a grain of sulphate
of copper and a quarter of a grain of opium, to which the prisoner
objected, as the copper often produced symptoms of poisoning. On
the Saturday the prisoner said this medicine had produced intense
burning in the mouth and throat, constant vomiting, and fifteen
bloody motions—that the burning was from the “mouth to the
anus.” In my judgment it could not have produced these effects. The
evacuation which I obtained was previous to her taking any of these
pills, as they did not arrive until afterwards. When in prison Dr.
Smethurst wrote to me three letters for the particulars of the
medicines that had been given, which I answered. In the first he also
wished to know what solutions of arsenic were kept in our surgery,
and in the third letter ashed for the date of the prescription for
antimony, which had never been prescribed. He also told me that
she had been ill just a week—that previously she had been in very
good health, able to take long walks, in fact out a good deal.”
On his cross-examination, Dr. Julius
“Admitted that Smethurst’s communications to him of the
symptoms were made in the clearest and plainest manner, and tallied
with his own observations—that twice he believed he saw the
patient without the prisoner being present; that previous to the 15th
of April the prisoner had suggested to the witness that Drs. Hills or
Hassell should be called in, and a different treatment—one of a very
sedative character, which the witness considered as too powerful,
and, therefore, gave in a more diluted form; that witness had not,
whilst in attendance on Miss Bankes, the slightest suspicion of her
pregnancy, but that, if he had known of it, he should not have made
any difference in his treatment, and now that he did know of it, it
made no difference in his opinion as to the cause of her death.
Whilst admitting that the delivery of a woman who had a first child
at the age of forty-three would be very critical, he stated decidedly,
as the result of his experience, that the period of pregnancy would
Page 527
be far less critical than in a younger woman. Vomiting was well-
known to be an early—the earliest—sign of pregnancy, but diarrhœa
was not; and though he had heard of a case in which it was
accompanied with diarrhœa, he had not heard of one in which the
diarrhœa would not yield to any ordinary treatment, and the life of
the mother was only saved by the destruction of the fœtus.”[172]
On re-examination Dr. Julius stated that “vomiting in early
pregnancy had nothing to do with the burning sensation in the
mouth and throat; that the sickness of Miss Bankes was decidedly
not of the same character as that of pregnancy, nor was the
diarrhœa such as pregnant women sometimes suffer from.” Dr.
Bird, and not the witness, prescribed bismuth, acetate of lead, and
nitrate of silver.
Dr. Bird, who from service in the Crimea in 1855 had had great
experience and opportunity of studying bowel complaints,
confirmed the evidence of his partner.
“None of the symptoms were in his opinion reconcileable with
any known disease, but were such as could be accounted for from
the administration of small doses of antimony or arsenic. The
prisoner, he said, told him, on one occasion, that the deceased had
seen her sister, and that it had very much excited her, and in
consequence witness told him that it would be better if she did not
come again. On the 30th he told the prisoner that he wished to take
away a portion of one of her evacuations, that it might be examined
under the microscope to see if any purulent matter was in it, that we
might judge if there was any ulceration of the bowels—that the
prisoner poured out a portion into a tumbler, which he tied over with
an old newspaper, and that the witness took it to his surgery, marked
it No. 2, sealed it with his own seal, and preserved it intact until
delivered to Dr. Taylor with the bottle No. 1 which Dr. Julius had
obtained. A third portion of an evacuation was shown to him by the
prisoner, which he put into a white jam-pot, and marked No. 3. He
known to be an early—the earliest—sign of pregnancy, but diarrhœa
was not; and though he had heard of a case in which it was
accompanied with diarrhœa, he had not heard of one in which the
diarrhœa would not yield to any ordinary treatment, and the life of
the mother was only saved by the destruction of the fœtus.”[172]
On re-examination Dr. Julius stated that “vomiting in early
pregnancy had nothing to do with the burning sensation in the
mouth and throat; that the sickness of Miss Bankes was decidedly
not of the same character as that of pregnancy, nor was the
diarrhœa such as pregnant women sometimes suffer from.” Dr.
Bird, and not the witness, prescribed bismuth, acetate of lead, and
nitrate of silver.
Dr. Bird, who from service in the Crimea in 1855 had had great
experience and opportunity of studying bowel complaints,
confirmed the evidence of his partner.
“None of the symptoms were in his opinion reconcileable with
any known disease, but were such as could be accounted for from
the administration of small doses of antimony or arsenic. The
prisoner, he said, told him, on one occasion, that the deceased had
seen her sister, and that it had very much excited her, and in
consequence witness told him that it would be better if she did not
come again. On the 30th he told the prisoner that he wished to take
away a portion of one of her evacuations, that it might be examined
under the microscope to see if any purulent matter was in it, that we
might judge if there was any ulceration of the bowels—that the
prisoner poured out a portion into a tumbler, which he tied over with
an old newspaper, and that the witness took it to his surgery, marked
it No. 2, sealed it with his own seal, and preserved it intact until
delivered to Dr. Taylor with the bottle No. 1 which Dr. Julius had
obtained. A third portion of an evacuation was shown to him by the
prisoner, which he put into a white jam-pot, and marked No. 3. He
Page 528
was downstairs at the moment Miss Bankes died, but saw her every
minute or two before that. He gave an ample quantity of every
ingredient used in his prescriptions so as to afford a sufficient
opportunity for analyzation.”
On cross-examination, he described the various remedies he
prescribed, none of which would account for the symptoms, and
stated that he formed his opinion that it was a case of slow
poisoning by an irritant, not only from what Dr. Julius and the
prisoner told him, but from the vomitings, the motions, and the
lady’s own account of her symptoms.
Mr. Caudle, the assistant of Messrs. Julius and Bird, described
the medicines he compounded, and Dr. Buzzard detailed the
transmission of the bottles of evacuations to Dr. Taylor.
POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION.
Mr. Barwell, Assistant-Surgeon of the Charing Cross Hospital,
who, with Mr. Palmer, of Mortlake, made a post-mortem
examination of the body on the 4th of May, said:—
“I found the back part of the body externally of a dark purple,
being full of blood from the position in which the body lay: I
gathered from that that the blood was more fluid, I should say, than
usual. The arms were perfectly flexible; legs very rigid; feet bent
downwards and turned in, and the muscles at their bottoms very
rigid, indicating cramp or spasm in the lower extremities; the
abdomen drawn in and the muscles tense and hard; the tongue
rough, and the papillæ more elevated than usual. There were no
signs of what I could call aphthœ; the face was much emaciated and
of a dull earthy colour; lower lip drawn in under the upper teeth;
front of the body generally of this dull earthy colour; brain perfectly
healthy; nothing wrong about the lungs—they were healthy. I saw
that the liver was firm, full-sized, rather large, but did not then cut
minute or two before that. He gave an ample quantity of every
ingredient used in his prescriptions so as to afford a sufficient
opportunity for analyzation.”
On cross-examination, he described the various remedies he
prescribed, none of which would account for the symptoms, and
stated that he formed his opinion that it was a case of slow
poisoning by an irritant, not only from what Dr. Julius and the
prisoner told him, but from the vomitings, the motions, and the
lady’s own account of her symptoms.
Mr. Caudle, the assistant of Messrs. Julius and Bird, described
the medicines he compounded, and Dr. Buzzard detailed the
transmission of the bottles of evacuations to Dr. Taylor.
POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION.
Mr. Barwell, Assistant-Surgeon of the Charing Cross Hospital,
who, with Mr. Palmer, of Mortlake, made a post-mortem
examination of the body on the 4th of May, said:—
“I found the back part of the body externally of a dark purple,
being full of blood from the position in which the body lay: I
gathered from that that the blood was more fluid, I should say, than
usual. The arms were perfectly flexible; legs very rigid; feet bent
downwards and turned in, and the muscles at their bottoms very
rigid, indicating cramp or spasm in the lower extremities; the
abdomen drawn in and the muscles tense and hard; the tongue
rough, and the papillæ more elevated than usual. There were no
signs of what I could call aphthœ; the face was much emaciated and
of a dull earthy colour; lower lip drawn in under the upper teeth;
front of the body generally of this dull earthy colour; brain perfectly
healthy; nothing wrong about the lungs—they were healthy. I saw
that the liver was firm, full-sized, rather large, but did not then cut
Page 529
into it. I examined the uterus, and found the common signs of
pregnancy and a fœtus of somewhere between the fifth and seventh
week; the heart and great vessels connected with it were perfectly
healthy. I examined the liver subsequently; it was slightly fatty,
rather fatty; the remainder hard. The liver when it becomes fatty is
usually soft, but in this instance it was hard, and it was coloured in
the usual manner—speckled. Gullet healthy, no signs of
inflammation on it. The outside of the stomach, the smaller end, that
nearer the intestine, was red; the larger end, that where the gullet
enters, was of a dark colour; in the centre it was pale. On examining
the inside of the stomach, the narrow part or small end was also red;
at the larger end was a black patch of effused blood; near the small
end the mucous membrane was congested, that is the other end from
the black spot and near where the red was. The contents of the
stomach were a brown mucus mixed with blood and some bile, I
should say. There were no ulcers in the stomach, nor appearance of
acute inflammation. On the outside of the intestine I noticed on the
4th of May (the first examination) that its commencement was very
red, the small intestines generally were inflated and minutely
injected with blood, and in certain spots they were roughened by
lymph, the result of inflammation, and glued together at certain
turns where this lymph or glutinous inflammation was effused; they
were coherent together from that cause; that did not apply to the
entire length of the intestines, only to a few parts, and chiefly quite
the lower parts. Those are the external symptoms. Internally, the
first part of the intestine (the duodenum) was inflamed for about
three inches from its commencement, but the mucous membrane
was quite firm, and there was no ulceration. From that point the rest
of the mucous membrane was only slightly injected, not inflamed.
In the next intestine, the jejunum, the mucous membrane was still
firm; in places the vessels were injected with its own blood, but this
only in spots. In the ilium, or lower intestine, there was much the
same appearance at the commencement as in the last, except that
approaching the lower part the injections increased very much, and
at last, about 3 feet from its end, the mucous membrane was greatly
altered; there was a deposit of lymph therein, and a thickening of
pregnancy and a fœtus of somewhere between the fifth and seventh
week; the heart and great vessels connected with it were perfectly
healthy. I examined the liver subsequently; it was slightly fatty,
rather fatty; the remainder hard. The liver when it becomes fatty is
usually soft, but in this instance it was hard, and it was coloured in
the usual manner—speckled. Gullet healthy, no signs of
inflammation on it. The outside of the stomach, the smaller end, that
nearer the intestine, was red; the larger end, that where the gullet
enters, was of a dark colour; in the centre it was pale. On examining
the inside of the stomach, the narrow part or small end was also red;
at the larger end was a black patch of effused blood; near the small
end the mucous membrane was congested, that is the other end from
the black spot and near where the red was. The contents of the
stomach were a brown mucus mixed with blood and some bile, I
should say. There were no ulcers in the stomach, nor appearance of
acute inflammation. On the outside of the intestine I noticed on the
4th of May (the first examination) that its commencement was very
red, the small intestines generally were inflated and minutely
injected with blood, and in certain spots they were roughened by
lymph, the result of inflammation, and glued together at certain
turns where this lymph or glutinous inflammation was effused; they
were coherent together from that cause; that did not apply to the
entire length of the intestines, only to a few parts, and chiefly quite
the lower parts. Those are the external symptoms. Internally, the
first part of the intestine (the duodenum) was inflamed for about
three inches from its commencement, but the mucous membrane
was quite firm, and there was no ulceration. From that point the rest
of the mucous membrane was only slightly injected, not inflamed.
In the next intestine, the jejunum, the mucous membrane was still
firm; in places the vessels were injected with its own blood, but this
only in spots. In the ilium, or lower intestine, there was much the
same appearance at the commencement as in the last, except that
approaching the lower part the injections increased very much, and
at last, about 3 feet from its end, the mucous membrane was greatly
altered; there was a deposit of lymph therein, and a thickening of
Page 530
the membrane; an ill-organized granular lymph; the membrane at
the same time was roughened, and the glands, which are in the
intestine there, were less visible than usual. This deposit of lymph
did not begin in the glands, but went over the whole surface of the
intestine, and concealed the glands instead of rendering them more
prominent—instead of being deposited in the glands, was rather
around them at first. This brings me to the cæcum. On its mucous
membrane were many very large spots. The appearances within the
cæcum indicated very serious disease indeed—inflammation,
sloughing, ulceration, and suppuration. Those appearances
diminished as I went lower down the intestines. When I reached the
termination, the colon, there was still ulceration, but in a minor
degree. In the rectum there were three ulcerations. I should also say
that in the cæcum were black spots of effused blood, which were
also found along the rest and in the rectum. I have heard the
evidence given of the symptoms exhibited during life, and the
treatment adopted. Taking those into consideration, and the post-
mortem appearances, they are not reconcileable with any natural
disease with which I am acquainted.”
By the Court.—“What is the conclusion you have formed?”
Witness.—“That the symptoms and appearances together have
resulted from some irritant, administered frequently during life.”
In his cross-examination, the earlier portion of which was
occupied with questions to test the accuracy of the notes of his
report, the witness explained that the hardness of the liver, which
he observed, was not a stage of Cirrhosis, as he had at first written
in his memoranda, “but a normal hardness, nothing extraordinary;”
that the use of the term “hard” did not imply that the liver was
diseased, but that the term “fatty” does.
Sergeant Ballantine.—“I think I understood you to convey that
there were no signs of disease about the liver, except this fattiness?”
the same time was roughened, and the glands, which are in the
intestine there, were less visible than usual. This deposit of lymph
did not begin in the glands, but went over the whole surface of the
intestine, and concealed the glands instead of rendering them more
prominent—instead of being deposited in the glands, was rather
around them at first. This brings me to the cæcum. On its mucous
membrane were many very large spots. The appearances within the
cæcum indicated very serious disease indeed—inflammation,
sloughing, ulceration, and suppuration. Those appearances
diminished as I went lower down the intestines. When I reached the
termination, the colon, there was still ulceration, but in a minor
degree. In the rectum there were three ulcerations. I should also say
that in the cæcum were black spots of effused blood, which were
also found along the rest and in the rectum. I have heard the
evidence given of the symptoms exhibited during life, and the
treatment adopted. Taking those into consideration, and the post-
mortem appearances, they are not reconcileable with any natural
disease with which I am acquainted.”
By the Court.—“What is the conclusion you have formed?”
Witness.—“That the symptoms and appearances together have
resulted from some irritant, administered frequently during life.”
In his cross-examination, the earlier portion of which was
occupied with questions to test the accuracy of the notes of his
report, the witness explained that the hardness of the liver, which
he observed, was not a stage of Cirrhosis, as he had at first written
in his memoranda, “but a normal hardness, nothing extraordinary;”
that the use of the term “hard” did not imply that the liver was
diseased, but that the term “fatty” does.
Sergeant Ballantine.—“I think I understood you to convey that
there were no signs of disease about the liver, except this fattiness?”
Page 531
Witness.—“No signs at all except that. That is not a disease of a
nature to affect the cæcum and the intestines in any way.”
By the Court.—“Is it in any way connected with diarrhœa and
vomiting?”
Witness.—“No.”
Dr. Samuel Wilks, who had subsequently examined the
intestines with Mr. Barwell, confirmed his statements as to their
condition and that of the liver, and “should think Miss Bankes’
death was most probably to be attributed to an irritant.”
On cross-examination, he allowed that “severe dysentery
produces great inflammation of the intestines, particularly of the
larger; that inflammation, if continued, results in ulceration and
destruction of the tissues; that the cæcum and rectum would be
affected in that way by dysentery, and that dark spots of effused
blood are also a consequence of severe dysentery.” His admission,
however, rested on his reading, and not from his experience of
cases of acute dysentery, as he had seen only “two cases, which
they were obliged to call by that name, not being able to arrive at
any other conclusion as to the cause of death.”
MEDICAL EXPERTS FOR THE PROSECUTION.
Dr. Todd, Physician to King’s College Hospital, was then
called.
“Dr. Julius,” he said, “told him the nature of the case before he
saw the deceased, but not his suspicions. When he saw her he
noticed a peculiar expression of countenance—an expression of
terror, as though she were under the influence of some one, and that
was not in accordance with the appearance of a patient suffering
under an ordinary disease. The abdomen was very hard—an
indication of extensive inflammation in the stomach—and he was at
nature to affect the cæcum and the intestines in any way.”
By the Court.—“Is it in any way connected with diarrhœa and
vomiting?”
Witness.—“No.”
Dr. Samuel Wilks, who had subsequently examined the
intestines with Mr. Barwell, confirmed his statements as to their
condition and that of the liver, and “should think Miss Bankes’
death was most probably to be attributed to an irritant.”
On cross-examination, he allowed that “severe dysentery
produces great inflammation of the intestines, particularly of the
larger; that inflammation, if continued, results in ulceration and
destruction of the tissues; that the cæcum and rectum would be
affected in that way by dysentery, and that dark spots of effused
blood are also a consequence of severe dysentery.” His admission,
however, rested on his reading, and not from his experience of
cases of acute dysentery, as he had seen only “two cases, which
they were obliged to call by that name, not being able to arrive at
any other conclusion as to the cause of death.”
MEDICAL EXPERTS FOR THE PROSECUTION.
Dr. Todd, Physician to King’s College Hospital, was then
called.
“Dr. Julius,” he said, “told him the nature of the case before he
saw the deceased, but not his suspicions. When he saw her he
noticed a peculiar expression of countenance—an expression of
terror, as though she were under the influence of some one, and that
was not in accordance with the appearance of a patient suffering
under an ordinary disease. The abdomen was very hard—an
indication of extensive inflammation in the stomach—and he was at
Page 532
once under the impression that she was suffering from some irritant
poison. By witness’s desire an evacuation was obtained, and he
directed Dr. Julius to make up the sulphate of copper and opium
pills to allay irritation. He had never known any bad effect produced
by these medicines, and did not think it could produce a burning
sensation in the throat and stomach. If the disease had been
diarrhœa, the medicines administered by Dr. Julius were the proper
ones.”
Sergeant Ballantine.—“From all you have heard of this case,
what in your opinion was the cause of this lady’s death?”
Dr. Todd.—“I believe that her death was caused by the
administration of some irritant poison, such as arsenic, antimony,
or corrosive sublimate. The only natural disease that would account
for the symptoms is what would be called acute dysentery.”
On cross-examination, Dr. Todd said:—
“I have never known any case or cases of early pregnancy of a
woman of about forty to forty-five years of age in which there has
been violent vomiting, violent diarrhœa, and severe dysentery,
which no ordinary medicines would stop, and in which the life of
the mother has only been saved by the abortion of the fœtus. No
such cases have come under my cognizance. I think it possible that
excessive vomiting and great diarrhœa may be caused by the early
stage of pregnancy, and symptoms somewhat allied to those under
which this lady died; but I think it quite impossible that pregnancy
alone, in an early stage, or in any stage, could, produce extensive
ulceration of the bowels. I think, where it is a doubtful case, it is
conclusive evidence against the theory that the symptoms were
caused by early pregnancy that you found such extensive ulceration
as existed in this case.”
Dr. Buzzard, who had been a staff-surgeon in the Crimea, Dr.
Copland, and Dr. Bowerbank, who had had great experience of
acute dysentery in tropical climates, gave it as their opinion that the
poison. By witness’s desire an evacuation was obtained, and he
directed Dr. Julius to make up the sulphate of copper and opium
pills to allay irritation. He had never known any bad effect produced
by these medicines, and did not think it could produce a burning
sensation in the throat and stomach. If the disease had been
diarrhœa, the medicines administered by Dr. Julius were the proper
ones.”
Sergeant Ballantine.—“From all you have heard of this case,
what in your opinion was the cause of this lady’s death?”
Dr. Todd.—“I believe that her death was caused by the
administration of some irritant poison, such as arsenic, antimony,
or corrosive sublimate. The only natural disease that would account
for the symptoms is what would be called acute dysentery.”
On cross-examination, Dr. Todd said:—
“I have never known any case or cases of early pregnancy of a
woman of about forty to forty-five years of age in which there has
been violent vomiting, violent diarrhœa, and severe dysentery,
which no ordinary medicines would stop, and in which the life of
the mother has only been saved by the abortion of the fœtus. No
such cases have come under my cognizance. I think it possible that
excessive vomiting and great diarrhœa may be caused by the early
stage of pregnancy, and symptoms somewhat allied to those under
which this lady died; but I think it quite impossible that pregnancy
alone, in an early stage, or in any stage, could, produce extensive
ulceration of the bowels. I think, where it is a doubtful case, it is
conclusive evidence against the theory that the symptoms were
caused by early pregnancy that you found such extensive ulceration
as existed in this case.”
Dr. Buzzard, who had been a staff-surgeon in the Crimea, Dr.
Copland, and Dr. Bowerbank, who had had great experience of
acute dysentery in tropical climates, gave it as their opinion that the
Page 533
symptoms were not reconcileable with that disease, but were those
of the presence of irritant poison. Dr. Babington, Physician to
Queen Charlotte’s Lying-in Hospital, who had attended more than
2,000 women in their confinement, did not consider that the death
was in any way attributable to the fact of her being in an incipient
state of pregnancy. On cross-examination, whilst admitting that
cases of violent vomiting and diarrhœa in early pregnancy are
recorded, said that he did not remember any one of so severe a
character as to endanger life; that he did not think that the lady’s
advanced stage of life had anything to do with it; that it was a
complication generally at a later period of pregnancy; and that a
first pregnancy between 40 and 45 years of age was not more
critical in the early stage. On re-examination, with reference to six
cases of dysentery, in 1841, in which he had made post-mortem
examinations, he said:—
“There was not the same amount of sloughing of the cæcum as in
this case, nor destruction of the mucous membrane. The glands were
in a different condition. In the dysentery cases, the glands were
quite destroyed, and in three of the cases there was perforation of
the intestine. The symptoms in all six were different to those in this
case; there was no burning sensation of the throat.”
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Alfred Swaine Taylor.—“On the 1st of May,” said the
witness, “Mr. Buzzard called on me, and brought me two bottles,
which he said contained matters he wished me to examine. I took
about two drachms from one of these bottles (No. 2), and having
first examined the test and the vessel to be employed, and
ascertained that they were pure, I then made the test, and discovered
a metallic deposit on the copper wire, which, in my opinion,
indicated the presence of arsenic or antimony; but I could not speak
of the presence of irritant poison. Dr. Babington, Physician to
Queen Charlotte’s Lying-in Hospital, who had attended more than
2,000 women in their confinement, did not consider that the death
was in any way attributable to the fact of her being in an incipient
state of pregnancy. On cross-examination, whilst admitting that
cases of violent vomiting and diarrhœa in early pregnancy are
recorded, said that he did not remember any one of so severe a
character as to endanger life; that he did not think that the lady’s
advanced stage of life had anything to do with it; that it was a
complication generally at a later period of pregnancy; and that a
first pregnancy between 40 and 45 years of age was not more
critical in the early stage. On re-examination, with reference to six
cases of dysentery, in 1841, in which he had made post-mortem
examinations, he said:—
“There was not the same amount of sloughing of the cæcum as in
this case, nor destruction of the mucous membrane. The glands were
in a different condition. In the dysentery cases, the glands were
quite destroyed, and in three of the cases there was perforation of
the intestine. The symptoms in all six were different to those in this
case; there was no burning sensation of the throat.”
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Alfred Swaine Taylor.—“On the 1st of May,” said the
witness, “Mr. Buzzard called on me, and brought me two bottles,
which he said contained matters he wished me to examine. I took
about two drachms from one of these bottles (No. 2), and having
first examined the test and the vessel to be employed, and
ascertained that they were pure, I then made the test, and discovered
a metallic deposit on the copper wire, which, in my opinion,
indicated the presence of arsenic or antimony; but I could not speak
Page 534
to the exact metal. I did not proceed further at that time, as I desired
to have the authority of a magistrate. Bottle No. 2 was then resealed
in my presence by Mr. Buzzard, and taken away by him with bottle
No. 1. After he left, as I was told that it was necessary to do
something to save the life of a living person, though it was Sunday, I
proceeded with my experiment by boiling copper gauze in the
remainder of the liquid in the tube, and on examining it with a
microscope, saw appearances closely resembling metallic arsenic;
and I then heated a portion of the gauze covered with metal in a
tube, and obtained crystals of arsenic (wire gauze with the crystals
on it produced). If you take the tube out, under the microscope the
crystals are perfectly clear; in this little sediment, if you put it
against a dark cloth, you will see a little ring of crystals—it is quite
plain in the sun light. I subsequently applied the test of nitrate of
silver and nitric acid to crystals obtained in the same way, and the
result convinced me that they were composed of arsenic. Next day
Dr. Buzzard brought back the bottles with the magistrate’s order. I
then proceeded with the examination of both bottles, and the result
perfectly satisfied me that I was correct in discovering arsenic in
bottle 2. My calculation was that there must have been at least a
quarter of a grain mixed with the four ounces of matter in bottle 2.
[173]
There was no trace of mercury, bismuth, or antimony, but I did
discover the presence of copper by a subsequent test; but only such
a trace of it as might be accounted for from the copper pill taken on
the 29th. I examined the evacuation, and came to the conclusion that
it was such as would pass from a person who had taken arsenic, and
I immediately advised that the antidote for arsenic, hydrate of
magnesia, should be administered. I subsequently examined the
other bottle, and found that it did not contain any poison or any
metallic matter whatever.
“On the 5th and 7th of May Inspector McIntyre brought me a
portion of the viscera of a human being, which I subsequently
submitted to chemical examination. The officer also gave me a
number of bottles, and several pill boxes which I numbered, and
subsequently some more. There were altogether twenty-eight; and
to have the authority of a magistrate. Bottle No. 2 was then resealed
in my presence by Mr. Buzzard, and taken away by him with bottle
No. 1. After he left, as I was told that it was necessary to do
something to save the life of a living person, though it was Sunday, I
proceeded with my experiment by boiling copper gauze in the
remainder of the liquid in the tube, and on examining it with a
microscope, saw appearances closely resembling metallic arsenic;
and I then heated a portion of the gauze covered with metal in a
tube, and obtained crystals of arsenic (wire gauze with the crystals
on it produced). If you take the tube out, under the microscope the
crystals are perfectly clear; in this little sediment, if you put it
against a dark cloth, you will see a little ring of crystals—it is quite
plain in the sun light. I subsequently applied the test of nitrate of
silver and nitric acid to crystals obtained in the same way, and the
result convinced me that they were composed of arsenic. Next day
Dr. Buzzard brought back the bottles with the magistrate’s order. I
then proceeded with the examination of both bottles, and the result
perfectly satisfied me that I was correct in discovering arsenic in
bottle 2. My calculation was that there must have been at least a
quarter of a grain mixed with the four ounces of matter in bottle 2.
[173]
There was no trace of mercury, bismuth, or antimony, but I did
discover the presence of copper by a subsequent test; but only such
a trace of it as might be accounted for from the copper pill taken on
the 29th. I examined the evacuation, and came to the conclusion that
it was such as would pass from a person who had taken arsenic, and
I immediately advised that the antidote for arsenic, hydrate of
magnesia, should be administered. I subsequently examined the
other bottle, and found that it did not contain any poison or any
metallic matter whatever.
“On the 5th and 7th of May Inspector McIntyre brought me a
portion of the viscera of a human being, which I subsequently
submitted to chemical examination. The officer also gave me a
number of bottles, and several pill boxes which I numbered, and
subsequently some more. There were altogether twenty-eight; and
Page 535
on the 14th of May others which I also numbered. In none of the
twenty-eight, omitting Nos. 5 and 21, did I discover anything at all
necessary you should be acquainted with. I examined them for
arsenic. I then examined the bottles containing the viscera:—first,
the uterus, which I did not analyse, but agree with Mr. Barwell as to
its impregnation; then the œsophagus, or gullet, in which there were
indications of some cause of irritation, but no arsenic or antimony;
then the stomach, containing yellowish fluid with blood, and found
antimony in two distinct places in the small intestines; the middle
portion of the small intestines contained the largest quantity, the
other part was above and below; some was found above and below
that and some in the cæcum; altogether the amount found in the
stomach was very small. In one kidney and in the blood of the heart
there were traces of antimony, and in the blood in the jar. I was
assisted by Dr. Odling, and we came to the conclusion that the
quantity did not exceed from a quarter to half a grain. I found the
appearance of the stomach and cæcum such as Mr. Barwell has
described. I then examined the medicines prescribed by Dr. Julius,
and found them to contain the ingredients of which they were
represented to be composed. I then examined bottle No. 5, and
found it to contain 355 grains of chlorate of potash, and free from
anything else. That bottle has been accidentally broken in half. I
then examined another bottle, No. 21, which appeared to contain a
clear watery liquid of a saline taste, and I tested a portion of the
contents by Reintsch’s test, and upon first trying the copper it was
entirely consumed.[174] I made a further examination which led me
to conclude that there was arsenic in the solution, but it turned out
that I was mistaken, and that it did not contain either arsenic or
antimony, and that the arsenical appearances originally produced
came from the copper gauze. By the destruction of the gauze the
arsenic in it was set free, and this destroyed the effect of the
experiment. The quantity of arsenic that I discovered, I should say,
was less than half a grain. In the experiment I made with this bottle,
the arsenic was deposited by myself. Dr. Odling also came to the
same conclusion—that the bottle contained arsenic, and we both
twenty-eight, omitting Nos. 5 and 21, did I discover anything at all
necessary you should be acquainted with. I examined them for
arsenic. I then examined the bottles containing the viscera:—first,
the uterus, which I did not analyse, but agree with Mr. Barwell as to
its impregnation; then the œsophagus, or gullet, in which there were
indications of some cause of irritation, but no arsenic or antimony;
then the stomach, containing yellowish fluid with blood, and found
antimony in two distinct places in the small intestines; the middle
portion of the small intestines contained the largest quantity, the
other part was above and below; some was found above and below
that and some in the cæcum; altogether the amount found in the
stomach was very small. In one kidney and in the blood of the heart
there were traces of antimony, and in the blood in the jar. I was
assisted by Dr. Odling, and we came to the conclusion that the
quantity did not exceed from a quarter to half a grain. I found the
appearance of the stomach and cæcum such as Mr. Barwell has
described. I then examined the medicines prescribed by Dr. Julius,
and found them to contain the ingredients of which they were
represented to be composed. I then examined bottle No. 5, and
found it to contain 355 grains of chlorate of potash, and free from
anything else. That bottle has been accidentally broken in half. I
then examined another bottle, No. 21, which appeared to contain a
clear watery liquid of a saline taste, and I tested a portion of the
contents by Reintsch’s test, and upon first trying the copper it was
entirely consumed.[174] I made a further examination which led me
to conclude that there was arsenic in the solution, but it turned out
that I was mistaken, and that it did not contain either arsenic or
antimony, and that the arsenical appearances originally produced
came from the copper gauze. By the destruction of the gauze the
arsenic in it was set free, and this destroyed the effect of the
experiment. The quantity of arsenic that I discovered, I should say,
was less than half a grain. In the experiment I made with this bottle,
the arsenic was deposited by myself. Dr. Odling also came to the
same conclusion—that the bottle contained arsenic, and we both
Page 536
stated that fact in our examination before the magistrates and the
coroner, but we were, of course, mistaken. We believed, no doubt, at
the time, that the arsenic we found was in the bottle which contained
chlorate of potash—a cooling mixture. I have used the same
description of gauze for many years, and have never before found
arsenic in it. I shall certainly continue to use it, but shall take care
not to do so with chlorate of potass.”
Serjeant Parry here called for the deposition of Dr. Taylor
made before the magistrates, a portion of which was read. It stated
that he had discovered arsenic in bottle No. 21, in which there was
chlorate of potass; that the latter was a harmless saline mixture
acting upon the kidneys, and that if poison had been given in it, its
effect would probably be to carry off the noxious ingredient from
the body very quickly, but that by repetition constantly of such a
proceeding chronic inflammation would be created which would
yield to no treatment, and would end in the death of the patient
from exhaustion.
Dr. Taylor then continued:—
“At the time I gave this evidence I firmly believed that arsenic
was contained in the mixture and that it had not come from my test,
but had been placed there by some one. When before the coroner I
expressed my opinion that the death was referable to antimony and
arsenic. The finding of the arsenic in the bottle did not have any
effect upon the opinion I subsequently formed with reference to the
case. The moment I discovered the mistake I had made I informed
Serjeant Ballantine. No arsenic was found in the body of deceased. I
did not form my theory to account for the absence of arsenic from
the tissues of the body, that it had been carried off by the chlorate of
potass. It did not enter into my consideration beyond this, that it acts
generally as a diuretic. After Dr. Odling and myself had given our
evidence relative to finding the arsenic in the bottle of chlorate of
potass, we thought it was possible there might be some mistake, and
coroner, but we were, of course, mistaken. We believed, no doubt, at
the time, that the arsenic we found was in the bottle which contained
chlorate of potash—a cooling mixture. I have used the same
description of gauze for many years, and have never before found
arsenic in it. I shall certainly continue to use it, but shall take care
not to do so with chlorate of potass.”
Serjeant Parry here called for the deposition of Dr. Taylor
made before the magistrates, a portion of which was read. It stated
that he had discovered arsenic in bottle No. 21, in which there was
chlorate of potass; that the latter was a harmless saline mixture
acting upon the kidneys, and that if poison had been given in it, its
effect would probably be to carry off the noxious ingredient from
the body very quickly, but that by repetition constantly of such a
proceeding chronic inflammation would be created which would
yield to no treatment, and would end in the death of the patient
from exhaustion.
Dr. Taylor then continued:—
“At the time I gave this evidence I firmly believed that arsenic
was contained in the mixture and that it had not come from my test,
but had been placed there by some one. When before the coroner I
expressed my opinion that the death was referable to antimony and
arsenic. The finding of the arsenic in the bottle did not have any
effect upon the opinion I subsequently formed with reference to the
case. The moment I discovered the mistake I had made I informed
Serjeant Ballantine. No arsenic was found in the body of deceased. I
did not form my theory to account for the absence of arsenic from
the tissues of the body, that it had been carried off by the chlorate of
potass. It did not enter into my consideration beyond this, that it acts
generally as a diuretic. After Dr. Odling and myself had given our
evidence relative to finding the arsenic in the bottle of chlorate of
potass, we thought it was possible there might be some mistake, and
Page 537
we made other experiments to satisfy ourselves. We made seventy-
seven experiments with the same kind of gauze, and in seventy-six
no arsenic was discovered: and the only instance in which it was
found was in the evacuation in bottle 2.” The witness also said that
he could not, after hearing the symptoms and the treatment of the
deceased, attribute the death to any other cause than the
administration of some irritant poison.
This witness was also cross-examined at considerable length as
to the symptoms of slow poisoning by arsenic and by antimony, in
which he agreed with the previous witnesses, adding to their
evidence the fact of its operation in causing enlargement of the
liver, and the deposit of fat in it. Hence the use of sulphide of
antimony to fatten the geese used in Strasburg, in the manufacture
of Perigord Pies. On the subject of dysentery he could not speak,
having ceased to practise as a medical man, and confined his
attention to analyses.
On re-examination, Dr. Taylor said that “the half grain of
copper, given in the pill during life, would not by any action of any
acid in the stomach account for the quantity of arsenic found in the
evacuation; that he had examined and found no arsenic in the
copper pills; and that though arsenic was found in the sulphate of
copper taken from the surgery, there was not a quantity to be seen;
there was no arsenic in the bismuth, and no antimony in the
medicines. Arsenic is sometimes found in bismuth.”
Dr. Odling, Professor of Practical Chemistry at Guy’s Hospital,
who had assisted Dr. Taylor in his experiments, 2ì”confirmed Dr.
Taylor’s account in every respect, and expressed himself satisfied
that there was antimony in the body of the deceased. He agreed
also in attributing the death to the administration of some irritant
poison, and did not know any natural disease that would account
for the symptoms spoken of.”
seven experiments with the same kind of gauze, and in seventy-six
no arsenic was discovered: and the only instance in which it was
found was in the evacuation in bottle 2.” The witness also said that
he could not, after hearing the symptoms and the treatment of the
deceased, attribute the death to any other cause than the
administration of some irritant poison.
This witness was also cross-examined at considerable length as
to the symptoms of slow poisoning by arsenic and by antimony, in
which he agreed with the previous witnesses, adding to their
evidence the fact of its operation in causing enlargement of the
liver, and the deposit of fat in it. Hence the use of sulphide of
antimony to fatten the geese used in Strasburg, in the manufacture
of Perigord Pies. On the subject of dysentery he could not speak,
having ceased to practise as a medical man, and confined his
attention to analyses.
On re-examination, Dr. Taylor said that “the half grain of
copper, given in the pill during life, would not by any action of any
acid in the stomach account for the quantity of arsenic found in the
evacuation; that he had examined and found no arsenic in the
copper pills; and that though arsenic was found in the sulphate of
copper taken from the surgery, there was not a quantity to be seen;
there was no arsenic in the bismuth, and no antimony in the
medicines. Arsenic is sometimes found in bismuth.”
Dr. Odling, Professor of Practical Chemistry at Guy’s Hospital,
who had assisted Dr. Taylor in his experiments, 2ì”confirmed Dr.
Taylor’s account in every respect, and expressed himself satisfied
that there was antimony in the body of the deceased. He agreed
also in attributing the death to the administration of some irritant
poison, and did not know any natural disease that would account
for the symptoms spoken of.”
Page 538
William Thomas Brande, formerly Professor of Chemistry to
the Royal Institution, and for fifty years engaged in the practice of
chemistry, “had examined a portion of the liquid (the chlorate of
potass), and come to the conclusion that it did not contain arsenic.
Reinsch’s test for arsenic was reliable where chlorate of potass was
not present.” “Our first object,” said the witness, on cross-
examination, “was to get rid of the chlorate of potass, or to
decompose it so as to render it inert, which we did; and we then
examined the liquid in question, and found no arsenic in it.”
To the Court.—“I was not aware that Reinsch’s test would be
inapplicable to such a compound, and if I had applied it, and the
result appeared as it did to Drs. Taylor and Odling, I should have
come to the same conclusion, that there was arsenic in the
substance. The matter that has appeared since is to a certain extent
new to the chemical world. We have always been aware of the
presence of very minute quantities of arsenic in copper, but we have
never considered it as interfering in any way until this particular
case.”[175]
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE
DEFENCE.
It will be convenient, as in the previous trials, to report at this
period the medical and analytical evidence offered on the part of
the prisoner, subsequent to the address of Serjeant Parry. This was
devoted to the following points: (1), the absence of some of the
well-known symptoms in slow poisoning by arsenic or antimony,
or by both; (2), the similarity of the symptoms in this case to those
exhibited in cases of acute dysentery; (3), the occurrence of severe
diarrhœa, with vomiting in the early stages of pregnancy; (4), that
the non-discovery of either arsenic or antimony in the tissues of the
body could not be due to its being given in, or with chlorate of
the Royal Institution, and for fifty years engaged in the practice of
chemistry, “had examined a portion of the liquid (the chlorate of
potass), and come to the conclusion that it did not contain arsenic.
Reinsch’s test for arsenic was reliable where chlorate of potass was
not present.” “Our first object,” said the witness, on cross-
examination, “was to get rid of the chlorate of potass, or to
decompose it so as to render it inert, which we did; and we then
examined the liquid in question, and found no arsenic in it.”
To the Court.—“I was not aware that Reinsch’s test would be
inapplicable to such a compound, and if I had applied it, and the
result appeared as it did to Drs. Taylor and Odling, I should have
come to the same conclusion, that there was arsenic in the
substance. The matter that has appeared since is to a certain extent
new to the chemical world. We have always been aware of the
presence of very minute quantities of arsenic in copper, but we have
never considered it as interfering in any way until this particular
case.”[175]
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE
DEFENCE.
It will be convenient, as in the previous trials, to report at this
period the medical and analytical evidence offered on the part of
the prisoner, subsequent to the address of Serjeant Parry. This was
devoted to the following points: (1), the absence of some of the
well-known symptoms in slow poisoning by arsenic or antimony,
or by both; (2), the similarity of the symptoms in this case to those
exhibited in cases of acute dysentery; (3), the occurrence of severe
diarrhœa, with vomiting in the early stages of pregnancy; (4), that
the non-discovery of either arsenic or antimony in the tissues of the
body could not be due to its being given in, or with chlorate of
Page 539
potass; (5), the probability that both the arsenic and the antimony
found in the evacuations and intestines might be due to the
presence of arsenic in the bismuth, and of antimony in the grey
powders administered as medicines. In support of these opinions
four doctors and analysts, all belonging to what was known as the
Grosvenor School of Medicine, were examined, two of whom (Dr.
Richardson and Mr. Rodgers) had given evidence for Palmer at his
trial, Dr. Richardson then suggesting that Cook’s symptoms were
reconcileable with an attack of Angina pectoris, and Mr. Rodgers
supporting the view that if strychnia had been given to Cook, it
must have been discovered in his body by chemical analysis.
Dr. Richardson, after generally asserting that the symptoms in
Miss Bankes’ case were not in the main reconcileable with either
slow arsenical or antimonial poisoning, or both, enumerated the
following as absent if it was a case of slow antimonial and
arsenical poisoning:—
“1st, the inflammation of the conjunctival membrane of the eye;
2nd, soreness of the inner surface of the nostril; 3rd, a skin disease
peculiar to arsenical poisoning; 4th, excoriation, amounting to
absolute destruction, possibly, of the surface at the orifice of the
mucous tracts, the mouth, the anus, the lips, and the vagina—and,
lastly, and, in his opinion, the most important, the absence of the
peculiar nervous symptoms which he should expect to find which
characterise arsenical poisoning—frequent convulsions of a violent
kind, in many cases; or in others, where the symptoms may be
prolonged, tremor of the whole limbs, a suppressed convulsion in
fact. Although he should not expect to find all these symptoms in a
case of arsenical poisoning, he believed it to be quite impossible
that a case of arsenical poisoning could exist from which they would
all be absent.—The results of the post-mortem” he said, “were
inconsistent with arsenical poisoning, because the inflammation that
would establish it was most demonstrated in the part ordinarily most
found in the evacuations and intestines might be due to the
presence of arsenic in the bismuth, and of antimony in the grey
powders administered as medicines. In support of these opinions
four doctors and analysts, all belonging to what was known as the
Grosvenor School of Medicine, were examined, two of whom (Dr.
Richardson and Mr. Rodgers) had given evidence for Palmer at his
trial, Dr. Richardson then suggesting that Cook’s symptoms were
reconcileable with an attack of Angina pectoris, and Mr. Rodgers
supporting the view that if strychnia had been given to Cook, it
must have been discovered in his body by chemical analysis.
Dr. Richardson, after generally asserting that the symptoms in
Miss Bankes’ case were not in the main reconcileable with either
slow arsenical or antimonial poisoning, or both, enumerated the
following as absent if it was a case of slow antimonial and
arsenical poisoning:—
“1st, the inflammation of the conjunctival membrane of the eye;
2nd, soreness of the inner surface of the nostril; 3rd, a skin disease
peculiar to arsenical poisoning; 4th, excoriation, amounting to
absolute destruction, possibly, of the surface at the orifice of the
mucous tracts, the mouth, the anus, the lips, and the vagina—and,
lastly, and, in his opinion, the most important, the absence of the
peculiar nervous symptoms which he should expect to find which
characterise arsenical poisoning—frequent convulsions of a violent
kind, in many cases; or in others, where the symptoms may be
prolonged, tremor of the whole limbs, a suppressed convulsion in
fact. Although he should not expect to find all these symptoms in a
case of arsenical poisoning, he believed it to be quite impossible
that a case of arsenical poisoning could exist from which they would
all be absent.—The results of the post-mortem” he said, “were
inconsistent with arsenical poisoning, because the inflammation that
would establish it was most demonstrated in the part ordinarily most
Page 540
free in such poisoning—that, had it been a case of arsenical
poisoning, arsenic must have been found in the tissues, and, had it
been given in chlorate of potass, the whole of it would not have
been eliminated. He based this opinion on an experiment he had
lately made on a large dog, to which in sixteen days he had given 18
grains of arsenic and 365 of chlorate of potass, in small doses, two
or three times a day, and then killed and examined and chemically
analysed in conjunction with Dr. Thudichum and Dr. Webb, two of
the witnesses for the defence. In this animal he found arsenic in the
liver, lungs, and heart, a trace in the spleen and in the kidneys, but
the greater part in the liver. He could venture to say that he found
half a grain.”
The Judge.—“Give me leave to say, that the value of this
experiment is nothing if you give a dog arsenic day by day for
sixteen days, and then it is killed, and some arsenic is found left in
it; is that all it proves?”
Witness.—“No; it was done to prove whether the chlorate would
eliminate the arsenic as fast as it was given.”
The Judge.—“All that the experiment proves is, that chlorate of
potass does not eliminate the whole of the arsenic, because it
eliminated all but half a grain.”
The witness then went on to show, by experiments on two other
dogs, that the administration of chlorate made no difference either
as regards symptoms, pathology, or the chemical result. Speaking
again of the sweating as one of the symptoms in antimonial
poisoning absent in Miss Bankes’ case, he admitted that he had
seen it only in one case, and that, where it had been given in
excess, for a long time, and in large doses medicinally, and that in
two other cases of acute poisoning by antimony there was no
particular eruption, because, as he said, the attack was not long
enough. Such was all the experience he had had in cases of slow
poisoning. As to the effects of antimony on the liver, he could only
speak from some experiments on animals in 1856-7, and that, in
poisoning, arsenic must have been found in the tissues, and, had it
been given in chlorate of potass, the whole of it would not have
been eliminated. He based this opinion on an experiment he had
lately made on a large dog, to which in sixteen days he had given 18
grains of arsenic and 365 of chlorate of potass, in small doses, two
or three times a day, and then killed and examined and chemically
analysed in conjunction with Dr. Thudichum and Dr. Webb, two of
the witnesses for the defence. In this animal he found arsenic in the
liver, lungs, and heart, a trace in the spleen and in the kidneys, but
the greater part in the liver. He could venture to say that he found
half a grain.”
The Judge.—“Give me leave to say, that the value of this
experiment is nothing if you give a dog arsenic day by day for
sixteen days, and then it is killed, and some arsenic is found left in
it; is that all it proves?”
Witness.—“No; it was done to prove whether the chlorate would
eliminate the arsenic as fast as it was given.”
The Judge.—“All that the experiment proves is, that chlorate of
potass does not eliminate the whole of the arsenic, because it
eliminated all but half a grain.”
The witness then went on to show, by experiments on two other
dogs, that the administration of chlorate made no difference either
as regards symptoms, pathology, or the chemical result. Speaking
again of the sweating as one of the symptoms in antimonial
poisoning absent in Miss Bankes’ case, he admitted that he had
seen it only in one case, and that, where it had been given in
excess, for a long time, and in large doses medicinally, and that in
two other cases of acute poisoning by antimony there was no
particular eruption, because, as he said, the attack was not long
enough. Such was all the experience he had had in cases of slow
poisoning. As to the effects of antimony on the liver, he could only
speak from some experiments on animals in 1856-7, and that, in
Page 541
reality, he had no experience at all in slow poisoning, except from
experiments on animals. Of dysentery, too, he knew very little; had
seen two or three cases, but had never met with it in the early stage
of pregnancy; he had met with one between the third and fourth
month, but not between the fifth and seventh week. He had analysed
the bismuth usually administered in medicine, and had found
nearly half a grain of arsenic in an ounce, and, in a case in which
90 grains of that drug had been given at the rate of 5 grains three
times a day—for dyspepsia—with Drs. Thudichum and Webb he
found about the fiftieth of a grain of arsenic in the urine.
The cross-examination of this witness was mainly occupied by
questions about his evidence on Palmer’s trial, and in trying to
elicit from him that these canine experiments had been made for
the purposes of the present case. The latter he denied, but admitted
that he had made them after reading the examinations before the
magistrate and the coroner, and that though he did not
communicate them to the prisoner, he talked about them so
frequently to his colleagues at the Grosvenor School, that he was
not surprised at being interviewed by the prisoner’s solicitor and
asked to give evidence for his client. As to his evidence on
Palmer’s trial, he maintained that he did not endorse the theory that
Cook died of Angina pectoris; that he did not negative the idea of
strychnia, but at last admitted that he could not deny that he went
there to support the theory of Angina pectoris.[176] In the cases of
the dogs his analysis was not quantitative: he was content with the
fact that the arsenic was present. He negatived the idea that the ¼
of a grain of copper in the pill would produce a burning sensation
from the mouth to the anus, but admitted that any irritant given for
a long time would unquestionably produce that effect. The form of
dysentery to which a lady with such a liver as Miss Bankes’ would
be subject, would be subacute, not that arising from poison, but
experiments on animals. Of dysentery, too, he knew very little; had
seen two or three cases, but had never met with it in the early stage
of pregnancy; he had met with one between the third and fourth
month, but not between the fifth and seventh week. He had analysed
the bismuth usually administered in medicine, and had found
nearly half a grain of arsenic in an ounce, and, in a case in which
90 grains of that drug had been given at the rate of 5 grains three
times a day—for dyspepsia—with Drs. Thudichum and Webb he
found about the fiftieth of a grain of arsenic in the urine.
The cross-examination of this witness was mainly occupied by
questions about his evidence on Palmer’s trial, and in trying to
elicit from him that these canine experiments had been made for
the purposes of the present case. The latter he denied, but admitted
that he had made them after reading the examinations before the
magistrate and the coroner, and that though he did not
communicate them to the prisoner, he talked about them so
frequently to his colleagues at the Grosvenor School, that he was
not surprised at being interviewed by the prisoner’s solicitor and
asked to give evidence for his client. As to his evidence on
Palmer’s trial, he maintained that he did not endorse the theory that
Cook died of Angina pectoris; that he did not negative the idea of
strychnia, but at last admitted that he could not deny that he went
there to support the theory of Angina pectoris.[176] In the cases of
the dogs his analysis was not quantitative: he was content with the
fact that the arsenic was present. He negatived the idea that the ¼
of a grain of copper in the pill would produce a burning sensation
from the mouth to the anus, but admitted that any irritant given for
a long time would unquestionably produce that effect. The form of
dysentery to which a lady with such a liver as Miss Bankes’ would
be subject, would be subacute, not that arising from poison, but
Page 542
which is prolonged over a very considerable time: not chronic, but
something between chronic and acute, but too severe to be strictly
chronic; that would not harden the coats of the stomach; would
produce a great deal of mischief in the bowels; would not thicken
them, but probably lead to a deposit of false membrane: it would
not harden them, but a false membrane would; if there was great
congestion, the wall would be thicker. He had not acted as an
accoucheur since 1854, but was of opinion that sickness
accompanied by dysenteric diarrhœa, in the early stage of
pregnancy, might have been the cause of all the appearances
exhibited in this case. Diarrhœa was sometimes an incident of and
caused by pregnancy; the opposite effect, constipation, was not
more usual.
On re-examination, the witness qualified his admission as to the
effect of the copper pill to this extent, that, “in a patient suffering
from violent irritation, arising either from a natural or mechanical
cause, sulphate of copper would have a tendency to increase that
irritation; and he justified his reliance on the experiments on
animals on their forming the great bulk of scientific knowledge in
Europe on the subject of poisons and their operation on the human
frame, and by the fact that the materials for forming a judgment of
the effects of slow antimonial poisoning on the human subject were
very bare,” and concluded by saying, that, “after his cross-
examination, and his attention having been called to all the points
deemed important, he still adhered to his opinion that the deceased
lady might have died from natural causes.”
Dr. J. E. D. Rodgers, Professor of Chemistry in Knowle
College, but for seventeen years at the Grosvenor School, agreed
with Dr. Richardson that chlorate of potass would have no effect in
eliminating arsenic or antimony from the human system; that the
absence of arsenic or antimony from the tissues, and especially
something between chronic and acute, but too severe to be strictly
chronic; that would not harden the coats of the stomach; would
produce a great deal of mischief in the bowels; would not thicken
them, but probably lead to a deposit of false membrane: it would
not harden them, but a false membrane would; if there was great
congestion, the wall would be thicker. He had not acted as an
accoucheur since 1854, but was of opinion that sickness
accompanied by dysenteric diarrhœa, in the early stage of
pregnancy, might have been the cause of all the appearances
exhibited in this case. Diarrhœa was sometimes an incident of and
caused by pregnancy; the opposite effect, constipation, was not
more usual.
On re-examination, the witness qualified his admission as to the
effect of the copper pill to this extent, that, “in a patient suffering
from violent irritation, arising either from a natural or mechanical
cause, sulphate of copper would have a tendency to increase that
irritation; and he justified his reliance on the experiments on
animals on their forming the great bulk of scientific knowledge in
Europe on the subject of poisons and their operation on the human
frame, and by the fact that the materials for forming a judgment of
the effects of slow antimonial poisoning on the human subject were
very bare,” and concluded by saying, that, “after his cross-
examination, and his attention having been called to all the points
deemed important, he still adhered to his opinion that the deceased
lady might have died from natural causes.”
Dr. J. E. D. Rodgers, Professor of Chemistry in Knowle
College, but for seventeen years at the Grosvenor School, agreed
with Dr. Richardson that chlorate of potass would have no effect in
eliminating arsenic or antimony from the human system; that the
absence of arsenic or antimony from the tissues, and especially
Page 543
from the liver, would cause him to doubt whether the allegation of
poisoning was correct, and that he did not think it possible to find it
in the blood and not in the liver, “as the blood in the heart must be
regarded as a sample of the whole 28 lbs. circulating in the system,
and, if you find the poison in one small portion, you must find it
wherever the blood flows.” He confirmed the amount of arsenic
said to be in bismuth, and had found antimony in grey powder:
should expect to find, in a case of slow poisoning, the symptoms
spoken to by Dr. Richardson, and, if he did not find any arsenic in a
body from which an evacuation containing one-sixth of a grain
came, it would lead him to doubt whether the experiment had been
correct.
Dr. J. L. W. Thudichum, Lecturer on Chemistry at the
Grosvenor School, and a pupil of Liebig’s, attributed the death to
what he called diphtheritic dysentery, of which he had seen two
cases, and, on opening the body in one case, found the false
membrane from which the disease takes its name. The only medical
work in which he had seen this form of dysentery described was
Rokitansky’s Morbid Anatomy.[177] It was not, however, at all
necessary to find the false membrane, as it might be broken up and
discharged, and hearing that shreddy matters were found in the
evacuations, would confirm his view. He quite concurred with the
previous witnesses as to the symptoms they would expect to find in
a case of slow arsenical or antimonial poisoning. He had analysed
grey powder and bismuth. In the former he found caustic and
carbonate of lime, mercury partly oxidised, silica, with phosphate
of iron, arsenic and antimony—more arsenic than antimony; in the
bismuth he found both arsenic and antimony—more than a trace—
enough to answer the test two or three times—an appreciable
quantity. “I dare say,” he said, “there was half a grain in 20 grains.
poisoning was correct, and that he did not think it possible to find it
in the blood and not in the liver, “as the blood in the heart must be
regarded as a sample of the whole 28 lbs. circulating in the system,
and, if you find the poison in one small portion, you must find it
wherever the blood flows.” He confirmed the amount of arsenic
said to be in bismuth, and had found antimony in grey powder:
should expect to find, in a case of slow poisoning, the symptoms
spoken to by Dr. Richardson, and, if he did not find any arsenic in a
body from which an evacuation containing one-sixth of a grain
came, it would lead him to doubt whether the experiment had been
correct.
Dr. J. L. W. Thudichum, Lecturer on Chemistry at the
Grosvenor School, and a pupil of Liebig’s, attributed the death to
what he called diphtheritic dysentery, of which he had seen two
cases, and, on opening the body in one case, found the false
membrane from which the disease takes its name. The only medical
work in which he had seen this form of dysentery described was
Rokitansky’s Morbid Anatomy.[177] It was not, however, at all
necessary to find the false membrane, as it might be broken up and
discharged, and hearing that shreddy matters were found in the
evacuations, would confirm his view. He quite concurred with the
previous witnesses as to the symptoms they would expect to find in
a case of slow arsenical or antimonial poisoning. He had analysed
grey powder and bismuth. In the former he found caustic and
carbonate of lime, mercury partly oxidised, silica, with phosphate
of iron, arsenic and antimony—more arsenic than antimony; in the
bismuth he found both arsenic and antimony—more than a trace—
enough to answer the test two or three times—an appreciable
quantity. “I dare say,” he said, “there was half a grain in 20 grains.
Page 544
It is almost necessary, from the mode of its preparation, that it
should contain arsenic.”
On cross-examination, the witness admitted that he had not
made any quantitative analysis, because they were so laborious;
had used in his experiment about one-sixteenth of 2 ounces of the
grey powder, which he dissolved; neither the grey powder nor the
bismuth had anything to do with the death of Miss Bankes, but the
fact of bismuth containing arsenic might account for the traces in
the evacuation, and if antimony was taken in a medicine it might
account for the analysis, but this would depend upon the quantity in
the medicine.
Dr. Cornelius Webb, Lecturer on Medical Jurisprudence and
Toxicology at the Grosvenor School, and Physician to the Great
Northern Hospital, said:—
“From all he had heard deposed to in court he was of opinion that
the deceased died from natural causes that might be accounted for—
that the fact of her being in an early state of pregnancy ought most
decidedly to be taken into consideration; though he did not know of
a case, he was of opinion, founded on practical experience and
general knowledge, that severe vomiting and severe diarrhœa which
would not yield to ordinary treatment may arise from an early state
of pregnancy—that Miss Bankes died from dysentery, made worse
by the condition of early pregnancy, and that a burning sensation in
the mouth is consequent upon dysentery, and the diarrhœa and
vomiting of pregnancy. All the symptoms in her case might arise
from the vomiting and diarrhœa of pregnancy. The ulceration in the
stomach, obliteration and partial destruction of the mucous
membrane, the effusion of blood under it, and the dark patchy spots
and ulcers and injection generally of the membrane might, as Dr.
Wilkes said, arise from dysentery. If the deceased at one time had an
affection of the womb, for which she used nitrate of silver (a pint
bottle of this was found in her room), it would indicate ulceration of
the neck of the womb; and if there had been such a condition of the
should contain arsenic.”
On cross-examination, the witness admitted that he had not
made any quantitative analysis, because they were so laborious;
had used in his experiment about one-sixteenth of 2 ounces of the
grey powder, which he dissolved; neither the grey powder nor the
bismuth had anything to do with the death of Miss Bankes, but the
fact of bismuth containing arsenic might account for the traces in
the evacuation, and if antimony was taken in a medicine it might
account for the analysis, but this would depend upon the quantity in
the medicine.
Dr. Cornelius Webb, Lecturer on Medical Jurisprudence and
Toxicology at the Grosvenor School, and Physician to the Great
Northern Hospital, said:—
“From all he had heard deposed to in court he was of opinion that
the deceased died from natural causes that might be accounted for—
that the fact of her being in an early state of pregnancy ought most
decidedly to be taken into consideration; though he did not know of
a case, he was of opinion, founded on practical experience and
general knowledge, that severe vomiting and severe diarrhœa which
would not yield to ordinary treatment may arise from an early state
of pregnancy—that Miss Bankes died from dysentery, made worse
by the condition of early pregnancy, and that a burning sensation in
the mouth is consequent upon dysentery, and the diarrhœa and
vomiting of pregnancy. All the symptoms in her case might arise
from the vomiting and diarrhœa of pregnancy. The ulceration in the
stomach, obliteration and partial destruction of the mucous
membrane, the effusion of blood under it, and the dark patchy spots
and ulcers and injection generally of the membrane might, as Dr.
Wilkes said, arise from dysentery. If the deceased at one time had an
affection of the womb, for which she used nitrate of silver (a pint
bottle of this was found in her room), it would indicate ulceration of
the neck of the womb; and if there had been such a condition of the
Page 545
womb an appreciable time before pregnancy, it might add to the
irritation of pregnancy. Unless he found other symptoms, the
vomiting, diarrhœa, sensation of the throat and the intestinal canal,
accompanied by ulcerous appearances in parts of the body, would
not, in his judgment, necessarily lead to the conclusion that she must
be the subject of irritant poisoning—unless he found other
symptoms, it would not enter his head. In a case of antimonial
poisoning he should expect to find a clamminess and cold
perspiration of the skin. In arsenical poisoning he should expect to
find arsenic in the kidneys and the spleen, as well as the liver;
should expect to find it in the liver first—it is the great criterion.
And from the absence of these symptoms and appearances in this
case, he was fortified in his opinion that she died from natural
causes.”
The cross-examination of this witness was mainly directed to
his assertion that, “in such a case as this, had he been called in at its
early stage, notwithstanding he was told that she was not pregnant,
and that her courses were in order, he should have examined the
patient for pregnancy, especially if he found that the remedies were
useless in stopping the vomiting and diarrhœa.”
“Dysentery,” he said, “was a most common disease, and in such a
state as Miss Bankes was, the quarter-of-a-grain copper pill might
increase the irritation. Diphtheritic dysentery was a form of
idiopathic dysentery, that is, occurring without any particular poison
—the Eastern form; there is a dysentery that arises from natural
poison, just the same as fever. If I had been acquainted with all the
symptoms I have heard described in court, I should not have dreamt
of poison.”
Dr. G. F. Girdwood, who had delivered upwards of 3,000
women, strongly supported the view of the death being due to the
effects of dysentery, combined with pregnancy. “Idiopathic
dysentery would be its proper name—a special disease originating
irritation of pregnancy. Unless he found other symptoms, the
vomiting, diarrhœa, sensation of the throat and the intestinal canal,
accompanied by ulcerous appearances in parts of the body, would
not, in his judgment, necessarily lead to the conclusion that she must
be the subject of irritant poisoning—unless he found other
symptoms, it would not enter his head. In a case of antimonial
poisoning he should expect to find a clamminess and cold
perspiration of the skin. In arsenical poisoning he should expect to
find arsenic in the kidneys and the spleen, as well as the liver;
should expect to find it in the liver first—it is the great criterion.
And from the absence of these symptoms and appearances in this
case, he was fortified in his opinion that she died from natural
causes.”
The cross-examination of this witness was mainly directed to
his assertion that, “in such a case as this, had he been called in at its
early stage, notwithstanding he was told that she was not pregnant,
and that her courses were in order, he should have examined the
patient for pregnancy, especially if he found that the remedies were
useless in stopping the vomiting and diarrhœa.”
“Dysentery,” he said, “was a most common disease, and in such a
state as Miss Bankes was, the quarter-of-a-grain copper pill might
increase the irritation. Diphtheritic dysentery was a form of
idiopathic dysentery, that is, occurring without any particular poison
—the Eastern form; there is a dysentery that arises from natural
poison, just the same as fever. If I had been acquainted with all the
symptoms I have heard described in court, I should not have dreamt
of poison.”
Dr. G. F. Girdwood, who had delivered upwards of 3,000
women, strongly supported the view of the death being due to the
effects of dysentery, combined with pregnancy. “Idiopathic
dysentery would be its proper name—a special disease originating
Page 546
in itself, one single malady, one single suffering. He had had
several cases of dysentery at early stages of pregnancy, one of them
very severe, in fact, contemporaneous with it—he should say
symptomatic of pregnancy: this would be much aggravated by a
bilious temperament, and any affection of the liver.”
On cross-examination the witness explained that “in this country
idiopathic dysentery assumed a less severe form than in warm
climates—was what is called subacute or chronic, and that the state
of the cæcum indicated a case of subacute, not of severe dysentery,
of prolonged dysentery, and that it did not necessarily follow that
such a case should commence with febrile symptoms.” On re-
examination he stated, that “in early pregnancy the dysenteric
motions have become bloody, the sign of dysentery which may
come on immediately or not; in a day or two in acute dysentery, the
result of neglected diarrhœa. Subacute dysentery is frequently the
result of neglected diarrhœa, or chronic dysentery—you have acute,
subacute, and chronic.”
Mr. James Edmunds, Surgeon to the Royal Maternity Charity,
cited a case in his own practice of a woman of about forty years of
age, who had been married ten or twelve years, and who in her
pregnancy suffered from vomiting, purging, and severe pain in her
abdomen, and who, from the post-mortem examination which he
made, he was convinced died of dysentery, complicated by
vomiting and irritability of the stomach attributable to pregnancy,
and purging attributable to dysentery. “Purging,” he said, “was
often a symptom at an early stage of pregnancy, and often of
impending labour.”
On cross-examination, however, he admitted that when he first
attended this woman, when the symptoms first began, she had been
pregnant five or six months.
several cases of dysentery at early stages of pregnancy, one of them
very severe, in fact, contemporaneous with it—he should say
symptomatic of pregnancy: this would be much aggravated by a
bilious temperament, and any affection of the liver.”
On cross-examination the witness explained that “in this country
idiopathic dysentery assumed a less severe form than in warm
climates—was what is called subacute or chronic, and that the state
of the cæcum indicated a case of subacute, not of severe dysentery,
of prolonged dysentery, and that it did not necessarily follow that
such a case should commence with febrile symptoms.” On re-
examination he stated, that “in early pregnancy the dysenteric
motions have become bloody, the sign of dysentery which may
come on immediately or not; in a day or two in acute dysentery, the
result of neglected diarrhœa. Subacute dysentery is frequently the
result of neglected diarrhœa, or chronic dysentery—you have acute,
subacute, and chronic.”
Mr. James Edmunds, Surgeon to the Royal Maternity Charity,
cited a case in his own practice of a woman of about forty years of
age, who had been married ten or twelve years, and who in her
pregnancy suffered from vomiting, purging, and severe pain in her
abdomen, and who, from the post-mortem examination which he
made, he was convinced died of dysentery, complicated by
vomiting and irritability of the stomach attributable to pregnancy,
and purging attributable to dysentery. “Purging,” he said, “was
often a symptom at an early stage of pregnancy, and often of
impending labour.”
On cross-examination, however, he admitted that when he first
attended this woman, when the symptoms first began, she had been
pregnant five or six months.
Page 547
Dr. Tyler Smith, the last medical witness called for the defence,
in practice for fifteen years as an accoucheur, said that
“He was acquainted with cases in which excessive vomiting in
pregnancy had caused death—where it went on after pregnancy had
commenced, sometimes during the whole period, but these were
exceptional cases. It would require considerable skill to determine
accurately the age of a fœtus, as you may have a case in which it
may die and remain in utero without development, though no
decomposition takes place. He had known one case in which there
was a great amount of vomiting and some amount of purging, in
which the friends of the lady could not be brought to believe that her
husband was not poisoning her. These symptoms might become so
violent as to be mistaken for a case of poisoning; the expression on
the face in such cases was that of death by starvation.”
On cross-examination, he admitted that though he had seen
cases of death in pregnancy from vomiting conjoined with purging,
he believed the vomiting to be the great cause of death, and that
ordinarily, if dysentery is excessive, abortion is produced. On re-
examination, he said “that in the case of a woman of from forty to
forty-five years of age, doses of irritant poison were more likely to
procure abortion than idiopathic disease.” To a question by a
juryman, he said, “any irritating medicine would tend to keep up
dysentery.”
With the evidence of a dentist (Pedley) who had attended the
prisoner about the middle of February last, and recommended the
use of chlorate of potass for foulness of breath, the evidence for the
defence was closed.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
in practice for fifteen years as an accoucheur, said that
“He was acquainted with cases in which excessive vomiting in
pregnancy had caused death—where it went on after pregnancy had
commenced, sometimes during the whole period, but these were
exceptional cases. It would require considerable skill to determine
accurately the age of a fœtus, as you may have a case in which it
may die and remain in utero without development, though no
decomposition takes place. He had known one case in which there
was a great amount of vomiting and some amount of purging, in
which the friends of the lady could not be brought to believe that her
husband was not poisoning her. These symptoms might become so
violent as to be mistaken for a case of poisoning; the expression on
the face in such cases was that of death by starvation.”
On cross-examination, he admitted that though he had seen
cases of death in pregnancy from vomiting conjoined with purging,
he believed the vomiting to be the great cause of death, and that
ordinarily, if dysentery is excessive, abortion is produced. On re-
examination, he said “that in the case of a woman of from forty to
forty-five years of age, doses of irritant poison were more likely to
procure abortion than idiopathic disease.” To a question by a
juryman, he said, “any irritating medicine would tend to keep up
dysentery.”
With the evidence of a dentist (Pedley) who had attended the
prisoner about the middle of February last, and recommended the
use of chlorate of potass for foulness of breath, the evidence for the
defence was closed.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
Page 548
The Lord Chief Baron, in his address to the jury, which
occupied eight hours and a half, and of which, therefore, only the
leading points can be given, said:—
“As to the marriage of the prisoner and the deceased—though in
itself a breach of the law and a felony—the jury ought not to allow
it to have any weight, excepting so far as it operated, with the other
facts in the case, upon the question whether the prisoner was guilty
or innocent of the more serious crime laid to his charge. It appeared
to him that it was a most important subject for their consideration—
the position of the deceased at the time the fatal event occurred, and
also what she believed to be her position with the prisoner. In the
letter she wrote to her sister she stated she was happy, and she also
told her sister when she first saw her during her illness, that when
she got well all would be right. What did she mean by that
expression, and what would have become of the prisoner if she had
got well, he having a wife living? In the will that had been made by
the deceased, she appeared to have been studiously called ‘spinster,’
and she signed her name, ‘Isabella Bankes,’ and how she could have
done this, knowing that she had gone through the ceremony of
marriage with the prisoner, and might, therefore, naturally have
supposed herself entitled to the name of ‘Smethurst,’ was certainly a
very mysterious and extraordinary circumstance.[178] He could not
help observing on the circumstances under which the will was
made. The prisoner had certainly told Mr. Senior a falsehood, and he
did not appear to scruple to degrade most seriously the unhappy
lady for the purpose of having the will prepared in the form he
required. If he had told the attorney the truth, he would never have
drawn the will in the form in which it appeared. Again, at the very
period when this unhappy woman was lying in agony on her death-
bed, and according to the prisoner’s statement unable to bear the
excitement of seeing her sister, he took into her room on the Sunday
an entire stranger, and there a will prepared by himself was read to
her, and executed by her under the circumstances of degradation to
which he had alluded. Thus this poor dying woman, from whom all
occupied eight hours and a half, and of which, therefore, only the
leading points can be given, said:—
“As to the marriage of the prisoner and the deceased—though in
itself a breach of the law and a felony—the jury ought not to allow
it to have any weight, excepting so far as it operated, with the other
facts in the case, upon the question whether the prisoner was guilty
or innocent of the more serious crime laid to his charge. It appeared
to him that it was a most important subject for their consideration—
the position of the deceased at the time the fatal event occurred, and
also what she believed to be her position with the prisoner. In the
letter she wrote to her sister she stated she was happy, and she also
told her sister when she first saw her during her illness, that when
she got well all would be right. What did she mean by that
expression, and what would have become of the prisoner if she had
got well, he having a wife living? In the will that had been made by
the deceased, she appeared to have been studiously called ‘spinster,’
and she signed her name, ‘Isabella Bankes,’ and how she could have
done this, knowing that she had gone through the ceremony of
marriage with the prisoner, and might, therefore, naturally have
supposed herself entitled to the name of ‘Smethurst,’ was certainly a
very mysterious and extraordinary circumstance.[178] He could not
help observing on the circumstances under which the will was
made. The prisoner had certainly told Mr. Senior a falsehood, and he
did not appear to scruple to degrade most seriously the unhappy
lady for the purpose of having the will prepared in the form he
required. If he had told the attorney the truth, he would never have
drawn the will in the form in which it appeared. Again, at the very
period when this unhappy woman was lying in agony on her death-
bed, and according to the prisoner’s statement unable to bear the
excitement of seeing her sister, he took into her room on the Sunday
an entire stranger, and there a will prepared by himself was read to
her, and executed by her under the circumstances of degradation to
which he had alluded. Thus this poor dying woman, from whom all
Page 549
her relations had been excluded, had a stranger thrust into her
presence, and was allowed to pass into the other world without one
word of religious consolation, as if she had been a beggar and an
unbeliever in a heathen land. Again, as to the pecuniary motive, on
the supposed inadequacy of which counsel had commented because
she would have been entitled to receive the interest of the £5000
(£150) only during her lifetime, it should not be forgotten that by
her will he would be at once in the possession of a sum equal to
twelve years’ purchase of that dividend.”
“The illness of the deceased appeared to have commenced very
soon after the parties arrived at Richmond; the prisoner appeared to
have described it as a bilious attack; he undoubtedly appeared
desirous to have additional medical aid, and Dr. Julius was in
consequence called in. In both the lodgings he appeared to have
performed all the offices that were necessary in connection with the
patient, although it was perfectly clear that he had ample means for
providing the necessary attendance. The jury would consider what
bearing this had on the case. Did he refuse to have a nurse because
he did not wish to have a witness in that bedroom? He not only
refused to have a nurse, but he wrote to the deceased’s sister to
prevent her from visiting her sister. He said that he could not afford
a nurse, yet at this very time the deceased had an income of at least
£220 a year. It also appeared that no portion of any of the food given
to the deceased was allowed to remain; it was always thrown away,
so that no person ever had an opportunity of tasting it. This was one
of the facts of the case, from which the jury would draw their own
inference. It was a fact in favour of the prisoner that neither arsenic
nor antimony was found at his lodgings or on his person. He had,
however, ample opportunity between his discharge on the Monday
and his re-arrest on the following day, of getting rid of any poison,
and if the jury thought that the deceased really died of poison, the
fact that none was found in the prisoner’s possession would not
have much weight.
“After the first interview, the prisoner had taken every means in
his power to prevent the deceased from seeing her sister, on the
presence, and was allowed to pass into the other world without one
word of religious consolation, as if she had been a beggar and an
unbeliever in a heathen land. Again, as to the pecuniary motive, on
the supposed inadequacy of which counsel had commented because
she would have been entitled to receive the interest of the £5000
(£150) only during her lifetime, it should not be forgotten that by
her will he would be at once in the possession of a sum equal to
twelve years’ purchase of that dividend.”
“The illness of the deceased appeared to have commenced very
soon after the parties arrived at Richmond; the prisoner appeared to
have described it as a bilious attack; he undoubtedly appeared
desirous to have additional medical aid, and Dr. Julius was in
consequence called in. In both the lodgings he appeared to have
performed all the offices that were necessary in connection with the
patient, although it was perfectly clear that he had ample means for
providing the necessary attendance. The jury would consider what
bearing this had on the case. Did he refuse to have a nurse because
he did not wish to have a witness in that bedroom? He not only
refused to have a nurse, but he wrote to the deceased’s sister to
prevent her from visiting her sister. He said that he could not afford
a nurse, yet at this very time the deceased had an income of at least
£220 a year. It also appeared that no portion of any of the food given
to the deceased was allowed to remain; it was always thrown away,
so that no person ever had an opportunity of tasting it. This was one
of the facts of the case, from which the jury would draw their own
inference. It was a fact in favour of the prisoner that neither arsenic
nor antimony was found at his lodgings or on his person. He had,
however, ample opportunity between his discharge on the Monday
and his re-arrest on the following day, of getting rid of any poison,
and if the jury thought that the deceased really died of poison, the
fact that none was found in the prisoner’s possession would not
have much weight.
“After the first interview, the prisoner had taken every means in
his power to prevent the deceased from seeing her sister, on the
Page 550
ground that the doctor forbade it[179]—which was not true. Why was
not the sister informed on the 30th, when she was allowed to see the
deceased again, that she had made a will, and what could be the
object of the prisoner in wishing that the young woman who was to
witness the will should be told it was a ‘Chancery paper’ and not a
will? The fact of the sister having been sent away on the day before
the death, was probably more in connection with the will, and from
fear lest the deceased should, at the last moment, revoke it in favour
of a beloved sister, than with the actual death—but it was a fact in
the case. It was also a fact in the case, that after the prisoner ceased
to attend on the deceased she ceased to vomit, and that the prisoner
said that as the parties about the deceased had interfered, he should
take no further responsibility, nor pay for anything, though at that
time he had money of the deceased’s at his bankers.[180] It was
another fact to be considered that the draft of the will was entirely in
the prisoner’s handwriting, and that there was no evidence that it
was drawn by a barrister as he represented.”
On the medical testimony, the Chief Baron said:—
“The medical witnesses called for the defence thought the
symptoms of this case inconsistent with slow poisoning, and that
had arsenic or antimony been the cause of death, some portions of
those substances would have been found in the body.[181] These
statements were, however, the opinions of scientific men, the result
of reading and study, and the jury would have to consider how far it
weighed against the evidence of those scientific witnesses who had
seen the patient when living, and had observed personally all the
symptoms that manifested themselves. The medical men first called
in found themselves baffled by the disease; the medicines not only
did not alleviate the symptoms, but did not produce even their
natural effects. They, therefore, came to the conclusion that
something was being administered which counteracted their
medicines. Dr. Todd, one of the most eminent physicians of the day,
was called in, and came to the same conclusion. These gentlemen,
not the sister informed on the 30th, when she was allowed to see the
deceased again, that she had made a will, and what could be the
object of the prisoner in wishing that the young woman who was to
witness the will should be told it was a ‘Chancery paper’ and not a
will? The fact of the sister having been sent away on the day before
the death, was probably more in connection with the will, and from
fear lest the deceased should, at the last moment, revoke it in favour
of a beloved sister, than with the actual death—but it was a fact in
the case. It was also a fact in the case, that after the prisoner ceased
to attend on the deceased she ceased to vomit, and that the prisoner
said that as the parties about the deceased had interfered, he should
take no further responsibility, nor pay for anything, though at that
time he had money of the deceased’s at his bankers.[180] It was
another fact to be considered that the draft of the will was entirely in
the prisoner’s handwriting, and that there was no evidence that it
was drawn by a barrister as he represented.”
On the medical testimony, the Chief Baron said:—
“The medical witnesses called for the defence thought the
symptoms of this case inconsistent with slow poisoning, and that
had arsenic or antimony been the cause of death, some portions of
those substances would have been found in the body.[181] These
statements were, however, the opinions of scientific men, the result
of reading and study, and the jury would have to consider how far it
weighed against the evidence of those scientific witnesses who had
seen the patient when living, and had observed personally all the
symptoms that manifested themselves. The medical men first called
in found themselves baffled by the disease; the medicines not only
did not alleviate the symptoms, but did not produce even their
natural effects. They, therefore, came to the conclusion that
something was being administered which counteracted their
medicines. Dr. Todd, one of the most eminent physicians of the day,
was called in, and came to the same conclusion. These gentlemen,
Page 551
and other competent witnesses, who had not seen the patient while
living, were equally of opinion that the symptoms were not
ascribable to any natural causes; but were those which would arise
from the administration of an irritant poison. The counsel for the
prisoner had laid much stress upon the mistake made by Dr. Taylor
in one of his tests, and asked them to dismiss Dr. Taylor’s evidence
from their consideration. He did not agree with this. The failure of
Dr. Taylor’s analysis in one instance arose from a new and hitherto
unknown fact in science, and did not in any way invalidate his
testimony.[182] It appeared to him that no answer had been given to
the main point urged by the prosecution—that no medicine
whatever had the slightest effect upon the malady under which the
deceased was suffering. He did not agree with the prisoner’s
counsel, that the real question for the jury was to consider which set
of medical witnesses were entitled to credit. The medical evidence
was important, but the jury must, in addition, look at all the other
facts of the case, and particularly to the conduct of the prisoner and
the motives for his crime. They must, after all, be guided by those
rules of common sense that would operate on the minds of
reasonable men with regard to the more important actions of their
lives; and even supposing that there were no medical testimony at
all in the case, they would still have, as it appeared to him, a very
grave question to decide with reference to the guilt or innocence of
the prisoner.”
The jury, after deliberating for twenty minutes, returned a
verdict of “Guilty.” When the prisoner, who appeared thunder-
struck at the verdict, was called upon to say why sentence of death
should not be passed on him, he speedily recovered his self-
possession, and addressed the Court in a powerful, though rambling
speech, in which he attempted to explain away some portions of his
conduct, strongly asserted his innocence, and denounced Dr. Julius,
against whom he appeared to entertain a bitter animosity. Again,
when the usual sentence had been passed upon him, which he heard
living, were equally of opinion that the symptoms were not
ascribable to any natural causes; but were those which would arise
from the administration of an irritant poison. The counsel for the
prisoner had laid much stress upon the mistake made by Dr. Taylor
in one of his tests, and asked them to dismiss Dr. Taylor’s evidence
from their consideration. He did not agree with this. The failure of
Dr. Taylor’s analysis in one instance arose from a new and hitherto
unknown fact in science, and did not in any way invalidate his
testimony.[182] It appeared to him that no answer had been given to
the main point urged by the prosecution—that no medicine
whatever had the slightest effect upon the malady under which the
deceased was suffering. He did not agree with the prisoner’s
counsel, that the real question for the jury was to consider which set
of medical witnesses were entitled to credit. The medical evidence
was important, but the jury must, in addition, look at all the other
facts of the case, and particularly to the conduct of the prisoner and
the motives for his crime. They must, after all, be guided by those
rules of common sense that would operate on the minds of
reasonable men with regard to the more important actions of their
lives; and even supposing that there were no medical testimony at
all in the case, they would still have, as it appeared to him, a very
grave question to decide with reference to the guilt or innocence of
the prisoner.”
The jury, after deliberating for twenty minutes, returned a
verdict of “Guilty.” When the prisoner, who appeared thunder-
struck at the verdict, was called upon to say why sentence of death
should not be passed on him, he speedily recovered his self-
possession, and addressed the Court in a powerful, though rambling
speech, in which he attempted to explain away some portions of his
conduct, strongly asserted his innocence, and denounced Dr. Julius,
against whom he appeared to entertain a bitter animosity. Again,
when the usual sentence had been passed upon him, which he heard
Page 552
without emotion, he denounced Dr. Julius as his murderer, and
declared that “he was innocent before God.”
No sooner was the verdict given than its correctness was
questioned alike by the legal and the medical profession, each
discussing it within its own domain, the doctors confining
themselves too exclusively to the conflict of medical testimony, the
lawyers confining their disputes too exclusively to the collateral
facts of the case. Such, however, was the discussion between the
two professions, that the Home Secretary (Sir G. Cornewall Lewis)
deemed it advisable to reprieve the culprit until the case had
undergone deliberate revision.
By the account given by Mr. Justice Stephen, based on the
notes and papers of the late Lord Chief Baron, it would appear that,
in addition to the numerous letters (some very foolish on both
sides) sent to him, and transmitted by him to the Home Secretary,
two communications, described as “somewhat hastily prepared,”
were forwarded from Dr. Baly and Dr. Jenner. These urged that
“sufficient weight had not been given to the fact of the pregnancy
and the ambiguous character of the symptoms,” and, some of the
letters added, “their inconsistency and incompatibility with
poison.” As the reasons on which these “somewhat hastily prepared
communications” were based are not divulged, it is impossible to
judge of their value. The learned Judge, on the contrary, called the
Home Secretary’s attention to the statement in the memorial to the
Prince Consort (already quoted, note, p. 474), to certain entries in
Smethurst’s diary, not proved at the trial, and not now given,
showing that he had wilfully misstated the symptoms of the patient,
and to a statement in a letter of Mr. Herapath in the Times that the
quantity of arsenic extracted from the chlorate of potass was larger
than could have been released from the copper gauze. (See Chapter
IX. p. 509.) On receiving this report the Home Secretary referred
declared that “he was innocent before God.”
No sooner was the verdict given than its correctness was
questioned alike by the legal and the medical profession, each
discussing it within its own domain, the doctors confining
themselves too exclusively to the conflict of medical testimony, the
lawyers confining their disputes too exclusively to the collateral
facts of the case. Such, however, was the discussion between the
two professions, that the Home Secretary (Sir G. Cornewall Lewis)
deemed it advisable to reprieve the culprit until the case had
undergone deliberate revision.
By the account given by Mr. Justice Stephen, based on the
notes and papers of the late Lord Chief Baron, it would appear that,
in addition to the numerous letters (some very foolish on both
sides) sent to him, and transmitted by him to the Home Secretary,
two communications, described as “somewhat hastily prepared,”
were forwarded from Dr. Baly and Dr. Jenner. These urged that
“sufficient weight had not been given to the fact of the pregnancy
and the ambiguous character of the symptoms,” and, some of the
letters added, “their inconsistency and incompatibility with
poison.” As the reasons on which these “somewhat hastily prepared
communications” were based are not divulged, it is impossible to
judge of their value. The learned Judge, on the contrary, called the
Home Secretary’s attention to the statement in the memorial to the
Prince Consort (already quoted, note, p. 474), to certain entries in
Smethurst’s diary, not proved at the trial, and not now given,
showing that he had wilfully misstated the symptoms of the patient,
and to a statement in a letter of Mr. Herapath in the Times that the
quantity of arsenic extracted from the chlorate of potass was larger
than could have been released from the copper gauze. (See Chapter
IX. p. 509.) On receiving this report the Home Secretary referred
Page 553
the whole of the documents, together with the copy of the evidence,
to Sir B. Brodie. His reply, which, it is reported, dealt not only with
the medical, but the moral evidence of Smethurst’s guilt,[183]
concluded in these words: “Taking into consideration all that I have
stated, I own that the impression on my mind is that there is not
absolute and complete evidence of Smethurst’s guilt.” Thus on
evidence not subjected to the searching cross-examination which it
could have received if produced at the trial, and the opinion of a
most eminent surgeon (not an analyst) merely on reading the papers
submitted to him, the prisoner was pardoned. “The responsibility,”
says Judge Stephen, “was thus shifted from those on whom it
properly rested on to a man, who, however skilful and learned as a
surgeon, was neither juryman nor judge.”[184]
THE LIVERPOOL POISONING CASE.
TRIAL OF THOMAS WINSLOW FOR THE WILFUL MURDER
OF ANN JAMES.
Before Baron Martin, Northern Circuit, Liverpool, August 20, 1860.
For the Prosecution: The Attorney-General for the County
Palatine (Mr. Bliss, Q.C.), Mr. Aspinall, and Mr. Temple.
For the Defence: Mr. Digby Seymour, Q.C. for the County
Palatine, Mr. Fenwick, and Mr. Little.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
The prisoner, who had been an ironworker, was charged with
the murder of Ann James, by aggravating the disease of the cæcum,
to Sir B. Brodie. His reply, which, it is reported, dealt not only with
the medical, but the moral evidence of Smethurst’s guilt,[183]
concluded in these words: “Taking into consideration all that I have
stated, I own that the impression on my mind is that there is not
absolute and complete evidence of Smethurst’s guilt.” Thus on
evidence not subjected to the searching cross-examination which it
could have received if produced at the trial, and the opinion of a
most eminent surgeon (not an analyst) merely on reading the papers
submitted to him, the prisoner was pardoned. “The responsibility,”
says Judge Stephen, “was thus shifted from those on whom it
properly rested on to a man, who, however skilful and learned as a
surgeon, was neither juryman nor judge.”[184]
THE LIVERPOOL POISONING CASE.
TRIAL OF THOMAS WINSLOW FOR THE WILFUL MURDER
OF ANN JAMES.
Before Baron Martin, Northern Circuit, Liverpool, August 20, 1860.
For the Prosecution: The Attorney-General for the County
Palatine (Mr. Bliss, Q.C.), Mr. Aspinall, and Mr. Temple.
For the Defence: Mr. Digby Seymour, Q.C. for the County
Palatine, Mr. Fenwick, and Mr. Little.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
The prisoner, who had been an ironworker, was charged with
the murder of Ann James, by aggravating the disease of the cæcum,
Page 554
under which she was suffering, through the administration of
minute doses of antimony. Mrs. James came to Liverpool from
Devonshire, in 1854, whither she was soon followed by her sister
Eliza, her sister’s husband a Mr. Townsend, an invalid, three
nephews, and a niece, who was married to a japanner of the name
of Cafferata. Commencing business as a grocer, she had
subsequently kept an eating-house, which was eventually turned
into a night refreshment and registered lodging-house, of which the
prisoner, one of her lodgers, had taken the active management.
Between him and the Townsends it was evident that no good
feeling existed. They were jealous of his influence over their aunt,
and suspicious of the intimate relations that existed between them.
One of the nephews, Martin, who had caused her much trouble and
expense from frequently enlisting in and having to be bought out of
the army, acted as baker to the shop, but, with that exception, the
Townsends had no share in the business. Previous to the last illness
of their aunt, her sister, lately left a widow, and the other two
nephews, died suddenly, as it was found afterwards, under very
suspicious circumstances. No investigation, however, was made in
their cases, until after the aunt’s death.
Mrs. James had prospered in her business: according to her own
account, the prisoner had made it. Her stock-in-trade and the
goodwill were worth between £200 and £300: she had four gas
shares, valued at £200, and £130 in the savings bank, at the time of
her death. An authority for the withdrawal of the money from the
savings bank, the holograph of the prisoner, was found in a drawer,
and during her last illness the prisoner had gone to the gas
company to try and get the shares entered in his own name, and
been told that it could not be done without a proper transfer, or by
will. On this he got the solicitor of the gas company to see Mrs.
James and draw her will. This the solicitor did, no one but himself
minute doses of antimony. Mrs. James came to Liverpool from
Devonshire, in 1854, whither she was soon followed by her sister
Eliza, her sister’s husband a Mr. Townsend, an invalid, three
nephews, and a niece, who was married to a japanner of the name
of Cafferata. Commencing business as a grocer, she had
subsequently kept an eating-house, which was eventually turned
into a night refreshment and registered lodging-house, of which the
prisoner, one of her lodgers, had taken the active management.
Between him and the Townsends it was evident that no good
feeling existed. They were jealous of his influence over their aunt,
and suspicious of the intimate relations that existed between them.
One of the nephews, Martin, who had caused her much trouble and
expense from frequently enlisting in and having to be bought out of
the army, acted as baker to the shop, but, with that exception, the
Townsends had no share in the business. Previous to the last illness
of their aunt, her sister, lately left a widow, and the other two
nephews, died suddenly, as it was found afterwards, under very
suspicious circumstances. No investigation, however, was made in
their cases, until after the aunt’s death.
Mrs. James had prospered in her business: according to her own
account, the prisoner had made it. Her stock-in-trade and the
goodwill were worth between £200 and £300: she had four gas
shares, valued at £200, and £130 in the savings bank, at the time of
her death. An authority for the withdrawal of the money from the
savings bank, the holograph of the prisoner, was found in a drawer,
and during her last illness the prisoner had gone to the gas
company to try and get the shares entered in his own name, and
been told that it could not be done without a proper transfer, or by
will. On this he got the solicitor of the gas company to see Mrs.
James and draw her will. This the solicitor did, no one but himself
Page 555
and his clerk being present, and by it the business and stock-in-
trade were left to the prisoner, and the rest of the property divided
equally between Mrs. Cafferata and her child, and the nephew
Martin, the prisoner being appointed sole executor. On the 5th of
February, Mrs. James was so ill that the prisoner called in Dr.
Cameron, Physician to the Liverpool Southern Hospital, who found
her in bed, suffering from bowel complaint, and a tumour in the
abdomen, which he believed to be cancer, and very weak and
prostrate. He prescribed for her, and desired to be sent for again if
she became worse. On the 26th of that month the prisoner wrote to
Mrs. Cafferata at Manchester to come at once if she wished to see
her aunt alive. She came and stayed with her for a fortnight,
sleeping in the same bed, in the back parlour, of which the prisoner
had the key at night. During Mrs. James’s illness her food was
prepared by her servants, and brought to her room generally at
night by the prisoner, who was very attentive, and showed great
interest in her condition. On the 29th of March, Dr. Cameron was
sent for again, and found her symptoms similar to those he had
seen on his first visit. Again, on the 8th of May he saw her, when
she was suffering under a violent attack of purging and vomiting,
but, as regarded these effects, was convalescent by the 19th. On the
25th, however, he found her again very ill, and for the first time,
from the symptoms, suspected that some foreign ingredient, some
irritating substance, such as antimony, had been given to her. Mrs.
Cafferata had again been sent for to attend on her aunt. Dr.
Cameron prescribed tannin as an antidote, and on the 6th of June
Mrs. James was again convalescent. Two days after, however, the
same bad symptoms reappeared, and she became exceedingly
prostrate. Some of her urine and excretions were obtained and
handed to Dr. Edwards for analysis, and its results communicated
to Dr. Cameron, who, in consequence, went to her house on the
10th of June with the police, took possession of all the medicine
trade were left to the prisoner, and the rest of the property divided
equally between Mrs. Cafferata and her child, and the nephew
Martin, the prisoner being appointed sole executor. On the 5th of
February, Mrs. James was so ill that the prisoner called in Dr.
Cameron, Physician to the Liverpool Southern Hospital, who found
her in bed, suffering from bowel complaint, and a tumour in the
abdomen, which he believed to be cancer, and very weak and
prostrate. He prescribed for her, and desired to be sent for again if
she became worse. On the 26th of that month the prisoner wrote to
Mrs. Cafferata at Manchester to come at once if she wished to see
her aunt alive. She came and stayed with her for a fortnight,
sleeping in the same bed, in the back parlour, of which the prisoner
had the key at night. During Mrs. James’s illness her food was
prepared by her servants, and brought to her room generally at
night by the prisoner, who was very attentive, and showed great
interest in her condition. On the 29th of March, Dr. Cameron was
sent for again, and found her symptoms similar to those he had
seen on his first visit. Again, on the 8th of May he saw her, when
she was suffering under a violent attack of purging and vomiting,
but, as regarded these effects, was convalescent by the 19th. On the
25th, however, he found her again very ill, and for the first time,
from the symptoms, suspected that some foreign ingredient, some
irritating substance, such as antimony, had been given to her. Mrs.
Cafferata had again been sent for to attend on her aunt. Dr.
Cameron prescribed tannin as an antidote, and on the 6th of June
Mrs. James was again convalescent. Two days after, however, the
same bad symptoms reappeared, and she became exceedingly
prostrate. Some of her urine and excretions were obtained and
handed to Dr. Edwards for analysis, and its results communicated
to Dr. Cameron, who, in consequence, went to her house on the
10th of June with the police, took possession of all the medicine
Page 556
bottles and some cups that were in her room, and had Mrs. James
taken to the Southern Hospital. More specimens of the excretions
were obtained, and instructions given that for the future they should
be, from time to time, preserved. On the evening of the 9th of June,
if Mrs. Cafferata was to be believed, a most suspicious incident
occurred. “On that evening,” she said, “I made my aunt a cup of
sago from a parcel on the kitchen shelf, which she took, and at
three o’clock the next morning took up to her a cup of tea and an
egg, and, as she did not eat them, I placed them on a chair by the
bedside, went into bed to her, and slept till nine o’clock, having
locked the door, and placed the key under it. When I awoke I found
my aunt awake, and appearing to want to go to sleep. I then saw
two cups had been brought into the room in the night” (the prisoner
admitted that he brought one) “and the cup gone from the
bedside.”[185] In one of these cups was a little sago, in which
antimony was detected by chemical analysis. For some days after
her removal to the Hospital Mrs. James continued very ill, but
ceased to have attacks of vomiting and purging after the first or
second day. Afterwards, however, she improved in health until the
22nd of June, when dangerous symptoms occurred, and she died in
two days.[186]
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Cameron, who attended the post-mortem examination of the
body of the deceased, gave the following description of the
appearances presented.
“The body was greatly emaciated. The membrane of the gullet
presented a yellow appearance. At the entrance of the stomach there
were two patches of false membrane, but I could form no opinion
how they were caused. The stomach was distended, and contained
taken to the Southern Hospital. More specimens of the excretions
were obtained, and instructions given that for the future they should
be, from time to time, preserved. On the evening of the 9th of June,
if Mrs. Cafferata was to be believed, a most suspicious incident
occurred. “On that evening,” she said, “I made my aunt a cup of
sago from a parcel on the kitchen shelf, which she took, and at
three o’clock the next morning took up to her a cup of tea and an
egg, and, as she did not eat them, I placed them on a chair by the
bedside, went into bed to her, and slept till nine o’clock, having
locked the door, and placed the key under it. When I awoke I found
my aunt awake, and appearing to want to go to sleep. I then saw
two cups had been brought into the room in the night” (the prisoner
admitted that he brought one) “and the cup gone from the
bedside.”[185] In one of these cups was a little sago, in which
antimony was detected by chemical analysis. For some days after
her removal to the Hospital Mrs. James continued very ill, but
ceased to have attacks of vomiting and purging after the first or
second day. Afterwards, however, she improved in health until the
22nd of June, when dangerous symptoms occurred, and she died in
two days.[186]
MEDICAL AND ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Cameron, who attended the post-mortem examination of the
body of the deceased, gave the following description of the
appearances presented.
“The body was greatly emaciated. The membrane of the gullet
presented a yellow appearance. At the entrance of the stomach there
were two patches of false membrane, but I could form no opinion
how they were caused. The stomach was distended, and contained
Page 557
sixteen ounces of fluid. There were two small ulcers communicating
with the cancerous tumour, which might have been caused by the
administration of antimony or by disease. The bowels had been
perforated and their contents discharged into the cavity of the
abdomen, which was the immediate cause of death. My opinion is,
that antimony was administered within a very short time of her
admission into the hospital—sometime between the 9th and 10th of
June. I do not think antimony was given to her after her admission
into the hospital. The vomiting was not of the kind ulcers would
produce, but of a kind which might be produced by an irritating
substance such as antimony.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Digby Seymour, he said:—
“Hot food in a case like that of Mrs. James might produce
vomiting, and always occasioned more or less pain with ulceration
of the stomach. There was no redness of the small intestines.
Vomiting was one of the principal symptoms of ulceration of the
stomach, as by tending to starve and weaken the patient it produced
emaciation and prostration. Purging was not a usual symptom of an
ulcerated stomach, but occurred with cancer in the bowels. Witness
agreed with Dr. Richards as to there being no case in which slow
antimonial poisoning was accompanied with dysenteric evacuations.
The alternation of constipation and purging was one of the known
symptoms of antimonial poisoning. The intermitting condition of
the patient was one of the reasons which led him to the conclusion
that she was the subject of poison. Witness agreed with the opinion
that in malignant diseases of the stomach the symptoms remitted in
a remarkable way so as to excite a hope that recovery would take
place; but the truce was not very long; frightful disorganization was
at length produced and inevitable death at last. Softening of the
brain had been noticed in some cases of antimonial poisoning, but it
was not a frequent or even an ordinary indication. Antimonial
poisoning sometimes produced enlargement of the liver, but it did
not in this case. Aphthous ulcerations in the glands of the small
intestines are also symptoms of the presence of antimony—there
with the cancerous tumour, which might have been caused by the
administration of antimony or by disease. The bowels had been
perforated and their contents discharged into the cavity of the
abdomen, which was the immediate cause of death. My opinion is,
that antimony was administered within a very short time of her
admission into the hospital—sometime between the 9th and 10th of
June. I do not think antimony was given to her after her admission
into the hospital. The vomiting was not of the kind ulcers would
produce, but of a kind which might be produced by an irritating
substance such as antimony.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Digby Seymour, he said:—
“Hot food in a case like that of Mrs. James might produce
vomiting, and always occasioned more or less pain with ulceration
of the stomach. There was no redness of the small intestines.
Vomiting was one of the principal symptoms of ulceration of the
stomach, as by tending to starve and weaken the patient it produced
emaciation and prostration. Purging was not a usual symptom of an
ulcerated stomach, but occurred with cancer in the bowels. Witness
agreed with Dr. Richards as to there being no case in which slow
antimonial poisoning was accompanied with dysenteric evacuations.
The alternation of constipation and purging was one of the known
symptoms of antimonial poisoning. The intermitting condition of
the patient was one of the reasons which led him to the conclusion
that she was the subject of poison. Witness agreed with the opinion
that in malignant diseases of the stomach the symptoms remitted in
a remarkable way so as to excite a hope that recovery would take
place; but the truce was not very long; frightful disorganization was
at length produced and inevitable death at last. Softening of the
brain had been noticed in some cases of antimonial poisoning, but it
was not a frequent or even an ordinary indication. Antimonial
poisoning sometimes produced enlargement of the liver, but it did
not in this case. Aphthous ulcerations in the glands of the small
intestines are also symptoms of the presence of antimony—there
Page 558
were none in this case. Eminent writers on Materia Medica and
pathology assert that some persons can tolerate the presence of
poison in their bodies without it having any effect upon them. It is
also an accepted truth among eminent scientific writers, that there
are conditions and circumstances of the human frame in which
antimony may not possess poisonous results.”
On re-examination, the witness said:—
“This toleration of poison is common in certain cases of
inflammation, but it is my opinion that, in this case, the opposite to
toleration has been established. Aphthous ulcerations are not often
observed in cases of poisoning by antimony. The absence of these
symptoms, combined with the state of the liver and brain, in no way
affect my opinion as to the poisoning in this case. There were
peculiar symptoms in the vomiting of Mrs. James which induce me
to believe that it was not caused by the ulcer. Antimony would
aggravate the ulcerous disease and enfeeble the bodily powers, as
well as affect the appetite. One of the effects of slow poisoning by
repeated doses is that the stomach is prevented from receiving fresh
nourishment.”
To the Judge.—“I have never attended a human patient poisoned
by antimony. Persons suffering from sickness after food are relieved
by vomiting; but in the case of Mrs. James there was considerable
retching after the food was thrown off the stomach.”
John Baker Edwards, Analytical Chemist, said:—
“He analysed a bottle of urine which he received from Dr.
Cameron on the 6th of June, and informed him that he found in it
slight traces of antimony. On Saturday, June 9, he received two
bottles from Dr. Cameron, one of which contained fæces, analysed it
and found slight traces of antimony. The other bottle was marked
‘vomit.’ Analysed that, and found in it two considerable deposits of
antimony. Subsequently confirmed this analysis by other chemical
tests. He sublimed it by the application of heat, and obtained a white
pathology assert that some persons can tolerate the presence of
poison in their bodies without it having any effect upon them. It is
also an accepted truth among eminent scientific writers, that there
are conditions and circumstances of the human frame in which
antimony may not possess poisonous results.”
On re-examination, the witness said:—
“This toleration of poison is common in certain cases of
inflammation, but it is my opinion that, in this case, the opposite to
toleration has been established. Aphthous ulcerations are not often
observed in cases of poisoning by antimony. The absence of these
symptoms, combined with the state of the liver and brain, in no way
affect my opinion as to the poisoning in this case. There were
peculiar symptoms in the vomiting of Mrs. James which induce me
to believe that it was not caused by the ulcer. Antimony would
aggravate the ulcerous disease and enfeeble the bodily powers, as
well as affect the appetite. One of the effects of slow poisoning by
repeated doses is that the stomach is prevented from receiving fresh
nourishment.”
To the Judge.—“I have never attended a human patient poisoned
by antimony. Persons suffering from sickness after food are relieved
by vomiting; but in the case of Mrs. James there was considerable
retching after the food was thrown off the stomach.”
John Baker Edwards, Analytical Chemist, said:—
“He analysed a bottle of urine which he received from Dr.
Cameron on the 6th of June, and informed him that he found in it
slight traces of antimony. On Saturday, June 9, he received two
bottles from Dr. Cameron, one of which contained fæces, analysed it
and found slight traces of antimony. The other bottle was marked
‘vomit.’ Analysed that, and found in it two considerable deposits of
antimony. Subsequently confirmed this analysis by other chemical
tests. He sublimed it by the application of heat, and obtained a white
Page 559
sublimate, which, when examined under the microscope, had the
appearance of oxide of antimony. Afterwards dissolved this in
tartaric acid, passed sulphuretted hydrogen gas through it, and
obtained an orange precipitate—sulphuret of antimony. He could
not scientifically distinguish whether it was ‘free’ or ‘eliminated’
antimony.[187] On Wednesday, the 13th of June, he received three
bottles labelled ‘Mrs. James, Tuesday,’ one of which was labelled
‘vomit.’ It had scarcely a trace of antimony. The other two bottles
contained fæces and urine, in each of which was a trace of
antimony. On the same day he also received two cups, one of them
containing about a tablespoonful of sago. This he analysed and
found in it two considerable deposits of antimony on copper, which
he sublimed and recognised under the microscope as oxide of
antimony. On Thursday the 14th he received three bottles, one of
them of vomit, containing no antimony; the other two containing
fæces and urine, in which was no antimony. On the 15th he again
received a bottle of vomit and also one of fæces, and in the former
he found two antimonial deposits, which under the microscope he
recognised as oxide of antimony, and in the latter a trace of
antimony. On the following day he found traces of antimony in two
bottles of urine. The day after he received two bottles, one of urine,
and found a trace of antimony in each. He also examined some
uncooked sago which contained no antimony. Subsequently (after
Mrs. James had been removed to the hospital) he received bottles
labelled ‘Mrs. James.’ The vomit contained no antimony, but there
were still distinct traces of it in the fæces and urine. He
subsequently received four jars containing brain, lungs, heart,
spleen, kidneys, intestines, stomach, and blood, labelled ‘Mrs.
James,’ and four bottles containing fluids. He analysed portions of
these separately. From one half of the stomach he obtained five
deposits of antimony. He also obtained five deposits of antimony
from the intestines, four deposits of it from one of the kidneys, and
three deposits of it from one half of the liver. He found no trace in
the brain. In four ounces of blood he found a distinct deposit of
antimony, and also from the fluid of the stomach. He also analysed
appearance of oxide of antimony. Afterwards dissolved this in
tartaric acid, passed sulphuretted hydrogen gas through it, and
obtained an orange precipitate—sulphuret of antimony. He could
not scientifically distinguish whether it was ‘free’ or ‘eliminated’
antimony.[187] On Wednesday, the 13th of June, he received three
bottles labelled ‘Mrs. James, Tuesday,’ one of which was labelled
‘vomit.’ It had scarcely a trace of antimony. The other two bottles
contained fæces and urine, in each of which was a trace of
antimony. On the same day he also received two cups, one of them
containing about a tablespoonful of sago. This he analysed and
found in it two considerable deposits of antimony on copper, which
he sublimed and recognised under the microscope as oxide of
antimony. On Thursday the 14th he received three bottles, one of
them of vomit, containing no antimony; the other two containing
fæces and urine, in which was no antimony. On the 15th he again
received a bottle of vomit and also one of fæces, and in the former
he found two antimonial deposits, which under the microscope he
recognised as oxide of antimony, and in the latter a trace of
antimony. On the following day he found traces of antimony in two
bottles of urine. The day after he received two bottles, one of urine,
and found a trace of antimony in each. He also examined some
uncooked sago which contained no antimony. Subsequently (after
Mrs. James had been removed to the hospital) he received bottles
labelled ‘Mrs. James.’ The vomit contained no antimony, but there
were still distinct traces of it in the fæces and urine. He
subsequently received four jars containing brain, lungs, heart,
spleen, kidneys, intestines, stomach, and blood, labelled ‘Mrs.
James,’ and four bottles containing fluids. He analysed portions of
these separately. From one half of the stomach he obtained five
deposits of antimony. He also obtained five deposits of antimony
from the intestines, four deposits of it from one of the kidneys, and
three deposits of it from one half of the liver. He found no trace in
the brain. In four ounces of blood he found a distinct deposit of
antimony, and also from the fluid of the stomach. He also analysed
Page 560
six bottles of medicine and two of urine, and found no antimony. On
the 26th of July he took a portion of the spleen and lungs of Mrs.
James to London, and examined them there in conjunction with Dr.
Miller and Dr. Taylor, and also the deposits of the viscera. He
examined and tested them and found by the most approved tests
applied that they contained antimony.”
On cross-examination, the witness admitted:—
“That the first satisfactory result which he obtained was on the
9th of June—that he had no doubt that the trace he found on the 7th
was antimony, but it was not a satisfactory result—that he had
examined the body of a dog which died from antimony, and which
had been exhumed, and had not found a trace, and, that if the animal
had vomited after taking it he should not have expected to find any.”
Dr. A. S. Taylor said:—
“That he received some jars at Guy’s Hospital from Inspector
Horne, containing portions of the stomach, cæcum, liver, one
kidney, and the heart, and afterwards from Dr. Edwards a portion of
the spleen and lungs. He divided them and gave a part to Mr. Miller.
Dr. Edwards showed him some sublimate on glass, and deposits on
copper. He examined them. The deposits on copper were metallic
antimony, and those on the glass were oxide of antimony. He was of
opinion that antimony had entered the body during life. Assuming
the deceased to have been labouring under the disease of the
cæcum, and to have had two ulcers in her stomach, the
administration to her of antimony, by depressing the bodily powers,
would tend to accelerate death. Antimony had a powerful depressing
influence and lowered the pulse in strength, produced great
exhaustion of the system, and in a serious disease affecting the body
was likely to aggravate its effects. A person might be able to bear a
dose of antimony in health, who in a serious disease would be
destroyed by it. His opinion, in this case, was that antimony had
been administered at intervals in small doses. Antimony could be
the 26th of July he took a portion of the spleen and lungs of Mrs.
James to London, and examined them there in conjunction with Dr.
Miller and Dr. Taylor, and also the deposits of the viscera. He
examined and tested them and found by the most approved tests
applied that they contained antimony.”
On cross-examination, the witness admitted:—
“That the first satisfactory result which he obtained was on the
9th of June—that he had no doubt that the trace he found on the 7th
was antimony, but it was not a satisfactory result—that he had
examined the body of a dog which died from antimony, and which
had been exhumed, and had not found a trace, and, that if the animal
had vomited after taking it he should not have expected to find any.”
Dr. A. S. Taylor said:—
“That he received some jars at Guy’s Hospital from Inspector
Horne, containing portions of the stomach, cæcum, liver, one
kidney, and the heart, and afterwards from Dr. Edwards a portion of
the spleen and lungs. He divided them and gave a part to Mr. Miller.
Dr. Edwards showed him some sublimate on glass, and deposits on
copper. He examined them. The deposits on copper were metallic
antimony, and those on the glass were oxide of antimony. He was of
opinion that antimony had entered the body during life. Assuming
the deceased to have been labouring under the disease of the
cæcum, and to have had two ulcers in her stomach, the
administration to her of antimony, by depressing the bodily powers,
would tend to accelerate death. Antimony had a powerful depressing
influence and lowered the pulse in strength, produced great
exhaustion of the system, and in a serious disease affecting the body
was likely to aggravate its effects. A person might be able to bear a
dose of antimony in health, who in a serious disease would be
destroyed by it. His opinion, in this case, was that antimony had
been administered at intervals in small doses. Antimony could be
Page 561
found in the tissues three weeks after it was taken. It might during
that time be found, day by day and at intervals, in the secretions.
The tests which he had applied were the most approved known in
science.”
On cross-examination, the witness said:—
“The disease which has been described as affecting the deceased
must have terminated fatally. The death had been caused by
inflammation arising from the passage of the contents of the
diseased bowel into the cavity of the abdomen. It was very difficult
to draw the line where a patient had rallied from the effects of
poison, and where she sank under disease. The medical man in
attendance on the deceased person would be the best judge of the
influence of poison in accelerating death. Small doses frequently
repeated would have the effect of irritating the mucous membrane of
the bowels. In two most marked cases of poisoning with which he
bad been connected there had been no change in the condition of the
liver. All the indications in Mrs. James’s case were referable to
natural causes. If antimony were found in the fæces, he should
conclude that the purging was occasioned by antimony. In vomiting
caused by ulcers in the stomach, it was confined to the relief of the
stomach from its contents, and then ceased. Antimony produced
prostration of the nervous power.”
Dr. Miller, Professor of Chemistry at King’s College, confirmed
the opinion of Dr. Taylor so far as it related to the chemical
analysis, but gave no medical opinion.
Dr. Clarence Pemberton, House Surgeon at the Southern
Hospital in Liverpool, deposed that he attended Mrs. James and
paid attention to her symptoms. He made the post-mortem
examination. “Taking the symptoms observed during lifetime, and
the appearances shown by the post-mortem examination, and
assuming the judgment of Dr. Edwards to be correct, the cause of
that time be found, day by day and at intervals, in the secretions.
The tests which he had applied were the most approved known in
science.”
On cross-examination, the witness said:—
“The disease which has been described as affecting the deceased
must have terminated fatally. The death had been caused by
inflammation arising from the passage of the contents of the
diseased bowel into the cavity of the abdomen. It was very difficult
to draw the line where a patient had rallied from the effects of
poison, and where she sank under disease. The medical man in
attendance on the deceased person would be the best judge of the
influence of poison in accelerating death. Small doses frequently
repeated would have the effect of irritating the mucous membrane of
the bowels. In two most marked cases of poisoning with which he
bad been connected there had been no change in the condition of the
liver. All the indications in Mrs. James’s case were referable to
natural causes. If antimony were found in the fæces, he should
conclude that the purging was occasioned by antimony. In vomiting
caused by ulcers in the stomach, it was confined to the relief of the
stomach from its contents, and then ceased. Antimony produced
prostration of the nervous power.”
Dr. Miller, Professor of Chemistry at King’s College, confirmed
the opinion of Dr. Taylor so far as it related to the chemical
analysis, but gave no medical opinion.
Dr. Clarence Pemberton, House Surgeon at the Southern
Hospital in Liverpool, deposed that he attended Mrs. James and
paid attention to her symptoms. He made the post-mortem
examination. “Taking the symptoms observed during lifetime, and
the appearances shown by the post-mortem examination, and
assuming the judgment of Dr. Edwards to be correct, the cause of
Page 562
death, in his judgment, was the diseased ‘cæcum,’ but the
administration of antimony would undoubtedly accelerate her
death.”
On cross-examination, he admitted that, judging from what he
saw in the hospital, all the symptoms might be attributed to natural
causes, and, in answer to the Judge, said that on the post-mortem
examination he could find no traces or symptoms which he
exclusively attributed to the administration of antimony.
Dr. Francis Ayrton said he saw the viscera and the other
portions of the deceased sent for analysation. He observed some
redness at the commencement of the small intestines, and some
spots on the large ones, and he formed his opinion from these spots
that an irritant had passed through the bowels. Antimony was an
irritant, and would produce such appearances. He had heard the
evidence given, and his opinion was that the deceased’s death was
accelerated by antimony. He also admitted, on cross-examination,
that what he observed in the viscera might be attributable to other
causes than antimonial poison.
THE PRISONER’S STATEMENTS.
According to the evidence of Mrs. Cafferata, and the inspector
of police, the prisoner openly accused the Cafferatas of having
poisoned their aunt. He objected to their interference, and ordered
them to leave the house, calling Cafferata a second Palmer, because
he carried white powders about in his pocket, and saying, when the
wife showed him the soda powders in question, “You are not likely
to show me the right stuff.” When Mrs. Cafferata wanted to go to
the hospital to see her aunt, he threatened to put her under arrest.
That the prisoner had a great deal of drink when he spoke in this
way was admitted by the witness, but when he made the same
administration of antimony would undoubtedly accelerate her
death.”
On cross-examination, he admitted that, judging from what he
saw in the hospital, all the symptoms might be attributed to natural
causes, and, in answer to the Judge, said that on the post-mortem
examination he could find no traces or symptoms which he
exclusively attributed to the administration of antimony.
Dr. Francis Ayrton said he saw the viscera and the other
portions of the deceased sent for analysation. He observed some
redness at the commencement of the small intestines, and some
spots on the large ones, and he formed his opinion from these spots
that an irritant had passed through the bowels. Antimony was an
irritant, and would produce such appearances. He had heard the
evidence given, and his opinion was that the deceased’s death was
accelerated by antimony. He also admitted, on cross-examination,
that what he observed in the viscera might be attributable to other
causes than antimonial poison.
THE PRISONER’S STATEMENTS.
According to the evidence of Mrs. Cafferata, and the inspector
of police, the prisoner openly accused the Cafferatas of having
poisoned their aunt. He objected to their interference, and ordered
them to leave the house, calling Cafferata a second Palmer, because
he carried white powders about in his pocket, and saying, when the
wife showed him the soda powders in question, “You are not likely
to show me the right stuff.” When Mrs. Cafferata wanted to go to
the hospital to see her aunt, he threatened to put her under arrest.
That the prisoner had a great deal of drink when he spoke in this
way was admitted by the witness, but when he made the same
Page 563
accusation of the Cafferatas to the inspector such apparently was
not his condition. On the other hand, a Mrs. Higgins, on cross-
examination, spoke to a threat of Mrs. Cafferata’s that “she would
hang the orange dog (the prisoner), and that after her evidence they
would want no more.”
PURCHASE OF POISON BY THE PRISONER.
The proof of the purchase of antimony by the prisoner was
most unsatisfactory. A woman (Ann Foley) who used to work for
Mrs. James, remembered that during the previous summer, on one
occasion, when Mrs. James was sitting behind the counter and the
prisoner was present, she said to him, “Here is Mrs. Foley; she will
go for it;” that they then gave her twopence and told her to go and
get antimony for the dog, and that when she went to a chemist of
the name of Miller for it he would not let her have it, but told her to
tell them to bring the dog over to him. This chemist’s assistant (E.
P. Rees) remembered a woman coming for antimony some nine or
ten months before, a second person coming also for it on the same
day, and a third about four months after for the same drug, to
poison a dog with. The third person, he believed, but could not
swear, was the prisoner. Another witness (Eliza Brennan) told a
strange story about the prisoner. She had been in Mrs. James’s
service, some two years ago, and spoke to him about leaving and
going to Dublin in the first week of her service. On this the
prisoner, she said, advised her to stay, but added that, “if she would
go, if she would buy him half-a-crown’s worth of antimony in
Dublin, and send it to him by the boat, he would give her £5.”
Lastly, a newspaper boy (Thomas Maguire), who slept at Mrs.
James’s house, swore that
not his condition. On the other hand, a Mrs. Higgins, on cross-
examination, spoke to a threat of Mrs. Cafferata’s that “she would
hang the orange dog (the prisoner), and that after her evidence they
would want no more.”
PURCHASE OF POISON BY THE PRISONER.
The proof of the purchase of antimony by the prisoner was
most unsatisfactory. A woman (Ann Foley) who used to work for
Mrs. James, remembered that during the previous summer, on one
occasion, when Mrs. James was sitting behind the counter and the
prisoner was present, she said to him, “Here is Mrs. Foley; she will
go for it;” that they then gave her twopence and told her to go and
get antimony for the dog, and that when she went to a chemist of
the name of Miller for it he would not let her have it, but told her to
tell them to bring the dog over to him. This chemist’s assistant (E.
P. Rees) remembered a woman coming for antimony some nine or
ten months before, a second person coming also for it on the same
day, and a third about four months after for the same drug, to
poison a dog with. The third person, he believed, but could not
swear, was the prisoner. Another witness (Eliza Brennan) told a
strange story about the prisoner. She had been in Mrs. James’s
service, some two years ago, and spoke to him about leaving and
going to Dublin in the first week of her service. On this the
prisoner, she said, advised her to stay, but added that, “if she would
go, if she would buy him half-a-crown’s worth of antimony in
Dublin, and send it to him by the boat, he would give her £5.”
Lastly, a newspaper boy (Thomas Maguire), who slept at Mrs.
James’s house, swore that
Page 564
“The prisoner once sent him for a pennyworth of something for
the dog, he did not know its name, but what he got was a white
powder, which when given to the animal in water purged it violently
—that within half an hour the prisoner sent him again for the same,
and now told him its name was antimony. He got it, said the
witness, from a young man, name Coopland, at Miller’s the chemist.
He declared it was taken from a bottle six or seven from the
window, and professed to point out the bottle to the Inspector of
police. He knew that the letters ANT. on it stood for antimony. He
had also several times since January last seen the prisoner when
making bread and butter for the mistress take from his pocket a
white powder in a paper and throw some of it on the bread before he
buttered it; when he asked him once what it was, the prisoner had
said it was salt. When the witness said ‘there was salt enough in the
house without that,’ the prisoner made no reply.”
To Inspector Home the prisoner admitted that “he knew the use
of antimony, and had given it to cattle, but had not had any in his
possession for many years.”
In his charge to the jury, Baron Martin told them that, if they
believed that the prisoner administered the antimony with the
intention of killing, and that her death from a natural disease was
thus accelerated, that was murder—citing the dictum of Lord Hale
“that if a man be sick of some disease which might possibly end his
life, and another gave him a wound, which would hasten his death,
this was murder by the party giving the wound”—they were to
guard against prejudice because of the nature of the crime, and not
to convict unless the evidence affirmatively satisfied their minds of
his guilt.
The jury almost immediately returned a verdict of “Not Guilty.”
the dog, he did not know its name, but what he got was a white
powder, which when given to the animal in water purged it violently
—that within half an hour the prisoner sent him again for the same,
and now told him its name was antimony. He got it, said the
witness, from a young man, name Coopland, at Miller’s the chemist.
He declared it was taken from a bottle six or seven from the
window, and professed to point out the bottle to the Inspector of
police. He knew that the letters ANT. on it stood for antimony. He
had also several times since January last seen the prisoner when
making bread and butter for the mistress take from his pocket a
white powder in a paper and throw some of it on the bread before he
buttered it; when he asked him once what it was, the prisoner had
said it was salt. When the witness said ‘there was salt enough in the
house without that,’ the prisoner made no reply.”
To Inspector Home the prisoner admitted that “he knew the use
of antimony, and had given it to cattle, but had not had any in his
possession for many years.”
In his charge to the jury, Baron Martin told them that, if they
believed that the prisoner administered the antimony with the
intention of killing, and that her death from a natural disease was
thus accelerated, that was murder—citing the dictum of Lord Hale
“that if a man be sick of some disease which might possibly end his
life, and another gave him a wound, which would hasten his death,
this was murder by the party giving the wound”—they were to
guard against prejudice because of the nature of the crime, and not
to convict unless the evidence affirmatively satisfied their minds of
his guilt.
The jury almost immediately returned a verdict of “Not Guilty.”
Page 565
CHAPTER IX
ANTIMONY.
Properties of the metal—Alloys—Compounds—Chlorides, sulphides,
oxides, hydride. Tartar emetic—solubility, composition, uses and
occurrence—commercial, veterinary, medicinal. Doses and preparations
—fatal dose, fatal period. Physiological effects—Antidotes—Separations
and tests—(1) Reinsch’s—Presence of antimony; purity of the copper
employed, how to be secured; different stains resulting from presence of
arsenic, antimony, mercury, bismuth, tin, silver, gold, platinum,
palladium, sulphur compounds—(2) Dr. Maclagan’s test in Pritchard’s
trial—(3) Marsh’s test—Remarks on Pritchard’s trial—On Smethurst’s
trial—Dr. Taylor and Mr. Herapath—Arsenic in bismuth—Antimony in
grey powder.
ANTIMONY.
The metal antimony (symbol Sb, from its classical name
Stibium) is heavier than arsenic (sp. gr. 6·8), less easily tarnished,
more difficult to pulverize, and not nearly so volatile. It forms
somewhat brittle masses, with a fern-like crystalline appearance on
the surface. When broken the interior shows radiating
(rhombohedral) crystals of a bluish-white, strongly metallic lustre
ANTIMONY.
Properties of the metal—Alloys—Compounds—Chlorides, sulphides,
oxides, hydride. Tartar emetic—solubility, composition, uses and
occurrence—commercial, veterinary, medicinal. Doses and preparations
—fatal dose, fatal period. Physiological effects—Antidotes—Separations
and tests—(1) Reinsch’s—Presence of antimony; purity of the copper
employed, how to be secured; different stains resulting from presence of
arsenic, antimony, mercury, bismuth, tin, silver, gold, platinum,
palladium, sulphur compounds—(2) Dr. Maclagan’s test in Pritchard’s
trial—(3) Marsh’s test—Remarks on Pritchard’s trial—On Smethurst’s
trial—Dr. Taylor and Mr. Herapath—Arsenic in bismuth—Antimony in
grey powder.
ANTIMONY.
The metal antimony (symbol Sb, from its classical name
Stibium) is heavier than arsenic (sp. gr. 6·8), less easily tarnished,
more difficult to pulverize, and not nearly so volatile. It forms
somewhat brittle masses, with a fern-like crystalline appearance on
the surface. When broken the interior shows radiating
(rhombohedral) crystals of a bluish-white, strongly metallic lustre
Page 566
(arsenicum is greyish, bismuth is pinkish, white), yielding a grey or
black powder. Melting point, 425° C. Heated with the blowpipe on
charcoal it gives white fumes of oxide, without odour (arsenic
gives a garlic odour). The metal is insoluble in water and dilute
acids, but soluble in aqua regia to form antimonious chloride; also
soluble in sulphide of potassium or sodium. Hot concent. sulphuric
acid converts it into sulphate. Nitric acid turns it into a white
powder consisting chiefly of metantimonic acid, HSbO3, of which a
small quantity dissolves.[188] The powdered metal burns in chlorine,
forming Sb Cl3, or Sb Cl5. Metallic antimony is obtained as a
“mirror” in Marsh’s test: the distinctions between it and arsenic
have been already given (p. 389).
The following is the percentage of metallic antimony in
different alloys. English type metal, 20 to 25; German ditto, 15;
Britannia metal, 10 to 16; pewter, 7; Argentine, 14½; Ashbury
metal, 19½; white or anti-friction metal for engine-bearings, 10;
Babbit’s metal, for similar purposes, 13; alloy for ships’ nails, 17
(Ure’s Dictionary, I., 169; Roscoe and Schorlemmer’s Chemistry,
1880, ii., 2, p. 307). There is also antimony in brass, metallic
mirrors, bell-metal, &c. (Blyth). Antimony black, used for giving a
steel-like lustre to plaster casts, is finely divided Sb, precipitated
from the chloride by zinc.
Metallic antimony is not poisonous unless partially oxidized.
Commercial samples usually contain a little arsenic, which enters
into the salts.
Antimonious chloride, Sb Cl3, when pure, forms colourless
glistening deliquescent crystals. A solution in hydrochloric acid
constitutes the commercial “butter of antimony” used for giving a
dark bronzing to brass. It is a thick, powerfully acid liquid,
coloured brown by the presence of iron, fuming in air, very
corrosive, and of an irritating odour, distilling over at about 200° C.
black powder. Melting point, 425° C. Heated with the blowpipe on
charcoal it gives white fumes of oxide, without odour (arsenic
gives a garlic odour). The metal is insoluble in water and dilute
acids, but soluble in aqua regia to form antimonious chloride; also
soluble in sulphide of potassium or sodium. Hot concent. sulphuric
acid converts it into sulphate. Nitric acid turns it into a white
powder consisting chiefly of metantimonic acid, HSbO3, of which a
small quantity dissolves.[188] The powdered metal burns in chlorine,
forming Sb Cl3, or Sb Cl5. Metallic antimony is obtained as a
“mirror” in Marsh’s test: the distinctions between it and arsenic
have been already given (p. 389).
The following is the percentage of metallic antimony in
different alloys. English type metal, 20 to 25; German ditto, 15;
Britannia metal, 10 to 16; pewter, 7; Argentine, 14½; Ashbury
metal, 19½; white or anti-friction metal for engine-bearings, 10;
Babbit’s metal, for similar purposes, 13; alloy for ships’ nails, 17
(Ure’s Dictionary, I., 169; Roscoe and Schorlemmer’s Chemistry,
1880, ii., 2, p. 307). There is also antimony in brass, metallic
mirrors, bell-metal, &c. (Blyth). Antimony black, used for giving a
steel-like lustre to plaster casts, is finely divided Sb, precipitated
from the chloride by zinc.
Metallic antimony is not poisonous unless partially oxidized.
Commercial samples usually contain a little arsenic, which enters
into the salts.
Antimonious chloride, Sb Cl3, when pure, forms colourless
glistening deliquescent crystals. A solution in hydrochloric acid
constitutes the commercial “butter of antimony” used for giving a
dark bronzing to brass. It is a thick, powerfully acid liquid,
coloured brown by the presence of iron, fuming in air, very
corrosive, and of an irritating odour, distilling over at about 200° C.
Page 567
(pure Sb Cl3 boils at 223° C.), decomposed by water into a white
magma of oxychloride, Sb O Cl, “powder of Algaroth” (tartar
emetic is not decomposed by water). It is a violent corrosive
poison, blackening and destroying the surfaces like oil of vitriol.
For cases, see Woodman and Tidy, p. 130.
Antimonic chloride, Sb Cl5, is rarely met with. It resembles Sb
Cl3, but is liquid.
Antimonious sulphide, Sb2 S3, is found native as “stibnite,”
“speiss-glas,” “grey antimony,” or “antimony glance,” sp. gr. 4·63,
in lead-grey striated prisms, fibrous or massive, of a strong metallic
lustre, fusing readily to a dark-brown glass —“vitrum antimonii”),
giving before the blowpipe white fumes, and an odour of sulphur
dioxide —“brimstone”). It is the principal ore, the source of all the
preparations, and is itself used in fireworks. When powdered it is
black, and in this state was used by the Roman ladies under the
name of “stibium,” by the Orientals as “Kohl,” for darkening the
eyelids. It is soluble in hot hydrochloric acid to form SbCl3. The
precipitated sulphide is orange, and will be noticed under the tests.
Sb2 S3 would not be poisonous until oxidized.
Antimonious oxide, Sb2 O3, obtained by burning Sb in air, is a
white powder, turned yellow on heating, soluble in hydrochloric
acid to form Sb Cl3, and in cream of tartar (acid potass. tartrate) to
form tartar emetic. Unlike As2 O3, it does not easily volatilize in
crystals. It is occasionally found native.
Antimonic oxide, Sb2 O5, is a pale yellow powder. There is also
an intermediate oxide, Sb2 O4.
Antimonious and antimonic acids are hydrates of the above
oxides. They exist in several modifications, and form metallic salts,
magma of oxychloride, Sb O Cl, “powder of Algaroth” (tartar
emetic is not decomposed by water). It is a violent corrosive
poison, blackening and destroying the surfaces like oil of vitriol.
For cases, see Woodman and Tidy, p. 130.
Antimonic chloride, Sb Cl5, is rarely met with. It resembles Sb
Cl3, but is liquid.
Antimonious sulphide, Sb2 S3, is found native as “stibnite,”
“speiss-glas,” “grey antimony,” or “antimony glance,” sp. gr. 4·63,
in lead-grey striated prisms, fibrous or massive, of a strong metallic
lustre, fusing readily to a dark-brown glass —“vitrum antimonii”),
giving before the blowpipe white fumes, and an odour of sulphur
dioxide —“brimstone”). It is the principal ore, the source of all the
preparations, and is itself used in fireworks. When powdered it is
black, and in this state was used by the Roman ladies under the
name of “stibium,” by the Orientals as “Kohl,” for darkening the
eyelids. It is soluble in hot hydrochloric acid to form SbCl3. The
precipitated sulphide is orange, and will be noticed under the tests.
Sb2 S3 would not be poisonous until oxidized.
Antimonious oxide, Sb2 O3, obtained by burning Sb in air, is a
white powder, turned yellow on heating, soluble in hydrochloric
acid to form Sb Cl3, and in cream of tartar (acid potass. tartrate) to
form tartar emetic. Unlike As2 O3, it does not easily volatilize in
crystals. It is occasionally found native.
Antimonic oxide, Sb2 O5, is a pale yellow powder. There is also
an intermediate oxide, Sb2 O4.
Antimonious and antimonic acids are hydrates of the above
oxides. They exist in several modifications, and form metallic salts,
Page 568
one of which, sodium pyrantimonate, Na2 H2 Sb2 O7, 6 H2 O, is the
only known insoluble salt of sodium, and hence available as a test.
Antimonious hydride, Stibine, or “antimoniuretted hydrogen,”
Sb H3, has never been obtained pure. In admixture with hydrogen,
as given by Marsh’s test, it is a colourless gas, almost or quite
inodorous (distinction from As H3 which smells like garlic),
decomposed by heat into hydrogen and a “mirror” of Sb. Its
poisonous properties have been doubted, but it is probably more
dangerous than As H3, on account of the absence of the warning
odour. It burns with a bluish-green flame, giving white clouds of
Sb2 O3, and a spot of Sb, duller and greyer than As, when a cold
porcelain surface is depressed into the flame. Passed into silver
nitrate solution, the Sb is precipitated along with metallic silver as
silver antimonide, Ag3 Sb, whereas arsenic under the same
circumstances would remain in solution as As2 O3.
TARTAR EMETIC.
Potassio-antimonyl tartrate, tartrate of antimony and potash,
“antimonium tartarizatum,” “tartarized antimony,” “stibiated
tartar,” symbol K (Sb O) C4 H4 O6, ½ H2 O, occurs in colourless
rhombic octahedral crystals, transparent at first, but becoming
opaque by efflorescence, or as a white powder, inodorous, and with
a strong metallic taste. The aqueous solution is faintly acid to test-
paper, and becomes mouldy on keeping. When evaporated on a
glass slide, it leaves a crystalline residue of tetrahedra, cubes and
branching forms. (See figure in Guy and Ferrier’s For. Med., p.
469.) Heated on platinum, tartar emetic blackens and swells up
with an odour of burnt sugar (due to the tartaric acid), gives a
bluish-green tint to the flame, and quickly fuses and makes a hole
only known insoluble salt of sodium, and hence available as a test.
Antimonious hydride, Stibine, or “antimoniuretted hydrogen,”
Sb H3, has never been obtained pure. In admixture with hydrogen,
as given by Marsh’s test, it is a colourless gas, almost or quite
inodorous (distinction from As H3 which smells like garlic),
decomposed by heat into hydrogen and a “mirror” of Sb. Its
poisonous properties have been doubted, but it is probably more
dangerous than As H3, on account of the absence of the warning
odour. It burns with a bluish-green flame, giving white clouds of
Sb2 O3, and a spot of Sb, duller and greyer than As, when a cold
porcelain surface is depressed into the flame. Passed into silver
nitrate solution, the Sb is precipitated along with metallic silver as
silver antimonide, Ag3 Sb, whereas arsenic under the same
circumstances would remain in solution as As2 O3.
TARTAR EMETIC.
Potassio-antimonyl tartrate, tartrate of antimony and potash,
“antimonium tartarizatum,” “tartarized antimony,” “stibiated
tartar,” symbol K (Sb O) C4 H4 O6, ½ H2 O, occurs in colourless
rhombic octahedral crystals, transparent at first, but becoming
opaque by efflorescence, or as a white powder, inodorous, and with
a strong metallic taste. The aqueous solution is faintly acid to test-
paper, and becomes mouldy on keeping. When evaporated on a
glass slide, it leaves a crystalline residue of tetrahedra, cubes and
branching forms. (See figure in Guy and Ferrier’s For. Med., p.
469.) Heated on platinum, tartar emetic blackens and swells up
with an odour of burnt sugar (due to the tartaric acid), gives a
bluish-green tint to the flame, and quickly fuses and makes a hole
Page 569
in the platinum, from the formation of a fusible alloy. Heated in a
closed tube, it gives charcoal, potass. carbonate, and metallic
antimony, which does not sublime at a moderate temperature, is
inodorous, and may be separated in metallic globules by washing
(differences from arsenic; see p. 389). Sulph. hydrogen of course
gives the orange-red sulphide.
Solubility.—Tartar emetic is almost insoluble in alcohol, and
still less soluble in ether, chloroform, &c. Spirits and water, such as
are mixed for drinking, dissolve nearly as much as cold water, and
more if warm. The solubility in cold water is given very variously
in the text-books, from 1 part in 21·8 —“20 grains per fluid
ounce,” British Pharmacopœia), 1 in 20 (Garrod and Blyth), 1 in 15
(Brande’s and Gmelin’s Chemistry), to 1 in 14 (Graham and
Taylor). To clear up this difficulty I prepared for Dr. Bernays in
1879 a very pure sample of the salt: he found that 100 cubic
centimetres of water at 58° F. dissolved 6·67 grammes, equal to
one part in fifteen. The solubility rises rapidly with the
temperature, till it reaches one part in two at the boiling point. The
discrepancies are accounted for by the facts that, (1), the textbooks
do not mention the temperature; (2), the salt readily effloresces in
air, losing water and becoming less soluble; (3), impurities are
often present.
Composition.—Commercial tartar emetic is generally very
pure. It sometimes contains a trace of sand and dirt, occasionally an
excess of cream of tartar (potass. hydrogen tartrate) from careless
preparation, but I have never found arsenic. The theoretical
percentage of Sb is 36·53: in good commercial samples Bernays
found 36·03 to 36·32 per cent.; in an over-dried specimen, 37·4 per
cent. One sample contained 23 per cent. of cream of tartar and only
28·13 of Sb; another, 10 per cent. tartar and 32·7 of Sb.
closed tube, it gives charcoal, potass. carbonate, and metallic
antimony, which does not sublime at a moderate temperature, is
inodorous, and may be separated in metallic globules by washing
(differences from arsenic; see p. 389). Sulph. hydrogen of course
gives the orange-red sulphide.
Solubility.—Tartar emetic is almost insoluble in alcohol, and
still less soluble in ether, chloroform, &c. Spirits and water, such as
are mixed for drinking, dissolve nearly as much as cold water, and
more if warm. The solubility in cold water is given very variously
in the text-books, from 1 part in 21·8 —“20 grains per fluid
ounce,” British Pharmacopœia), 1 in 20 (Garrod and Blyth), 1 in 15
(Brande’s and Gmelin’s Chemistry), to 1 in 14 (Graham and
Taylor). To clear up this difficulty I prepared for Dr. Bernays in
1879 a very pure sample of the salt: he found that 100 cubic
centimetres of water at 58° F. dissolved 6·67 grammes, equal to
one part in fifteen. The solubility rises rapidly with the
temperature, till it reaches one part in two at the boiling point. The
discrepancies are accounted for by the facts that, (1), the textbooks
do not mention the temperature; (2), the salt readily effloresces in
air, losing water and becoming less soluble; (3), impurities are
often present.
Composition.—Commercial tartar emetic is generally very
pure. It sometimes contains a trace of sand and dirt, occasionally an
excess of cream of tartar (potass. hydrogen tartrate) from careless
preparation, but I have never found arsenic. The theoretical
percentage of Sb is 36·53: in good commercial samples Bernays
found 36·03 to 36·32 per cent.; in an over-dried specimen, 37·4 per
cent. One sample contained 23 per cent. of cream of tartar and only
28·13 of Sb; another, 10 per cent. tartar and 32·7 of Sb.
Page 570
USES AND OCCURRENCE.
The alloys and pyrotechnic uses have been already mentioned.
The impure fused sulphide (vitrum antimonii) is employed to give
a yellow tint to glass and porcelain. The oxides are used in glazing
earthenware, and in glass and china painting. The following are
antimonial pigments: “Antimony cinnabar,” and “crocus,” or
“saffron of antimony,” are oxysulphides: “Naples,” “Cassell,” and
“antimony yellows,” are chiefly antimoniates of lead. Small
quantities of antimony occur in iron ores, ferruginous waters, the
coal formation, and in river sand (Roscoe).
In veterinary practice, large doses of antimonials are given to
animals, as much as 90 grains of tartar emetic being often
administered to a horse in his gruel three times a day. Other
preparations are used (see Blyth’s Pract. Chem. 1879, p. 404). They
are supposed to cause fattening.
Medicinally it is employed in typhus, delirium tremens, small
doses in croup and the broncho-pneumonia of children, as a general
expectorant in asthma and bronchitis, in whooping-cough, by some
recommended also in scaly skin affections. In acute inflammations
and pneumonia, it has lost favour, as too depressing (Farquharson’s
Therapeutics). In times before chloroform, tartar emetic was even
used to lower the muscular tension previous to reducing
dislocations.
DOSES AND PREPARATIONS.
Pulvis antimonialis, 3 to 10 grains. This is the Pharmacopœial
equivalent of “James’s Powder,” a secret remedy once highly
popular. It contains one part of Sb2 O3 to two of phosphate of lime.
The alloys and pyrotechnic uses have been already mentioned.
The impure fused sulphide (vitrum antimonii) is employed to give
a yellow tint to glass and porcelain. The oxides are used in glazing
earthenware, and in glass and china painting. The following are
antimonial pigments: “Antimony cinnabar,” and “crocus,” or
“saffron of antimony,” are oxysulphides: “Naples,” “Cassell,” and
“antimony yellows,” are chiefly antimoniates of lead. Small
quantities of antimony occur in iron ores, ferruginous waters, the
coal formation, and in river sand (Roscoe).
In veterinary practice, large doses of antimonials are given to
animals, as much as 90 grains of tartar emetic being often
administered to a horse in his gruel three times a day. Other
preparations are used (see Blyth’s Pract. Chem. 1879, p. 404). They
are supposed to cause fattening.
Medicinally it is employed in typhus, delirium tremens, small
doses in croup and the broncho-pneumonia of children, as a general
expectorant in asthma and bronchitis, in whooping-cough, by some
recommended also in scaly skin affections. In acute inflammations
and pneumonia, it has lost favour, as too depressing (Farquharson’s
Therapeutics). In times before chloroform, tartar emetic was even
used to lower the muscular tension previous to reducing
dislocations.
DOSES AND PREPARATIONS.
Pulvis antimonialis, 3 to 10 grains. This is the Pharmacopœial
equivalent of “James’s Powder,” a secret remedy once highly
popular. It contains one part of Sb2 O3 to two of phosphate of lime.
Page 571
Vinum antimoniale, antimonial wine, is a solution of 10 grains
of tartar emetic to each ounce of sherry: dose, 5 minims to 1 fluid
drachm.
Antimonii oxidum, Sb2 O3, is often very impure. It may contain,
(1), higher oxides of Sb, when it is not completely soluble on
boiling with water and cream of tartar; (2), carbonate of lime, when
it effervesces with acids and contains less Sb; (3), traces of arsenic,
when it gives a garlic odour before the blowpipe on charcoal.
Percentage of Sb, 83·56: dose, 1 to 4 grains.
Antimonium sulphuratum, or oxysulphuretum, is precipitated
Sb2 S3 with a small amount of Sb2 O3. It contains about 62 to 65
per cent. Sb (pure Sb2 S3 has 70·2 per cent.). Dose, 1 to 5 grains,
but rarely prescribed, except in “compound calomel pill,” pil.
hydrarg. subchlorid. co., which contains 20 per cent. of Sb2 S3.
Antimonii chloridi liquor, a solution of Sb Cl3 in hydrochloric
acid, is sometimes used as a caustic, never internally.
Antimonium tartaratum, tartar emetic: dose, as a diaphoretic,
1
/16 to ⅙ grain; as a depressant, ⅙ to 1 grain; as an emetic, 1 to 2
grains (to 3 grains, Farquharson). It should never be used as an
emetic in suspected poisoning, as its presence would confuse the
investigation.
Unguentum antimonii tartarati, antimonial ointment, contains
20 per cent. of tartar emetic.
The following proprietary pills contain tartar emetic in the
annexed proportion per pill weighing about 3 grains:—Dr. J.
Johnson’s, 0·04 grain; Mitchell’s, 0·05 grain: Dixon’s, 0·06 grain
(Blyth).
It has been stated that the liqueur absinthe owes its deleterious
effects to antimony. I have tested several specimens, but never
of tartar emetic to each ounce of sherry: dose, 5 minims to 1 fluid
drachm.
Antimonii oxidum, Sb2 O3, is often very impure. It may contain,
(1), higher oxides of Sb, when it is not completely soluble on
boiling with water and cream of tartar; (2), carbonate of lime, when
it effervesces with acids and contains less Sb; (3), traces of arsenic,
when it gives a garlic odour before the blowpipe on charcoal.
Percentage of Sb, 83·56: dose, 1 to 4 grains.
Antimonium sulphuratum, or oxysulphuretum, is precipitated
Sb2 S3 with a small amount of Sb2 O3. It contains about 62 to 65
per cent. Sb (pure Sb2 S3 has 70·2 per cent.). Dose, 1 to 5 grains,
but rarely prescribed, except in “compound calomel pill,” pil.
hydrarg. subchlorid. co., which contains 20 per cent. of Sb2 S3.
Antimonii chloridi liquor, a solution of Sb Cl3 in hydrochloric
acid, is sometimes used as a caustic, never internally.
Antimonium tartaratum, tartar emetic: dose, as a diaphoretic,
1
/16 to ⅙ grain; as a depressant, ⅙ to 1 grain; as an emetic, 1 to 2
grains (to 3 grains, Farquharson). It should never be used as an
emetic in suspected poisoning, as its presence would confuse the
investigation.
Unguentum antimonii tartarati, antimonial ointment, contains
20 per cent. of tartar emetic.
The following proprietary pills contain tartar emetic in the
annexed proportion per pill weighing about 3 grains:—Dr. J.
Johnson’s, 0·04 grain; Mitchell’s, 0·05 grain: Dixon’s, 0·06 grain
(Blyth).
It has been stated that the liqueur absinthe owes its deleterious
effects to antimony. I have tested several specimens, but never
Page 572
found antimony, though traces of lead or copper were occasionally
present.
Fatal dose.—About this, nothing can be exactly stated. The
smallest was, in a child, ¾ grain; in an adult, 2 grains; but in this
instance there were circumstances which favoured the fatal
operation (Taylor, Med. Jur. i., 310).
If vomiting and purging happen, the poison is for the most part
expelled: except for the effects of exhaustion, there may then be
hardly a limit to the amount which may pass in and pass out. Taylor
records recoveries from 120 grains, 200 grains, and even half an
ounce of tartar emetic. In pneumonia it has been given in repeated
doses of 2 grains without ill effects. It must be remembered that, in
the hands of the poisoner, its perverted use is, not to kill, but to so
weaken the vital powers that a small and not suspicious dose of
some other poison may complete the death.
Fatal period.—Shortest, seven hours in an adult female
(Wormley); eight hours in a boy after 10 grains tartar emetic
(Lancet, 1846, p. 460). Usually much longer: four days after 40
grains (Orfila, i., 480); up to one year from after effects (Guy and
Ferrier).
PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS.
The unpleasant metallic taste, the heat in the throat, and
burning in the stomach, have been described in the previously
reported trials, and in other cases. Afterwards there is nausea,
severe vomiting, profuse watery purging, often convulsions which
are sometimes tetanic in character; the skin is generally cold and
clammy with perspiration; there is collapse from exhaustion, and
occasionally delirium and insensibility. Death may happen either
present.
Fatal dose.—About this, nothing can be exactly stated. The
smallest was, in a child, ¾ grain; in an adult, 2 grains; but in this
instance there were circumstances which favoured the fatal
operation (Taylor, Med. Jur. i., 310).
If vomiting and purging happen, the poison is for the most part
expelled: except for the effects of exhaustion, there may then be
hardly a limit to the amount which may pass in and pass out. Taylor
records recoveries from 120 grains, 200 grains, and even half an
ounce of tartar emetic. In pneumonia it has been given in repeated
doses of 2 grains without ill effects. It must be remembered that, in
the hands of the poisoner, its perverted use is, not to kill, but to so
weaken the vital powers that a small and not suspicious dose of
some other poison may complete the death.
Fatal period.—Shortest, seven hours in an adult female
(Wormley); eight hours in a boy after 10 grains tartar emetic
(Lancet, 1846, p. 460). Usually much longer: four days after 40
grains (Orfila, i., 480); up to one year from after effects (Guy and
Ferrier).
PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS.
The unpleasant metallic taste, the heat in the throat, and
burning in the stomach, have been described in the previously
reported trials, and in other cases. Afterwards there is nausea,
severe vomiting, profuse watery purging, often convulsions which
are sometimes tetanic in character; the skin is generally cold and
clammy with perspiration; there is collapse from exhaustion, and
occasionally delirium and insensibility. Death may happen either
Page 573
during the convulsions, or during the collapse. The heat and
constriction in the throat is not invariably present.
After death there is generally found inflammation of the
stomach and intestines, especially the cæcum: the brain is
sometimes congested, the throat rarely affected. The stomach-
contents are usually tinged with blood, as with most irritant
poisons.
In smaller doses it acts at first as a sedative on the brain; the
action of the heart becomes slower, weaker, and finally irregular,
the pulse is soft, the breathing slower; there is an increased
bronchial secretion, and general muscular relaxation. As an emetic
it is sluggish and depressing, and is often followed by diarrhœa. It
powerfully promotes perspiration, and is therefore used in
influenza, &c. Poisonous doses may cause paralysis, prostration,
degeneration of the liver and other organs (see Taylor’s remark
about the geese at Strasburg, p. 464), inflammation and even
ulceration of the intestines (Farquharson and others).
ANTIDOTES.
Sometimes vomiting does not occur: in this case it should be
promoted by tickling the throat, and by draughts of warm water.
Tannin precipitates compounds of antimonious oxide (Sb2 O3), but
not those of antimonic oxide (Sb2 O5): as the former are the ones
almost invariably used, astringent preparations, such as strong tea,
coffee, decoction of oak bark, galls, tincture of catechu or kino,
should be given. Tannin, or tannic acid, is commonly kept by
photographers. Failing this, sodium carbonate (washing soda), in
not too strong solution, may do good. Opium to allay the irritation,
and brandy to overcome the depression, should then be tried.
constriction in the throat is not invariably present.
After death there is generally found inflammation of the
stomach and intestines, especially the cæcum: the brain is
sometimes congested, the throat rarely affected. The stomach-
contents are usually tinged with blood, as with most irritant
poisons.
In smaller doses it acts at first as a sedative on the brain; the
action of the heart becomes slower, weaker, and finally irregular,
the pulse is soft, the breathing slower; there is an increased
bronchial secretion, and general muscular relaxation. As an emetic
it is sluggish and depressing, and is often followed by diarrhœa. It
powerfully promotes perspiration, and is therefore used in
influenza, &c. Poisonous doses may cause paralysis, prostration,
degeneration of the liver and other organs (see Taylor’s remark
about the geese at Strasburg, p. 464), inflammation and even
ulceration of the intestines (Farquharson and others).
ANTIDOTES.
Sometimes vomiting does not occur: in this case it should be
promoted by tickling the throat, and by draughts of warm water.
Tannin precipitates compounds of antimonious oxide (Sb2 O3), but
not those of antimonic oxide (Sb2 O5): as the former are the ones
almost invariably used, astringent preparations, such as strong tea,
coffee, decoction of oak bark, galls, tincture of catechu or kino,
should be given. Tannin, or tannic acid, is commonly kept by
photographers. Failing this, sodium carbonate (washing soda), in
not too strong solution, may do good. Opium to allay the irritation,
and brandy to overcome the depression, should then be tried.
Page 574
SEPARATION AND TESTS.
During life, antimony may be found in the urine and fæces:
after death, if its administration has been long continued, it will be
found in all parts of the body, but especially in the liver and spleen.
If the doses have been discontinued some time before death, none
may be left in the stomach and intestines.
The enquiry divides itself into three parts: 1st, the presence of
antimony; 2nd, the preparation used; 3rd, the quantity.
I. Presence of Antimony.
Marsh’s and Reinsch’s tests have been mentioned under
arsenic. It, however, will be necessary to add a few observations on
their special use for Sb.
A fractional part, say one-fourth, of the suspected matter, after
mincing or pounding, is digested with hot distilled water containing
5 per cent. of pure hydrochloric, and a little tartaric, acids, well
shaken or stirred in a covered or closed vessel, and after some
hours filtered. To a portion of the filtrate is added a little more
hydrochloric and a little sulphuric acid (to reduce the higher oxides
of As and Sb), and the whole is boiled for ten minutes. A portion of
the filtrate is now subjected to
Reinsch’s Test.—First it is absolutely necessary to have pure
copper; so pure, in fact, that a quantity, larger than would be used
in testing, will not, if totally dissolved up, yield any As or Sb to
another piece of copper boiled in the solution.
Dr. Taylor’s mistake in the case of Smethurst, more fully
treated of hereafter, was a very natural one. The trace of arsenic in
his copper would not have affected the conclusion in ordinary
cases: but it would be better not to test at all than to use materials
During life, antimony may be found in the urine and fæces:
after death, if its administration has been long continued, it will be
found in all parts of the body, but especially in the liver and spleen.
If the doses have been discontinued some time before death, none
may be left in the stomach and intestines.
The enquiry divides itself into three parts: 1st, the presence of
antimony; 2nd, the preparation used; 3rd, the quantity.
I. Presence of Antimony.
Marsh’s and Reinsch’s tests have been mentioned under
arsenic. It, however, will be necessary to add a few observations on
their special use for Sb.
A fractional part, say one-fourth, of the suspected matter, after
mincing or pounding, is digested with hot distilled water containing
5 per cent. of pure hydrochloric, and a little tartaric, acids, well
shaken or stirred in a covered or closed vessel, and after some
hours filtered. To a portion of the filtrate is added a little more
hydrochloric and a little sulphuric acid (to reduce the higher oxides
of As and Sb), and the whole is boiled for ten minutes. A portion of
the filtrate is now subjected to
Reinsch’s Test.—First it is absolutely necessary to have pure
copper; so pure, in fact, that a quantity, larger than would be used
in testing, will not, if totally dissolved up, yield any As or Sb to
another piece of copper boiled in the solution.
Dr. Taylor’s mistake in the case of Smethurst, more fully
treated of hereafter, was a very natural one. The trace of arsenic in
his copper would not have affected the conclusion in ordinary
cases: but it would be better not to test at all than to use materials
Page 575
which are not proved beforehand to be free from the poison we are
seeking. Pure “electrotype” copper can now be purchased; or it can
be made pure by either of the following methods.
(a) “Pure” commercial sulphate of copper is boiled with a slight
excess of chlorine water, then treated with dilute ammonia till a
slight permanent precipitate forms: after standing twelve hours it is
filtered (the precipitate containing iron and arsenic), acidulated
with pure sulphuric acid, and subjected to the current from two
Daniell cells, the terminals being two plates of hard wax well
coated with purified graphite: the coating must communicate with
the copperwire from the battery, and the wire must not dip into the
solution. The distance between the terminals should be so regulated
that the copper may be deposited slowly and in a tough layer on the
negative pole: the thin plate so obtained may afterwards be easily
detached, hammered or rolled, and cut into suitable pieces: it is
absolutely free from arsenic.
(b) Pure crystallized chloride of copper is mixed with pure
carbonate of soda in excess, the mixture dried with constant
stirring, heated to near redness, powdered, mixed with an equal
volume of lamp-black, and introduced into a “plumbago” crucible
lined with a paste of purified graphite and oil. The crucible is
covered, and gradually heated in a Fletcher’s or Griffin’s gas
furnace (not with coal or coke), and finally kept at a very high
temperature till the copper is reduced. The fumes contain chlorides
of copper, sodium, &c., and are poisonous. The copper, after
separation from the slag, may be cast, hammered, or rolled, and is
free from As or Sb.
I suggest these processes more for manufacturers than for
chemists, but expense and trouble should really be subordinate
considerations where life is concerned.
seeking. Pure “electrotype” copper can now be purchased; or it can
be made pure by either of the following methods.
(a) “Pure” commercial sulphate of copper is boiled with a slight
excess of chlorine water, then treated with dilute ammonia till a
slight permanent precipitate forms: after standing twelve hours it is
filtered (the precipitate containing iron and arsenic), acidulated
with pure sulphuric acid, and subjected to the current from two
Daniell cells, the terminals being two plates of hard wax well
coated with purified graphite: the coating must communicate with
the copperwire from the battery, and the wire must not dip into the
solution. The distance between the terminals should be so regulated
that the copper may be deposited slowly and in a tough layer on the
negative pole: the thin plate so obtained may afterwards be easily
detached, hammered or rolled, and cut into suitable pieces: it is
absolutely free from arsenic.
(b) Pure crystallized chloride of copper is mixed with pure
carbonate of soda in excess, the mixture dried with constant
stirring, heated to near redness, powdered, mixed with an equal
volume of lamp-black, and introduced into a “plumbago” crucible
lined with a paste of purified graphite and oil. The crucible is
covered, and gradually heated in a Fletcher’s or Griffin’s gas
furnace (not with coal or coke), and finally kept at a very high
temperature till the copper is reduced. The fumes contain chlorides
of copper, sodium, &c., and are poisonous. The copper, after
separation from the slag, may be cast, hammered, or rolled, and is
free from As or Sb.
I suggest these processes more for manufacturers than for
chemists, but expense and trouble should really be subordinate
considerations where life is concerned.
Page 576
Now for the application. Two flasks containing pure diluted (25
per cent.) hydrochloric acid are placed on a sandbath, and nearly
closed by small glass funnels. About a square inch of pure copper,
cleaned by sand-paper, is placed in each: to one is added the
suspected liquid, to the other an equal bulk of 5 per cent.
hydrochloric acid. Both are boiled, with occasional inspection. If
the following are present, the copper will be darkened:—
Arsenic.—Stain steel-grey: dried and heated in closed tube it
gives easily a sublimate of octahedral crystals of As2 O3. (See
Arsenic, ante.)
Antimony.—Stain black, or in small quantity, violet: in the
closed tube it gives with difficulty an amorphous white sublimate
of Sb2 O3, soluble in H Cl, and then precipitated orange by H2 S.
Mercury.—Stain silvery: in closed tube gives a sublimate of
metallic globules, made more visible by rubbing them together
with a splinter of wood.
Bismuth, tin, silver, gold, platinum, palladium, &c., give black,
grey or silvery deposits, but no sublimate in the tube. Gold gives a
stain which is yellow on burnishing, and yields no sublimate.
Sulphur compounds in the organic matter may give a dull stain,
which may even yield a kind of sublimate in the tube, but this
sublimate will not conform to the tests for As or Sb.
If there is much As or Sb, the deposit sometimes peels off if
boiled too long.
The process used by Prof. Maclagan in the Pritchard trial is also
a good means of verification. Boil the stained foil in a solution of
caustic potash, exposing it occasionally to the air (or boil with a
weak, slightly alkaline solution of potass, permanganate, and filter
—Odling). The Sb will be oxidized and dissolved. Add HCl and
per cent.) hydrochloric acid are placed on a sandbath, and nearly
closed by small glass funnels. About a square inch of pure copper,
cleaned by sand-paper, is placed in each: to one is added the
suspected liquid, to the other an equal bulk of 5 per cent.
hydrochloric acid. Both are boiled, with occasional inspection. If
the following are present, the copper will be darkened:—
Arsenic.—Stain steel-grey: dried and heated in closed tube it
gives easily a sublimate of octahedral crystals of As2 O3. (See
Arsenic, ante.)
Antimony.—Stain black, or in small quantity, violet: in the
closed tube it gives with difficulty an amorphous white sublimate
of Sb2 O3, soluble in H Cl, and then precipitated orange by H2 S.
Mercury.—Stain silvery: in closed tube gives a sublimate of
metallic globules, made more visible by rubbing them together
with a splinter of wood.
Bismuth, tin, silver, gold, platinum, palladium, &c., give black,
grey or silvery deposits, but no sublimate in the tube. Gold gives a
stain which is yellow on burnishing, and yields no sublimate.
Sulphur compounds in the organic matter may give a dull stain,
which may even yield a kind of sublimate in the tube, but this
sublimate will not conform to the tests for As or Sb.
If there is much As or Sb, the deposit sometimes peels off if
boiled too long.
The process used by Prof. Maclagan in the Pritchard trial is also
a good means of verification. Boil the stained foil in a solution of
caustic potash, exposing it occasionally to the air (or boil with a
weak, slightly alkaline solution of potass, permanganate, and filter
—Odling). The Sb will be oxidized and dissolved. Add HCl and
Page 577
pass H2 S: an orange precipitate of Sb2 S3 will prove the presence
of antimony.
If Sb has been found, remove the first piece of copper, and boil
with another piece, and so on till the Sb is all removed. The coated
slips, the sublimate, the Sb2 S3, and the copper in the second flask
which has still remained bright, should be sealed up to be shown in
court.
The previous treatment with sulphurous acid prevents any
interference by oxidizing agents such as chlorate of potash, nitrates,
iodine, &c.
Marsh’s Test is more delicate, but more liable to error, than
Reinsch’s.
Two methods of applying Marsh’s test to antimony may be
used.
A. By Edmund Davy’s process with sodium amalgam (see
Arsenic, p. 388), only As H3 passes off, the Sb remaining behind.
Hence, when the arsenic has finished coming over, if the remaining
solution be acidulated with pure sulphuric acid,[189] pure zinc put
in, and one or two drops of pure platinic chloride added to facilitate
the evolution of hydrogen, the antimony will then come over as Sb
H3.
B. Or the original substance may be placed in the flask, treated
at once with the zinc and dilute acid, and the As H3 and Sb H3
passed together into silver nitrate solution, and separated by
filtration as directed under arsenic. See p. 389, also as to the
distinctions between the stains of Sb and As. To these add, that
metallic spots of both As and Sb are soluble in yellow ammonium
sulphide: the solutions on evaporation to dryness on the water-bath
give:
of antimony.
If Sb has been found, remove the first piece of copper, and boil
with another piece, and so on till the Sb is all removed. The coated
slips, the sublimate, the Sb2 S3, and the copper in the second flask
which has still remained bright, should be sealed up to be shown in
court.
The previous treatment with sulphurous acid prevents any
interference by oxidizing agents such as chlorate of potash, nitrates,
iodine, &c.
Marsh’s Test is more delicate, but more liable to error, than
Reinsch’s.
Two methods of applying Marsh’s test to antimony may be
used.
A. By Edmund Davy’s process with sodium amalgam (see
Arsenic, p. 388), only As H3 passes off, the Sb remaining behind.
Hence, when the arsenic has finished coming over, if the remaining
solution be acidulated with pure sulphuric acid,[189] pure zinc put
in, and one or two drops of pure platinic chloride added to facilitate
the evolution of hydrogen, the antimony will then come over as Sb
H3.
B. Or the original substance may be placed in the flask, treated
at once with the zinc and dilute acid, and the As H3 and Sb H3
passed together into silver nitrate solution, and separated by
filtration as directed under arsenic. See p. 389, also as to the
distinctions between the stains of Sb and As. To these add, that
metallic spots of both As and Sb are soluble in yellow ammonium
sulphide: the solutions on evaporation to dryness on the water-bath
give:
Page 578
(a). With arsenic a yellow stain, soluble in ammonia, insoluble
in hydrochloric acid;
(b). With antimony an orange stain, insoluble in ammonia,
soluble in hydrochloric acid.
Metallic antimony can be precipitated as a black powder from
its solutions by acidulating with hydrochloric acid and treating with
a slip of pure tin, which does not precipitate arsenic. Zinc or
electrolysis also precipitate Sb, along with copper and many other
metals. Hence this method is not available in mixtures.
Sulphuretted hydrogen gives with antimonial solutions slightly
acidulated an orange-red precipitate of sulphide, insoluble in
ammonia or ammonium carbonate, soluble in ammonium sulphide,
soluble in hot strong hydrochloric acid by conversion into
antimonious chloride, and sulphuretted hydrogen: the former then
gives a white precipitate with water, the latter gives the
characteristic odour and blackens lead paper.
The reactions with sodium hydrate and sodium carbonate, are
not so clear or decisive. Potass. ferrocyanide gives no precipitate.
Tannin and tincture of galls give a yellowish white precipitate.
Before the blowpipe with sodium carbonate on charcoal, solid Sb
compounds give a grey brittle globule of the metal and a white
incrustation. But there is rarely sufficient for such a test to be of use
in toxicological work, there is also a risk of loss, and other metals
give a similar reaction.
N.B.—Among other substances, sulphide of antimony is
frequently added to caoutchouc in the process of vulcanising india-
rubber: in all toxicological experiments involving tests for
antimony (and arsenic), great danger of a mistake is thus attendant
on the use of ordinary vulcanised india-rubber tubing. Black
unvulcanised tubing should alone be employed.
in hydrochloric acid;
(b). With antimony an orange stain, insoluble in ammonia,
soluble in hydrochloric acid.
Metallic antimony can be precipitated as a black powder from
its solutions by acidulating with hydrochloric acid and treating with
a slip of pure tin, which does not precipitate arsenic. Zinc or
electrolysis also precipitate Sb, along with copper and many other
metals. Hence this method is not available in mixtures.
Sulphuretted hydrogen gives with antimonial solutions slightly
acidulated an orange-red precipitate of sulphide, insoluble in
ammonia or ammonium carbonate, soluble in ammonium sulphide,
soluble in hot strong hydrochloric acid by conversion into
antimonious chloride, and sulphuretted hydrogen: the former then
gives a white precipitate with water, the latter gives the
characteristic odour and blackens lead paper.
The reactions with sodium hydrate and sodium carbonate, are
not so clear or decisive. Potass. ferrocyanide gives no precipitate.
Tannin and tincture of galls give a yellowish white precipitate.
Before the blowpipe with sodium carbonate on charcoal, solid Sb
compounds give a grey brittle globule of the metal and a white
incrustation. But there is rarely sufficient for such a test to be of use
in toxicological work, there is also a risk of loss, and other metals
give a similar reaction.
N.B.—Among other substances, sulphide of antimony is
frequently added to caoutchouc in the process of vulcanising india-
rubber: in all toxicological experiments involving tests for
antimony (and arsenic), great danger of a mistake is thus attendant
on the use of ordinary vulcanised india-rubber tubing. Black
unvulcanised tubing should alone be employed.
Page 579
II. Preparation Used.
The insoluble compounds would act very slowly as poisons and
would require very large doses, hence would be found in the solid
form in the stomach, and could be identified by appearance, by the
microscope, and by the tests, after washing and settling down.
To ascertain whether antimony was in solution, the liquid
contents of the stomach, after dilution with water if necessary,
should be allowed to settle, the nearly clear top layer decanted and
filtered, and the filtrate examined. The soluble compounds are:—
1. Tartar emetic. Solution slightly acid, taste metallic. On
evaporation on a glass slide tetrahedral crystals are obtained. If the
solution is moderately strong, it gives a white precipitate with a
little hydrochloric acid, soluble in excess: with water it gives no
precipitate. Stomach generally inflamed but not corroded.
2. Antimonious chloride, Sb Cl3. Solution strongly acid,
effervescing and giving a white precipitate with sodium carbonate.
Taste corrosive and powerfully metallic. On evaporation, no
tetrahedra. No precipitate with hydrochloric acid: with water a
white precipitate, re-dissolved by tartaric acid.[190] By analysis a
large quantity of chlorine will be found. The stomach is corroded
and often blackened or charred.
3. Antimonates, antimonites, sulphantimonites, and -ates (such
as “Schlippe’s salt”), are rare and improbable. Antimonates are
alkaline, give a white precipitate with acids, and a white crystalline
one with sodium salts. Schlippe’s salt is strongly alkaline, and
gives with hydrochloric acid an orange-red precipitate of sulphide.
III. Quantity.
The insoluble compounds would act very slowly as poisons and
would require very large doses, hence would be found in the solid
form in the stomach, and could be identified by appearance, by the
microscope, and by the tests, after washing and settling down.
To ascertain whether antimony was in solution, the liquid
contents of the stomach, after dilution with water if necessary,
should be allowed to settle, the nearly clear top layer decanted and
filtered, and the filtrate examined. The soluble compounds are:—
1. Tartar emetic. Solution slightly acid, taste metallic. On
evaporation on a glass slide tetrahedral crystals are obtained. If the
solution is moderately strong, it gives a white precipitate with a
little hydrochloric acid, soluble in excess: with water it gives no
precipitate. Stomach generally inflamed but not corroded.
2. Antimonious chloride, Sb Cl3. Solution strongly acid,
effervescing and giving a white precipitate with sodium carbonate.
Taste corrosive and powerfully metallic. On evaporation, no
tetrahedra. No precipitate with hydrochloric acid: with water a
white precipitate, re-dissolved by tartaric acid.[190] By analysis a
large quantity of chlorine will be found. The stomach is corroded
and often blackened or charred.
3. Antimonates, antimonites, sulphantimonites, and -ates (such
as “Schlippe’s salt”), are rare and improbable. Antimonates are
alkaline, give a white precipitate with acids, and a white crystalline
one with sodium salts. Schlippe’s salt is strongly alkaline, and
gives with hydrochloric acid an orange-red precipitate of sulphide.
III. Quantity.
Page 580
To ascertain the amount of Sb is absolutely necessary. Marsh’s
test is not available, since a large part of the antimony is thrown
down on the zinc and remains in the generating flask. It has been
proposed to wash this off and weigh it, but other metals and
impurities are present, so that this is not practicable. Reinsch’s test
has been applied quantitatively by weighing the copper before and
after the test: the difference of weight was supposed to be the As or
Sb. But the copper may dissolve or oxidise, sulphur and other
things deposit on it; so that this method is not correct.
If antimony only is present, acidulate with hydrochloric acid,
pass sulph. hydrogen in excess, warm, filter, wash the orange
hydrated antimonious sulphide into a porcelain capsule, remove
most of the water, dry on the water bath, finally at 200°C. and
weigh. 100 grains of Sb2 S3 correspond to 85·88 of Sb2 O3, to
196·47 of tartar emetic, to 71·76 of Sb, to 134·41 of Sb Cl3.
But in the stomach any other metal may be present, hence a
process of separation must be used. It is not generally necessary to
destroy the organic matter: if this be desired, Fresenius and v.
Babo’s process, of heating with H Cl and potass. chlorate
(previously proved pure) may be used without much danger of loss,
as Sb Cl3 is not so volatile as As Cl3. Otherwise the solution made
by pure hydrochloric and a little tartaric acids is treated with
sulphuretted hydrogen. The precipitated sulphide may be of
uncertain, though suspicious colour. After collection on a filter and
washing, it should be extracted with dilute ammon. carbonate
solution (10 per cent.): arsenic only will dissolve and will be
reprecipitated as sulphide on adding an acid. The remainder on the
filter must be treated with freshly prepared ammon. sulphide:
antimony and tin will dissolve. If any black residue remains on the
filter, it will consist of mercury, lead, bismuth, or copper: it should
test is not available, since a large part of the antimony is thrown
down on the zinc and remains in the generating flask. It has been
proposed to wash this off and weigh it, but other metals and
impurities are present, so that this is not practicable. Reinsch’s test
has been applied quantitatively by weighing the copper before and
after the test: the difference of weight was supposed to be the As or
Sb. But the copper may dissolve or oxidise, sulphur and other
things deposit on it; so that this method is not correct.
If antimony only is present, acidulate with hydrochloric acid,
pass sulph. hydrogen in excess, warm, filter, wash the orange
hydrated antimonious sulphide into a porcelain capsule, remove
most of the water, dry on the water bath, finally at 200°C. and
weigh. 100 grains of Sb2 S3 correspond to 85·88 of Sb2 O3, to
196·47 of tartar emetic, to 71·76 of Sb, to 134·41 of Sb Cl3.
But in the stomach any other metal may be present, hence a
process of separation must be used. It is not generally necessary to
destroy the organic matter: if this be desired, Fresenius and v.
Babo’s process, of heating with H Cl and potass. chlorate
(previously proved pure) may be used without much danger of loss,
as Sb Cl3 is not so volatile as As Cl3. Otherwise the solution made
by pure hydrochloric and a little tartaric acids is treated with
sulphuretted hydrogen. The precipitated sulphide may be of
uncertain, though suspicious colour. After collection on a filter and
washing, it should be extracted with dilute ammon. carbonate
solution (10 per cent.): arsenic only will dissolve and will be
reprecipitated as sulphide on adding an acid. The remainder on the
filter must be treated with freshly prepared ammon. sulphide:
antimony and tin will dissolve. If any black residue remains on the
filter, it will consist of mercury, lead, bismuth, or copper: it should
Page 581
be treated with hot 25 per cent. nitric acid, when all will dissolve
except mercuric sulphide. We shall then have three portions:—
1st. The mercuric sulphide. Wash, dry, and weigh. Then heat in
a sealed tube with dry sodium carbonate, collect the sublimate of
metallic mercury, weigh it, and preserve in a sealed tube.
2nd. The nitric acid solution containing lead, bismuth, and
copper. Evaporate nearly to dryness, dilute, add dilute sulphuric
acid, and a little alcohol, after standing collect and weigh the
precipitated sulphate of lead. Precipitate the bismuth by ammon.
carbonate in excess, and the copper from the filtrate by zinc or by
sulph. hydrogen. (See Fresenius’ Quant. Anal. p. 411).
3rd. The ammon. sulphide solution of the antimony and tin.
Evaporate to dryness, dissolve in hot strong hydrochloric acid,
dilute, divide into two equal portions: in one throw down both
metals by a rod of zinc: in the other throw down only Sb by a slip
of tin. Wash off both precipitates, dry and weigh. The first is
antimony and tin together, the second is antimony alone (Gay
Lussac). The difference is the tin.
Usually only some of these metals will be present. Tin has
derived more importance lately since Hehner has proved its almost
constant presence in canned provisions.
As to the delicacy of the precipitation of antimony by zinc or
galvanism, Mohr (Toxicologie, 1876) states that a solution
containing ·00005 gramme of Sb in one cub. centimetre gives a
distinct reaction in fifteen minutes. Such a solution gives with H2S
only a colouration, and after a long time a faint precipitate. 1/30000
part gives with zinc a clear reaction in one half-hour: with H2 S,
only a colour, no precipitate, in twelve hours. 1/40000, doubtful:
1
/50000, imperceptible with zinc: of course, nothing with H2 S. The
reaction is only decisive if other metals are excluded.
except mercuric sulphide. We shall then have three portions:—
1st. The mercuric sulphide. Wash, dry, and weigh. Then heat in
a sealed tube with dry sodium carbonate, collect the sublimate of
metallic mercury, weigh it, and preserve in a sealed tube.
2nd. The nitric acid solution containing lead, bismuth, and
copper. Evaporate nearly to dryness, dilute, add dilute sulphuric
acid, and a little alcohol, after standing collect and weigh the
precipitated sulphate of lead. Precipitate the bismuth by ammon.
carbonate in excess, and the copper from the filtrate by zinc or by
sulph. hydrogen. (See Fresenius’ Quant. Anal. p. 411).
3rd. The ammon. sulphide solution of the antimony and tin.
Evaporate to dryness, dissolve in hot strong hydrochloric acid,
dilute, divide into two equal portions: in one throw down both
metals by a rod of zinc: in the other throw down only Sb by a slip
of tin. Wash off both precipitates, dry and weigh. The first is
antimony and tin together, the second is antimony alone (Gay
Lussac). The difference is the tin.
Usually only some of these metals will be present. Tin has
derived more importance lately since Hehner has proved its almost
constant presence in canned provisions.
As to the delicacy of the precipitation of antimony by zinc or
galvanism, Mohr (Toxicologie, 1876) states that a solution
containing ·00005 gramme of Sb in one cub. centimetre gives a
distinct reaction in fifteen minutes. Such a solution gives with H2S
only a colouration, and after a long time a faint precipitate. 1/30000
part gives with zinc a clear reaction in one half-hour: with H2 S,
only a colour, no precipitate, in twelve hours. 1/40000, doubtful:
1
/50000, imperceptible with zinc: of course, nothing with H2 S. The
reaction is only decisive if other metals are excluded.
Page 582
From the solution of Sb Cl3, or tartar emetic in H Cl, gallic acid
throws down Sb, and not As or tin. The precipitate after washing
and drying contains 40·85 per cent. of Sb. (Chem. News, XXIV.
207, 251.)
To sum up, the decisive characters of antimony are:—
1. An orange red precip. by H2 S in slightly acid solutions.
2. The insolubility of this precip. in ammon. carbonate.
3. Its solubility in ammonium sulphide.
4. Its solubility in hot H Cl, with evolution of H2 S, and
formation of a solution of Sb Cl3, which is precipitated by water
and cleared up again by tartaric acid.
Remarks.
DR. PRITCHARD’S CASE.
In connection with the supposed administration of tartar emetic
on a piece of cheese, in Dr. Pritchard’s trial (see Mr. Clark’s review
of McCleod’s evidence, p. 438), the following considerations are of
interest.
1. An exceedingly small (weighed) quantity of dry powdered
tartar emetic was sprinkled on the surface of a little piece of
cheese: although the amount of tartar emetic used was far less than
that required to induce vomiting, &c., the powder was found to be
plainly visible, and the appearance of the cheese so treated would
certainly have excited suspicion in the mind of any ordinarily
observant person. Hence it is impossible that enough tartar emetic
to produce the recorded effects should have been sprinkled
externally on the very small amounts of cheese described —“not
larger than a bean”—M. McCleod: “size of a good large pea”—M.
Patterson).[191]
throws down Sb, and not As or tin. The precipitate after washing
and drying contains 40·85 per cent. of Sb. (Chem. News, XXIV.
207, 251.)
To sum up, the decisive characters of antimony are:—
1. An orange red precip. by H2 S in slightly acid solutions.
2. The insolubility of this precip. in ammon. carbonate.
3. Its solubility in ammonium sulphide.
4. Its solubility in hot H Cl, with evolution of H2 S, and
formation of a solution of Sb Cl3, which is precipitated by water
and cleared up again by tartaric acid.
Remarks.
DR. PRITCHARD’S CASE.
In connection with the supposed administration of tartar emetic
on a piece of cheese, in Dr. Pritchard’s trial (see Mr. Clark’s review
of McCleod’s evidence, p. 438), the following considerations are of
interest.
1. An exceedingly small (weighed) quantity of dry powdered
tartar emetic was sprinkled on the surface of a little piece of
cheese: although the amount of tartar emetic used was far less than
that required to induce vomiting, &c., the powder was found to be
plainly visible, and the appearance of the cheese so treated would
certainly have excited suspicion in the mind of any ordinarily
observant person. Hence it is impossible that enough tartar emetic
to produce the recorded effects should have been sprinkled
externally on the very small amounts of cheese described —“not
larger than a bean”—M. McCleod: “size of a good large pea”—M.
Patterson).[191]
Page 583
2. With reference to the Lord Justice Clerk’s observation, p.
439, note, tartar emetic is not easily dissolved, a cold saturated
aqueous solution containing only 5 per cent. of the salt (according
to the B. P., 20 grains dissolve without residue in 1 ounce of water).
A piece of cheese, the size of a bean, would weigh about ⅛ ounce. I
have found by experiment that 1 ounce cheese took up by soaking
not more than ¼ ounce water, which, from the above, could contain
in solution 5 grains of tartar emetic. Hence a piece of cheese, the
size of a bean, = ¼ × ⅛ = 1/32 ounce water = ⅝ grain of tartar
emetic. This amount could not cause the symptoms described.
3. If put on in powder the poisonous salt could only be
concealed by being rubbed over with butter or oil: if soaked in a
solution of tartar emetic, the cheese, in order to avert suspicion,
must be wiped or dried—operations practically impossible at the
table with so many present.
Two possibilities remain: (a) Cheese is often eaten with salt.
Dr. Pritchard may have had a little salt-cellar by his side,
professedly for his own use, containing tartar emetic, either alone
or mixed with salt. He may have placed a spoonful of this on the
plate with the cheese: the latter may have been either dipped into
the salt or got into it accidentally. No question was asked at the trial
about such a likely fact, which would account for one person
suffering, and not another, according as they got the salt or not. The
strong taste of salt would avert suspicion from that of tartar emetic.
(b) McCleod said that it was “new cheese—they had it in the house
—it was soft—it tasted hot like pepper.” It is possible, but not easy,
by warming and pounding in a mortar, to mix cheese with a
considerable amount of a powder: it would then look soft and rather
unnatural, but might, as “new cheese,” escape suspicion. This
theory is less probable than the other.
439, note, tartar emetic is not easily dissolved, a cold saturated
aqueous solution containing only 5 per cent. of the salt (according
to the B. P., 20 grains dissolve without residue in 1 ounce of water).
A piece of cheese, the size of a bean, would weigh about ⅛ ounce. I
have found by experiment that 1 ounce cheese took up by soaking
not more than ¼ ounce water, which, from the above, could contain
in solution 5 grains of tartar emetic. Hence a piece of cheese, the
size of a bean, = ¼ × ⅛ = 1/32 ounce water = ⅝ grain of tartar
emetic. This amount could not cause the symptoms described.
3. If put on in powder the poisonous salt could only be
concealed by being rubbed over with butter or oil: if soaked in a
solution of tartar emetic, the cheese, in order to avert suspicion,
must be wiped or dried—operations practically impossible at the
table with so many present.
Two possibilities remain: (a) Cheese is often eaten with salt.
Dr. Pritchard may have had a little salt-cellar by his side,
professedly for his own use, containing tartar emetic, either alone
or mixed with salt. He may have placed a spoonful of this on the
plate with the cheese: the latter may have been either dipped into
the salt or got into it accidentally. No question was asked at the trial
about such a likely fact, which would account for one person
suffering, and not another, according as they got the salt or not. The
strong taste of salt would avert suspicion from that of tartar emetic.
(b) McCleod said that it was “new cheese—they had it in the house
—it was soft—it tasted hot like pepper.” It is possible, but not easy,
by warming and pounding in a mortar, to mix cheese with a
considerable amount of a powder: it would then look soft and rather
unnatural, but might, as “new cheese,” escape suspicion. This
theory is less probable than the other.
Page 584
Tapioca.—Mr. Clark’s remark, p. 438, “Now the suggestion of
the Crown is that the prisoner put antimony in this tapioca, so
nicely adjusted as to produce sickness leading to death, but not so
as to produce death itself,” is inconclusive, as it requires a
considerable amount to produce death. A large quantity of tartar
emetic could be mixed with tapioca without suspicion, and would
not betray itself by any peculiar appearance on cooking. The same
remark applies to the sago in Winslow’s case.
Egg-flip.—“The amount of antimony introduced on the sugar
into the egg-flip must have been a very powerful dose, because
Patterson took only a teaspoonful and lay vomiting and suffering
all night.” The total amount was a tumblerful (= 10 fluid ounces).
Mrs. Pritchard took a wine-glassful (= 2 fluid ounces); was sick
very soon and all night. Mary Patterson took a teaspoonful, was
sick immediately, and vomited frequently throughout the night. Her
dose must have been at least 1 grain. This would make 60 grains in
the whole. Such a quantity of tartar emetic would be about a
teaspoonful, and obviously could not be introduced on two lumps
of loaf sugar, as the following experiment shows:—Two rather
large pieces of loaf sugar weighing together 204 grains were gently
shaken with powdered tartar emetic, and the loose part shaken off.
The lumps now looked rather powdery, but nothing very
noticeable. The amount of tartar emetic they had taken up was
nearly 3 grains (2·96), not nearly a teaspoonful, though amply
sufficient to cause vomiting. It is not the porosity, but the
roughness of surface, that enables a powder to adhere to the sugar.
The tartar emetic might have been slipped into the egg-flip, out of
the hand, at the same time that the sugar was added, the mixture
being afterwards stirred up.
the Crown is that the prisoner put antimony in this tapioca, so
nicely adjusted as to produce sickness leading to death, but not so
as to produce death itself,” is inconclusive, as it requires a
considerable amount to produce death. A large quantity of tartar
emetic could be mixed with tapioca without suspicion, and would
not betray itself by any peculiar appearance on cooking. The same
remark applies to the sago in Winslow’s case.
Egg-flip.—“The amount of antimony introduced on the sugar
into the egg-flip must have been a very powerful dose, because
Patterson took only a teaspoonful and lay vomiting and suffering
all night.” The total amount was a tumblerful (= 10 fluid ounces).
Mrs. Pritchard took a wine-glassful (= 2 fluid ounces); was sick
very soon and all night. Mary Patterson took a teaspoonful, was
sick immediately, and vomited frequently throughout the night. Her
dose must have been at least 1 grain. This would make 60 grains in
the whole. Such a quantity of tartar emetic would be about a
teaspoonful, and obviously could not be introduced on two lumps
of loaf sugar, as the following experiment shows:—Two rather
large pieces of loaf sugar weighing together 204 grains were gently
shaken with powdered tartar emetic, and the loose part shaken off.
The lumps now looked rather powdery, but nothing very
noticeable. The amount of tartar emetic they had taken up was
nearly 3 grains (2·96), not nearly a teaspoonful, though amply
sufficient to cause vomiting. It is not the porosity, but the
roughness of surface, that enables a powder to adhere to the sugar.
The tartar emetic might have been slipped into the egg-flip, out of
the hand, at the same time that the sugar was added, the mixture
being afterwards stirred up.
Page 585
DR. SMETHURST’S CASE.
Dr. Taylor and Mr. Herapath.
In his evidence before the committing magistrates, on the 20th
of May, Dr. Taylor said:—
“I found no arsenic or antimony in any of the bottles delivered
to me by Inspector McIntyre on the 5th and 7th of May, except one,
and the homœopathic medicine: that one was bottle 21.[192] When I
received this bottle it was about half full of thin, watery-looking
mixture, and I tested it. It had a cooling, pleasant saline taste, not
repugnant, no smell. I detected nothing wrong with the taste. I
evaporated some in a glass, and examined it by the microscope, and
then found it was not tartar emetic, as I thought. I then applied the
tests for arsenic, and every test I tried was destroyed, and failed to
show the existence of arsenic, owing, as I supposed, to there being
in it, and my tests convinced me that there was, something very
peculiar about it that I had not met before. I tried Reinsch’s
process, but I found that it dissolved the copper-gauze as soon as I
put it into the liquid. I then determined to extract this noxious
agent, and continued to put in copper-gauze until it no longer
possessed the power to dissolve it. I then put in a piece of copper,
which at once received the arsenic. I was able to decide by these
tests that the mixture was chlorate of potash. I found there was of
chlorate of potash 7 grains to the ounce, or 1 and 6/10ths per cent.,
and there was a grain of arsenic to every ounce. I found that the
taste of the liquid in this bottle was such that no one would be
likely to suspect that it contained arsenic, more particularly as the
quantity of arsenic was so small that the liquid could be mixed with
any kind of food and swallowed without the person being aware of
it.[193] In the bottles brought to me by Dr. Berry[194] I found arsenic
—that was white arsenic. I could not give an opinion on that in the
Dr. Taylor and Mr. Herapath.
In his evidence before the committing magistrates, on the 20th
of May, Dr. Taylor said:—
“I found no arsenic or antimony in any of the bottles delivered
to me by Inspector McIntyre on the 5th and 7th of May, except one,
and the homœopathic medicine: that one was bottle 21.[192] When I
received this bottle it was about half full of thin, watery-looking
mixture, and I tested it. It had a cooling, pleasant saline taste, not
repugnant, no smell. I detected nothing wrong with the taste. I
evaporated some in a glass, and examined it by the microscope, and
then found it was not tartar emetic, as I thought. I then applied the
tests for arsenic, and every test I tried was destroyed, and failed to
show the existence of arsenic, owing, as I supposed, to there being
in it, and my tests convinced me that there was, something very
peculiar about it that I had not met before. I tried Reinsch’s
process, but I found that it dissolved the copper-gauze as soon as I
put it into the liquid. I then determined to extract this noxious
agent, and continued to put in copper-gauze until it no longer
possessed the power to dissolve it. I then put in a piece of copper,
which at once received the arsenic. I was able to decide by these
tests that the mixture was chlorate of potash. I found there was of
chlorate of potash 7 grains to the ounce, or 1 and 6/10ths per cent.,
and there was a grain of arsenic to every ounce. I found that the
taste of the liquid in this bottle was such that no one would be
likely to suspect that it contained arsenic, more particularly as the
quantity of arsenic was so small that the liquid could be mixed with
any kind of food and swallowed without the person being aware of
it.[193] In the bottles brought to me by Dr. Berry[194] I found arsenic
—that was white arsenic. I could not give an opinion on that in the
Page 586
evacuation (No. 2), as that was mixed with blood and mucus. In
No. 1 there was biliary matter without any metallic substance.”
Subsequently to the conviction of Smethurst, Mr. Herapath
wrote the letter to the Times, on the 27th of August, before referred
to in the Lord Chief Baron’s communication to the Home
Secretary, in which, after a wordy and personal attack on Dr.
Taylor, with special reference to his having used for twenty years
untested copper, he said:—
“But was the arsenic said to have been found in bottle 21 really
in the copper used to prove its presence? Could the copper wire-
gauze dissolved by 7 grains of chlorate of potash and its associated
hydrochloric acid deposit one grain of arsenic? In the face of all
England, I say it could not. The 100th part of a grain of arsenic in
that quantity of copper would render it so brittle that it could not be
drawn into wire at all, much less into fine wire fit for gauze. The
fact is the whole set of operations were a bungle. Reinsch’s process
is inapplicable where nitrates or chlorates are present. Taylor must
have known this: it was well known then that chlorates, nitrates,
arsenates, and other oxidizing agents, interfered with Reinsch’s
process. When Taylor found the copper dissolved—he knew that
one of these oxidizing agents was present—he ought then to have
either used Marsh’s test instead of Reinsch’s, or should have
prepared the solution by sulphurous acid first. The method he did
use was as dangerous as could be.”
Whether Mr. Herapath communicated this opinion to the
friends of Smethurst before the trial, as he ought to have done, does
not appear. At any rate he was not called for the defence, and his
opinion was apparently only made public after the conviction. It
stands, therefore, like all the other communications laid before the
Home Secretary, untested by cross-examination. How far was he
correct?
No. 1 there was biliary matter without any metallic substance.”
Subsequently to the conviction of Smethurst, Mr. Herapath
wrote the letter to the Times, on the 27th of August, before referred
to in the Lord Chief Baron’s communication to the Home
Secretary, in which, after a wordy and personal attack on Dr.
Taylor, with special reference to his having used for twenty years
untested copper, he said:—
“But was the arsenic said to have been found in bottle 21 really
in the copper used to prove its presence? Could the copper wire-
gauze dissolved by 7 grains of chlorate of potash and its associated
hydrochloric acid deposit one grain of arsenic? In the face of all
England, I say it could not. The 100th part of a grain of arsenic in
that quantity of copper would render it so brittle that it could not be
drawn into wire at all, much less into fine wire fit for gauze. The
fact is the whole set of operations were a bungle. Reinsch’s process
is inapplicable where nitrates or chlorates are present. Taylor must
have known this: it was well known then that chlorates, nitrates,
arsenates, and other oxidizing agents, interfered with Reinsch’s
process. When Taylor found the copper dissolved—he knew that
one of these oxidizing agents was present—he ought then to have
either used Marsh’s test instead of Reinsch’s, or should have
prepared the solution by sulphurous acid first. The method he did
use was as dangerous as could be.”
Whether Mr. Herapath communicated this opinion to the
friends of Smethurst before the trial, as he ought to have done, does
not appear. At any rate he was not called for the defence, and his
opinion was apparently only made public after the conviction. It
stands, therefore, like all the other communications laid before the
Home Secretary, untested by cross-examination. How far was he
correct?
Page 587
Taylor does not state how much of the liquid in bottle 21 he
took for analysis. Assuming that he took 1 ounce, 7 grains of
chlorate would dissolve, at the most, 22 grains of copper. If this
yielded 1 grain of arsenic, the copper must have contained 4½ per
cent. of that poison—an impossible quantity. Less than ½ per cent.
of arsenic renders copper brittle. So far Herapath was right.[195]
(2.) If Taylor was right that what he got was white arsenic, that
could not have come from the copper, which can only contain
arsenicum—metallic arsenic. Therefore if Taylor’s analysis was not
altogether wrong, in bottle 21 there really was arsenic, and the
prisoner was proved to have had the materials for poisoning in his
possession.
Taylor’s procedure in dissolving up piece after piece of copper,
which had not been previously proved, by the same process, not to
contain arsenic, was highly blameable, and his assertion that he had
previously tried his tests and found them pure, was not strictly true.
Altogether, his tests both for arsenic and antimony were not
reliable.
ADDENDA.
The “bismuth” frequently referred to in the report of
Smethurst’s trial is the Bismuthi Subnitras, B. P., also known by the
various names of “Bismuthum Album,” “White Bismuth,”
“Trisnitrate of Bismuth,” “Subnitrate of Bismuth,” “Magistery of
took for analysis. Assuming that he took 1 ounce, 7 grains of
chlorate would dissolve, at the most, 22 grains of copper. If this
yielded 1 grain of arsenic, the copper must have contained 4½ per
cent. of that poison—an impossible quantity. Less than ½ per cent.
of arsenic renders copper brittle. So far Herapath was right.[195]
(2.) If Taylor was right that what he got was white arsenic, that
could not have come from the copper, which can only contain
arsenicum—metallic arsenic. Therefore if Taylor’s analysis was not
altogether wrong, in bottle 21 there really was arsenic, and the
prisoner was proved to have had the materials for poisoning in his
possession.
Taylor’s procedure in dissolving up piece after piece of copper,
which had not been previously proved, by the same process, not to
contain arsenic, was highly blameable, and his assertion that he had
previously tried his tests and found them pure, was not strictly true.
Altogether, his tests both for arsenic and antimony were not
reliable.
ADDENDA.
The “bismuth” frequently referred to in the report of
Smethurst’s trial is the Bismuthi Subnitras, B. P., also known by the
various names of “Bismuthum Album,” “White Bismuth,”
“Trisnitrate of Bismuth,” “Subnitrate of Bismuth,” “Magistery of
Page 588
Bismuth,” “Pearl White,” &c. This compound is a basic nitrate of
bismuth, Bi N 04, H2 0: it is insoluble in water, and is a heavy,
white, minutely-crystalline powder, much used in medicine, and
also as a cosmetic. The name “bismuth” is misleading as applied to
this drug, which is not bismuth, but a salt of that metal.
Ordinary subnitrate of bismuth frequently contains various
adulterations and impurities. The most usual adulterants are
carbonate of lead, carbonate of lime and phosphate of lime (Royle’s
Materia Medica, 1876): among the impurities which have been
found are ammonia (Piper, Pharm. Journ., Ap. 21, 1877), arsenic,
lead, iron, chlorine, and sodium salts. Some specimens of bismuth
subnitrate analysed by Herapath contained 1 grain of arsenic in
1000: others contained as much as 1 grain in 433. Taylor, also,
found arsenic in three samples out of five examined by him. Riche
(J. Pharm. et Chim., 5, 384) states that the majority of commercial
samples of bismuth subnitrate contain lead and arsenic, the former
to the extent of ·03-·04 per cent. (as sulphate), and the latter (as
arsenious acid) to ·002-·01 per cent., while Chas. Ekin (Pharm
Journ., 3, III., 381) remarks that this preparation of bismuth is often
very impure, containing much subchloride, copper, and
occasionally lead. On the other hand, three specimens of subnitrate
of bismuth, analysed by Bernays, contained no arsenic, lead, or
carbonic acid, while the percentage of bismuth oxide present
closely approximated to the theoretical amount. Moreover, in the
Practitioner, Mar. 1871, p. 191, the results of the examination of six
samples of bismuth subnitrate are given, the only impurities found
being traces of chlorine and sulphuric acid: there was no arsenic.
Hence it is evident that subnitrate of bismuth does not always
contain arsenic: and the quantity of this impurity, when present, is
so minute as (having regard to the small doses in which the drug is
bismuth, Bi N 04, H2 0: it is insoluble in water, and is a heavy,
white, minutely-crystalline powder, much used in medicine, and
also as a cosmetic. The name “bismuth” is misleading as applied to
this drug, which is not bismuth, but a salt of that metal.
Ordinary subnitrate of bismuth frequently contains various
adulterations and impurities. The most usual adulterants are
carbonate of lead, carbonate of lime and phosphate of lime (Royle’s
Materia Medica, 1876): among the impurities which have been
found are ammonia (Piper, Pharm. Journ., Ap. 21, 1877), arsenic,
lead, iron, chlorine, and sodium salts. Some specimens of bismuth
subnitrate analysed by Herapath contained 1 grain of arsenic in
1000: others contained as much as 1 grain in 433. Taylor, also,
found arsenic in three samples out of five examined by him. Riche
(J. Pharm. et Chim., 5, 384) states that the majority of commercial
samples of bismuth subnitrate contain lead and arsenic, the former
to the extent of ·03-·04 per cent. (as sulphate), and the latter (as
arsenious acid) to ·002-·01 per cent., while Chas. Ekin (Pharm
Journ., 3, III., 381) remarks that this preparation of bismuth is often
very impure, containing much subchloride, copper, and
occasionally lead. On the other hand, three specimens of subnitrate
of bismuth, analysed by Bernays, contained no arsenic, lead, or
carbonic acid, while the percentage of bismuth oxide present
closely approximated to the theoretical amount. Moreover, in the
Practitioner, Mar. 1871, p. 191, the results of the examination of six
samples of bismuth subnitrate are given, the only impurities found
being traces of chlorine and sulphuric acid: there was no arsenic.
Hence it is evident that subnitrate of bismuth does not always
contain arsenic: and the quantity of this impurity, when present, is
so minute as (having regard to the small doses in which the drug is
Page 589
usually prescribed in medicine) to be insufficient to produce the
graver symptoms of arsenical poisoning.[196]
The presence of arsenic in bismuth subnitrate may easily be
detected by Marsh’s test.
Subnitrate of bismuth nearly always contains arsenic and other
impurities, when it has been prepared from commercial bismuth.
The British Pharmacopœia, therefore; very properly directs that
purified bismuth (Bismuthum Purificatum, B. P.) should be used in
the preparation of this drug: the B. P. method of purifying the metal
is as follows. 10 ounces of bismuth and 1 ounce of nitrate of potash
are fused together in a crucible, heated and stirred, until the salt has
solidified into a slag over the metal: the salt is now removed,
another ounce of nitrate of potash is added, and the remainder of
the process is repeated. The fused bismuth is now poured into a
mould, and allowed to cool.
Herapath states that the arsenic is not all removed by this
process, and he proposes to boil the nitrate in solution of a caustic
alkali, which removes the arsenic and converts the bismuth into
oxide, from which the salts can be prepared (Royle).
From the purified metal subnitrate of bismuth can be prepared
by the following process, which is that given in the British
Pharmacopœia. 2 ounces of purified bismuth are gradually added to
a mixture of 4 fluid ounces nitric acid with three ounces distilled
water: when effervescence has ceased, heat is applied for a few
minutes, and the solution is decanted from any insoluble residue.
The liquid is concentrated by evaporation to 2 fluid ounces, and
poured into half a gallon of distilled water. The precipitate formed
(Bi N 04, H2 0) is well washed by decantation, filtered, and finally
dried at a temperature not exceeding 150° F.
graver symptoms of arsenical poisoning.[196]
The presence of arsenic in bismuth subnitrate may easily be
detected by Marsh’s test.
Subnitrate of bismuth nearly always contains arsenic and other
impurities, when it has been prepared from commercial bismuth.
The British Pharmacopœia, therefore; very properly directs that
purified bismuth (Bismuthum Purificatum, B. P.) should be used in
the preparation of this drug: the B. P. method of purifying the metal
is as follows. 10 ounces of bismuth and 1 ounce of nitrate of potash
are fused together in a crucible, heated and stirred, until the salt has
solidified into a slag over the metal: the salt is now removed,
another ounce of nitrate of potash is added, and the remainder of
the process is repeated. The fused bismuth is now poured into a
mould, and allowed to cool.
Herapath states that the arsenic is not all removed by this
process, and he proposes to boil the nitrate in solution of a caustic
alkali, which removes the arsenic and converts the bismuth into
oxide, from which the salts can be prepared (Royle).
From the purified metal subnitrate of bismuth can be prepared
by the following process, which is that given in the British
Pharmacopœia. 2 ounces of purified bismuth are gradually added to
a mixture of 4 fluid ounces nitric acid with three ounces distilled
water: when effervescence has ceased, heat is applied for a few
minutes, and the solution is decanted from any insoluble residue.
The liquid is concentrated by evaporation to 2 fluid ounces, and
poured into half a gallon of distilled water. The precipitate formed
(Bi N 04, H2 0) is well washed by decantation, filtered, and finally
dried at a temperature not exceeding 150° F.
Page 590
In the event of the bismuth used not having been thoroughly
purified, and being therefore still likely to contain a trace of
arsenic, a modification of the above process, recommended by R.
Schneider (Journ. Prakt. Chem., 1879, 418), may be employed. It
consists in heating the acid before the bismuth is added, and
continuing the heating until the metal is dissolved. If arsenic be
present, the solution will contain in suspension a white precipitate
of bismuth arsenate, which is nearly insoluble in nitric acid, and
can be removed by filtration through asbestos, before the solution
is diluted. Cold nitric acid would convert any arsenic present into
bismuth arsenite, which is readily soluble in nitric acid, and could
not, therefore, be separated by filtration.
“Grey powder” is Hydrargyrum cum Creta, B. P., and consists
of one part of metallic mercury in a very finely divided state, mixed
with two parts of chalk. It is made by rubbing mercury and
prepared chalk together until metallic globules are no longer
visible. The mercury in this preparation always becomes in course
of time more or less oxidised, the amount of oxide formed varying
according to the length of time the mixture has been kept, and the
extent of its exposure to the air.
Iron, silica, and phosphoric acid, might be present in very small
quantities as impurities, in many samples of grey powder: caustic
lime could not possibly occur, unless the specimen had been
subjected to a red heat, which would drive off the mercury and so
spoil the preparation. Antimony and arsenic would rarely be met
with as impurities in grey powder, and if present, would only be in
very minute quantities.
purified, and being therefore still likely to contain a trace of
arsenic, a modification of the above process, recommended by R.
Schneider (Journ. Prakt. Chem., 1879, 418), may be employed. It
consists in heating the acid before the bismuth is added, and
continuing the heating until the metal is dissolved. If arsenic be
present, the solution will contain in suspension a white precipitate
of bismuth arsenate, which is nearly insoluble in nitric acid, and
can be removed by filtration through asbestos, before the solution
is diluted. Cold nitric acid would convert any arsenic present into
bismuth arsenite, which is readily soluble in nitric acid, and could
not, therefore, be separated by filtration.
“Grey powder” is Hydrargyrum cum Creta, B. P., and consists
of one part of metallic mercury in a very finely divided state, mixed
with two parts of chalk. It is made by rubbing mercury and
prepared chalk together until metallic globules are no longer
visible. The mercury in this preparation always becomes in course
of time more or less oxidised, the amount of oxide formed varying
according to the length of time the mixture has been kept, and the
extent of its exposure to the air.
Iron, silica, and phosphoric acid, might be present in very small
quantities as impurities, in many samples of grey powder: caustic
lime could not possibly occur, unless the specimen had been
subjected to a red heat, which would drive off the mercury and so
spoil the preparation. Antimony and arsenic would rarely be met
with as impurities in grey powder, and if present, would only be in
very minute quantities.
Page 591
CHAPTER X.
POISONING BY ACONITIA OR ACONITINE.
THE WIMBLEDON POISONING CASE—DR.
LAMSON.
Under this head of poisons, there is only one trial to report in
full, that of Dr. Lamson for the murder of his brother-in-law, Percy
Malcolm John, at Wimbledon, on Saturday, the 3rd of December,
1881, for which he was tried before Mr. Justice Hawkins, at the
Central Criminal Court, on the 8th of March, 1882, and the five
following days. The especial difficulties in the way of detecting
this preparation of aconite, invested the case with more than usual
interest to both the medical and legal profession. The subsequent
attempt by the convict’s friends to induce the Home Secretary to
delay his execution, in order that his mental condition might be
inquired into, backed as it was by the American Government, kept
alive the public interest to an unusual extent, and bid fair to revive
another such controversy as that which followed, but with a
different result, on the conviction of Smethurst. By the kindness of
Mr. W. A. Mills, Dr. Lamson’s solicitor, I have had the advantage
of reading the whole of the very numerous affidavits tendered in
POISONING BY ACONITIA OR ACONITINE.
THE WIMBLEDON POISONING CASE—DR.
LAMSON.
Under this head of poisons, there is only one trial to report in
full, that of Dr. Lamson for the murder of his brother-in-law, Percy
Malcolm John, at Wimbledon, on Saturday, the 3rd of December,
1881, for which he was tried before Mr. Justice Hawkins, at the
Central Criminal Court, on the 8th of March, 1882, and the five
following days. The especial difficulties in the way of detecting
this preparation of aconite, invested the case with more than usual
interest to both the medical and legal profession. The subsequent
attempt by the convict’s friends to induce the Home Secretary to
delay his execution, in order that his mental condition might be
inquired into, backed as it was by the American Government, kept
alive the public interest to an unusual extent, and bid fair to revive
another such controversy as that which followed, but with a
different result, on the conviction of Smethurst. By the kindness of
Mr. W. A. Mills, Dr. Lamson’s solicitor, I have had the advantage
of reading the whole of the very numerous affidavits tendered in
Page 592
support of this application, of which I have given a summary at the
close of the trial.[197]
Though the trial now reported is the only one in which aconitia
was employed, other forms of aconite have been used in previous
cases. In that of Dr. Pritchard it was administered in the form of
tincture of aconite, and as far back as 1841, in the case of Reg. v.
McConkey, it was administered as powdered aconite root. In this
case the reputed poisoner was tried at the Lent Assizes, Monaghan,
and the medico-legal investigation was conducted by the late Dr.
Geoghegan, of Dublin. As in Pritchard’s and Lamson’s cases, the
medical evidence was beset with difficulties, for no trace of the
poison could be discovered in the body, and it was only by a close
analysis of symptoms and appearances that the charge was brought
home to the prisoner. The deceased had eaten at his dinner some
greens dressed for him by the prisoner: he complained of their
having a sharp taste, and this was perceived also by another person
present who tasted them. It was ascertained that the deceased, soon
after the meal, had vomited a greenish matter, and suffered from
purging, restlessness, incoherence, lockjaw, and clenching of the
hands. He died in about three hours after having eaten the greens,
but was not seen by a medical man while living. The chief
appearance met with was in the stomach, where the mucous
membrane was of a light reddish-brown colour. Traces of vegetable
matter were found in the intestines, but no poison could be
detected, either botanically or chemically. The symptoms suffered
by a friend of the deceased, who had accidentally tasted the greens,
were very characteristic of poisoning by aconite. In two minutes he
felt a burning heat in the mouth, throat, gullet, and stomach; then a
sensation of swelling in the face, with a general feeling of
numbness and creeping of the skin. Restlessness, dimness of sight,
and stupor almost amounting to insensibility, followed; and in
close of the trial.[197]
Though the trial now reported is the only one in which aconitia
was employed, other forms of aconite have been used in previous
cases. In that of Dr. Pritchard it was administered in the form of
tincture of aconite, and as far back as 1841, in the case of Reg. v.
McConkey, it was administered as powdered aconite root. In this
case the reputed poisoner was tried at the Lent Assizes, Monaghan,
and the medico-legal investigation was conducted by the late Dr.
Geoghegan, of Dublin. As in Pritchard’s and Lamson’s cases, the
medical evidence was beset with difficulties, for no trace of the
poison could be discovered in the body, and it was only by a close
analysis of symptoms and appearances that the charge was brought
home to the prisoner. The deceased had eaten at his dinner some
greens dressed for him by the prisoner: he complained of their
having a sharp taste, and this was perceived also by another person
present who tasted them. It was ascertained that the deceased, soon
after the meal, had vomited a greenish matter, and suffered from
purging, restlessness, incoherence, lockjaw, and clenching of the
hands. He died in about three hours after having eaten the greens,
but was not seen by a medical man while living. The chief
appearance met with was in the stomach, where the mucous
membrane was of a light reddish-brown colour. Traces of vegetable
matter were found in the intestines, but no poison could be
detected, either botanically or chemically. The symptoms suffered
by a friend of the deceased, who had accidentally tasted the greens,
were very characteristic of poisoning by aconite. In two minutes he
felt a burning heat in the mouth, throat, gullet, and stomach; then a
sensation of swelling in the face, with a general feeling of
numbness and creeping of the skin. Restlessness, dimness of sight,
and stupor almost amounting to insensibility, followed; and in
Page 593
about an hour after the meal he was found speechless—frothing at
the nose and mouth, the hands and jaws clenched, appearing
occasionally as if dead, and then again reviving. Vomiting, purging,
tenderness at the pit of the stomach, cramps, tingling of the flesh,
and a burning taste in the mouth, followed. This man did not
entirely recover until after the lapse of five weeks. The prisoner
was convicted, and confessed before his execution that the
powdered root of Monkshood (aconite) had been mixed with
pepper and sprinkled over the greens.[198]
THE WIMBLEDON POISONING CASE.
Before The Hon. Mr. Justice Hawkins, at the Central Criminal Court,
March 9, and five following days, 1882.
For the Prosecution: The Solicitor-General (Sir F. Herschel), Mr.
Poland, and Mr. A. L. Smith.
For the Defence: Mr. Montagu Williams, Mr. C. Matthews, Mr.
E. Gladstone, and Mr. W. S. Robson.
George Henry Lamson, surgeon, aged 29, was indicted for the
murder of his brother-in-law, Percy Malcolm John, at Blenheim
House, Wimbledon, on December 3rd, 1881.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
In the winter of 1881, among the pupils at the school of Mr.
Bedbrook, of Blenheim House, Wimbledon, was Percy Malcolm
John, the youngest of the five children of a Manchester merchant, a
lad of about nineteen years of age, a sad sufferer from paralysis of
the lower limbs produced by curvature of the spine, but otherwise
in a fair state of health. Since the death of their mother in 1869, the
children had been orphan wards in Chancery, and previously to
the nose and mouth, the hands and jaws clenched, appearing
occasionally as if dead, and then again reviving. Vomiting, purging,
tenderness at the pit of the stomach, cramps, tingling of the flesh,
and a burning taste in the mouth, followed. This man did not
entirely recover until after the lapse of five weeks. The prisoner
was convicted, and confessed before his execution that the
powdered root of Monkshood (aconite) had been mixed with
pepper and sprinkled over the greens.[198]
THE WIMBLEDON POISONING CASE.
Before The Hon. Mr. Justice Hawkins, at the Central Criminal Court,
March 9, and five following days, 1882.
For the Prosecution: The Solicitor-General (Sir F. Herschel), Mr.
Poland, and Mr. A. L. Smith.
For the Defence: Mr. Montagu Williams, Mr. C. Matthews, Mr.
E. Gladstone, and Mr. W. S. Robson.
George Henry Lamson, surgeon, aged 29, was indicted for the
murder of his brother-in-law, Percy Malcolm John, at Blenheim
House, Wimbledon, on December 3rd, 1881.
HISTORY OF THE CASE.
In the winter of 1881, among the pupils at the school of Mr.
Bedbrook, of Blenheim House, Wimbledon, was Percy Malcolm
John, the youngest of the five children of a Manchester merchant, a
lad of about nineteen years of age, a sad sufferer from paralysis of
the lower limbs produced by curvature of the spine, but otherwise
in a fair state of health. Since the death of their mother in 1869, the
children had been orphan wards in Chancery, and previously to
Page 594
1881, one brother and one sister had died, under age, another sister
had married a Mr. Chapman, and the third the prisoner, a medical
practitioner at Bournemouth, who was now indicted for the murder
of his brother-in-law. By the wills of their parents, the children, as
they came of age or married, were entitled to the family property in
equal shares, those of such as died under age passing to the
survivors. Hence, at the time of his death, Percy John had property
in expectance to the amount of £3,000, which, in the event of his
death as a minor, would be equally divided between his two
married sisters, and by the settlement made by Mrs. Lamson on her
marriage, her share would come into the hands of the prisoner.[199]
Though such a sad sufferer from paralysis as to be unable to move
about readily except in a wheel-chair, and only able to drag himself
backwards up a few stairs,[200] there were no symptoms of serious
bodily illness in the lad: his temper was good, and his intelligence
fair.
In his brother-in-law’s health Lamson appeared to take great
interest, visiting him at the school, having him to stay at his own
house, and sending to his master from America some medicines
which he stated had been found useful in that country in similar
cases. On the 1st of December, the prisoner wrote to the boy that he
would come to see him the next evening, before he left for Paris—a
promise which he failed to keep.[201] On the 3rd, however, about
seven in the evening, he came, bringing with him some sweets, a
cake, and a box containing gelatine capsules, which he told the
master he had brought for him from America, as convenient for
enabling him to administer nauseous medicines to his pupils. At
this interview with his brother-in-law, he persuaded Mr. Bedbrook,
who was present, to take one of these capsules to try how easily
they were swallowed. Whilst doing so, the master noticed that the
prisoner was filling another with some powdered sugar, which he
had married a Mr. Chapman, and the third the prisoner, a medical
practitioner at Bournemouth, who was now indicted for the murder
of his brother-in-law. By the wills of their parents, the children, as
they came of age or married, were entitled to the family property in
equal shares, those of such as died under age passing to the
survivors. Hence, at the time of his death, Percy John had property
in expectance to the amount of £3,000, which, in the event of his
death as a minor, would be equally divided between his two
married sisters, and by the settlement made by Mrs. Lamson on her
marriage, her share would come into the hands of the prisoner.[199]
Though such a sad sufferer from paralysis as to be unable to move
about readily except in a wheel-chair, and only able to drag himself
backwards up a few stairs,[200] there were no symptoms of serious
bodily illness in the lad: his temper was good, and his intelligence
fair.
In his brother-in-law’s health Lamson appeared to take great
interest, visiting him at the school, having him to stay at his own
house, and sending to his master from America some medicines
which he stated had been found useful in that country in similar
cases. On the 1st of December, the prisoner wrote to the boy that he
would come to see him the next evening, before he left for Paris—a
promise which he failed to keep.[201] On the 3rd, however, about
seven in the evening, he came, bringing with him some sweets, a
cake, and a box containing gelatine capsules, which he told the
master he had brought for him from America, as convenient for
enabling him to administer nauseous medicines to his pupils. At
this interview with his brother-in-law, he persuaded Mr. Bedbrook,
who was present, to take one of these capsules to try how easily
they were swallowed. Whilst doing so, the master noticed that the
prisoner was filling another with some powdered sugar, which he
Page 595
had asked for, on the plea of destroying the alcohol in some wine of
which he was partaking. When he had put in the sugar, the prisoner,
turning to the lad, shook up the capsule, saying, “It has to be
shaken in order that the medicine may go to the bottom. You are
good at taking medicine; take this.” The boy swallowed the
capsule, and within a few minutes after, the prisoner, saying that he
wanted to catch the tidal-train for Paris, left the school-house. In
about twenty minutes afterwards Percy complained of heartburn,
gradually became worse, was carried up to bed, and vomited
largely in the closet.[202] “He felt,” he said, “as he had done in the
previous August when the prisoner gave him a pill in the Isle of
Wight.” He was in great pain, violently restless, and with difficulty
kept down by those who were holding him. After more simple
remedies had failed to relieve him, the doctors who had been called
in injected morphia under the skin, which had a temporary effect.
This was subsequently repeated, but with no apparent result, and
shortly afterwards he died, within four hours of swallowing the
capsule. The post-mortem examination revealed no signs of such a
natural form of disease as would account for his sudden death—the
only sign of disease being the long-standing curvature of the spine,
distressing, but at that time innocuous. A chemical analysis of the
stomach and other parts of the body was had, and, so far as the
present state of scientific knowledge could decide, it was the firm
opinion of the experienced analysts Drs. Stevenson and Dupré, that
death was due to an irritant vegetable poison, and that that poison
was aconitia, a most highly poisonous vegetable alkaloid,
containing the active principle of aconite, the product of the root of
monkshood.
Suspicion naturally fell on the prisoner, and was greatly
increased when it was discovered that a few days before his last
visit to the boy he had purchased aconitia in London, and that
which he was partaking. When he had put in the sugar, the prisoner,
turning to the lad, shook up the capsule, saying, “It has to be
shaken in order that the medicine may go to the bottom. You are
good at taking medicine; take this.” The boy swallowed the
capsule, and within a few minutes after, the prisoner, saying that he
wanted to catch the tidal-train for Paris, left the school-house. In
about twenty minutes afterwards Percy complained of heartburn,
gradually became worse, was carried up to bed, and vomited
largely in the closet.[202] “He felt,” he said, “as he had done in the
previous August when the prisoner gave him a pill in the Isle of
Wight.” He was in great pain, violently restless, and with difficulty
kept down by those who were holding him. After more simple
remedies had failed to relieve him, the doctors who had been called
in injected morphia under the skin, which had a temporary effect.
This was subsequently repeated, but with no apparent result, and
shortly afterwards he died, within four hours of swallowing the
capsule. The post-mortem examination revealed no signs of such a
natural form of disease as would account for his sudden death—the
only sign of disease being the long-standing curvature of the spine,
distressing, but at that time innocuous. A chemical analysis of the
stomach and other parts of the body was had, and, so far as the
present state of scientific knowledge could decide, it was the firm
opinion of the experienced analysts Drs. Stevenson and Dupré, that
death was due to an irritant vegetable poison, and that that poison
was aconitia, a most highly poisonous vegetable alkaloid,
containing the active principle of aconite, the product of the root of
monkshood.
Suspicion naturally fell on the prisoner, and was greatly
increased when it was discovered that a few days before his last
visit to the boy he had purchased aconitia in London, and that
Page 596
previously to the illness of the deceased in the Isle of Wight, the
prisoner had also purchased of a druggist at Shanklin some of this
deadly poison. In the meantime the prisoner had gone to Paris,
whence on the 8th of December he unexpectedly returned,
presented himself to the police at Scotland Yard, in consequence, as
he said, of the reports he had seen in the papers, and, apparently to
his surprise, was taken into custody.
Other incidents in the prisoner’s career and conduct gradually
came to light. Whilst in practice as a surgeon at Bournemouth he
had been in great pecuniary difficulties, though he had received his
share of the property of that one of the children who had died a
minor; an execution had been put into his house, and at the time of
the murder he was admittedly in straitened circumstances. Again, in
the boy’s boxes at school, in addition to some genuine quinine
powders purchased of a chemist in the Isle of Wight, and proved to
be free from poison, which had been sent to the boy by the
prisoner, were three heavily charged with aconitia, and two pills
containing this deadly drug. Again, he had written to the boy on the
1st of December that he would call on him on his way to Paris the
next day. He went to Wimbledon, however, on the evening of the
2nd, with his friend, a Mr. Tulloch, whom he left at the station,
whilst he professed to have gone to the school, and to whom he
said that “he had seen his brother-in-law, who was much worse,
and that he did not expect he would live long, and that he would
not go on to Paris that night, as Mr. Bedbrook, who was a director
of a continental line, had told him that there was a bad boat on.” All
this was untrue. He had never been to the school, and Mr.
Bedbrook had nothing to do with any continental line. He had
invented the whole story.
In the trial that followed, the interest centred on the
impossibility of detecting vegetable poisons by any chemical tests,
prisoner had also purchased of a druggist at Shanklin some of this
deadly poison. In the meantime the prisoner had gone to Paris,
whence on the 8th of December he unexpectedly returned,
presented himself to the police at Scotland Yard, in consequence, as
he said, of the reports he had seen in the papers, and, apparently to
his surprise, was taken into custody.
Other incidents in the prisoner’s career and conduct gradually
came to light. Whilst in practice as a surgeon at Bournemouth he
had been in great pecuniary difficulties, though he had received his
share of the property of that one of the children who had died a
minor; an execution had been put into his house, and at the time of
the murder he was admittedly in straitened circumstances. Again, in
the boy’s boxes at school, in addition to some genuine quinine
powders purchased of a chemist in the Isle of Wight, and proved to
be free from poison, which had been sent to the boy by the
prisoner, were three heavily charged with aconitia, and two pills
containing this deadly drug. Again, he had written to the boy on the
1st of December that he would call on him on his way to Paris the
next day. He went to Wimbledon, however, on the evening of the
2nd, with his friend, a Mr. Tulloch, whom he left at the station,
whilst he professed to have gone to the school, and to whom he
said that “he had seen his brother-in-law, who was much worse,
and that he did not expect he would live long, and that he would
not go on to Paris that night, as Mr. Bedbrook, who was a director
of a continental line, had told him that there was a bad boat on.” All
this was untrue. He had never been to the school, and Mr.
Bedbrook had nothing to do with any continental line. He had
invented the whole story.
In the trial that followed, the interest centred on the
impossibility of detecting vegetable poisons by any chemical tests,
Page 597
and on the necessity, as in Dr. Pritchard’s case, with aconite, of
relying on the test of tasting the extract from the various parts of
the body. On this test, supported by the effects observed on
injecting drops of the extract under the skins of mice, which
successively died of the operation, and exhibited the same
symptoms before death as resulted from similar injections of pure
aconitia, depended the proof that the death resulted from this
poison. I proceed therefore to give the medical and analytical
evidence in detail.
EVIDENCE OF MEDICAL ATTENDANTS.
Dr. Berry, of Wimbledon, the regular medical attendant at the
school, who had known the deceased for a year and a half, and only
had occasion to attend him twice during that time, once for
vaccination, and another time for an eruption on the skin, his state
of health being otherwise good, gave the following account of the
symptoms:—
“On Saturday, Dec. 3, I arrived at the school about five minutes
to nine p.m., and was taken by Mr. Bedbrook to Percy John’s room.
[203]
He was in bed, and partly undressed, and in great pain in the
stomach. He also complained of the skin of his face being drawn,
and that there was a sense of constriction in the throat, in
consequence of which he was unable to swallow. He was retching
and vomiting; the vomit was a small quantity of dark-coloured fluid.
I asked him shortly after the cause of his illness (Mr. Bedbrook had
previously made a communication to me), and said to Percy, ‘Did
your brother-in-law ever give you quinine pills before?’ He said,
‘Yes, at Shanklin.’ I said, ‘Did it make you like this before?’ ‘Yes,’
he said, ‘but not so bad.’ There is nothing in ordinary quinine pills
to produce such symptoms. I did not form an opinion at that time to
what the symptoms were due. During an interval of the vomiting I
relying on the test of tasting the extract from the various parts of
the body. On this test, supported by the effects observed on
injecting drops of the extract under the skins of mice, which
successively died of the operation, and exhibited the same
symptoms before death as resulted from similar injections of pure
aconitia, depended the proof that the death resulted from this
poison. I proceed therefore to give the medical and analytical
evidence in detail.
EVIDENCE OF MEDICAL ATTENDANTS.
Dr. Berry, of Wimbledon, the regular medical attendant at the
school, who had known the deceased for a year and a half, and only
had occasion to attend him twice during that time, once for
vaccination, and another time for an eruption on the skin, his state
of health being otherwise good, gave the following account of the
symptoms:—
“On Saturday, Dec. 3, I arrived at the school about five minutes
to nine p.m., and was taken by Mr. Bedbrook to Percy John’s room.
[203]
He was in bed, and partly undressed, and in great pain in the
stomach. He also complained of the skin of his face being drawn,
and that there was a sense of constriction in the throat, in
consequence of which he was unable to swallow. He was retching
and vomiting; the vomit was a small quantity of dark-coloured fluid.
I asked him shortly after the cause of his illness (Mr. Bedbrook had
previously made a communication to me), and said to Percy, ‘Did
your brother-in-law ever give you quinine pills before?’ He said,
‘Yes, at Shanklin.’ I said, ‘Did it make you like this before?’ ‘Yes,’
he said, ‘but not so bad.’ There is nothing in ordinary quinine pills
to produce such symptoms. I did not form an opinion at that time to
what the symptoms were due. During an interval of the vomiting I
Page 598
had some white of egg beaten up in water given to him, which he
was able to swallow, and had hot linseed poultices placed on his
stomach. He was very restless on the bed—violently so, throwing
himself backwards and forwards and from side to side. Several
people held him to prevent him from injuring himself. He did not
improve at all under this treatment. Hearing that Dr. Little, a
medical man of Wimbledon, was in the house, I had him sent for,
and in about twenty or twenty-five minutes after I had been in the
room he came. I consulted him, and we determined to inject some
morphia. I left the house to get the morphia and an instrument,
being away five to ten minutes. When I returned the deceased was
not better, and I injected a quarter of a grain of morphia under the
skin, over the region of the stomach. This was done about ten
o’clock. The symptoms abated somewhat about half-past ten, but
not very much. They were still all present, but in a modified degree,
and then they returned again a little before eleven as severely as
before the injection of the morphia. A little before eleven the
deceased asked to have the morphia injected again. He complained
then of pain in his body, but not in any particular part. I then about
eleven injected one-sixth of a grain of morphia in the same place as
before, but it had no apparent effect. In about ten minutes he became
a little unconscious and wandering. That was the first time I noticed
it. His breathing became slower and sighing, and the heart’s action
weaker and weaker, and he died about twenty minutes after eleven.”
In his account of the symptoms and the progress of the case
until the deceased’s death, Dr. Berry was fully confirmed by Dr.
Little, who added that at that time they were of opinion that the
death was due to an irritant poison. Dr. Berry then gave the results
of
THE POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION.
was able to swallow, and had hot linseed poultices placed on his
stomach. He was very restless on the bed—violently so, throwing
himself backwards and forwards and from side to side. Several
people held him to prevent him from injuring himself. He did not
improve at all under this treatment. Hearing that Dr. Little, a
medical man of Wimbledon, was in the house, I had him sent for,
and in about twenty or twenty-five minutes after I had been in the
room he came. I consulted him, and we determined to inject some
morphia. I left the house to get the morphia and an instrument,
being away five to ten minutes. When I returned the deceased was
not better, and I injected a quarter of a grain of morphia under the
skin, over the region of the stomach. This was done about ten
o’clock. The symptoms abated somewhat about half-past ten, but
not very much. They were still all present, but in a modified degree,
and then they returned again a little before eleven as severely as
before the injection of the morphia. A little before eleven the
deceased asked to have the morphia injected again. He complained
then of pain in his body, but not in any particular part. I then about
eleven injected one-sixth of a grain of morphia in the same place as
before, but it had no apparent effect. In about ten minutes he became
a little unconscious and wandering. That was the first time I noticed
it. His breathing became slower and sighing, and the heart’s action
weaker and weaker, and he died about twenty minutes after eleven.”
In his account of the symptoms and the progress of the case
until the deceased’s death, Dr. Berry was fully confirmed by Dr.
Little, who added that at that time they were of opinion that the
death was due to an irritant poison. Dr. Berry then gave the results
of
THE POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION.
Page 599
“After his death Dr. Little and I collected some of the vomit
which had been caught in a basin in the bedroom. (He had
previously vomited in the closet.) I also collected some from the
floor of the bedroom and the closet, and the whole was put into a
cup together, and thence into a clean bottle, which was sealed with
my own seal, and given to Mr. Bond on the day of the post-mortem
examination.
“On Tuesday, Dec. 6th, Mr. Bond, Dr. Little, and myself, made a
post-mortem examination. I made some notes at the time which I
have here. With the exception of the paralysis of the lower limbs, he
was a particularly well-developed, muscular lad. The brain was
slightly congested superficially, as well as the substance of the brain
itself. By superficially, I mean the membranes. There was no fluid in
the ventricles of the brain, nor under the membranes. The pupils of
the eyes were dilated; the lips pale and the tongue bleached; in the
right lung were some old adhesions at the apex, between the lung
and the chest wall, the result of inflammation at some previous time.
Both lungs were healthy, but considerably congested in the lower
part. The heart was healthy muscularly, the valves also healthy; it
was almost entirely empty and flaccid. There was a small quantity of
fluid in the pericardium. The liver was normal in size, but intensely
congested. The kidneys were also normal in size, but much
congested, and the spleen was also congested but normal in size.
The stomach had the mucous membrane congested throughout.
Under the surface, near the large end of the stomach, were six or
eight small yellowish-grey patches, slightly raised, about the size of
a small bean. Towards the smaller end of the stomach were two or
three similar smaller spots. I believe that they were the result of
inflammation, caused recently before death. The stomach contained
three or four ounces of dark fluid, which was carefully preserved,
and of which Mr. Bond took charge. I examined the duodenum, the
first part of which was greatly congested, and there were patches of
congestion on other parts of the small intestines. Portions of the
intestines were taken care of by Mr. Bond, who also took possession
of the stomach itself and portions of the liver, with the gall bladder,
which had been caught in a basin in the bedroom. (He had
previously vomited in the closet.) I also collected some from the
floor of the bedroom and the closet, and the whole was put into a
cup together, and thence into a clean bottle, which was sealed with
my own seal, and given to Mr. Bond on the day of the post-mortem
examination.
“On Tuesday, Dec. 6th, Mr. Bond, Dr. Little, and myself, made a
post-mortem examination. I made some notes at the time which I
have here. With the exception of the paralysis of the lower limbs, he
was a particularly well-developed, muscular lad. The brain was
slightly congested superficially, as well as the substance of the brain
itself. By superficially, I mean the membranes. There was no fluid in
the ventricles of the brain, nor under the membranes. The pupils of
the eyes were dilated; the lips pale and the tongue bleached; in the
right lung were some old adhesions at the apex, between the lung
and the chest wall, the result of inflammation at some previous time.
Both lungs were healthy, but considerably congested in the lower
part. The heart was healthy muscularly, the valves also healthy; it
was almost entirely empty and flaccid. There was a small quantity of
fluid in the pericardium. The liver was normal in size, but intensely
congested. The kidneys were also normal in size, but much
congested, and the spleen was also congested but normal in size.
The stomach had the mucous membrane congested throughout.
Under the surface, near the large end of the stomach, were six or
eight small yellowish-grey patches, slightly raised, about the size of
a small bean. Towards the smaller end of the stomach were two or
three similar smaller spots. I believe that they were the result of
inflammation, caused recently before death. The stomach contained
three or four ounces of dark fluid, which was carefully preserved,
and of which Mr. Bond took charge. I examined the duodenum, the
first part of which was greatly congested, and there were patches of
congestion on other parts of the small intestines. Portions of the
intestines were taken care of by Mr. Bond, who also took possession
of the stomach itself and portions of the liver, with the gall bladder,
Page 600
both of the kidneys and the spleen. The bladder contained three or
four ounces of urine, which was drawn off and taken possession of
by Mr. Bond. There were no traces of inflammation in the
peritoneum. The membranes of the spinal cord were greatly
congested. Except the appearance of the lungs and the curvature of
the spine, these were all the appearances I noted in the post-mortem
examination. There was nothing in the post-mortem examination to
account for death from natural causes. I should say that he died from
the effect of some irritant poison, the administration of which
would, I believe, account for all the appearances. Aconitia is a
vegetable alkaloid poison, and the appearances would be consistent
with a fatal dose of that poison, but I have no special knowledge on
the subject.”
On cross-examination, the witness repeated, in several forms,
that he had no special knowledge of aconitia, but some of aconite
as used internally for cancer, erysipelas, and other complaints, and
was unable to say whether a grain of aconitia blended into 20 pills
would be good for curvature of the spine, and that the remedies he
applied were for the violent irritation of the stomach from which up
to the time of his death he believed the deceased was suffering.
“At the post-mortem I examined the spinal cord and the spinal
curvature. The cord was healthy, but congested. The existence of
paralysis is consistent with a healthy spinal cord, but not with
healthy bone and healthy intervertebral cartilages. I did not examine
the condition of the arteries in the neighbourhood of the curvature.”
Mr. Williams.—“Are you not aware that there are many cases on
record of death having resulted from the effects of pressure on the
arteries in the regions of these curvatures?”
Witness.—“No; but I am not prepared to say that there are not
such cases.”
Mr. Williams.—“Will you undertake to say that death did not
result from such a cause as that?”
four ounces of urine, which was drawn off and taken possession of
by Mr. Bond. There were no traces of inflammation in the
peritoneum. The membranes of the spinal cord were greatly
congested. Except the appearance of the lungs and the curvature of
the spine, these were all the appearances I noted in the post-mortem
examination. There was nothing in the post-mortem examination to
account for death from natural causes. I should say that he died from
the effect of some irritant poison, the administration of which
would, I believe, account for all the appearances. Aconitia is a
vegetable alkaloid poison, and the appearances would be consistent
with a fatal dose of that poison, but I have no special knowledge on
the subject.”
On cross-examination, the witness repeated, in several forms,
that he had no special knowledge of aconitia, but some of aconite
as used internally for cancer, erysipelas, and other complaints, and
was unable to say whether a grain of aconitia blended into 20 pills
would be good for curvature of the spine, and that the remedies he
applied were for the violent irritation of the stomach from which up
to the time of his death he believed the deceased was suffering.
“At the post-mortem I examined the spinal cord and the spinal
curvature. The cord was healthy, but congested. The existence of
paralysis is consistent with a healthy spinal cord, but not with
healthy bone and healthy intervertebral cartilages. I did not examine
the condition of the arteries in the neighbourhood of the curvature.”
Mr. Williams.—“Are you not aware that there are many cases on
record of death having resulted from the effects of pressure on the
arteries in the regions of these curvatures?”
Witness.—“No; but I am not prepared to say that there are not
such cases.”
Mr. Williams.—“Will you undertake to say that death did not
result from such a cause as that?”
Page 601
Witness.—“I cannot undertake to say. I did not examine to see
the effect of the spinal curvature on the position of the lungs.”
Mr. Williams.—“Nor what its effect was on the heart?”
Witness.—“No.”
Mr. Williams.—“Do you not know that the lungs are very much
displaced in some cases of spinal curvature?”
Witness.—“Yes, they are.”
Mr. Williams.—“Is not the heart very much displaced?”
Witness.—“Yes.”
Mr. Williams.—“You say this irritation of the stomach was
consistent with poisoning with vegetable alkaloids, and yet you
have never seen a case of such poisoning?”
Witness.—“I have not; I did not take means to ascertain whether
the appearances were post-mortem. I know—only from Taylor’s
‘Medical Jurisprudence’—that vegetable alkaloids have produced
these symptoms.”
On re-examination, the witness said that “he could not think
that the death was caused by anything he saw in the curvature of
the spine; that if death had been caused by pressure on the arteries,
he should not have expected to find the symptoms of irritation in
the stomach which existed after death; that displacement of the
lungs and heart had not been, in this case, produced by the
curvature of the spine, and, if there had been much displacement of
either, he could not have failed to observe it.” Dr. Little was
equally inexperienced with Dr. Berry in cases of poisoning, but
agreed with him that the curvature of the spine in the lumbar region
had not displaced either the lungs, the stomach, or the heart, and
that the patches on the surface of the stomach were of recent date
—“might have existed for days, but not for weeks, but not without
the patient suffering.”
the effect of the spinal curvature on the position of the lungs.”
Mr. Williams.—“Nor what its effect was on the heart?”
Witness.—“No.”
Mr. Williams.—“Do you not know that the lungs are very much
displaced in some cases of spinal curvature?”
Witness.—“Yes, they are.”
Mr. Williams.—“Is not the heart very much displaced?”
Witness.—“Yes.”
Mr. Williams.—“You say this irritation of the stomach was
consistent with poisoning with vegetable alkaloids, and yet you
have never seen a case of such poisoning?”
Witness.—“I have not; I did not take means to ascertain whether
the appearances were post-mortem. I know—only from Taylor’s
‘Medical Jurisprudence’—that vegetable alkaloids have produced
these symptoms.”
On re-examination, the witness said that “he could not think
that the death was caused by anything he saw in the curvature of
the spine; that if death had been caused by pressure on the arteries,
he should not have expected to find the symptoms of irritation in
the stomach which existed after death; that displacement of the
lungs and heart had not been, in this case, produced by the
curvature of the spine, and, if there had been much displacement of
either, he could not have failed to observe it.” Dr. Little was
equally inexperienced with Dr. Berry in cases of poisoning, but
agreed with him that the curvature of the spine in the lumbar region
had not displaced either the lungs, the stomach, or the heart, and
that the patches on the surface of the stomach were of recent date
—“might have existed for days, but not for weeks, but not without
the patient suffering.”
Page 602
Mr. Bond, the Lecturer on Forensic Medicine at the
Westminster Hospital, detailed the various portions of the body
which he put aside for chemical analysis and delivered to Dr.
Dupré; the receipt of two pills given to him by Dr. Berry, one of
which was taken out of one of the capsule boxes after the boy’s
death, and the other brought to Dr. Berry whilst he was in
attendance on the deceased, and two packets of sweets, and part of
a cake. He further confirmed the evidence of Dr. Berry as to the
results of the post-mortem examination, with the exception, that Dr.
Berry had omitted to state that “the whole of the lungs were
somewhat congested, and the anterior part of them exceedingly so,
and that the body was not decomposed.” In his opinion there was
nothing to account for death from natural causes, and he attributed
it to poisoning by some vegetable alkaloid, such as aconitia, a fatal
dose of which could be given in one of the capsules. The
appearances on the post-mortem examination were, he considered,
such as he should expect to find in death by aconitia. He agreed
also with the other medical men that the grey patches on the
stomach were recent, due to intense irritation, and would cause the
deceased great pain, and induce vomiting. On the question of the
probable effect of the curvature of the spine, he gave the following
most material evidence:—
“The principal curvature was in the lower part of the body; in the
upper part of the spine there was slight anti-posterior or forward
curvature, but it was not enough to affect the position of the heart or
lungs relatively to each other. The cavities of the chest appeared to
me to be deeper from before backward than usual. The heart was in
its right position, except perhaps that it was higher up in the body
than is normal. In the lower region there was a good deal of lateral
curvature. I examined the spinal cord down to the end of the dorsal
vertebræ, and I found the membranes very much congested, but
otherwise it was quite healthy, to all appearance. I did not examine it
Westminster Hospital, detailed the various portions of the body
which he put aside for chemical analysis and delivered to Dr.
Dupré; the receipt of two pills given to him by Dr. Berry, one of
which was taken out of one of the capsule boxes after the boy’s
death, and the other brought to Dr. Berry whilst he was in
attendance on the deceased, and two packets of sweets, and part of
a cake. He further confirmed the evidence of Dr. Berry as to the
results of the post-mortem examination, with the exception, that Dr.
Berry had omitted to state that “the whole of the lungs were
somewhat congested, and the anterior part of them exceedingly so,
and that the body was not decomposed.” In his opinion there was
nothing to account for death from natural causes, and he attributed
it to poisoning by some vegetable alkaloid, such as aconitia, a fatal
dose of which could be given in one of the capsules. The
appearances on the post-mortem examination were, he considered,
such as he should expect to find in death by aconitia. He agreed
also with the other medical men that the grey patches on the
stomach were recent, due to intense irritation, and would cause the
deceased great pain, and induce vomiting. On the question of the
probable effect of the curvature of the spine, he gave the following
most material evidence:—
“The principal curvature was in the lower part of the body; in the
upper part of the spine there was slight anti-posterior or forward
curvature, but it was not enough to affect the position of the heart or
lungs relatively to each other. The cavities of the chest appeared to
me to be deeper from before backward than usual. The heart was in
its right position, except perhaps that it was higher up in the body
than is normal. In the lower region there was a good deal of lateral
curvature. I examined the spinal cord down to the end of the dorsal
vertebræ, and I found the membranes very much congested, but
otherwise it was quite healthy, to all appearance. I did not examine it
Page 603
with a microscope. In the lower lumbar region I did not open the
canal, for it was very twisted, and I had difficulty in getting it open.
No disease there could have caused sudden death. The curvature
appeared to be of long standing; the bones were very hard, and there
was no active disease there. I think it impossible that death could
have been caused by pressure produced by the curvature on one of
the arteries.”
The cross-examination of Mr. Bond by Mr. Williams was
directed, first, to whether the time at which after taking the dose the
symptoms might be expected to show, depended on its amount. Of
this the witness had no knowledge, but considered that that would
be determined by the fulness or emptiness of the stomach; and
secondly, whether he would expect to find in the stomach the
amount of poison that would cause death. On this last point the
following questions and answers must be reported:—
Mr. Williams.—“Would you, supposing death had been
occasioned by aconitia, expect to find the amount of poison that had
caused death, or would it have disappeared?”
Mr. Bond.—“I believe it would be possible to use so small a
dose that it could not be found in the stomach.”
Mr. Williams.—“Supposing death caused by aconitia, would you
expect to find the actual amount that caused death?”
Mr. Bond.—“That would depend on the amount. My opinion is
that if death was caused by an ordinary amount, traces would be
found.”
Mr. Williams.—“Of the amount that caused death?”
Mr. Bond.—“Not of all.”
Mr. Williams.—“And you say aconitia enough to cause death
might leave no trace in the stomach?”
Mr. Bond.—“Not of aconitia in the stomach.”
canal, for it was very twisted, and I had difficulty in getting it open.
No disease there could have caused sudden death. The curvature
appeared to be of long standing; the bones were very hard, and there
was no active disease there. I think it impossible that death could
have been caused by pressure produced by the curvature on one of
the arteries.”
The cross-examination of Mr. Bond by Mr. Williams was
directed, first, to whether the time at which after taking the dose the
symptoms might be expected to show, depended on its amount. Of
this the witness had no knowledge, but considered that that would
be determined by the fulness or emptiness of the stomach; and
secondly, whether he would expect to find in the stomach the
amount of poison that would cause death. On this last point the
following questions and answers must be reported:—
Mr. Williams.—“Would you, supposing death had been
occasioned by aconitia, expect to find the amount of poison that had
caused death, or would it have disappeared?”
Mr. Bond.—“I believe it would be possible to use so small a
dose that it could not be found in the stomach.”
Mr. Williams.—“Supposing death caused by aconitia, would you
expect to find the actual amount that caused death?”
Mr. Bond.—“That would depend on the amount. My opinion is
that if death was caused by an ordinary amount, traces would be
found.”
Mr. Williams.—“Of the amount that caused death?”
Mr. Bond.—“Not of all.”
Mr. Williams.—“And you say aconitia enough to cause death
might leave no trace in the stomach?”
Mr. Bond.—“Not of aconitia in the stomach.”
Page 604
Mr. Williams.—“Do you agree with this: ‘that the poison found
on analysis would be over and above that used up in causing
death?’”
Mr. Bond.—“No; I should not agree to that, unless it means that
so small a quantity had been absorbed, causing death, leaving a
larger amount which did not cause death. What I mean is, that the
poison which may have caused death has been removed from the
stomach to other organs, and it is quite possible that a larger amount
may be left behind in the stomach than the portion which has been
removed, and caused death.”
Mr. Williams.—“Do you mean that it would be decomposed in
causing death?”
Mr. Bond.—“I do not know whether it would or not. I think not.
I will not give a decided answer one way or the other. I have no
idea.”
Mr. Williams.—“‘Guy and Ferrier on Forensic Medicine’ is one
of the first authorities, is it not?”
Mr. Bond.—“Yes, I think so.”
Mr. Williams.—“Do you agree with this, in regard to aconitia,
‘that the commencement of the symptoms may be in a few minutes
or in one or two hours’?”
Mr. Bond.—“I do not know anything about poisoning by the
alkaloid aconitia, so I cannot say one way or other.”
Mr. Williams.—“I understood you to say, that the ventricles of
the heart were both empty?”
Mr. Bond.—“The ventricles and auricles were both empty.”
Mr. Williams.—“Can you produce any case on record where
such a symptom as that has appeared in poisoning by aconitia?”
Mr. Bond.—“No, I cannot produce any case on record of
poisoning by aconitia.”
On re-examination, the witness declined to speak more
positively on this point, on the ground that he was a surgeon, and
on analysis would be over and above that used up in causing
death?’”
Mr. Bond.—“No; I should not agree to that, unless it means that
so small a quantity had been absorbed, causing death, leaving a
larger amount which did not cause death. What I mean is, that the
poison which may have caused death has been removed from the
stomach to other organs, and it is quite possible that a larger amount
may be left behind in the stomach than the portion which has been
removed, and caused death.”
Mr. Williams.—“Do you mean that it would be decomposed in
causing death?”
Mr. Bond.—“I do not know whether it would or not. I think not.
I will not give a decided answer one way or the other. I have no
idea.”
Mr. Williams.—“‘Guy and Ferrier on Forensic Medicine’ is one
of the first authorities, is it not?”
Mr. Bond.—“Yes, I think so.”
Mr. Williams.—“Do you agree with this, in regard to aconitia,
‘that the commencement of the symptoms may be in a few minutes
or in one or two hours’?”
Mr. Bond.—“I do not know anything about poisoning by the
alkaloid aconitia, so I cannot say one way or other.”
Mr. Williams.—“I understood you to say, that the ventricles of
the heart were both empty?”
Mr. Bond.—“The ventricles and auricles were both empty.”
Mr. Williams.—“Can you produce any case on record where
such a symptom as that has appeared in poisoning by aconitia?”
Mr. Bond.—“No, I cannot produce any case on record of
poisoning by aconitia.”
On re-examination, the witness declined to speak more
positively on this point, on the ground that he was a surgeon, and
Page 605
therefore had not had experience in the pathology of such cases.
His only experience in poisoning by alkaloids had been in a case of
strychnia. In reply to the Judge, he admitted “that other vegetable
poisons, even a strong solution of oil of mustard, would produce
the same congestion of the stomach, and the same yellow marks as
had been found; that a vegetable alkaloid would pass within a
minute from the stomach into the blood, and that it would be more
likely to be found in the liver, kidneys, and urine, than in the heart;
he did not know whether strychnia had been found in the heart
when not discoverable in the blood and the urine.”
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Thomas Stevenson, Lecturer on Medical Jurisprudence and
Chemistry at Guy’s Hospital, and Examiner in Forensic Medicine
at the London University, after enumerating the various matters
handed to him and Dr. Dupré by Mr. Bond for analysis,[204] and
stating that the methods of it were arranged with his colleague, the
manual operations carried out by both of them, and the results of
those performed by Dr. Dupré examined by himself, gave the
following evidence, which must be reported in full.
“The bottle marked ‘A’ contained portions of the liver, spleen,
and kidney. To that was applied Stas’s process. I obtained an
alkaloidal extract which contained a trace of morphia, and which,
placed on the tongue, gave a faint sensation like that produced by
aconitia. I reserved that for experiments. To the bottle ‘2,’ which
contained part of the bowels, large and small, I applied the same
process. I obtained an extract which I have done nothing further
with—that is to say, I have not tested the extract. No. 3 contained a
fluid, the contents of the stomach, 3½ ozs. This was treated in a
somewhat similar way. The fluid contained a raisin and a piece of
fruit like the top of a carrot or an apple. From that fluid I obtained,
His only experience in poisoning by alkaloids had been in a case of
strychnia. In reply to the Judge, he admitted “that other vegetable
poisons, even a strong solution of oil of mustard, would produce
the same congestion of the stomach, and the same yellow marks as
had been found; that a vegetable alkaloid would pass within a
minute from the stomach into the blood, and that it would be more
likely to be found in the liver, kidneys, and urine, than in the heart;
he did not know whether strychnia had been found in the heart
when not discoverable in the blood and the urine.”
ANALYTICAL EVIDENCE.
Dr. Thomas Stevenson, Lecturer on Medical Jurisprudence and
Chemistry at Guy’s Hospital, and Examiner in Forensic Medicine
at the London University, after enumerating the various matters
handed to him and Dr. Dupré by Mr. Bond for analysis,[204] and
stating that the methods of it were arranged with his colleague, the
manual operations carried out by both of them, and the results of
those performed by Dr. Dupré examined by himself, gave the
following evidence, which must be reported in full.
“The bottle marked ‘A’ contained portions of the liver, spleen,
and kidney. To that was applied Stas’s process. I obtained an
alkaloidal extract which contained a trace of morphia, and which,
placed on the tongue, gave a faint sensation like that produced by
aconitia. I reserved that for experiments. To the bottle ‘2,’ which
contained part of the bowels, large and small, I applied the same
process. I obtained an extract which I have done nothing further
with—that is to say, I have not tested the extract. No. 3 contained a
fluid, the contents of the stomach, 3½ ozs. This was treated in a
somewhat similar way. The fluid contained a raisin and a piece of
fruit like the top of a carrot or an apple. From that fluid I obtained,
Page 606
by Stas’s process, an alkaloidal extract, which was distinctive, and
produced a very faint sensation, like that of aconitia. When placed
on the tongue, burning of the lips was produced, though the extract
did not touch the lips. Burning, tingling—a kind of numbness
peculiar but difficult to define; a salivation creating a desire to
expectorate, a sensation at the back of the throat of swelling up, and
this was followed by a peculiar seared sensation of the tongue, as if
a hot iron had been drawn over it, or some strong caustic placed on
it. I reserved that alkaloidal extract also for physiological
experiments. No. 4 D contained a human stomach, and 7 ozs. of
spirits added to preserve the stomach. I observed that the stomach
was reddened, I think from congestion, in the region of the greater
curvature, and posteriorly. At one part there was a little pit as if a
blister or inflammatory effusion of lymph had broken. From the
stomach and liquid in the bottle I made an extract by Stas’s process,
and obtained an alkaloidal extract. That I reserved; but I tasted it,
and it had no particular taste that I could recognize. Next was No. 5
E, containing the urine, 6 ozs. I opened it in Dr. Dupré’s presence.
He found that 4 ozs. of urine had had 2 ozs. of spirit added to
preserve it. I made an extract from a portion of that liquid—three-
fourths. I obtained an alkaloidal extract which contained a trace of
morphia. By a further process I obtained more morphia, but the first
alkaloid I referred to was more than could be accounted for by the
morphia I obtained. Some of this extract was placed upon my
tongue. It produced the effects of aconitia, which I have already
described, in a marked degree, and a peculiar burning sensation
extending downwards towards the stomach.”
By the Judge.—“I have 50 or 80 alkaloids in my possession, and
I have tasted most of them.”
The Solicitor-General.—“How long did the effects last?”
Witness.—“About four hours—not all the effects, but the
burning on the tongue did. I made an experiment on about one-third
of the urine. I injected it beneath the skin of a mouse. The animal
was obviously affected in two minutes. From that time it exhibited
symptoms of poisoning, and died in 30 minutes. I made some
produced a very faint sensation, like that of aconitia. When placed
on the tongue, burning of the lips was produced, though the extract
did not touch the lips. Burning, tingling—a kind of numbness
peculiar but difficult to define; a salivation creating a desire to
expectorate, a sensation at the back of the throat of swelling up, and
this was followed by a peculiar seared sensation of the tongue, as if
a hot iron had been drawn over it, or some strong caustic placed on
it. I reserved that alkaloidal extract also for physiological
experiments. No. 4 D contained a human stomach, and 7 ozs. of
spirits added to preserve the stomach. I observed that the stomach
was reddened, I think from congestion, in the region of the greater
curvature, and posteriorly. At one part there was a little pit as if a
blister or inflammatory effusion of lymph had broken. From the
stomach and liquid in the bottle I made an extract by Stas’s process,
and obtained an alkaloidal extract. That I reserved; but I tasted it,
and it had no particular taste that I could recognize. Next was No. 5
E, containing the urine, 6 ozs. I opened it in Dr. Dupré’s presence.
He found that 4 ozs. of urine had had 2 ozs. of spirit added to
preserve it. I made an extract from a portion of that liquid—three-
fourths. I obtained an alkaloidal extract which contained a trace of
morphia. By a further process I obtained more morphia, but the first
alkaloid I referred to was more than could be accounted for by the
morphia I obtained. Some of this extract was placed upon my
tongue. It produced the effects of aconitia, which I have already
described, in a marked degree, and a peculiar burning sensation
extending downwards towards the stomach.”
By the Judge.—“I have 50 or 80 alkaloids in my possession, and
I have tasted most of them.”
The Solicitor-General.—“How long did the effects last?”
Witness.—“About four hours—not all the effects, but the
burning on the tongue did. I made an experiment on about one-third
of the urine. I injected it beneath the skin of a mouse. The animal
was obviously affected in two minutes. From that time it exhibited
symptoms of poisoning, and died in 30 minutes. I made some
Page 607
experiments on mice from Morson’s aconitia, which I procured for
the purpose. I injected some of that, after dissolving it, under the
skins of several mice. It operated on the mice in a manner which
was undistinguishable from the effect of the urine. The effects of the
two I might say were ridiculously alike. Tartaric acid was previously
used on a mouse in the same quantities and was found inoperative. I
retained portions of the extract made from the liver, spleen, and
kidneys, from the stomach, and from the contents of the stomach.
All contained an alkaloid; two giving a slight taste of aconitia, and
the third no taste. I then mixed together the alkaloidal extracts, Nos.
1, 3, and 4, and I injected it under the skin of a mouse, in the same
manner, and it produced effects on the mouse, in nine minutes from
that time, of severe symptoms of poisoning, and the animal died in
22 minutes. These symptoms were precisely similar to those
produced by Morson’s aconitia. No. 6, the vomit, contained nearly
ten ounces, or half a pint, of thick, pasty fluid stuff, with which also
were spirits of wine. Dr. Dupré pointed out marks showing that to
5oz. of vomit 5oz. of spirit had been added. There was a good deal
of solid matter in the vomit, which must have been of a solid
character. I examined the solid portion and found it consisted of
pieces of fat, a very small portion of the muscular fibre of some
animal, pieces of onion, a little starch, probably that of wheat, a
slice of candied peel like that put on the top of cake, a piece of apple
pulp, raisins, and some pineapple, with just the odour of pineapple
drops. I subsequently examined with the microscope the vomit
again, the solid portions, to see if I could find anything
corresponding to the root of aconite or the root of horseradish. I
found neither. I made an extract from the vomit, and obtained an
alkaloidal extract. The extract had no trace of morphia or of quinine.
I applied it to the tongue with a very powerful result, such as that of
aconitia. The severe forms of attack lasted for 6½ hours; it lasted for
that time, though the effects did not then cease. I took 1-24th part
for experiment on a mouse. I injected it into the back of a mouse. It
was severely affected in 2½ minutes, the symptoms continuing till
the time of its death, 15½ minutes after. Those symptoms were
the purpose. I injected some of that, after dissolving it, under the
skins of several mice. It operated on the mice in a manner which
was undistinguishable from the effect of the urine. The effects of the
two I might say were ridiculously alike. Tartaric acid was previously
used on a mouse in the same quantities and was found inoperative. I
retained portions of the extract made from the liver, spleen, and
kidneys, from the stomach, and from the contents of the stomach.
All contained an alkaloid; two giving a slight taste of aconitia, and
the third no taste. I then mixed together the alkaloidal extracts, Nos.
1, 3, and 4, and I injected it under the skin of a mouse, in the same
manner, and it produced effects on the mouse, in nine minutes from
that time, of severe symptoms of poisoning, and the animal died in
22 minutes. These symptoms were precisely similar to those
produced by Morson’s aconitia. No. 6, the vomit, contained nearly
ten ounces, or half a pint, of thick, pasty fluid stuff, with which also
were spirits of wine. Dr. Dupré pointed out marks showing that to
5oz. of vomit 5oz. of spirit had been added. There was a good deal
of solid matter in the vomit, which must have been of a solid
character. I examined the solid portion and found it consisted of
pieces of fat, a very small portion of the muscular fibre of some
animal, pieces of onion, a little starch, probably that of wheat, a
slice of candied peel like that put on the top of cake, a piece of apple
pulp, raisins, and some pineapple, with just the odour of pineapple
drops. I subsequently examined with the microscope the vomit
again, the solid portions, to see if I could find anything
corresponding to the root of aconite or the root of horseradish. I
found neither. I made an extract from the vomit, and obtained an
alkaloidal extract. The extract had no trace of morphia or of quinine.
I applied it to the tongue with a very powerful result, such as that of
aconitia. The severe forms of attack lasted for 6½ hours; it lasted for
that time, though the effects did not then cease. I took 1-24th part
for experiment on a mouse. I injected it into the back of a mouse. It
was severely affected in 2½ minutes, the symptoms continuing till
the time of its death, 15½ minutes after. Those symptoms were
Page 608
parallel with those of aconitia. In my judgment the vomit submitted
to me contained a considerable quantity of aconitia.”
Question.—“Can you fix what quantity?”
Answer.—“Approximately it was not less than one-seventh, and
not more than one-fourth of a grain.”
Question.—“What would be a fatal dose of aconitia to a human
being?”
Answer.—“There is only one fatal case I know of, and in that
death was caused by about one-sixteenth of a grain. What is known
to have caused death was not less than one-twenty-first of a grain,
and not more than one-thirteenth. Each of the boxes produced
contained capsules. There were only two pills in them. They were
gelatine-coated pills, like those in the bottle. I examined those pills,
or rather I saw Dr. Dupré do so. They were simply five-grain
quinine pills.”
Question.—“The packet of sweetmeats, No. 8. Did they contain
any traces of poison?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“No. 9, the cake?”
Answer.—“That contained no traces of poison of any kind.”
Question.—“No. 10, the capsules, did you examine them?”
Answer.—“They are simply gelatine capsules.”
Question.—“You have told us there were some pills loose?”
Answer.—“Yes; there were four, and they were similar to those I
have just referred to, quinine, gelatine-coated pills. There was some
sugar in a paper. Some of the powders were in larger papers than
others; six were in large. They contained 1½ grains of disulphate of
quinine. There were 14 smaller papers containing powders. They
were tied together in a bundle numbering from 7 to 20. They varied
considerably in weight, the lowest weighed 6-10ths of a grain, the
highest 1⅛ grains. Three of the powders differed in appearance. The
average weight of those which were quinine were 9-10ths of a grain.
I examined those powders, and I found they consisted, eleven of
them, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, and 20, of disulphate of
to me contained a considerable quantity of aconitia.”
Question.—“Can you fix what quantity?”
Answer.—“Approximately it was not less than one-seventh, and
not more than one-fourth of a grain.”
Question.—“What would be a fatal dose of aconitia to a human
being?”
Answer.—“There is only one fatal case I know of, and in that
death was caused by about one-sixteenth of a grain. What is known
to have caused death was not less than one-twenty-first of a grain,
and not more than one-thirteenth. Each of the boxes produced
contained capsules. There were only two pills in them. They were
gelatine-coated pills, like those in the bottle. I examined those pills,
or rather I saw Dr. Dupré do so. They were simply five-grain
quinine pills.”
Question.—“The packet of sweetmeats, No. 8. Did they contain
any traces of poison?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“No. 9, the cake?”
Answer.—“That contained no traces of poison of any kind.”
Question.—“No. 10, the capsules, did you examine them?”
Answer.—“They are simply gelatine capsules.”
Question.—“You have told us there were some pills loose?”
Answer.—“Yes; there were four, and they were similar to those I
have just referred to, quinine, gelatine-coated pills. There was some
sugar in a paper. Some of the powders were in larger papers than
others; six were in large. They contained 1½ grains of disulphate of
quinine. There were 14 smaller papers containing powders. They
were tied together in a bundle numbering from 7 to 20. They varied
considerably in weight, the lowest weighed 6-10ths of a grain, the
highest 1⅛ grains. Three of the powders differed in appearance. The
average weight of those which were quinine were 9-10ths of a grain.
I examined those powders, and I found they consisted, eleven of
them, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, and 20, of disulphate of
Page 609
quinine simply, the ordinary quinine powders, but varying
considerably in weight, from 3-10ths of a grain up to 1¼ grains. Of
the other three, my attention was drawn to No. 16 by Dr. Dupré; it
was a different colour, as also were Nos. 17 and 19. No. 16 was an
obvious mixture; there were two substances clearly to a chemist,
who would have noticed the mixture at once. It was a very pale
fawn, the mixture; the other was a pure white. No. 16 weighed 18/10
grs. or 1·79 grs. No. 17 weighed ·88 of a grain; No. 19 weighed
1·26, or about 1¼ grs. In the No. 16, which appeared to be a
mixture, it looked as if the quinine had been damaged. I tasted it,
and in about three minutes a startling sensation came on. The
sensation was severe for three hours, and then gradually went away
after dinner.”
Question.—“Did you make a special examination of the pills?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“What amount of aconitia was in the pills?”
Answer.—“Decimal 83. In the quinine pills there was ·96. I
tested the action of this quinine on a mouse. In three and a half
minutes after I had administered it the effect was the same as before.
In No. 17 there was aconitia, and in 19 there was aconitia; I cannot
tell you how much. In 17 and 19 I noticed the difference in
colouring between the ordinary quinine powders. The proportion of
aconitia was considerably less in 16 as compared with 19.”
Question.—“Is it usual to wrap pills in tinfoil?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Or to put them in boxes of this description?”
Answer.—“Oh, no.”
Question.—“Were these two pills examined by yourself and Dr.
Dupré?”
Answer.—“Yes; one weighed 3 grs. and another 2¾. There was
nothing particular in the appearance. There was a little bitterness at
first with the 2¾ grain pill. I cut out a small piece with a penknife.
We all took a little piece, I only took the 22nd part of a grain. Part of
it was used for the microscope. It caused intense burning. The
considerably in weight, from 3-10ths of a grain up to 1¼ grains. Of
the other three, my attention was drawn to No. 16 by Dr. Dupré; it
was a different colour, as also were Nos. 17 and 19. No. 16 was an
obvious mixture; there were two substances clearly to a chemist,
who would have noticed the mixture at once. It was a very pale
fawn, the mixture; the other was a pure white. No. 16 weighed 18/10
grs. or 1·79 grs. No. 17 weighed ·88 of a grain; No. 19 weighed
1·26, or about 1¼ grs. In the No. 16, which appeared to be a
mixture, it looked as if the quinine had been damaged. I tasted it,
and in about three minutes a startling sensation came on. The
sensation was severe for three hours, and then gradually went away
after dinner.”
Question.—“Did you make a special examination of the pills?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“What amount of aconitia was in the pills?”
Answer.—“Decimal 83. In the quinine pills there was ·96. I
tested the action of this quinine on a mouse. In three and a half
minutes after I had administered it the effect was the same as before.
In No. 17 there was aconitia, and in 19 there was aconitia; I cannot
tell you how much. In 17 and 19 I noticed the difference in
colouring between the ordinary quinine powders. The proportion of
aconitia was considerably less in 16 as compared with 19.”
Question.—“Is it usual to wrap pills in tinfoil?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“Or to put them in boxes of this description?”
Answer.—“Oh, no.”
Question.—“Were these two pills examined by yourself and Dr.
Dupré?”
Answer.—“Yes; one weighed 3 grs. and another 2¾. There was
nothing particular in the appearance. There was a little bitterness at
first with the 2¾ grain pill. I cut out a small piece with a penknife.
We all took a little piece, I only took the 22nd part of a grain. Part of
it was used for the microscope. It caused intense burning. The
Page 610
bitterness of quinine was followed by intense burning, and the same
symptoms I have already described, but of a more severe kind. I
injected some of that into the back of a mouse. It exhibited
symptoms of poisoning, was very ill in two minutes, and it died in
4½ minutes. I came to the conclusion that there was ·45 of a grain
of aconitia in that pill, or nearly half a grain. No. 12 was the sherry.
I found no trace of poison in that, nor in the wafers. I have said the
urine contained aconitia, showing that the poison had been absorbed
into the blood, had passed through the tissues of the body, and had
become excreted. I have said I found in the extracts traces of
morphia. I have heard of the injection of morphia by Dr. Little and
Dr. Berry during the last hour of the boy’s illness. The traces I found
were such as I should have expected to find from that, both in the
urine and probably in the liver too.”
Question.—“Could a fatal dose of aconitia be administered in
such a capsule as this?”
Answer.—“Oh, yes. Many times a fatal dose. I have put into one
a grain of aconitia, and into another a half-grain.”
[Capsules produced by Witness, and shown to Judge and Jury, to
show how little space in the capsule was occupied even by the grain
of aconitia.]
Witness continued.—“The symptoms lasted after tasting the pill
7½ hours, notwithstanding having taken a meal.”
Question.—“Supposing aconitia taken in a capsule of this
description, would it prevent a taste on the tongue?”
Answer.—“Oh, yes.”
Question.—“I believe there is no test of aconitia?”
Answer.—“No specific or characteristic chemical test.”
Question.—“What are the tests?”
Answer.—“We can tell chemically that it is an alkaloid. Then
there is the physiological test, the effect on the tongue and the
neighbouring parts, and its general effect on the system if taken in
any quantity. Then the other physiological test is that it will kill,
symptoms I have already described, but of a more severe kind. I
injected some of that into the back of a mouse. It exhibited
symptoms of poisoning, was very ill in two minutes, and it died in
4½ minutes. I came to the conclusion that there was ·45 of a grain
of aconitia in that pill, or nearly half a grain. No. 12 was the sherry.
I found no trace of poison in that, nor in the wafers. I have said the
urine contained aconitia, showing that the poison had been absorbed
into the blood, had passed through the tissues of the body, and had
become excreted. I have said I found in the extracts traces of
morphia. I have heard of the injection of morphia by Dr. Little and
Dr. Berry during the last hour of the boy’s illness. The traces I found
were such as I should have expected to find from that, both in the
urine and probably in the liver too.”
Question.—“Could a fatal dose of aconitia be administered in
such a capsule as this?”
Answer.—“Oh, yes. Many times a fatal dose. I have put into one
a grain of aconitia, and into another a half-grain.”
[Capsules produced by Witness, and shown to Judge and Jury, to
show how little space in the capsule was occupied even by the grain
of aconitia.]
Witness continued.—“The symptoms lasted after tasting the pill
7½ hours, notwithstanding having taken a meal.”
Question.—“Supposing aconitia taken in a capsule of this
description, would it prevent a taste on the tongue?”
Answer.—“Oh, yes.”
Question.—“I believe there is no test of aconitia?”
Answer.—“No specific or characteristic chemical test.”
Question.—“What are the tests?”
Answer.—“We can tell chemically that it is an alkaloid. Then
there is the physiological test, the effect on the tongue and the
neighbouring parts, and its general effect on the system if taken in
any quantity. Then the other physiological test is that it will kill,
Page 611
after a definite course of symptoms, as shown in my experiments
with the mice.”
Question.—“Have you any doubt that you did find aconitia in
the portions of the body you examined and in the vomit?”
Answer.—“Not the least. I have heard the description of the
deceased boy. He had symptoms such as would arise from poisoning
by aconite. His symptoms approached more nearly to those caused
by that than any other poison. Judging from the symptoms
discovered at the post-mortem examination, I should say that he
died from poisoning by aconitia.”
Question.—“Is aconitia a medicine commonly used for spinal
diseases in this country?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“I do not know if you are aware of its use here by
medical men?”
Answer.—“No; the British Pharmacopœia orders it for external
use, but makes no mention of any dose for internal use. It was
formerly tried a quarter of a century ago, or thirty years ago, but it
was given up because it was too dangerous.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Williams, after he had stated that
he had never seen an acknowledged death from aconitia, but
founded his opinion not only from tasting, testing, and the
experiments on mice, but from his reading, and that he knew that it
was used in France and Germany, but not that it was sold at the
French chemist’s in the Haymarket as a patent medicine, the
examination proceeded as follows:—
Question.—“Do you know Guibert’s French book on
chemistry?”
Answer.—“Yes; I know the book. I have it in my possession.”
Question.—“Would you look at that book—is that it?”
Answer.—“Yes; that is the book.”
with the mice.”
Question.—“Have you any doubt that you did find aconitia in
the portions of the body you examined and in the vomit?”
Answer.—“Not the least. I have heard the description of the
deceased boy. He had symptoms such as would arise from poisoning
by aconite. His symptoms approached more nearly to those caused
by that than any other poison. Judging from the symptoms
discovered at the post-mortem examination, I should say that he
died from poisoning by aconitia.”
Question.—“Is aconitia a medicine commonly used for spinal
diseases in this country?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“I do not know if you are aware of its use here by
medical men?”
Answer.—“No; the British Pharmacopœia orders it for external
use, but makes no mention of any dose for internal use. It was
formerly tried a quarter of a century ago, or thirty years ago, but it
was given up because it was too dangerous.”
On cross-examination by Mr. Williams, after he had stated that
he had never seen an acknowledged death from aconitia, but
founded his opinion not only from tasting, testing, and the
experiments on mice, but from his reading, and that he knew that it
was used in France and Germany, but not that it was sold at the
French chemist’s in the Haymarket as a patent medicine, the
examination proceeded as follows:—
Question.—“Do you know Guibert’s French book on
chemistry?”
Answer.—“Yes; I know the book. I have it in my possession.”
Question.—“Would you look at that book—is that it?”
Answer.—“Yes; that is the book.”
Page 612
Question.—“Do you there find a formula for pills with aconitia
in them?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“And drops?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“For internal use?”
Answer.—“No. The drops are for dropping in the ear; the pills
are for internal use.”
Question.—“Also for ointment?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“And in the British Pharmacopœia you will find
‘Unguentum Aconitiæ,’ 8 grains of aconitia to 1 ounce of lard?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Is Sidney Ringer an acknowledged authority on
therapeutics?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Do you know his books?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Do you agree with this:—‘Aconite is used
externally in the form of liniment or ointment to relieve pain?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“The ‘Unguentum Aconitiæ’ alludes to aconitia,
does it not?”
Answer.—“Yes, the ointment does.”
Question.—“Is that applied in neuralgic cases?”
Answer.—“Yes, it is used in neuralgia and rheumatism.”
Question.—“Do you agree with the statement, ‘That a piece of
ointment the size of a bean or nut should be applied with friction,
which enhances its efficacy?’”
Answer.—“Yes, to the skin.”
Question.—“A piece the size of a bean would contain half a
grain of aconitia, would it not?”
in them?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“And drops?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“For internal use?”
Answer.—“No. The drops are for dropping in the ear; the pills
are for internal use.”
Question.—“Also for ointment?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“And in the British Pharmacopœia you will find
‘Unguentum Aconitiæ,’ 8 grains of aconitia to 1 ounce of lard?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Is Sidney Ringer an acknowledged authority on
therapeutics?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Do you know his books?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Do you agree with this:—‘Aconite is used
externally in the form of liniment or ointment to relieve pain?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“The ‘Unguentum Aconitiæ’ alludes to aconitia,
does it not?”
Answer.—“Yes, the ointment does.”
Question.—“Is that applied in neuralgic cases?”
Answer.—“Yes, it is used in neuralgia and rheumatism.”
Question.—“Do you agree with the statement, ‘That a piece of
ointment the size of a bean or nut should be applied with friction,
which enhances its efficacy?’”
Answer.—“Yes, to the skin.”
Question.—“A piece the size of a bean would contain half a
grain of aconitia, would it not?”
Page 613
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Do you agree that the application in such a case
will cut short pain?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“And prevent sickness?”
Answer.—“I do not know about that. Sickness is not a usual
symptom in neuralgia and rheumatism.”
Question.—“Do you agree with this, that ‘Aconite diminishes
sensibility, and it has been used internally in various painful
diseases?’”
Answer.—“Yes, aconite.”
Question.—“Have you heard of the use of aconitia in typhoid
fever?”
Answer.—“No; I have heard of its use in fevers generally, but
not in typhoid.”
Question.—“In the Journal of Medicine, No. 27, March, 1882,
by Dr. Phipson——“[205]
The Solicitor-General objected that that was something written
within a few days.
Mr. M. Williams.—“Then I will put this question generally. Have
you heard of its use internally in severe cases of fever?”
Answer.—“Yes, I have heard of its use in fever, but not in
typhoid.”
Question.—“Have you heard of its use in pleuro-pneumonia?”
Answer.—“Yes, in very minute doses; it is recommended in a
journal of medicine which is edited by a man who is not a medical
man.”
Question.—“Your collaborateur, Dr. Dupré, is not a medical
man, is he?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“With regard to the symptoms—the dilated pupils—
are they not invariably dilated three days after death?”
Question.—“Do you agree that the application in such a case
will cut short pain?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“And prevent sickness?”
Answer.—“I do not know about that. Sickness is not a usual
symptom in neuralgia and rheumatism.”
Question.—“Do you agree with this, that ‘Aconite diminishes
sensibility, and it has been used internally in various painful
diseases?’”
Answer.—“Yes, aconite.”
Question.—“Have you heard of the use of aconitia in typhoid
fever?”
Answer.—“No; I have heard of its use in fevers generally, but
not in typhoid.”
Question.—“In the Journal of Medicine, No. 27, March, 1882,
by Dr. Phipson——“[205]
The Solicitor-General objected that that was something written
within a few days.
Mr. M. Williams.—“Then I will put this question generally. Have
you heard of its use internally in severe cases of fever?”
Answer.—“Yes, I have heard of its use in fever, but not in
typhoid.”
Question.—“Have you heard of its use in pleuro-pneumonia?”
Answer.—“Yes, in very minute doses; it is recommended in a
journal of medicine which is edited by a man who is not a medical
man.”
Question.—“Your collaborateur, Dr. Dupré, is not a medical
man, is he?”
Answer.—“No.”
Question.—“With regard to the symptoms—the dilated pupils—
are they not invariably dilated three days after death?”
Page 614
Answer.—“After a natural death. The surface of the tongue
being rough is no sure sign of aconitia poisoning. Congestion of the
brain has been observed in aconite poisoning, but is no sure sign.”
Question.—“Has bloody fluid in the bag of the heart been met
with in aconitia poisoning?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Would you expect to find the ventricles and
auricles empty?”
Answer.—“It has been observed in poisoning by preparations of
aconitia; but in the only case of aconitia poisoning I know of the
state of the heart is not mentioned. You will find it in the
Philadelphia Journal of Medicine of November last.”[206]
Question.—“Is congested liver a sign of aconitia poisoning?”
Answer.—“The congestion of the internal viscera is an important
sign of poisoning by aconitia. The congestion could be caused by
various means. The kidneys being congested was consistent with
aconite poisoning, but not dependent on it. The same could be said
of congestion of the spleen. I am prepared to admit that cases may
have occurred in which congestion has been caused without poison.
The patches in the stomach may have existed days before death, but
not without causing pain. I commenced the analysis of the contents
of the stomach on the 10th of December. I commenced the analysis
of the vomit the same day. I commenced to examine the urine the
same day.”
Question.—“You say the bottle C, No. 3, contained matter from
which you extracted an alkaloidal extract. Would you expect to find
an alkaloid from morphia in the contents of the stomach?”
Answer.—“No; but I should expect to find it in the urine, and I
found in that more alkaloid than was consistent with morphia. That
requires the most delicate test. By a further extraction I got a little
more morphia.”
Question.—“The precise process I ask you for in testing the
alkaloidal extract.”
being rough is no sure sign of aconitia poisoning. Congestion of the
brain has been observed in aconite poisoning, but is no sure sign.”
Question.—“Has bloody fluid in the bag of the heart been met
with in aconitia poisoning?”
Answer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Would you expect to find the ventricles and
auricles empty?”
Answer.—“It has been observed in poisoning by preparations of
aconitia; but in the only case of aconitia poisoning I know of the
state of the heart is not mentioned. You will find it in the
Philadelphia Journal of Medicine of November last.”[206]
Question.—“Is congested liver a sign of aconitia poisoning?”
Answer.—“The congestion of the internal viscera is an important
sign of poisoning by aconitia. The congestion could be caused by
various means. The kidneys being congested was consistent with
aconite poisoning, but not dependent on it. The same could be said
of congestion of the spleen. I am prepared to admit that cases may
have occurred in which congestion has been caused without poison.
The patches in the stomach may have existed days before death, but
not without causing pain. I commenced the analysis of the contents
of the stomach on the 10th of December. I commenced the analysis
of the vomit the same day. I commenced to examine the urine the
same day.”
Question.—“You say the bottle C, No. 3, contained matter from
which you extracted an alkaloidal extract. Would you expect to find
an alkaloid from morphia in the contents of the stomach?”
Answer.—“No; but I should expect to find it in the urine, and I
found in that more alkaloid than was consistent with morphia. That
requires the most delicate test. By a further extraction I got a little
more morphia.”
Question.—“The precise process I ask you for in testing the
alkaloidal extract.”
Page 615
Answer.—“I took half the contents of the stomach. I mixed it
with such a quantity of rectified spirit as, with the spirit previously
added by Dr. Dupré, made the proportion of spirit two volumes of
spirit to one volume of matter. The liquid I took was acid in
reaction. The liquid stood over from Sunday to Monday. It was then
filtered. The insoluble part was well washed with rectified spirit.
The clear liquid was then evaporated at a temperature below that of
the human body, till it was almost solid. The portion I had not
dissolved in spirit was then treated with an additional quantity of
spirit, to which a little quantity of tartaric acid was added. The
mixture was then warmed to 140 deg. Fahr. It was then cooled. The
insoluble part was well washed with spirit, and the clear liquid
evaporated at a temperature below that of the human body. A fairly
solid residue was obtained. I now obtained two alcoholic extracts,
each of which was treated in a precisely similar manner, but
separately, by digesting them with warm absolute alcohol, or rather
tepid, till the alcohol would take up and dissolve nothing more. The
solutions in absolute alcohol were filtered and evaporated nearly to
dryness. They were then treated with a little water. They were found
to be acid in reaction, and the two solutions—that is to say, that
from the plain spirit, and the other from the tartaric acid spirit—
were mixed. Care was taken that they remained just faintly acid, and
the solution was then agitated with washed ether. The ether was
allowed to separate; it was drawn off, and replaced by fresh ether.
This operation was carried out five times. The ether was set apart,
and allowed to evaporate at a temperature below boiling point; that
was reserved as not containing any alkaloid. The residue was oily
and partially dissoluble with water; it was of a brownish colour. It
was not weighed, but was a very appreciable quantity.”
Question.—“Were these tests conducted for aconitia only?”
Answer.—“Oh, no; I tested for other poisons. The aqueous liquid
which separated from the ether was made alkaline by carbonate of
soda, and it was then agitated with a mixture of washed ether and
washed chloroform. The ether-chloroform solution was then
allowed to separate, drawn off, replaced by washed ether, the ether
with such a quantity of rectified spirit as, with the spirit previously
added by Dr. Dupré, made the proportion of spirit two volumes of
spirit to one volume of matter. The liquid I took was acid in
reaction. The liquid stood over from Sunday to Monday. It was then
filtered. The insoluble part was well washed with rectified spirit.
The clear liquid was then evaporated at a temperature below that of
the human body, till it was almost solid. The portion I had not
dissolved in spirit was then treated with an additional quantity of
spirit, to which a little quantity of tartaric acid was added. The
mixture was then warmed to 140 deg. Fahr. It was then cooled. The
insoluble part was well washed with spirit, and the clear liquid
evaporated at a temperature below that of the human body. A fairly
solid residue was obtained. I now obtained two alcoholic extracts,
each of which was treated in a precisely similar manner, but
separately, by digesting them with warm absolute alcohol, or rather
tepid, till the alcohol would take up and dissolve nothing more. The
solutions in absolute alcohol were filtered and evaporated nearly to
dryness. They were then treated with a little water. They were found
to be acid in reaction, and the two solutions—that is to say, that
from the plain spirit, and the other from the tartaric acid spirit—
were mixed. Care was taken that they remained just faintly acid, and
the solution was then agitated with washed ether. The ether was
allowed to separate; it was drawn off, and replaced by fresh ether.
This operation was carried out five times. The ether was set apart,
and allowed to evaporate at a temperature below boiling point; that
was reserved as not containing any alkaloid. The residue was oily
and partially dissoluble with water; it was of a brownish colour. It
was not weighed, but was a very appreciable quantity.”
Question.—“Were these tests conducted for aconitia only?”
Answer.—“Oh, no; I tested for other poisons. The aqueous liquid
which separated from the ether was made alkaline by carbonate of
soda, and it was then agitated with a mixture of washed ether and
washed chloroform. The ether-chloroform solution was then
allowed to separate, drawn off, replaced by washed ether, the ether
Page 616
again drawn off, and again replaced by ether, which was again
drawn off. These chloroform-ether mixtures were mixed and
evaporated, and finally dried in vacuo over oil of vitriol. Before it
was placed in the vacuum, I examined it to see if there were any
volatile alkaloids, which would be distinguished by their peculiar
odour. There were none. I then weighed it, after drying, and found
its weight ·108 of a grain, or rather more than 1-10th of a grain. It
was slightly crystalline in appearance. I tasted it, putting a little on
my tongue. That was one of my taste tests.”
Question.—“That was afterwards dissolved, and part of it was
applied to the mouse?”
Answer.—“Yes, but I had previously tested it for an alkaloid. I
went through the same operation with the vomit and the urine, with
only minor differences of details here and there as occasion
required.”
Question.—“You say that the effect on the tongue was
characteristic of aconitia. Was it characteristic of nothing else?”
Answer.—“Nothing else that I know of.”
Question.—“Not of veratria?”
Answer.—“No; I have tried that on the tongue, and its effect is
different. I do not recollect that delphinia is like aconitia. Morphia
has no marked bitterness. I know that the taste is very different from
other substances. Pepperine has an immediate burning effect.”
Question.—“Is not phosphoric acid a test for aconitia?”
Answer.—“No; it is given as a test, except by those who have
studied it recently. I have made experiments with pure aconitia with
no results. The book produced is written by an authority. Fluckijer,
in his work on the subject, gives the reaction of aconitia, but it is
German aconitia he refers to; it is very different to English aconitia.
I see no reference to English aconitia in Fluckijer.”
The book was handed back to counsel, and Mr. Montagu
Williams said the date was 1879.
Witness, cross-examined further.—“The solution injected into
the mouse was measured on each occasion. About three minims of
drawn off. These chloroform-ether mixtures were mixed and
evaporated, and finally dried in vacuo over oil of vitriol. Before it
was placed in the vacuum, I examined it to see if there were any
volatile alkaloids, which would be distinguished by their peculiar
odour. There were none. I then weighed it, after drying, and found
its weight ·108 of a grain, or rather more than 1-10th of a grain. It
was slightly crystalline in appearance. I tasted it, putting a little on
my tongue. That was one of my taste tests.”
Question.—“That was afterwards dissolved, and part of it was
applied to the mouse?”
Answer.—“Yes, but I had previously tested it for an alkaloid. I
went through the same operation with the vomit and the urine, with
only minor differences of details here and there as occasion
required.”
Question.—“You say that the effect on the tongue was
characteristic of aconitia. Was it characteristic of nothing else?”
Answer.—“Nothing else that I know of.”
Question.—“Not of veratria?”
Answer.—“No; I have tried that on the tongue, and its effect is
different. I do not recollect that delphinia is like aconitia. Morphia
has no marked bitterness. I know that the taste is very different from
other substances. Pepperine has an immediate burning effect.”
Question.—“Is not phosphoric acid a test for aconitia?”
Answer.—“No; it is given as a test, except by those who have
studied it recently. I have made experiments with pure aconitia with
no results. The book produced is written by an authority. Fluckijer,
in his work on the subject, gives the reaction of aconitia, but it is
German aconitia he refers to; it is very different to English aconitia.
I see no reference to English aconitia in Fluckijer.”
The book was handed back to counsel, and Mr. Montagu
Williams said the date was 1879.
Witness, cross-examined further.—“The solution injected into
the mouse was measured on each occasion. About three minims of
Page 617
liquid altogether was injected. With the exception of the urine and
one of the vomits, the injections were unmixed. He believed, of
course, that too much reliance must not be placed on experiments on
animals.”
Question.—“Is it not a recognised fact that alkaloids are found
in the human body after death, irrespective of poisons?”
Answer.—“It is a question still sub judice. It has been asserted
that such is the case where the stomach or other viscera has been
much decomposed.”
Question.—“What are called cadaveric alkaloids, utterly
irrespective of the administration of poison?”
Answer.—“It is so asserted.”
Question.—“Is not Stas’s test a mode of extracting cadaveric
alkaloids?”
Answer.—“Cadaveric as well as natural alkaloids.”
Question.—“Would these cadaveric alkaloids produce the same
effects as the natural alkaloids?”
Answer.—“They have been described as producing the same
effects; but I have seen no description of one producing the effects
of aconitia. There is a test distinguishing these cadaveric alkaloids
from all natural alkaloids, except morphia and veratria, and certainly
from aconitia. That test was applied to these extracts when no
morphia was present,—the reduction of the ferricyanide to the ferro-
cyanide of potassium. There is an authority for the method of
obtaining and distinguishing these cadaveric alkaloids. I was one of
the first to point out that alkaloidal extracts from the stomachs of the
dead would kill frogs if injected under the skin. I have read most of
the foreign writers on this subject. I have not read Peschi, and
cannot say whether they produce pricking of the tongue. I do not
remember any of them describing sensations produced on the
tongue from cadaveric alkaloids, similar to those from aconitia.
Many things would produce prickings on the tongue.”
Question.—“Have you found the ordinary residue of the
stomach from the dead poison the lower animals?”
one of the vomits, the injections were unmixed. He believed, of
course, that too much reliance must not be placed on experiments on
animals.”
Question.—“Is it not a recognised fact that alkaloids are found
in the human body after death, irrespective of poisons?”
Answer.—“It is a question still sub judice. It has been asserted
that such is the case where the stomach or other viscera has been
much decomposed.”
Question.—“What are called cadaveric alkaloids, utterly
irrespective of the administration of poison?”
Answer.—“It is so asserted.”
Question.—“Is not Stas’s test a mode of extracting cadaveric
alkaloids?”
Answer.—“Cadaveric as well as natural alkaloids.”
Question.—“Would these cadaveric alkaloids produce the same
effects as the natural alkaloids?”
Answer.—“They have been described as producing the same
effects; but I have seen no description of one producing the effects
of aconitia. There is a test distinguishing these cadaveric alkaloids
from all natural alkaloids, except morphia and veratria, and certainly
from aconitia. That test was applied to these extracts when no
morphia was present,—the reduction of the ferricyanide to the ferro-
cyanide of potassium. There is an authority for the method of
obtaining and distinguishing these cadaveric alkaloids. I was one of
the first to point out that alkaloidal extracts from the stomachs of the
dead would kill frogs if injected under the skin. I have read most of
the foreign writers on this subject. I have not read Peschi, and
cannot say whether they produce pricking of the tongue. I do not
remember any of them describing sensations produced on the
tongue from cadaveric alkaloids, similar to those from aconitia.
Many things would produce prickings on the tongue.”
Question.—“Have you found the ordinary residue of the
stomach from the dead poison the lower animals?”
Page 618
Answer.—“I have never known it to do so. I will not say it is not
so.”
Question.—“How long after the administration of aconitia
would you expect the symptoms to appear?”
Answer.—“From a few minutes to an hour and a half.”
Question.—“Would the time of action depend upon the dose?”
Answer.—“The probabilities are that a large dose would soonest
produce effect. The smallest dose that has produced death has been
between 1-21 gr. and 1-13 gr., or about 1-16 gr.”
On re-examination by the Solicitor-General, the Witness
explained that it was when corpses were putrefying that the
cadaveric alkaloids were produced. He had procured alkaloidal
extracts from the urine, viscera and stomach, and ascertained the
effects of them upon mice: had made twenty-two experiments this
year: there were two cases of heart disease, and four of the liver,
kidneys, spleen, vomit, and six from the urine. He had also, in six
instances, taken from the urine of living persons, and in three from
that of healthy dead persons. Those extracts had no effect on his
tongue. He had had many years’ experience, and certainly never
tasted anything like aconitia, and he had tried these alkaloidal
extracts on the same number of mice without the animals suffering
except from the puncture. One of these mice, he added, he had
killed with the three-thousandths of a grain, and two-thousandths
of a grain was always fatal to a mouse. To a question by the judge,
he said “it would make a great difference in the time when the
severe symptoms appeared, whether the poison was swallowed
directly and whether it came into direct contact with the tongue.”
Dr. Dupré confirmed in every detail the statements of his colleague.
“In his case the effects of tasting the alkaloid from the urine
continued over four hours, and that from the vomit over six hours,
though he took lunch and dinner during that time. In the vomit he
so.”
Question.—“How long after the administration of aconitia
would you expect the symptoms to appear?”
Answer.—“From a few minutes to an hour and a half.”
Question.—“Would the time of action depend upon the dose?”
Answer.—“The probabilities are that a large dose would soonest
produce effect. The smallest dose that has produced death has been
between 1-21 gr. and 1-13 gr., or about 1-16 gr.”
On re-examination by the Solicitor-General, the Witness
explained that it was when corpses were putrefying that the
cadaveric alkaloids were produced. He had procured alkaloidal
extracts from the urine, viscera and stomach, and ascertained the
effects of them upon mice: had made twenty-two experiments this
year: there were two cases of heart disease, and four of the liver,
kidneys, spleen, vomit, and six from the urine. He had also, in six
instances, taken from the urine of living persons, and in three from
that of healthy dead persons. Those extracts had no effect on his
tongue. He had had many years’ experience, and certainly never
tasted anything like aconitia, and he had tried these alkaloidal
extracts on the same number of mice without the animals suffering
except from the puncture. One of these mice, he added, he had
killed with the three-thousandths of a grain, and two-thousandths
of a grain was always fatal to a mouse. To a question by the judge,
he said “it would make a great difference in the time when the
severe symptoms appeared, whether the poison was swallowed
directly and whether it came into direct contact with the tongue.”
Dr. Dupré confirmed in every detail the statements of his colleague.
“In his case the effects of tasting the alkaloid from the urine
continued over four hours, and that from the vomit over six hours,
though he took lunch and dinner during that time. In the vomit he
Page 619
did not find any trace of quinine which he should have expected
had aconitia been given in conjunction with quinine.”
THE PREVIOUS ACTS OF THE PRISONER.
Soon after his marriage in 1879, the prisoner set up in practice
at Bournemouth, whence in April, 1880, he went for a six months’
trip to America. Early in 1881, he was in great pecuniary
difficulties, and had to part with his furniture to pay an execution
out of his house, and again went to America on the 30th of August.
Three days before he sailed, whilst staying with his mother at
Ventnor, he visited Percy John at Shanklin, where the boy was
staying with the Chapmans, and promised to return on the Monday,
the 29th, before he left England. It was supposed that he did so, and
it was then, according to the boy’s statement before reported, that
he gave him a pill, after which he was taken ill in much the same
way as at Blenheim House in the December following.[207] From
America he returned on the 17th of October, and after a visit to
Ventnor, where he got a cheque, which was subsequently
dishonoured, cashed by a tradesman (Price Owen), he was in
London on the 1st of December, staying at the Nelson Hotel,
Portland-road. His actions are now taken up by the following
witness, to whom, and to whose brother, the prisoner had from time
to time advanced money, in the case of the brother pawning his
surgical instruments and watch, on the 24th of November, in order
to lend him five pounds.[208]
John Law Tulloch, a student of medicine living in Alma Square,
St. John’s Wood, said:—
“I have known the prisoner for some time. I did not see him till
December of last year from the previous April. I saw him on the 1st
of last December, a Thursday night, at my house. He said he was
had aconitia been given in conjunction with quinine.”
THE PREVIOUS ACTS OF THE PRISONER.
Soon after his marriage in 1879, the prisoner set up in practice
at Bournemouth, whence in April, 1880, he went for a six months’
trip to America. Early in 1881, he was in great pecuniary
difficulties, and had to part with his furniture to pay an execution
out of his house, and again went to America on the 30th of August.
Three days before he sailed, whilst staying with his mother at
Ventnor, he visited Percy John at Shanklin, where the boy was
staying with the Chapmans, and promised to return on the Monday,
the 29th, before he left England. It was supposed that he did so, and
it was then, according to the boy’s statement before reported, that
he gave him a pill, after which he was taken ill in much the same
way as at Blenheim House in the December following.[207] From
America he returned on the 17th of October, and after a visit to
Ventnor, where he got a cheque, which was subsequently
dishonoured, cashed by a tradesman (Price Owen), he was in
London on the 1st of December, staying at the Nelson Hotel,
Portland-road. His actions are now taken up by the following
witness, to whom, and to whose brother, the prisoner had from time
to time advanced money, in the case of the brother pawning his
surgical instruments and watch, on the 24th of November, in order
to lend him five pounds.[208]
John Law Tulloch, a student of medicine living in Alma Square,
St. John’s Wood, said:—
“I have known the prisoner for some time. I did not see him till
December of last year from the previous April. I saw him on the 1st
of last December, a Thursday night, at my house. He said he was
Page 620
staying at Nelson’s Hotel, and was going to Paris the next night. He
had dinner at my house. I went with him to Nelson’s Hotel, and
assisted in packing his luggage. I went with him from the hotel to
Waterloo Station. We had with us a leather case, a handbag, and a
rug. He said he thought he would go first of all to see his brother-in-
law at Wimbledon. We went to Wimbledon together at about six in
the evening.[209] He said he was going up to the school, at Mr.
Bedbrook’s. I waited for him in the public-house opposite. He came
back to me in about twenty minutes. He said that he had seen his
brother-in-law, who was very much worse. He added that he did not
expect him to live long. He said he had seen Mr. Bedbrook, who
was a director of one of the Continental lines, and that gentleman
had told him that it was as well that he should not go that night, as
there was a bad boat on the service. We returned to town, and went
together to the Comedy Theatre in Panton-street. After that we went
to Stone’s, a public-house opposite the theatre, and while we were
there he wrote the cheque produced, on the Wilts and Dorset Bank,
dated December 2, 1881, for 12l. 10s., payable to J. L. Tulloch. He
asked me to try and obtain the cash for it. We went first to the
Adelphi Hotel in Adam-street, but could not get it cashed there. We
then drove to the Eyre Arms, St. John’s-wood, which is close to
where I reside. Mr. Perrot, the landlord, cashed the cheque, and I
gave the money to the prisoner. I then parted from him, and
arranged to meet him on the following day at the Adelphi Hotel. I
saw him there about three or four in the afternoon. I was to meet
him at half-past one, to see him off by a train at 2.50, but I do not
know from what station. He said that he was too late for the mid-
day train, and could not go until night. I went with him to the
Horseshoe to have some refreshment. When there we found that one
of the bags received from the Eyre Arms contained coppers. We
returned to the house and obtained a 5l. note in exchange. He left
me there about six. I did not hear of him again till he was in custody.
The cheque was dishonoured. On the 13th of December he wrote
saying the amount would be in my hands very soon, and he was
surprised at my attitude towards, or, rather against him.”[210]
had dinner at my house. I went with him to Nelson’s Hotel, and
assisted in packing his luggage. I went with him from the hotel to
Waterloo Station. We had with us a leather case, a handbag, and a
rug. He said he thought he would go first of all to see his brother-in-
law at Wimbledon. We went to Wimbledon together at about six in
the evening.[209] He said he was going up to the school, at Mr.
Bedbrook’s. I waited for him in the public-house opposite. He came
back to me in about twenty minutes. He said that he had seen his
brother-in-law, who was very much worse. He added that he did not
expect him to live long. He said he had seen Mr. Bedbrook, who
was a director of one of the Continental lines, and that gentleman
had told him that it was as well that he should not go that night, as
there was a bad boat on the service. We returned to town, and went
together to the Comedy Theatre in Panton-street. After that we went
to Stone’s, a public-house opposite the theatre, and while we were
there he wrote the cheque produced, on the Wilts and Dorset Bank,
dated December 2, 1881, for 12l. 10s., payable to J. L. Tulloch. He
asked me to try and obtain the cash for it. We went first to the
Adelphi Hotel in Adam-street, but could not get it cashed there. We
then drove to the Eyre Arms, St. John’s-wood, which is close to
where I reside. Mr. Perrot, the landlord, cashed the cheque, and I
gave the money to the prisoner. I then parted from him, and
arranged to meet him on the following day at the Adelphi Hotel. I
saw him there about three or four in the afternoon. I was to meet
him at half-past one, to see him off by a train at 2.50, but I do not
know from what station. He said that he was too late for the mid-
day train, and could not go until night. I went with him to the
Horseshoe to have some refreshment. When there we found that one
of the bags received from the Eyre Arms contained coppers. We
returned to the house and obtained a 5l. note in exchange. He left
me there about six. I did not hear of him again till he was in custody.
The cheque was dishonoured. On the 13th of December he wrote
saying the amount would be in my hands very soon, and he was
surprised at my attitude towards, or, rather against him.”[210]
Page 621
On cross-examination, the witness said:—
“I have said to-day the prisoner said on December 2, ‘the boy is
very much worse, and I don’t think he will last long.’ I do not think
he said anything about his having passed his examination that day. I
was quite sober. I do not owe him money.”
At five minutes to seven, on the evening of the 3rd of
December, he was at Blenheim House telling Mr. Bedbrook he
wished to see his brother-in-law. The boy was brought into the
dining-room, some wine got for the prisoner, and some powdered
white sugar to cure, as he said, the alcohol in it. He then had with
him a leather bag from which he took some Dundee cakes and
sweets, of which the boy and the master partook.
Mr. Bedbrook deposed:—
“About a quarter past 7 the prisoner said to me, ‘Oh, by the way,
when I was in America, I thought of you and your boys, and I
thought what excellent things these capsules would be for the boys
to take nauseous medicine in.’ He produced two boxes of capsules
from his bag, and said, ‘I should like you to try one to see how
easily they can be swallowed.’ I examined them, and put one in my
mouth.”
The Judge.—“Was the box wrapped in paper, or was it handed
to you open?”
The Witness.—“It was handed to me open.”
The remainder of the capsules were here produced.
Mr. Montagu Williams.—“I do not think they are all of one
size.”
Mr. Poland.—“These are the original capsules.”
Witness continuing, said—“I swallowed an empty capsule, and it
was very easy to swallow.”
“I have said to-day the prisoner said on December 2, ‘the boy is
very much worse, and I don’t think he will last long.’ I do not think
he said anything about his having passed his examination that day. I
was quite sober. I do not owe him money.”
At five minutes to seven, on the evening of the 3rd of
December, he was at Blenheim House telling Mr. Bedbrook he
wished to see his brother-in-law. The boy was brought into the
dining-room, some wine got for the prisoner, and some powdered
white sugar to cure, as he said, the alcohol in it. He then had with
him a leather bag from which he took some Dundee cakes and
sweets, of which the boy and the master partook.
Mr. Bedbrook deposed:—
“About a quarter past 7 the prisoner said to me, ‘Oh, by the way,
when I was in America, I thought of you and your boys, and I
thought what excellent things these capsules would be for the boys
to take nauseous medicine in.’ He produced two boxes of capsules
from his bag, and said, ‘I should like you to try one to see how
easily they can be swallowed.’ I examined them, and put one in my
mouth.”
The Judge.—“Was the box wrapped in paper, or was it handed
to you open?”
The Witness.—“It was handed to me open.”
The remainder of the capsules were here produced.
Mr. Montagu Williams.—“I do not think they are all of one
size.”
Mr. Poland.—“These are the original capsules.”
Witness continuing, said—“I swallowed an empty capsule, and it
was very easy to swallow.”
Page 622
The Witness continuing, said—“The prisoner took the lids off
both of the boxes. While I was examining a capsule the prisoner was
filling another with sugar, with a little spade spoon. He then, having
apparently filled it with sugar, said, ‘If you shake it the medicine
will come down to one end.’ He then handed the capsule to the boy
Percy John, who was sitting on his right, about a yard from him. In
doing so he said, ‘Here, Percy; you are a swell pill taker; take this,
and show Mr. Bedbrook how easy it is to swallow.’ Percy John then
put the capsule in his mouth as far back as he could, and at one gulp
it was gone. I remarked to him, ‘That is soon gone, my boy.’ The
prisoner then said, ‘I must be going now,’ and I then looked at the
time-table to see the next train for London. It was then 7.20 or
thereabouts, and I told him the next train left at 7.21, and advised
him to go at once or he would miss his train. Previous to this I had
asked him to remain a little longer, until the 7.50 train. He said, ‘I
cannot, as I have to catch a train at eight o’clock at London Bridge,
en route to the Continent.’ He said he was going to Florence, viâ
Paris. Passing through the drawing-room I remarked to him that I
thought the curvature of the spine of the deceased was getting
worse. He observed on that occasion that he did not think the boy
would last long. I did not make any reply to that. He then left the
house at about 21 or 22 minutes past seven o’clock. He left behind
the two boxes of capsules. I placed them on the dining-room
waggon.”
Question.—“From the time Percy John had swallowed the
capsule how many minutes elapsed before the prisoner said, ‘I must
be going now’?”
Answer.—“He said it within five minutes. After the prisoner left
the house I returned to the dining-room, where Percy John was.
When I got back deceased said, ‘I feel as if I had an attack of
heartburn.’ I think after that I returned to my guests. He was reading
the newspapers.”
Mr. Montagu Williams objected to the statements of the
deceased being put in evidence.
both of the boxes. While I was examining a capsule the prisoner was
filling another with sugar, with a little spade spoon. He then, having
apparently filled it with sugar, said, ‘If you shake it the medicine
will come down to one end.’ He then handed the capsule to the boy
Percy John, who was sitting on his right, about a yard from him. In
doing so he said, ‘Here, Percy; you are a swell pill taker; take this,
and show Mr. Bedbrook how easy it is to swallow.’ Percy John then
put the capsule in his mouth as far back as he could, and at one gulp
it was gone. I remarked to him, ‘That is soon gone, my boy.’ The
prisoner then said, ‘I must be going now,’ and I then looked at the
time-table to see the next train for London. It was then 7.20 or
thereabouts, and I told him the next train left at 7.21, and advised
him to go at once or he would miss his train. Previous to this I had
asked him to remain a little longer, until the 7.50 train. He said, ‘I
cannot, as I have to catch a train at eight o’clock at London Bridge,
en route to the Continent.’ He said he was going to Florence, viâ
Paris. Passing through the drawing-room I remarked to him that I
thought the curvature of the spine of the deceased was getting
worse. He observed on that occasion that he did not think the boy
would last long. I did not make any reply to that. He then left the
house at about 21 or 22 minutes past seven o’clock. He left behind
the two boxes of capsules. I placed them on the dining-room
waggon.”
Question.—“From the time Percy John had swallowed the
capsule how many minutes elapsed before the prisoner said, ‘I must
be going now’?”
Answer.—“He said it within five minutes. After the prisoner left
the house I returned to the dining-room, where Percy John was.
When I got back deceased said, ‘I feel as if I had an attack of
heartburn.’ I think after that I returned to my guests. He was reading
the newspapers.”
Mr. Montagu Williams objected to the statements of the
deceased being put in evidence.
Page 623
The Judge said that evidence as to symptoms could be received
when made by the deceased.
Examination continued.—“I returned to him in five minutes. He
said, ‘I feel as I felt when my brother-in-law had given me a quinine
pill at Shanklin.’ He said he would like to go to bed. I gave orders
that he should go to bed. Mr. Bell carried him upstairs.”
The Judge.—“At what time was this?”
Answer.—“Between eight and nine.”
The fatal attack now came on as previously described. In the
box with the capsules were some little pills, and in the boy’s own
box in his bedroom a small box of quinine powders, and another
with two pills wrapped in tinfoil.[211] In the previous year, when the
prisoner was in America, Mr. Bedbrook had received from him a
box of pills, with a letter, saying that “he had met some one in
America suffering from the same complaint as the boy, who had
derived great benefit from taking medicine similar to that now sent,
and requesting Mr. Bedbrook to see the boy take the medicine.” “I
afterwards,” said the witness, “gave the boy one of the pills, and
next morning he complained of being very unwell. At that time the
box was in his bedroom, and Percy John said, ‘I will take no more
of them.’ I thereupon took the pills downstairs, and until the box
produced was found, was under the impression that I had thrown it
away.”[212]
PURCHASE OF ACONITIA BY THE PRISONER.
Mr. Charles Albert Smith, a chemist at Ventnor, proved that on
the 28th of August, 1881, the prisoner purchased of him 3 grains of
sulphate of atropine, and 2 grains of aconitia, and that he had
labelled the latter “Aconitine, poison.” As he had previously made
when made by the deceased.
Examination continued.—“I returned to him in five minutes. He
said, ‘I feel as I felt when my brother-in-law had given me a quinine
pill at Shanklin.’ He said he would like to go to bed. I gave orders
that he should go to bed. Mr. Bell carried him upstairs.”
The Judge.—“At what time was this?”
Answer.—“Between eight and nine.”
The fatal attack now came on as previously described. In the
box with the capsules were some little pills, and in the boy’s own
box in his bedroom a small box of quinine powders, and another
with two pills wrapped in tinfoil.[211] In the previous year, when the
prisoner was in America, Mr. Bedbrook had received from him a
box of pills, with a letter, saying that “he had met some one in
America suffering from the same complaint as the boy, who had
derived great benefit from taking medicine similar to that now sent,
and requesting Mr. Bedbrook to see the boy take the medicine.” “I
afterwards,” said the witness, “gave the boy one of the pills, and
next morning he complained of being very unwell. At that time the
box was in his bedroom, and Percy John said, ‘I will take no more
of them.’ I thereupon took the pills downstairs, and until the box
produced was found, was under the impression that I had thrown it
away.”[212]
PURCHASE OF ACONITIA BY THE PRISONER.
Mr. Charles Albert Smith, a chemist at Ventnor, proved that on
the 28th of August, 1881, the prisoner purchased of him 3 grains of
sulphate of atropine, and 2 grains of aconitia, and that he had
labelled the latter “Aconitine, poison.” As he had previously made
Page 624
up prescriptions for the prisoner, and knew him as a medical man,
he sold the poison to him without hesitation. Aconitia, he believed,
was commonly used for neuralgia and cancer, to relieve the
palpitations in heart disease, and as a diuretic in dropsy.
On the 24th of November, 1881, the prisoner asked for 2 grains
of aconitia at Messrs. Allen & Hanbury’s, of Plough-court,
Lombard-street; and as the assistant, on reference to the Medical
Directory, found the prisoner’s name as a medical man practising at
Bournemouth, he sold them to him without further precaution than
labelling it “Poison.” On the evidence of this witness, Mr. Dodd, a
difficulty arose, from his having at first entertained the impression
that it was “atropia” which he had sold. The price of this drug to a
medical man would have been only threepence a grain, whilst that
of aconitia would be 1s. 3d.[213] In the petty-cash book of the day,
among entries of sales marked “C”—the sign that they were sold to
a medical man—was one of 2s. 6d., but none of 3d.; and Mr. Dodd,
after consulting with the other assistant who was present at the sale,
became convinced that it was “aconitia,” and not “atropia,” which
he had sold to the prisoner. “There is also,” he said, “a difference in
colour, atropia being white, and aconitia yellowish-white.”
A previous attempt to purchase aconitia was proved by Mr.
Stilling,[214] an assistant of Messrs. Bell & Co., Oxford-street, on
the 20th of November. Twice before that day the prisoner had had
prescriptions made up there, which he wrote in the shop, and
marked as for his own use. These contained morphia and atropia,
but at the bottom of the second of these prescriptions he had
written, “Digitaline, pure, 5 grains.”
By the Judge.—“He told me he practised at Bournemouth.”
By Mr. Poland.—“He led us to infer that he was accustomed to
prescribe this digitaline for internal use. It is the active principle of
foxglove, and is a poison. While he was in the shop I looked at our
he sold the poison to him without hesitation. Aconitia, he believed,
was commonly used for neuralgia and cancer, to relieve the
palpitations in heart disease, and as a diuretic in dropsy.
On the 24th of November, 1881, the prisoner asked for 2 grains
of aconitia at Messrs. Allen & Hanbury’s, of Plough-court,
Lombard-street; and as the assistant, on reference to the Medical
Directory, found the prisoner’s name as a medical man practising at
Bournemouth, he sold them to him without further precaution than
labelling it “Poison.” On the evidence of this witness, Mr. Dodd, a
difficulty arose, from his having at first entertained the impression
that it was “atropia” which he had sold. The price of this drug to a
medical man would have been only threepence a grain, whilst that
of aconitia would be 1s. 3d.[213] In the petty-cash book of the day,
among entries of sales marked “C”—the sign that they were sold to
a medical man—was one of 2s. 6d., but none of 3d.; and Mr. Dodd,
after consulting with the other assistant who was present at the sale,
became convinced that it was “aconitia,” and not “atropia,” which
he had sold to the prisoner. “There is also,” he said, “a difference in
colour, atropia being white, and aconitia yellowish-white.”
A previous attempt to purchase aconitia was proved by Mr.
Stilling,[214] an assistant of Messrs. Bell & Co., Oxford-street, on
the 20th of November. Twice before that day the prisoner had had
prescriptions made up there, which he wrote in the shop, and
marked as for his own use. These contained morphia and atropia,
but at the bottom of the second of these prescriptions he had
written, “Digitaline, pure, 5 grains.”
By the Judge.—“He told me he practised at Bournemouth.”
By Mr. Poland.—“He led us to infer that he was accustomed to
prescribe this digitaline for internal use. It is the active principle of
foxglove, and is a poison. While he was in the shop I looked at our
Page 625
stock of digitaline, and found it more coloured than I expected. I
told him that, and said I would provide him some fresh from the
manufacturer in a few days. I did that because he had laid stress on
its being pure. He did not say when he would call again, but in a few
days. Dr. Lamson himself then struck out the lower part of the
prescription as to the digitaline. All the rest was made up—morphia
and the sulphate of atropia. He waited in the shop while it was made
up, and paid 2s. 9d. for it. In a few days he called again; it was after
the 20th of November. He then asked for one grain of aconitia for
internal use. I knew it was poison, and I recommended him to
procure it where he was better known. Nothing more was said, and
he left the shop. I believe he wrote an order for one grain of aconitia
in the shop, and I believe he tore it up himself. Except seeing him
on the 11th and the 16th I knew nothing of him before.”
By Mr. Williams.—“He told me on the 11th that he was staying
at Nelson’s Hotel, in Portland Street. I cannot swear that there was a
written order for the aconitia. I believed that when I went from the
shop for my fellow-assistant, Dr. Lamson wrote the order; and then
when we returned he tore it up. I have not said anything about that
order before to-day, because I was not asked. Only the atropia and
morphia were bought on both occasions.”
Re-examined.—“When he asked me for the aconitia, knowing it
was a potent poison, I went to consult a fellow-assistant, and then he
wrote the order, as I believe.”
It may be noted here that the larger quinine powders in the box
which were found to be pure were proved to have been purchased
of Mr. Littlefield, a chemist at Ventnor, on the 13th of October,
1880; that he knew nothing of the smaller ones, which were proved
by Dr. Stevenson to contain aconitia, and that he never kept that
drug in his shop. In this he was confirmed by his assistant, Mr.
Bright, who identified his own handwriting on the box in which
they had been sold. The smaller quinine powders were not traced.
told him that, and said I would provide him some fresh from the
manufacturer in a few days. I did that because he had laid stress on
its being pure. He did not say when he would call again, but in a few
days. Dr. Lamson himself then struck out the lower part of the
prescription as to the digitaline. All the rest was made up—morphia
and the sulphate of atropia. He waited in the shop while it was made
up, and paid 2s. 9d. for it. In a few days he called again; it was after
the 20th of November. He then asked for one grain of aconitia for
internal use. I knew it was poison, and I recommended him to
procure it where he was better known. Nothing more was said, and
he left the shop. I believe he wrote an order for one grain of aconitia
in the shop, and I believe he tore it up himself. Except seeing him
on the 11th and the 16th I knew nothing of him before.”
By Mr. Williams.—“He told me on the 11th that he was staying
at Nelson’s Hotel, in Portland Street. I cannot swear that there was a
written order for the aconitia. I believed that when I went from the
shop for my fellow-assistant, Dr. Lamson wrote the order; and then
when we returned he tore it up. I have not said anything about that
order before to-day, because I was not asked. Only the atropia and
morphia were bought on both occasions.”
Re-examined.—“When he asked me for the aconitia, knowing it
was a potent poison, I went to consult a fellow-assistant, and then he
wrote the order, as I believe.”
It may be noted here that the larger quinine powders in the box
which were found to be pure were proved to have been purchased
of Mr. Littlefield, a chemist at Ventnor, on the 13th of October,
1880; that he knew nothing of the smaller ones, which were proved
by Dr. Stevenson to contain aconitia, and that he never kept that
drug in his shop. In this he was confirmed by his assistant, Mr.
Bright, who identified his own handwriting on the box in which
they had been sold. The smaller quinine powders were not traced.
Page 626
THE SURRENDER OF THE PRISONER.
On the 7th of December, the prisoner called at Scotland Yard
and saw Inspector Butcher, who gave the following account of the
interview:—
“When the prisoner came there and saw me, he said, ‘Mr.
Butcher?’ and I replied, ‘Yes.’ He said, ‘My name is Lamson. I am
Dr. Lamson, whose name has been mentioned in connection with
the death at Wimbledon.’ I asked him to be seated, and he
continued, ‘I have called to see what is to be done about it. I
considered it best to do so. I read the account in the public papers in
Paris, and came over this morning. I have only just now arrived in
London. I am very unwell, and much upset about this matter, and
not in a fit state at all to have undertaken this journey.’ I then
communicated with Chief Superintendent Williamson, who said to
the prisoner, ‘You will have to remain a time.’ I remained with him.
His wife was present. He conversed on various subjects for some
time, and then he said, ‘Where is the delay? I thought I would come
here and leave my address. I am going into the country to
Chichester, so that you will know where to find me, and I will attend
the inquest. I have travelled from Paris viâ Havre and Southampton.
I went over viâ Dover and Calais.’ After this I again saw Chief
Superintendent Williamson, who called the prisoner into another
room. I said, ‘Dr. Lamson, this case has been fully considered, and it
has been decided to charge you with causing the death of Percy
John. I therefore take you into custody, and charge you with causing
the death of Percy Malcolm John, at Blenheim House, Wimbledon,
on the 3rd of December instant.’ He said, ‘Very well; do you think
bail will be accepted? I hope the matter will be kept as quiet as
possible, for the sake of my relations.’ I told him he would now be
taken to Wandsworth police-court, and the question of bail would
rest with the magistrate. I conveyed him in a cab to the Wandsworth
police-station. On the way he said, ‘You will have my father here in
On the 7th of December, the prisoner called at Scotland Yard
and saw Inspector Butcher, who gave the following account of the
interview:—
“When the prisoner came there and saw me, he said, ‘Mr.
Butcher?’ and I replied, ‘Yes.’ He said, ‘My name is Lamson. I am
Dr. Lamson, whose name has been mentioned in connection with
the death at Wimbledon.’ I asked him to be seated, and he
continued, ‘I have called to see what is to be done about it. I
considered it best to do so. I read the account in the public papers in
Paris, and came over this morning. I have only just now arrived in
London. I am very unwell, and much upset about this matter, and
not in a fit state at all to have undertaken this journey.’ I then
communicated with Chief Superintendent Williamson, who said to
the prisoner, ‘You will have to remain a time.’ I remained with him.
His wife was present. He conversed on various subjects for some
time, and then he said, ‘Where is the delay? I thought I would come
here and leave my address. I am going into the country to
Chichester, so that you will know where to find me, and I will attend
the inquest. I have travelled from Paris viâ Havre and Southampton.
I went over viâ Dover and Calais.’ After this I again saw Chief
Superintendent Williamson, who called the prisoner into another
room. I said, ‘Dr. Lamson, this case has been fully considered, and it
has been decided to charge you with causing the death of Percy
John. I therefore take you into custody, and charge you with causing
the death of Percy Malcolm John, at Blenheim House, Wimbledon,
on the 3rd of December instant.’ He said, ‘Very well; do you think
bail will be accepted? I hope the matter will be kept as quiet as
possible, for the sake of my relations.’ I told him he would now be
taken to Wandsworth police-court, and the question of bail would
rest with the magistrate. I conveyed him in a cab to the Wandsworth
police-station. On the way he said, ‘You will have my father here in
Page 627
a day or two. I hope it will be stated that I came to Scotland Yard
voluntarily. I came from Paris on purpose.’ I said, ‘Certainly.’”
On searching the box which he had left at Euston Station
among various articles, chiefly of plate, a medical memorandum
book was found, from which the Solicitor-General read an extract
on the “effects of acrid vegetable poisons,” and then closed the case
for the prosecution.
Mr. Montagu Williams, having previously had the letter read
from the Home Office, refusing to allow an independent analysis of
the contents of the body on the part of the prisoner, then
commenced.
THE DEFENCE.
Of the speech for the defence, which lasted the greater part of
two days, and dealt with the case with extreme minuteness, it will
be sufficient to give a summary, especially as its leading points
were remarked upon so fully in the charge of the learned Judge.
On the question whether the death of the boy was from poison,
Mr. Montagu Williams, necessarily laid great stress on the admitted
inability of the scientific witnesses to rely on any other test than
that of taste. “Scientifically,” he said, “it was a leap in the dark, and
they had to traverse a region of science up to the present moment
unexplored. Who knows about aconite? and echo answers who?
What was it? The root of monkshood. Aconite was one form, and
aconitia was the active principle of that form: and up to the present
moment, with the exception of one reported case, there was not a
single authority on the subject.” Pursuing this subject, he said:—
“The first medical witness called was Dr. Berry, who on the night
of December 3rd was visiting at Blenheim House, where he saw the
voluntarily. I came from Paris on purpose.’ I said, ‘Certainly.’”
On searching the box which he had left at Euston Station
among various articles, chiefly of plate, a medical memorandum
book was found, from which the Solicitor-General read an extract
on the “effects of acrid vegetable poisons,” and then closed the case
for the prosecution.
Mr. Montagu Williams, having previously had the letter read
from the Home Office, refusing to allow an independent analysis of
the contents of the body on the part of the prisoner, then
commenced.
THE DEFENCE.
Of the speech for the defence, which lasted the greater part of
two days, and dealt with the case with extreme minuteness, it will
be sufficient to give a summary, especially as its leading points
were remarked upon so fully in the charge of the learned Judge.
On the question whether the death of the boy was from poison,
Mr. Montagu Williams, necessarily laid great stress on the admitted
inability of the scientific witnesses to rely on any other test than
that of taste. “Scientifically,” he said, “it was a leap in the dark, and
they had to traverse a region of science up to the present moment
unexplored. Who knows about aconite? and echo answers who?
What was it? The root of monkshood. Aconite was one form, and
aconitia was the active principle of that form: and up to the present
moment, with the exception of one reported case, there was not a
single authority on the subject.” Pursuing this subject, he said:—
“The first medical witness called was Dr. Berry, who on the night
of December 3rd was visiting at Blenheim House, where he saw the
Page 628
poor boy until his death, and observed all the symptoms under
which the unfortunate lad suffered. What were they? The lad told
him that he was suffering from heartburn, and where was the
symptom of heartburn in the administration of aconite in the
evidence of the experts that had been brought before them? What
medical gentleman had said that heartburn was a sign of aconitia
poisoning? The poor lad was found vomiting, and Dr. Berry and
another medical man, Dr. Little, treated him for irritation of the
stomach. Neither of them treated him for, or thought of, poisoning.
The boy was taken from the bath-room, where he was found, to the
bed from which he never rose, and from first to last all the
symptoms were those of irritation of the stomach. From nine
o’clock to past eleven no attempt was made to use the stomach
pump; and if the medical gentlemen thought poison had been taken,
they never used anything to relieve him, or what might have saved
him. If poison was in the minds of these medical men, why did they
not treat him for such? It was clear, therefore, there was no thought
of poison; and Dr. Berry admitted in evidence that it never occurred
to him that it was so until the post-mortem examination. He said he
then thought the death was from alkaloid poisoning. It was the duty
of him (Mr. Williams) to cross-examine him on vegetable alkaloids.
What was his knowledge? His knowledge was a blank, and he
admitted he knew nothing of vegetable alkaloids. Therefore, the first
expert witness called for the prosecution—who had, moreover, the
benefit of seeing the symptoms in life—broke down altogether. It
was his case that the theories of the prosecution were of the most
speculative character. Dr. Little differed somewhat, and said, ‘We
came to the conclusion that the boy was dying from a vegetable
poison an hour before his death,’ while Dr. Berry said it was not
until the post-mortem examination that they thought anything of the
sort. Dr. Little says he read about vegetable alkaloids in his student
days. Both those gentlemen, who give the opinion that death
resulted from vegetable alkaloids, knew nothing whatever about the
subject. Then they had Mr. Bond, a gentleman of great scientific
attainments, well known in these courts, who gave the results of the
post-mortem examination, and he (the learned counsel) thought it
which the unfortunate lad suffered. What were they? The lad told
him that he was suffering from heartburn, and where was the
symptom of heartburn in the administration of aconite in the
evidence of the experts that had been brought before them? What
medical gentleman had said that heartburn was a sign of aconitia
poisoning? The poor lad was found vomiting, and Dr. Berry and
another medical man, Dr. Little, treated him for irritation of the
stomach. Neither of them treated him for, or thought of, poisoning.
The boy was taken from the bath-room, where he was found, to the
bed from which he never rose, and from first to last all the
symptoms were those of irritation of the stomach. From nine
o’clock to past eleven no attempt was made to use the stomach
pump; and if the medical gentlemen thought poison had been taken,
they never used anything to relieve him, or what might have saved
him. If poison was in the minds of these medical men, why did they
not treat him for such? It was clear, therefore, there was no thought
of poison; and Dr. Berry admitted in evidence that it never occurred
to him that it was so until the post-mortem examination. He said he
then thought the death was from alkaloid poisoning. It was the duty
of him (Mr. Williams) to cross-examine him on vegetable alkaloids.
What was his knowledge? His knowledge was a blank, and he
admitted he knew nothing of vegetable alkaloids. Therefore, the first
expert witness called for the prosecution—who had, moreover, the
benefit of seeing the symptoms in life—broke down altogether. It
was his case that the theories of the prosecution were of the most
speculative character. Dr. Little differed somewhat, and said, ‘We
came to the conclusion that the boy was dying from a vegetable
poison an hour before his death,’ while Dr. Berry said it was not
until the post-mortem examination that they thought anything of the
sort. Dr. Little says he read about vegetable alkaloids in his student
days. Both those gentlemen, who give the opinion that death
resulted from vegetable alkaloids, knew nothing whatever about the
subject. Then they had Mr. Bond, a gentleman of great scientific
attainments, well known in these courts, who gave the results of the
post-mortem examination, and he (the learned counsel) thought it
Page 629
would not be straining the imagination too much to say that that
gentleman gave the first idea of poisoning in the matter. Mr. Bond
said he came to the conclusion that death resulted from a vegetable
alkaloid, and again the same line of questions and answers followed.
Mr. Bond admitted he had never known a case of such poisoning.
And so the jury were asked to form a verdict on the evidence of two
persons who had seen the symptoms of the deceased in life, and
were entirely ignorant of the signs of vegetable alkaloid poisoning,
and of Mr. Bond, who was not present, and who admitted he was
also ignorant upon the subject. They were asked to give a verdict on
which an existence hung, and to say they had no doubt whatever
that aconitia was in the body. He could only say up to that time there
was not one single piece of evidence that the boy died by aconitia
poisoning.”
Passing thence to the evidence of Doctors Stevenson and
Dupré, whose tests, the former said, “rested on his taste, on the
effects of the solutions on the mice and his reading,” he called the
attention of the jury to Dr. Stevenson’s admission that the results of
most of these tests were consistent with other causes, though
consistent with aconitia, and ridiculed the effects on the mice as
confirmatory tests, quoting the remarks of Lord Coleridge that tests
upon animals were always found to be most unreliable, and of
Professor Tidy, “that although useful at arriving at results, they
sometimes failed, and were not reliable.” “If they used their
common sense they must see that that must be so. So delicate was
the constitution of a mouse that one of those experimented on had
died because the injecting needle had been stuck in a quarter of an
inch too far. Mice would sometimes die from fright, and also from
the injection of water, and yet because these mice spoken of died in
five minutes they were asked to say that they died of aconitia
poisoning.” As to the test of taste, Dr. Stevenson had admitted “that
it was like some other alkaloids, and not like others.” The question
gentleman gave the first idea of poisoning in the matter. Mr. Bond
said he came to the conclusion that death resulted from a vegetable
alkaloid, and again the same line of questions and answers followed.
Mr. Bond admitted he had never known a case of such poisoning.
And so the jury were asked to form a verdict on the evidence of two
persons who had seen the symptoms of the deceased in life, and
were entirely ignorant of the signs of vegetable alkaloid poisoning,
and of Mr. Bond, who was not present, and who admitted he was
also ignorant upon the subject. They were asked to give a verdict on
which an existence hung, and to say they had no doubt whatever
that aconitia was in the body. He could only say up to that time there
was not one single piece of evidence that the boy died by aconitia
poisoning.”
Passing thence to the evidence of Doctors Stevenson and
Dupré, whose tests, the former said, “rested on his taste, on the
effects of the solutions on the mice and his reading,” he called the
attention of the jury to Dr. Stevenson’s admission that the results of
most of these tests were consistent with other causes, though
consistent with aconitia, and ridiculed the effects on the mice as
confirmatory tests, quoting the remarks of Lord Coleridge that tests
upon animals were always found to be most unreliable, and of
Professor Tidy, “that although useful at arriving at results, they
sometimes failed, and were not reliable.” “If they used their
common sense they must see that that must be so. So delicate was
the constitution of a mouse that one of those experimented on had
died because the injecting needle had been stuck in a quarter of an
inch too far. Mice would sometimes die from fright, and also from
the injection of water, and yet because these mice spoken of died in
five minutes they were asked to say that they died of aconitia
poisoning.” As to the test of taste, Dr. Stevenson had admitted “that
it was like some other alkaloids, and not like others.” The question
Page 630
of the production of cadaveric alkaloids was still sub judice. He
was prevented, by the refusal of the Home Office, to allow experts
on the prisoner’s behalf to be present at the analytical examination,
from calling scientific witnesses to rebut—“an act that was trifling
with life—a beautiful bit of red-tapeism; and, if it was contrary to
all practice, the sooner it was done away with the better.”
On the second point, whether if aconitia was given, it was given
by the prisoner, Mr. Montagu Williams, after alluding to the way in
which his admitted poverty had been pressed against the prisoner,
called the attention of the jury to the facilities the prisoner would
have had of poisoning his brother-in-law during the boy’s visit at
his house in the summer, or his projected visit at Christmas; to the
fact that the supposed attempt was made in the full light of gas, and
in the presence of both the master and the victim; that there was no
proof that he had brought a capsule ready charged with poison, and
that he must have manipulated one before their eyes, and that it was
not by his request that powdered white sugar was brought. “What
was there to prevent lump sugar being brought?” As to the pills
found with the capsules,
“Where did they come from? No pills were given to the boy by
the prisoner, for Mr. Bedbrook was present the whole time and no
mention was made of pills. Where was the boy all the afternoon? In
the room downstairs, and able to move about, though this was
studiously concealed by everyone from Blenheim House. In this
room was the box in which two pills were afterwards found, one of
which was charged with aconitia. Were there other pills in that box?
It was known that Percy John kept medicine unknown to everyone
in the establishment, although it was against the rules of the school;
it being the duty of the master to administer all medicine. The poor
fellow was called ‘the swell pill taker,’ and what was more likely
than that, with the fascination of the new capsules before him, he
should have taken a pill for the heartburn from which he was
was prevented, by the refusal of the Home Office, to allow experts
on the prisoner’s behalf to be present at the analytical examination,
from calling scientific witnesses to rebut—“an act that was trifling
with life—a beautiful bit of red-tapeism; and, if it was contrary to
all practice, the sooner it was done away with the better.”
On the second point, whether if aconitia was given, it was given
by the prisoner, Mr. Montagu Williams, after alluding to the way in
which his admitted poverty had been pressed against the prisoner,
called the attention of the jury to the facilities the prisoner would
have had of poisoning his brother-in-law during the boy’s visit at
his house in the summer, or his projected visit at Christmas; to the
fact that the supposed attempt was made in the full light of gas, and
in the presence of both the master and the victim; that there was no
proof that he had brought a capsule ready charged with poison, and
that he must have manipulated one before their eyes, and that it was
not by his request that powdered white sugar was brought. “What
was there to prevent lump sugar being brought?” As to the pills
found with the capsules,
“Where did they come from? No pills were given to the boy by
the prisoner, for Mr. Bedbrook was present the whole time and no
mention was made of pills. Where was the boy all the afternoon? In
the room downstairs, and able to move about, though this was
studiously concealed by everyone from Blenheim House. In this
room was the box in which two pills were afterwards found, one of
which was charged with aconitia. Were there other pills in that box?
It was known that Percy John kept medicine unknown to everyone
in the establishment, although it was against the rules of the school;
it being the duty of the master to administer all medicine. The poor
fellow was called ‘the swell pill taker,’ and what was more likely
than that, with the fascination of the new capsules before him, he
should have taken a pill for the heartburn from which he was
Page 631
suffering. Did he do so? It was suggested that these pills were some
sent by the prisoner, but Mr. Bedbrook had exploded that idea. He
swore that he thought he had destroyed those referred to, but at any
rate he had never given them back to the prisoner. Now did these
four or five pills, found on the table, come from the box? Was there
any evidence to show that the boy did not carry pills in his pocket,
and took one in consequence of the heartburn? What did the
prosecution mean? Did they mean to say that there was a pill hidden
in the capsule? If the boy had thought of such a thing, would he not
have asked Mr. Bedbrook or Banbury whether they felt in a similar
state? The boy was in the possession of all his faculties when
questioned, but he did not say one word about the capsules.”
Mr. Montagu Williams then alluded to the admission of Mr.
Whalley that poisons were occasionally left in the house after the
chemical lectures, and to the probability that so large a dose of
aconitia as was assumed to have been given would have acted
sooner, as Dr. Stevenson admitted that 1/21 of a grain might kill, and
1
/13 would certainly have a fatal effect. As for the medical note-
book found in the prisoner’s possession, he reminded the jury of
Lord Campbell’s opinion in Palmer’s case that nothing was more
natural for a professional man, and added, “It had no more bearing
on the case than if ‘Russell on Crimes’ had been found in his own
possession, on a charge of murder.”
On the proof of the purchase of aconitia at Allen’s, he begged
them to note, that on the 5th of December the police commenced
their enquiries, on the 6th the assistants at Allen’s communicated
with them, saying that the prisoner had purchased atropia, and that
it was not until after that that they changed their opinion and were
convinced that it was aconitia. It was true that no entry of 3d. was
found in the cash book, but there was one of 8d., and one of the
chemists had deposed that the wholesale price of atropia, to a
medical man, was 4d. a grain. But even if it was aconitia that the
sent by the prisoner, but Mr. Bedbrook had exploded that idea. He
swore that he thought he had destroyed those referred to, but at any
rate he had never given them back to the prisoner. Now did these
four or five pills, found on the table, come from the box? Was there
any evidence to show that the boy did not carry pills in his pocket,
and took one in consequence of the heartburn? What did the
prosecution mean? Did they mean to say that there was a pill hidden
in the capsule? If the boy had thought of such a thing, would he not
have asked Mr. Bedbrook or Banbury whether they felt in a similar
state? The boy was in the possession of all his faculties when
questioned, but he did not say one word about the capsules.”
Mr. Montagu Williams then alluded to the admission of Mr.
Whalley that poisons were occasionally left in the house after the
chemical lectures, and to the probability that so large a dose of
aconitia as was assumed to have been given would have acted
sooner, as Dr. Stevenson admitted that 1/21 of a grain might kill, and
1
/13 would certainly have a fatal effect. As for the medical note-
book found in the prisoner’s possession, he reminded the jury of
Lord Campbell’s opinion in Palmer’s case that nothing was more
natural for a professional man, and added, “It had no more bearing
on the case than if ‘Russell on Crimes’ had been found in his own
possession, on a charge of murder.”
On the proof of the purchase of aconitia at Allen’s, he begged
them to note, that on the 5th of December the police commenced
their enquiries, on the 6th the assistants at Allen’s communicated
with them, saying that the prisoner had purchased atropia, and that
it was not until after that that they changed their opinion and were
convinced that it was aconitia. It was true that no entry of 3d. was
found in the cash book, but there was one of 8d., and one of the
chemists had deposed that the wholesale price of atropia, to a
medical man, was 4d. a grain. But even if it was aconitia that the
Page 632
prisoner then purchased, it was only natural for him so to do, as he
was suffering from rheumatism, of which it was a cure. Again,
though they knew where the larger quinine powders, which were
not poisoned, came from, it had not been proved whence the
smaller came, which it was the duty of the prosecution to have
done. “Oddly enough, they were tied up with a piece of string, a
most unusual thing coming from a chemist’s shop. They had traced
twelve quinine powders, but they had failed to trace the pills sent
from America which Mr. Bedbrook swore were not given back to
the deceased. He, Mr. Williams, could not say where the smaller
powders came from, nor where the pills came from. The burden
was not on him to do so, but on the prosecution.”
Turning then to the evidence of the visit to the boy at Shanklin,
Mr. Williams said he would deal with that important episode most
successfully.
“Albert Smith,” he said, “proved that on the 28th of August he
sold to prisoner three grains of atropia and one grain of aconitia,
charging 4d. per grain for the first and 1s. 6d. per grain for the last
named. The suggestion on the part of the prosecution was that in the
month of August the assassin was at work and an attempt was made
on the life of the lad. In his judgment he would make that melt into
the thinnest of thin air. The 28th of August was a Sunday, and on the
previous day Mr. and Mrs. Chapman and the boy arrived. At that
time there were four persons of the name of Lamson residing at the
Isle of Wight—namely, the prisoner’s father and mother, and
himself and his wife. On the 27th of August they met the boy at the
station, and went to Mrs. Jolliffe’s lodgings, and here again there
appeared a kindness and solicitude for the deceased. The 28th was
Sunday, and it was said that he bought aconitia on that day, and that
he was present on the 29th, and in order to prove it it was said that a
parcel was left at the station in the name of Lamson, when there
were four persons on the island named Lamson. It was further said
that the deceased suffered from illness after taking something given
was suffering from rheumatism, of which it was a cure. Again,
though they knew where the larger quinine powders, which were
not poisoned, came from, it had not been proved whence the
smaller came, which it was the duty of the prosecution to have
done. “Oddly enough, they were tied up with a piece of string, a
most unusual thing coming from a chemist’s shop. They had traced
twelve quinine powders, but they had failed to trace the pills sent
from America which Mr. Bedbrook swore were not given back to
the deceased. He, Mr. Williams, could not say where the smaller
powders came from, nor where the pills came from. The burden
was not on him to do so, but on the prosecution.”
Turning then to the evidence of the visit to the boy at Shanklin,
Mr. Williams said he would deal with that important episode most
successfully.
“Albert Smith,” he said, “proved that on the 28th of August he
sold to prisoner three grains of atropia and one grain of aconitia,
charging 4d. per grain for the first and 1s. 6d. per grain for the last
named. The suggestion on the part of the prosecution was that in the
month of August the assassin was at work and an attempt was made
on the life of the lad. In his judgment he would make that melt into
the thinnest of thin air. The 28th of August was a Sunday, and on the
previous day Mr. and Mrs. Chapman and the boy arrived. At that
time there were four persons of the name of Lamson residing at the
Isle of Wight—namely, the prisoner’s father and mother, and
himself and his wife. On the 27th of August they met the boy at the
station, and went to Mrs. Jolliffe’s lodgings, and here again there
appeared a kindness and solicitude for the deceased. The 28th was
Sunday, and it was said that he bought aconitia on that day, and that
he was present on the 29th, and in order to prove it it was said that a
parcel was left at the station in the name of Lamson, when there
were four persons on the island named Lamson. It was further said
that the deceased suffered from illness after taking something given
Page 633
to him by the prisoner, and from that they assumed it was aconitia
bought at the shop of Mr. Smith that he had taken. The proof was all
the other way, as the symptoms upon which the prosecution relied
all through the case were not those which could be assigned to
aconitia, while he recovered within a few hours. Beyond that, it was
shown that he suffered from indigestion, especially by the fact that
although he dined at one o’clock on the day of his death, undigested
food was found in the vomit at nine o’clock at night. The prisoner
purchased the atropia and aconitia on the 28th of August, he was to
leave for America on the 30th. This mixture was the very thing he
would have taken, and the very time he would have bought it for the
purpose of going on the voyage. The dates exactly suited.”
Counsel’s explanation of the story told by the prisoner to the
witness Tulloch was ingenious.
“The prisoner did not deny that he went down to Wimbledon on
December 2 with Tulloch, but if he contemplated assassination then
would he have been likely to have taken Tulloch with him? That
was an observation worthy of some note. He would try and imagine
a state of things to have existed, which was not impossible but more
than probable. It was admitted that upon the 2nd of December the
boy had been passing an examination. It was also admitted the first
thing the prisoner was greeted with on the 3rd was, ‘I am glad you
did not come yesterday.’ When he went down on the 2nd what was
more likely than that he met some one, perhaps one of the boys, for
it was a holiday, who told him it was an examination day, and he
therefore postponed his visit until the next day? All the importance
of this visit depended on the evidence of a man who had altered his
evidence as originally given, and who, it was suggested, was on that
night the worse for liquor.”
With the remarks that the flight of the prisoner to Paris, where
he could have been arrested, and his return to England and
surrender to the police, were not the acts of a guilty man; that, to
bought at the shop of Mr. Smith that he had taken. The proof was all
the other way, as the symptoms upon which the prosecution relied
all through the case were not those which could be assigned to
aconitia, while he recovered within a few hours. Beyond that, it was
shown that he suffered from indigestion, especially by the fact that
although he dined at one o’clock on the day of his death, undigested
food was found in the vomit at nine o’clock at night. The prisoner
purchased the atropia and aconitia on the 28th of August, he was to
leave for America on the 30th. This mixture was the very thing he
would have taken, and the very time he would have bought it for the
purpose of going on the voyage. The dates exactly suited.”
Counsel’s explanation of the story told by the prisoner to the
witness Tulloch was ingenious.
“The prisoner did not deny that he went down to Wimbledon on
December 2 with Tulloch, but if he contemplated assassination then
would he have been likely to have taken Tulloch with him? That
was an observation worthy of some note. He would try and imagine
a state of things to have existed, which was not impossible but more
than probable. It was admitted that upon the 2nd of December the
boy had been passing an examination. It was also admitted the first
thing the prisoner was greeted with on the 3rd was, ‘I am glad you
did not come yesterday.’ When he went down on the 2nd what was
more likely than that he met some one, perhaps one of the boys, for
it was a holiday, who told him it was an examination day, and he
therefore postponed his visit until the next day? All the importance
of this visit depended on the evidence of a man who had altered his
evidence as originally given, and who, it was suggested, was on that
night the worse for liquor.”
With the remarks that the flight of the prisoner to Paris, where
he could have been arrested, and his return to England and
surrender to the police, were not the acts of a guilty man; that, to
Page 634
obtain the pecuniary gain from the boy’s death, the prisoner must
have applied to the Court of Chancery, and if there had been
suspicion of foul play would find, instead of receiving £1,500, the
hangman’s halter round his neck, and a fervid appeal on behalf of
the wife who had stood by him in Court, and his young child, Mr.
Montagu Williams concluded his minute and able survey of the
case against his client.
THE REPLY.
The Solicitor-General, in his comparatively brief reply, directed
the attention of the jury to the following points. He admitted that,
in this case, they had to traverse a branch of science but little
known, that little was known of aconitia, and everything
speculation. He urged, however, that “that argument, whilst fair,
might be pressed too far, as then a man desirous of taking life had
only to use some poison but little known, and then to ask that he
should not be rendered liable for the results of his crime. They
found, no doubt, from time to time, fresh materials used for the
commission of crime. If a man from his knowledge used a poison
little known and little used, still science, with unerring precision,
and working as fast as him, could bring the crime to light.” The
idea of death from natural causes had apparently been abandoned
by the prisoner’s counsel, so that it was impossible to doubt that it
was due to poison, and what that poison was must rest on the
evidence of the scientific witnesses, “the first in their profession, of
the highest skill, not called in to prop up any theory, but to frame
an independent opinion. The presence of a third party would not
have been likely to assist the analysis, while on the other hand it
might have led to difficulty, and even mistake.” He disputed the
correctness of the quotation from Dr. Tidy. What he really did say,
have applied to the Court of Chancery, and if there had been
suspicion of foul play would find, instead of receiving £1,500, the
hangman’s halter round his neck, and a fervid appeal on behalf of
the wife who had stood by him in Court, and his young child, Mr.
Montagu Williams concluded his minute and able survey of the
case against his client.
THE REPLY.
The Solicitor-General, in his comparatively brief reply, directed
the attention of the jury to the following points. He admitted that,
in this case, they had to traverse a branch of science but little
known, that little was known of aconitia, and everything
speculation. He urged, however, that “that argument, whilst fair,
might be pressed too far, as then a man desirous of taking life had
only to use some poison but little known, and then to ask that he
should not be rendered liable for the results of his crime. They
found, no doubt, from time to time, fresh materials used for the
commission of crime. If a man from his knowledge used a poison
little known and little used, still science, with unerring precision,
and working as fast as him, could bring the crime to light.” The
idea of death from natural causes had apparently been abandoned
by the prisoner’s counsel, so that it was impossible to doubt that it
was due to poison, and what that poison was must rest on the
evidence of the scientific witnesses, “the first in their profession, of
the highest skill, not called in to prop up any theory, but to frame
an independent opinion. The presence of a third party would not
have been likely to assist the analysis, while on the other hand it
might have led to difficulty, and even mistake.” He disputed the
correctness of the quotation from Dr. Tidy. What he really did say,
Page 635
was, “Experiments on animals may furnish us with much useful
information in cases of suspected poisoning, but their value must
not be over-estimated.” In this case they were only used to
strengthen the evidence from taste. “The two tests must be used
together. It was their combined force that drove home to the mind
the conviction that Dr. Stevenson was right when he said that what
he found in the body was aconitia, and nothing but aconitia.” “As
to the cadaveric alkaloids, they had in evidence that they were only
produced along with putrefaction, and that their results on animals
were totally different from those of the extracts from the boy’s
body. Would they not say that Dr. Stevenson’s experiments had
been conducted in every way to exclude error, and must they not,
looking at the whole of the scientific evidence, accept his
judgment?”
As to the possibility of the boy himself obtaining this poison, it
was fenced round with such safeguards that not even a medical
man, unless personally known, could obtain it without a record
being kept. His story about the visit to Wimbledon was pure
invention, and the explanation of it by counsel ingenious, and no
more. Falsehood seemed to have been uttered by him at every turn.
The taking Mr. Tulloch with him was a mere blind: his return and
surrender intended to divert suspicion. Had he remained in France
he must have been arrested, and, if he had no money, he was
compelled to return to England.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
In his charge to the jury, after pointing out that the two points to
which they had to direct their attention were whether the boy died
from poison or a natural disease, and if by poison, whether it was
administered to him by the prisoner, Sir Henry Hawkins alluded to
information in cases of suspected poisoning, but their value must
not be over-estimated.” In this case they were only used to
strengthen the evidence from taste. “The two tests must be used
together. It was their combined force that drove home to the mind
the conviction that Dr. Stevenson was right when he said that what
he found in the body was aconitia, and nothing but aconitia.” “As
to the cadaveric alkaloids, they had in evidence that they were only
produced along with putrefaction, and that their results on animals
were totally different from those of the extracts from the boy’s
body. Would they not say that Dr. Stevenson’s experiments had
been conducted in every way to exclude error, and must they not,
looking at the whole of the scientific evidence, accept his
judgment?”
As to the possibility of the boy himself obtaining this poison, it
was fenced round with such safeguards that not even a medical
man, unless personally known, could obtain it without a record
being kept. His story about the visit to Wimbledon was pure
invention, and the explanation of it by counsel ingenious, and no
more. Falsehood seemed to have been uttered by him at every turn.
The taking Mr. Tulloch with him was a mere blind: his return and
surrender intended to divert suspicion. Had he remained in France
he must have been arrested, and, if he had no money, he was
compelled to return to England.
THE JUDGE’S CHARGE.
In his charge to the jury, after pointing out that the two points to
which they had to direct their attention were whether the boy died
from poison or a natural disease, and if by poison, whether it was
administered to him by the prisoner, Sir Henry Hawkins alluded to
Page 636
the alleged motive—the prospect of an accession of fortune at the
time when the prisoner was in great pecuniary difficulties—and the
fact that until the day of his death the deceased, though a cripple,
was free from any mortal disease. Then, after referring to the
details of the prisoner’s visit to the boy on the 3rd of December, the
judge made the following remarks on the results of the chemical
analysis, and the comments of Mr. Williams on them:—
“The presence of morphia was, he said, accounted for, as it had
been injected beneath the skin for the purpose of allaying the pain.
With regard to the dark fluid in the stomach, it contained, according
to the evidence of Dr. Stevenson, traces of food, an apple, and a
raisin, and from it an alkaloidal extract was obtained; on applying
which to the tongue a slight taste of aconitia was produced. The
sensation extended to the lip, although the extract did not touch it.
The sensation was a burning, tingling, numbing one difficult to
define. Salivation and a desire to expectorate were produced—there
was a sensation at the back of the throat, a swelling up: this was
followed by a peculiar seared sensation of the tongue, as though a
hot iron had been passed over it or strong caustic. Experiments were
made with extracts from the liver, spleen, and kidneys, from the
dark fluid, and from the stomach itself, and within nine minutes
mice showed symptoms of poisoning, and died in about twenty-two
minutes afterwards. The same sensation, in fact, was produced on
the mice as had been produced on his own tongue previously. In the
urine there was a taste of aconitia, which brought on a sickening and
a burning sensation. Mr. Montagu Williams had said that the
experiments upon mice were hardly a test as to what the effect of
the extract would be upon human beings. Granted; but they were
about the only tests that could properly be made, and they proved
the presence of aconitia. The drug, Dr. Stevenson said, produced a
sensation to the tongue and throat which was unmistakable, and its
property of killing was proved by its test upon the mice. Could they
believe Dr. Stevenson mistaken about that, it was asked—were there
not other vegetable alkaloids? There were; and Dr. Stevenson said
time when the prisoner was in great pecuniary difficulties—and the
fact that until the day of his death the deceased, though a cripple,
was free from any mortal disease. Then, after referring to the
details of the prisoner’s visit to the boy on the 3rd of December, the
judge made the following remarks on the results of the chemical
analysis, and the comments of Mr. Williams on them:—
“The presence of morphia was, he said, accounted for, as it had
been injected beneath the skin for the purpose of allaying the pain.
With regard to the dark fluid in the stomach, it contained, according
to the evidence of Dr. Stevenson, traces of food, an apple, and a
raisin, and from it an alkaloidal extract was obtained; on applying
which to the tongue a slight taste of aconitia was produced. The
sensation extended to the lip, although the extract did not touch it.
The sensation was a burning, tingling, numbing one difficult to
define. Salivation and a desire to expectorate were produced—there
was a sensation at the back of the throat, a swelling up: this was
followed by a peculiar seared sensation of the tongue, as though a
hot iron had been passed over it or strong caustic. Experiments were
made with extracts from the liver, spleen, and kidneys, from the
dark fluid, and from the stomach itself, and within nine minutes
mice showed symptoms of poisoning, and died in about twenty-two
minutes afterwards. The same sensation, in fact, was produced on
the mice as had been produced on his own tongue previously. In the
urine there was a taste of aconitia, which brought on a sickening and
a burning sensation. Mr. Montagu Williams had said that the
experiments upon mice were hardly a test as to what the effect of
the extract would be upon human beings. Granted; but they were
about the only tests that could properly be made, and they proved
the presence of aconitia. The drug, Dr. Stevenson said, produced a
sensation to the tongue and throat which was unmistakable, and its
property of killing was proved by its test upon the mice. Could they
believe Dr. Stevenson mistaken about that, it was asked—were there
not other vegetable alkaloids? There were; and Dr. Stevenson said
Page 637
they all had peculiar tastes which differed from that of aconitia. He
further said that, having made himself acquainted with between 50
and 80 vegetable alkaloids, aconitia differed in taste from any of
them. The learned Judge proceeded to read the evidence given by
Dr. Stevenson as to the action of the extract and of prepared aconitia
on the mice. Dr. Stevenson had minutely examined the vomit to
endeavour to trace some of the fibre of monkshood from which
aconite was extracted, and which, as was known, had sometimes
been mistaken for horse radish, but not a particle could he find. But
he obtained all the symptoms of aconitia upon his tongue, and death
resulted in 15½ minutes when a small quantity was injected into the
back of a mouse. He gave it as his opinion that 1-13th of a grain was
sufficient to kill, and that he found enough aconitia in the stomach
to cause the death of two persons. Dr. Stevenson had been submitted
to a severe cross-examination, and it would be for the jury to say
whether they believed that he had really found aconitia. Mr.
Williams had said they were embarking in a new region in aconitia
poisoning. It might be they were not very learned in it, though they
would doubtless advance as fresh experiments were made and fresh
tests applied. At present it was true there was no chemical test. That
was admitted. Mr. Williams, in the course of his cross-examination,
had spoken of phosphoric acid, but Dr. Stevenson said that only
applied to foreign aconitia, and not to Morson’s English preparation.
They had before them the explanation of Dr. Stevenson. It stood for
what it was worth, and it was for them to say if he was correct, after
the experiments he had made, in saying that he had found aconitia.
Dr. Stevenson had explained the only tests, physiological and
otherwise, to trace aconitia, and had formed his opinion that death
arose from that substance. With reference to cadaveric alkaloids, Dr.
Stevenson did not admit that poisonous cadaveric alkaloids were to
be found in the human body. He did not dispute there were
cadaveric alkaloids, but he disputed their being poisonous. He did
not say they were not so; it was still an open question. The result of
the 22 experiments he had made by tasting cadaveric alkaloids
never gave him any taste like aconitia, and in only one case did
death ensue to a mouse experimented upon, which was where the
further said that, having made himself acquainted with between 50
and 80 vegetable alkaloids, aconitia differed in taste from any of
them. The learned Judge proceeded to read the evidence given by
Dr. Stevenson as to the action of the extract and of prepared aconitia
on the mice. Dr. Stevenson had minutely examined the vomit to
endeavour to trace some of the fibre of monkshood from which
aconite was extracted, and which, as was known, had sometimes
been mistaken for horse radish, but not a particle could he find. But
he obtained all the symptoms of aconitia upon his tongue, and death
resulted in 15½ minutes when a small quantity was injected into the
back of a mouse. He gave it as his opinion that 1-13th of a grain was
sufficient to kill, and that he found enough aconitia in the stomach
to cause the death of two persons. Dr. Stevenson had been submitted
to a severe cross-examination, and it would be for the jury to say
whether they believed that he had really found aconitia. Mr.
Williams had said they were embarking in a new region in aconitia
poisoning. It might be they were not very learned in it, though they
would doubtless advance as fresh experiments were made and fresh
tests applied. At present it was true there was no chemical test. That
was admitted. Mr. Williams, in the course of his cross-examination,
had spoken of phosphoric acid, but Dr. Stevenson said that only
applied to foreign aconitia, and not to Morson’s English preparation.
They had before them the explanation of Dr. Stevenson. It stood for
what it was worth, and it was for them to say if he was correct, after
the experiments he had made, in saying that he had found aconitia.
Dr. Stevenson had explained the only tests, physiological and
otherwise, to trace aconitia, and had formed his opinion that death
arose from that substance. With reference to cadaveric alkaloids, Dr.
Stevenson did not admit that poisonous cadaveric alkaloids were to
be found in the human body. He did not dispute there were
cadaveric alkaloids, but he disputed their being poisonous. He did
not say they were not so; it was still an open question. The result of
the 22 experiments he had made by tasting cadaveric alkaloids
never gave him any taste like aconitia, and in only one case did
death ensue to a mouse experimented upon, which was where the
Page 638
little animal’s spine was injured by the needle used for the injection.
Another circumstance spoken to by Dr. Dupré was that no trace of
quinine was found in the vomit, but that might be due to the fact that
a portion of the vomit was thrown away. Upon the testimony as to
the cause of death the prosecution said that there was no possibility
of accounting for death by natural causes, and it was for the jury to
say whether the death was from aconitia.”
Then going through the evidence of the prisoner’s pecuniary
embarrassments, he alluded to the sending of the pills from
America as showing that if he had entertained the design of
poisoning the boy, he had done so long before the fatal act.
“Mischief, it was held, had been concocted long before the lad
died. Prisoner went to America in the early part of 1881, and
returned about the 2nd July, and whilst there, as Mr. Bedbrook had
said, he sent over a box of pills, saying that he had found them to be
useful in the complaint under which the boy suffered. The boy had
one pill given to him, and Mr. Bedbrook believed that as he did not
like it he took the box and threw the remainder away. In the month
of August aconitia was, it was said, administered to the boy whilst at
Shanklin, and that it came from powders contained in a box. These
circumstances did not lead to death, but they indicated, as was
contended, the desire of the prisoner to do mischief to the
unfortunate boy. It was a question certainly whether the pills given
were the same as those which the prisoner sent over from America,
and which Mr. Bedbrook believed he had thrown away. In the
bedroom at Wimbledon was found a box of quinine powders—six
large and fourteen small ones. Eleven of the small ones were of pure
quinine, but three of them were more or less mixed with aconitia.
Dr. Stevenson said that one of the powders—No. 16—contained 1
and eight-tenths of a grain, and that the proportion of quinine to
aconitia in it was as 83 to 96. Dr. Stevenson tested it, and the
sensation upon his tongue lasted three hours. One-fiftieth part of a
grain was tried on a mouse, and it was dead in six minutes and a
Another circumstance spoken to by Dr. Dupré was that no trace of
quinine was found in the vomit, but that might be due to the fact that
a portion of the vomit was thrown away. Upon the testimony as to
the cause of death the prosecution said that there was no possibility
of accounting for death by natural causes, and it was for the jury to
say whether the death was from aconitia.”
Then going through the evidence of the prisoner’s pecuniary
embarrassments, he alluded to the sending of the pills from
America as showing that if he had entertained the design of
poisoning the boy, he had done so long before the fatal act.
“Mischief, it was held, had been concocted long before the lad
died. Prisoner went to America in the early part of 1881, and
returned about the 2nd July, and whilst there, as Mr. Bedbrook had
said, he sent over a box of pills, saying that he had found them to be
useful in the complaint under which the boy suffered. The boy had
one pill given to him, and Mr. Bedbrook believed that as he did not
like it he took the box and threw the remainder away. In the month
of August aconitia was, it was said, administered to the boy whilst at
Shanklin, and that it came from powders contained in a box. These
circumstances did not lead to death, but they indicated, as was
contended, the desire of the prisoner to do mischief to the
unfortunate boy. It was a question certainly whether the pills given
were the same as those which the prisoner sent over from America,
and which Mr. Bedbrook believed he had thrown away. In the
bedroom at Wimbledon was found a box of quinine powders—six
large and fourteen small ones. Eleven of the small ones were of pure
quinine, but three of them were more or less mixed with aconitia.
Dr. Stevenson said that one of the powders—No. 16—contained 1
and eight-tenths of a grain, and that the proportion of quinine to
aconitia in it was as 83 to 96. Dr. Stevenson tested it, and the
sensation upon his tongue lasted three hours. One-fiftieth part of a
grain was tried on a mouse, and it was dead in six minutes and a
Page 639
half afterwards. They would judge how fatal a quantity was in the
powder if they bore in mind what they had been told as to the
fatality of 1-13th part of a grain. In Nos. 17 and 19 there was some
trace of aconitia, but in neither of them anything like the quantity in
No. 16. The box in which those powders were found had been in
common use, and one of the boys had actually taken one of them.
Anybody, of course, might have taken one of the eleven pure
powders, and the lad himself—with the exception of once, at
Shanklin—had never shown any symptoms that might be
considered anything like aconitia poisoning. No doubt three of the
powders did contain aconitia in considerable quantities, and they
had to consider how did the aconitia come into them? Among other
things found in the boy’s box were two pills in a tin pill-box. A tin
pill-box, it was suggested, was sent over from America. Mr.
Williams said that Mr. Bedbrook stated he had destroyed them, but
the fact remained that the box with the two pills—one of which was
poisoned—were found in the play-box. It was true there was no
evidence that the box was the same, but Mr. Bedbrook said it
resembled that which he received from America, but which he said
he thought he had destroyed.”
Mr. Williams.—“Pardon me, my Lord, but Mr. Bedbrook, I
think, never said he destroyed the box; he said he had destroyed the
pills.”
The Judge.—“ I think he said he threw them away.” His
Lordship referred to his notes, and said that Mr. Bedbrook in his
evidence stated that he took the box downstairs, and was under the
impression he threw it away. When he saw the box, however, it
appeared to him exactly like that which came from America, and the
pills were also exactly like them.
Mr. Williams.—“Mr. Bedbrook said he never gave the pills back
to the deceased boy.”
The Judge.—“That is so. He said he was under the impression
he had thrown them away. It was said that the boy could not get
aconitia himself, but though he could not do so the prisoner could.
Next they heard what had occurred at Shanklin in October, 1881.
powder if they bore in mind what they had been told as to the
fatality of 1-13th part of a grain. In Nos. 17 and 19 there was some
trace of aconitia, but in neither of them anything like the quantity in
No. 16. The box in which those powders were found had been in
common use, and one of the boys had actually taken one of them.
Anybody, of course, might have taken one of the eleven pure
powders, and the lad himself—with the exception of once, at
Shanklin—had never shown any symptoms that might be
considered anything like aconitia poisoning. No doubt three of the
powders did contain aconitia in considerable quantities, and they
had to consider how did the aconitia come into them? Among other
things found in the boy’s box were two pills in a tin pill-box. A tin
pill-box, it was suggested, was sent over from America. Mr.
Williams said that Mr. Bedbrook stated he had destroyed them, but
the fact remained that the box with the two pills—one of which was
poisoned—were found in the play-box. It was true there was no
evidence that the box was the same, but Mr. Bedbrook said it
resembled that which he received from America, but which he said
he thought he had destroyed.”
Mr. Williams.—“Pardon me, my Lord, but Mr. Bedbrook, I
think, never said he destroyed the box; he said he had destroyed the
pills.”
The Judge.—“ I think he said he threw them away.” His
Lordship referred to his notes, and said that Mr. Bedbrook in his
evidence stated that he took the box downstairs, and was under the
impression he threw it away. When he saw the box, however, it
appeared to him exactly like that which came from America, and the
pills were also exactly like them.
Mr. Williams.—“Mr. Bedbrook said he never gave the pills back
to the deceased boy.”
The Judge.—“That is so. He said he was under the impression
he had thrown them away. It was said that the boy could not get
aconitia himself, but though he could not do so the prisoner could.
Next they heard what had occurred at Shanklin in October, 1881.
Page 640
The prisoner was going to America, and sailed on the 30th August.
On the 27th of that month Mr. and Mrs. Chapman, with the boy,
went to Shanklin, and found on the platform to meet them the
prisoner and his wife. They had some conversation, and prisoner
promised to call on Monday, 29th, to say ‘Good-bye.’ On the night
of Sunday, the 28th, they had it on the testimony of Mr. Smith, a
chemist, that the prisoner called on him and bought, amongst other
things, three grains of atropia and one grain of aconitia. It was
endeavoured to be shown on the part of the prosecution that he had
called pursuant to his promise on the 29th, and in evidence of that it
was sought to produce the cloak-room book of the railway station.
On the 29th, however, the boy was unquestionably unwell. It was
clear that on the 27th the prisoner saw him, and said he would call
again on the Monday, but there was no direct evidence that he did,
although he bought aconitia on the 28th, which Mr. Williams said
might have been bought with an innocent motive, as the prisoner at
the time was suffering from neuralgia.”
Reviewing then the prisoner’s conduct in London, and the story
invented by him about his pretended visit to the boy on the 2nd of
December, “which,” he said, “did not amount to much, but must be
taken, with the other circumstances of the case, to show that the
prisoner’s word was not to be relied on,” the learned judge then
referred to the incidents of the fatal night. As to the two boxes of
capsules, he continued:—
“The prosecution suggested that these two boxes of capsules
were brought by the prisoner, but they did not suggest there was
poison in any of them. They were clearly innocent capsules, as two
of them did no harm either to Mr. Bedbrook or to the lad Banbury,
each of whom swallowed one. What the prosecution suggested,
however, was that whilst Mr. Bedbrook was examining the capsule
he had taken from the box, the prisoner took another, in which there
was aconitia, from another box, and that over that aconitia he put in
the sugar, and then administered it to the boy. That was the
On the 27th of that month Mr. and Mrs. Chapman, with the boy,
went to Shanklin, and found on the platform to meet them the
prisoner and his wife. They had some conversation, and prisoner
promised to call on Monday, 29th, to say ‘Good-bye.’ On the night
of Sunday, the 28th, they had it on the testimony of Mr. Smith, a
chemist, that the prisoner called on him and bought, amongst other
things, three grains of atropia and one grain of aconitia. It was
endeavoured to be shown on the part of the prosecution that he had
called pursuant to his promise on the 29th, and in evidence of that it
was sought to produce the cloak-room book of the railway station.
On the 29th, however, the boy was unquestionably unwell. It was
clear that on the 27th the prisoner saw him, and said he would call
again on the Monday, but there was no direct evidence that he did,
although he bought aconitia on the 28th, which Mr. Williams said
might have been bought with an innocent motive, as the prisoner at
the time was suffering from neuralgia.”
Reviewing then the prisoner’s conduct in London, and the story
invented by him about his pretended visit to the boy on the 2nd of
December, “which,” he said, “did not amount to much, but must be
taken, with the other circumstances of the case, to show that the
prisoner’s word was not to be relied on,” the learned judge then
referred to the incidents of the fatal night. As to the two boxes of
capsules, he continued:—
“The prosecution suggested that these two boxes of capsules
were brought by the prisoner, but they did not suggest there was
poison in any of them. They were clearly innocent capsules, as two
of them did no harm either to Mr. Bedbrook or to the lad Banbury,
each of whom swallowed one. What the prosecution suggested,
however, was that whilst Mr. Bedbrook was examining the capsule
he had taken from the box, the prisoner took another, in which there
was aconitia, from another box, and that over that aconitia he put in
the sugar, and then administered it to the boy. That was the
Page 641
suggestion made. They asked for those facts to be put together—the
boy was in as good health as he ordinarily was, in as good spirits as
usual, having neither eaten nor partaken of anything in which there
was a suggestion of poison during the day, and yet within half-an-
hour, or less, of seeing the prisoner and swallowing the capsule he
was taken ill. The cake, the sweets, and the capsule were all three
given him by the prisoner, and within a short time he showed the
first symptoms described, viz., heartburn, which was followed
rapidly by painful sensations, and the contraction of the throat,
retching, vomiting, agony, and raving to the time of death. On these
facts the prosecution asked them to come to the conclusion that he
not only died by aconitia, but by aconitia administered to him by the
prisoner, it being clear that no other person administered anything to
him during the prisoner’s visit. The prosecution contended farther
that they had shown the prisoner to be possessed of aconitia, upon
the evidence of two purchases of aconitia by him, one from the
chemist at Ventnor on the 28th August, and the other about the 20th
November at Allen and Hanbury’s, in Plough Court.
Then again placing before the jury the two questions he had
referred to in the opening of his charge, and warning them not to
allow sympathy either for the poor boy or the prisoner to bias their
decision, Sir Henry Hawkins left the case in their hands.
In less than three-quarters of an hour the jury returned a verdict
of “Guilty.” When called upon as usual to say why judgment
should not be passed upon him, the prisoner, standing with arms
folded, in a loud voice, “protested his innocence before God,” and
with very few words, the learned judge pronounced sentence of
death.
EVIDENCE OF LAMSON’S STATE OF MIND.
boy was in as good health as he ordinarily was, in as good spirits as
usual, having neither eaten nor partaken of anything in which there
was a suggestion of poison during the day, and yet within half-an-
hour, or less, of seeing the prisoner and swallowing the capsule he
was taken ill. The cake, the sweets, and the capsule were all three
given him by the prisoner, and within a short time he showed the
first symptoms described, viz., heartburn, which was followed
rapidly by painful sensations, and the contraction of the throat,
retching, vomiting, agony, and raving to the time of death. On these
facts the prosecution asked them to come to the conclusion that he
not only died by aconitia, but by aconitia administered to him by the
prisoner, it being clear that no other person administered anything to
him during the prisoner’s visit. The prosecution contended farther
that they had shown the prisoner to be possessed of aconitia, upon
the evidence of two purchases of aconitia by him, one from the
chemist at Ventnor on the 28th August, and the other about the 20th
November at Allen and Hanbury’s, in Plough Court.
Then again placing before the jury the two questions he had
referred to in the opening of his charge, and warning them not to
allow sympathy either for the poor boy or the prisoner to bias their
decision, Sir Henry Hawkins left the case in their hands.
In less than three-quarters of an hour the jury returned a verdict
of “Guilty.” When called upon as usual to say why judgment
should not be passed upon him, the prisoner, standing with arms
folded, in a loud voice, “protested his innocence before God,” and
with very few words, the learned judge pronounced sentence of
death.
EVIDENCE OF LAMSON’S STATE OF MIND.
Page 642
Within a short time after the conviction of the prisoner, Mr.
Lowell, the American Minister, by the instruction of President
Arthur, requested the Home Secretary to suspend the execution, on
the faith of a statement from the United States Attorney-General
that evidence bearing on the state of mind of the prisoner, was
preparing in America, and would be shortly forwarded to England.
To this novel application Sir William Harcourt acceded, in courtesy
to the applicant. The promised affidavits arrived, and were
considered by the Home Secretary as insufficient. Again a further
application for delay was made, on the promise of further evidence,
and acceded to for the term of a fortnight, with clear notice to
Lamson that if the promised affidavits were not more satisfactory
than the preceding ones, the sentence would be carried out. Such
they proved in the opinion of Sir William Harcourt, and Lamson
was at length executed on the 28th of April.
The proffered evidence not only covered the whole of
Lamson’s life from the days of his medical pupilage at Paris till his
trial, but sought to establish “a marked hereditary tendency to
insanity,” from the fact that his grandmother had been in the New
York Bloomingdale Asylum from the age of seventy-six till her
death four years after, and had been previously suffering from
“senile dementia,” the apparent cause of which was entered in the
Hospital Register as “predisposing;”—that her brother, a sea
captain, at the age of eighty, was in the same asylum, having been
suffering for two years from “dementia,” also entered as
“predisposing;” and that her daughter, a Mrs. McGregor, at the age
of thirty-one, was a patient until her death about three years after—
her mania “puerperal,” and also entered as “predisposing.”[215] No
evidence, however, was offered of the mental condition of any less
remote ancestors.
Lowell, the American Minister, by the instruction of President
Arthur, requested the Home Secretary to suspend the execution, on
the faith of a statement from the United States Attorney-General
that evidence bearing on the state of mind of the prisoner, was
preparing in America, and would be shortly forwarded to England.
To this novel application Sir William Harcourt acceded, in courtesy
to the applicant. The promised affidavits arrived, and were
considered by the Home Secretary as insufficient. Again a further
application for delay was made, on the promise of further evidence,
and acceded to for the term of a fortnight, with clear notice to
Lamson that if the promised affidavits were not more satisfactory
than the preceding ones, the sentence would be carried out. Such
they proved in the opinion of Sir William Harcourt, and Lamson
was at length executed on the 28th of April.
The proffered evidence not only covered the whole of
Lamson’s life from the days of his medical pupilage at Paris till his
trial, but sought to establish “a marked hereditary tendency to
insanity,” from the fact that his grandmother had been in the New
York Bloomingdale Asylum from the age of seventy-six till her
death four years after, and had been previously suffering from
“senile dementia,” the apparent cause of which was entered in the
Hospital Register as “predisposing;”—that her brother, a sea
captain, at the age of eighty, was in the same asylum, having been
suffering for two years from “dementia,” also entered as
“predisposing;” and that her daughter, a Mrs. McGregor, at the age
of thirty-one, was a patient until her death about three years after—
her mania “puerperal,” and also entered as “predisposing.”[215] No
evidence, however, was offered of the mental condition of any less
remote ancestors.
Page 643
As a Medical Student in Paris in 1869-70, Lamson is described
as suffering from cerebral anæmia with a tendency to melancholia,
given to imaginary complaints about the surgical theatre, apt to
take offence, with a passion for chemical experiments of a morbid
character, generally genial in manner, and taciturn of speech. When
employed in the American Ambulance during the siege of Paris in
1870-71, “his behaviour was so wild, erratic, and bad, that his
associate aids were not prepared to say whether it was that of an
idiot or the result of special wickedness—his mind so disordered
that he could not be entrusted to administer medicines, as to the
effects of which he seemed to be utterly destitute of judgment and
common sense—just as likely to give a large and dangerous dose as
a smaller and safe one, no matter how particularly instructed, and
seemed to be utterly reckless of results.”[216]
From this date to the year 1877, no evidence was offered of his
conduct or state of mind. In that year he acted as a surgeon for the
Red Cross Society at Bucharest, in the Servian War. Whilst there
“he exhibited a mania for the administration of aconitia in almost
every case, using it in season and out of season, and in such
quantities as to alarm the medical staff and render his recall to
England necessary. Here, too, he appears to have commenced on
himself the extravagant use of hypodermic injections of morphia,
to which he subsequently became so notoriously addicted, on the
plea that he was in constant pain and misery,” and to have been
constantly under the influence of some anæsthetic. He was also
habitually incoherent and inconsistent in his way of talking,
boasting of adventures in the American Civil War, when he could
have been only twelve years of age. His father, who was with him,
seemed to keep a constant watch over his son, and frequently
expressed his wish that some other surgeon should be associated
with him.[217]
as suffering from cerebral anæmia with a tendency to melancholia,
given to imaginary complaints about the surgical theatre, apt to
take offence, with a passion for chemical experiments of a morbid
character, generally genial in manner, and taciturn of speech. When
employed in the American Ambulance during the siege of Paris in
1870-71, “his behaviour was so wild, erratic, and bad, that his
associate aids were not prepared to say whether it was that of an
idiot or the result of special wickedness—his mind so disordered
that he could not be entrusted to administer medicines, as to the
effects of which he seemed to be utterly destitute of judgment and
common sense—just as likely to give a large and dangerous dose as
a smaller and safe one, no matter how particularly instructed, and
seemed to be utterly reckless of results.”[216]
From this date to the year 1877, no evidence was offered of his
conduct or state of mind. In that year he acted as a surgeon for the
Red Cross Society at Bucharest, in the Servian War. Whilst there
“he exhibited a mania for the administration of aconitia in almost
every case, using it in season and out of season, and in such
quantities as to alarm the medical staff and render his recall to
England necessary. Here, too, he appears to have commenced on
himself the extravagant use of hypodermic injections of morphia,
to which he subsequently became so notoriously addicted, on the
plea that he was in constant pain and misery,” and to have been
constantly under the influence of some anæsthetic. He was also
habitually incoherent and inconsistent in his way of talking,
boasting of adventures in the American Civil War, when he could
have been only twelve years of age. His father, who was with him,
seemed to keep a constant watch over his son, and frequently
expressed his wish that some other surgeon should be associated
with him.[217]
Page 644
In 1879 Lamson purchased a medical practice at Bournemouth,
and during the two years that he remained there, according to the
testimony of friends and servants, behaved in a most erratic and
strange manner. Whilst there his habit of injecting morphia under
his skin increased in a most extraordinary degree, one witness
saying that “he was hardly ever in his company for more than an
hour that he did not use the hypodermic syringe.” When visiting
patients he seemed not to know why he had come, or what he ought
to do, behaving so strangely that his services were eventually
dispensed with. His habit of telling extravagant stories grew rapidly
upon him. His eyes had a fitful and nervous look as if afraid of
phantoms. He seemed to be perpetually trying to look sane, and the
witness (Warren, an artist) who spoke to these symptoms said “he
had frequently seen him walking along quickly, his head hanging
down, when he would stop suddenly, turn back, and branch off in
some other direction, crossing backwards and forwards over the
road without rhyme or reason.” Mr. Radcliffe Hall, of Welbeck-
street, to whom Lamson had made in writing a perfectly baseless
statement about Mrs. Hall’s antecedents, and afterwards could
remember nothing about it, had seen him inject morphia twenty
times a day. His servants thought him mad, and humoured him
accordingly, and the patients who attended at the dispensary which
with another medical man he managed, with only one or two
exceptions, refused to be attended by him.[218]
From April to May, 1881, Lamson was staying at Rouse’s
Point, New York, with the Rev. Irving McElroy, the rector of Christ
Church, during which period his habit of injecting morphia was
continued, and, according to the testimony of the rector and his
wife, Dr. Winston, the Medical Director of the New York Mutual
Life Assurance Company, Dr. Murray, Physician of Rouse’s Point,
Dr. Hall, and others who knew him, it was seriously affecting his
and during the two years that he remained there, according to the
testimony of friends and servants, behaved in a most erratic and
strange manner. Whilst there his habit of injecting morphia under
his skin increased in a most extraordinary degree, one witness
saying that “he was hardly ever in his company for more than an
hour that he did not use the hypodermic syringe.” When visiting
patients he seemed not to know why he had come, or what he ought
to do, behaving so strangely that his services were eventually
dispensed with. His habit of telling extravagant stories grew rapidly
upon him. His eyes had a fitful and nervous look as if afraid of
phantoms. He seemed to be perpetually trying to look sane, and the
witness (Warren, an artist) who spoke to these symptoms said “he
had frequently seen him walking along quickly, his head hanging
down, when he would stop suddenly, turn back, and branch off in
some other direction, crossing backwards and forwards over the
road without rhyme or reason.” Mr. Radcliffe Hall, of Welbeck-
street, to whom Lamson had made in writing a perfectly baseless
statement about Mrs. Hall’s antecedents, and afterwards could
remember nothing about it, had seen him inject morphia twenty
times a day. His servants thought him mad, and humoured him
accordingly, and the patients who attended at the dispensary which
with another medical man he managed, with only one or two
exceptions, refused to be attended by him.[218]
From April to May, 1881, Lamson was staying at Rouse’s
Point, New York, with the Rev. Irving McElroy, the rector of Christ
Church, during which period his habit of injecting morphia was
continued, and, according to the testimony of the rector and his
wife, Dr. Winston, the Medical Director of the New York Mutual
Life Assurance Company, Dr. Murray, Physician of Rouse’s Point,
Dr. Hall, and others who knew him, it was seriously affecting his
Page 645
brain. On one occasion he was found in the public street with no
coat on, and his left arm bared. He had a syringe in one hand, and
with the thumb of the other was pressing down the place where the
injection had been made.[219] At his friend’s house he passed the
greater part of the day on the lounge, either dozing or attempting to
read. He was then using a mixture apparently of morphia and
atropine, but told them he preferred aconitine, but could not
procure it in that section of the county. To one of the witnesses he
admitted that his whole existence depended on the constant use of
morphia. The marks of these repeated injections were detected by
Dr. Williamson of Edinburgh whom Lamson consulted in New
York in October, 1881, who marked the serious change that had
taken place in his health, and urged his discontinuance of this
baneful practice. Dr. Hall considered Lamson “not a perfectly sane
man,” Dr. Winston considered that he “had become a helpless
victim of the habit (of injecting morphia) which had seriously
impaired his mental powers and destroyed his moral
responsibility,” and in Dr. Murray’s opinion “he was utterly
irresponsible for his acts.” It is admitted, however, that at intervals
his conversation was perfectly clear and lucid, and to none of the
medical men appears to have been put the legal test question, “did
he know the difference between right and wrong, at the time
wherein he committed the crime?”[220]
Lastly, we are offered testimony as to the condition of
Lamson’s mind for a few days immediately preceding the fatal
occurrence, and that of his father and wife as to his strange conduct
for some time previous. All, however, that this evidence amounts to
is, that he was so strange and extravagant in his manner and
conduct, that he was spoken of by friends and acquaintance as a
lunatic, that “for a year past his wife’s fears and anxieties had been
greatly and increasingly aroused for the soundness of his mind—
coat on, and his left arm bared. He had a syringe in one hand, and
with the thumb of the other was pressing down the place where the
injection had been made.[219] At his friend’s house he passed the
greater part of the day on the lounge, either dozing or attempting to
read. He was then using a mixture apparently of morphia and
atropine, but told them he preferred aconitine, but could not
procure it in that section of the county. To one of the witnesses he
admitted that his whole existence depended on the constant use of
morphia. The marks of these repeated injections were detected by
Dr. Williamson of Edinburgh whom Lamson consulted in New
York in October, 1881, who marked the serious change that had
taken place in his health, and urged his discontinuance of this
baneful practice. Dr. Hall considered Lamson “not a perfectly sane
man,” Dr. Winston considered that he “had become a helpless
victim of the habit (of injecting morphia) which had seriously
impaired his mental powers and destroyed his moral
responsibility,” and in Dr. Murray’s opinion “he was utterly
irresponsible for his acts.” It is admitted, however, that at intervals
his conversation was perfectly clear and lucid, and to none of the
medical men appears to have been put the legal test question, “did
he know the difference between right and wrong, at the time
wherein he committed the crime?”[220]
Lastly, we are offered testimony as to the condition of
Lamson’s mind for a few days immediately preceding the fatal
occurrence, and that of his father and wife as to his strange conduct
for some time previous. All, however, that this evidence amounts to
is, that he was so strange and extravagant in his manner and
conduct, that he was spoken of by friends and acquaintance as a
lunatic, that “for a year past his wife’s fears and anxieties had been
greatly and increasingly aroused for the soundness of his mind—
Page 646
that his brain, predisposed to weakness, or constitutionally liable to
disturbance, was unsettled by ill-health and trouble, and its disease
aggravated by the use of morphia.” His father spoke to the wild and
fanciful delusions in which his son indulged—the whole being
myths, and believed “that for at least eighteen months he had been
in an unsound state of mind, steadily increasing in its character and
blinding him to the natural and inevitable effects of his acts; and
that the balance of his mind had been quite destroyed.” His
solicitor deposed that “he could obtain no assistance from him in
the preparation of his defence—that he appeared to have no
memory and to be incapable of appreciating the bearing of any of
the facts of his case, or the gravity of his position; that he laboured
under extravagant hallucination, whilst his statements were either
incoherent, inconsistent, or manifestly the creations of a disordered
brain.”
Three medical men of experience speak to the effects almost
certain to be produced by such an habitually excessive use of
morphia or opium, as that of which Dr. Lamson was the victim. Dr.
Coghill, of the Ventnor Consumptive Hospital, and for eight years
municipal medical officer and consulting physician to a general
hospital in China, where he had unusual facilities for becoming
familiar with the effects of opium smoking and eating, has no
hesitation in saying that “anyone in the habit of using opium to
such an extent would be incapable of self-control, and have his
moral senses and powers of judgment deteriorated to a degree
rendering him incapable of resisting morbid influences.” Dr. H. H.
Kane, of Fort Washington, New York, who had written on the
effects of “these drugs that enslave,” and on the “Hypodermic
Injection of Morphia,” and was then in charge of a hospital devoted
to the treatment of opium smokers and eaters and the like habits,
admits that “as regards the question of insanity from the habitual
disturbance, was unsettled by ill-health and trouble, and its disease
aggravated by the use of morphia.” His father spoke to the wild and
fanciful delusions in which his son indulged—the whole being
myths, and believed “that for at least eighteen months he had been
in an unsound state of mind, steadily increasing in its character and
blinding him to the natural and inevitable effects of his acts; and
that the balance of his mind had been quite destroyed.” His
solicitor deposed that “he could obtain no assistance from him in
the preparation of his defence—that he appeared to have no
memory and to be incapable of appreciating the bearing of any of
the facts of his case, or the gravity of his position; that he laboured
under extravagant hallucination, whilst his statements were either
incoherent, inconsistent, or manifestly the creations of a disordered
brain.”
Three medical men of experience speak to the effects almost
certain to be produced by such an habitually excessive use of
morphia or opium, as that of which Dr. Lamson was the victim. Dr.
Coghill, of the Ventnor Consumptive Hospital, and for eight years
municipal medical officer and consulting physician to a general
hospital in China, where he had unusual facilities for becoming
familiar with the effects of opium smoking and eating, has no
hesitation in saying that “anyone in the habit of using opium to
such an extent would be incapable of self-control, and have his
moral senses and powers of judgment deteriorated to a degree
rendering him incapable of resisting morbid influences.” Dr. H. H.
Kane, of Fort Washington, New York, who had written on the
effects of “these drugs that enslave,” and on the “Hypodermic
Injection of Morphia,” and was then in charge of a hospital devoted
to the treatment of opium smokers and eaters and the like habits,
admits that “as regards the question of insanity from the habitual
Page 647
use of opium or its alkaloids, more especially morphia, but little
definite is known. Insane Asylum reports,” he adds, “record every
year from six to eight cases of insanity attributed to the prolonged
use of opiates; and physicians in general practice recognise it as a
rare, though well-established, form of insanity. A person with an
hereditary tendency to insanity, or with a mind weakened from any
combination of circumstances, or from bodily disease, using this
drug in large amount for a considerable time, could hardly escape
some unsettling of his mental and moral powers. Actual mania,
melancholia, and dementia are probably rare, but have undoubtedly
occurred from this cause. Of all the forms of the opium habit that
by hypodermic injection, as a rule, works the most harm in the
shortest time.”
Dr. R. M. Miller, of Norwood, who saw Lamson professionally
in July, 1881, when his friends were alarmed at his condition, is of
opinion “that morphia and atropia, taken in such quantities, would
gradually ruin the powers of the nervous system and also the
powers of self-control.”
Such is the substance of the testimony of the cloud of witnesses
proffered in support of the appeal for a scientific investigation into
the mental state of Lamson at the time when he committed the act
for which he was arraigned. To what does it amount? Even if it
goes beyond proof that he was occasionally nervous, disconnected
in his ideas, aimlessly untruthful, and with a hobby for the
administration of aconitia as a panacea for all diseases, and a loss
of vital nerve and energy, there is no evidence to suggest that these
eccentricities were dangerous or ever assumed the form of
homicidal mania. “If,” said a contemporary writer, “Lamson could
appreciate the pecuniary benefit he would derive from Percy John’s
death—and why else should he have selected his victim?—he
could realise the wickedness of his act. A symptom of dangerous
definite is known. Insane Asylum reports,” he adds, “record every
year from six to eight cases of insanity attributed to the prolonged
use of opiates; and physicians in general practice recognise it as a
rare, though well-established, form of insanity. A person with an
hereditary tendency to insanity, or with a mind weakened from any
combination of circumstances, or from bodily disease, using this
drug in large amount for a considerable time, could hardly escape
some unsettling of his mental and moral powers. Actual mania,
melancholia, and dementia are probably rare, but have undoubtedly
occurred from this cause. Of all the forms of the opium habit that
by hypodermic injection, as a rule, works the most harm in the
shortest time.”
Dr. R. M. Miller, of Norwood, who saw Lamson professionally
in July, 1881, when his friends were alarmed at his condition, is of
opinion “that morphia and atropia, taken in such quantities, would
gradually ruin the powers of the nervous system and also the
powers of self-control.”
Such is the substance of the testimony of the cloud of witnesses
proffered in support of the appeal for a scientific investigation into
the mental state of Lamson at the time when he committed the act
for which he was arraigned. To what does it amount? Even if it
goes beyond proof that he was occasionally nervous, disconnected
in his ideas, aimlessly untruthful, and with a hobby for the
administration of aconitia as a panacea for all diseases, and a loss
of vital nerve and energy, there is no evidence to suggest that these
eccentricities were dangerous or ever assumed the form of
homicidal mania. “If,” said a contemporary writer, “Lamson could
appreciate the pecuniary benefit he would derive from Percy John’s
death—and why else should he have selected his victim?—he
could realise the wickedness of his act. A symptom of dangerous
Page 648
madness is that it acts without apparent motive—the immediate
circumstances of the murder pointed to the exercise of a crafty
deliberation, which, though not in itself inconsistent with homicidal
mania, was not as aimless as homicidal mania.” Is it not a parallel
case to that of Dove, a weak and erratic mind, in that case further
weakened and unhinged by drink, in this case by the vicious use of
morphia? Are not the words of Baron Bramwell in Dove’s case
strictly applicable to this? “The rules of law,” said that judge, “are
that it must be clearly proved that, at the time of committing the
act, the party accused was labouring under such a defect of reason,
from disease of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of
the act he was doing; and if he did know it, that he did not know he
was doing wrong.” Until the law is altered it is impossible to doubt
that the Home Secretary was right, “that he could find in the
affidavits and statutory declarations no sufficient grounds for
advising an interference with the sentence of the law.”
circumstances of the murder pointed to the exercise of a crafty
deliberation, which, though not in itself inconsistent with homicidal
mania, was not as aimless as homicidal mania.” Is it not a parallel
case to that of Dove, a weak and erratic mind, in that case further
weakened and unhinged by drink, in this case by the vicious use of
morphia? Are not the words of Baron Bramwell in Dove’s case
strictly applicable to this? “The rules of law,” said that judge, “are
that it must be clearly proved that, at the time of committing the
act, the party accused was labouring under such a defect of reason,
from disease of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of
the act he was doing; and if he did know it, that he did not know he
was doing wrong.” Until the law is altered it is impossible to doubt
that the Home Secretary was right, “that he could find in the
affidavits and statutory declarations no sufficient grounds for
advising an interference with the sentence of the law.”
Page 649
CHAPTER XI.
ACONITE: ACONITIA OR ACONITINE.
Plants: Aconitum napellus—A. ferox. Alkaloids: Aconitia—Pseudaconitia
—other bases—Decompositions—Proportions in the plants. Commercial
aconitia—German aconitia—English aconitia. Separation—Tests,
chemical and physiological. History—Preparations, official and non-
official. Physiological effects—Causes of death—Post mortem
appearances—Treatment and antidotes—Remarks—Phosphoric acid test
—Case referred to by Dr. Stevenson.
The name aconite is applied to a great number of plants
belonging to the natural order Ranunculaceæ. Two species only
need be noticed here, Aconitum napellus and A. ferox. The former
is the well-known “monkshood,” “wolfsbane,” or “blue rocket,” a
very beautiful but exceedingly poisonous plant, commonly
cultivated in English gardens. This very variable and widely
diffused species is found in the mountainous districts of the
temperate regions of the northern hemisphere: it occurs in the Alps
up to an altitude of more than 6,000 feet, in the Pyrenees, and in the
mountain ranges of Germany and Austria. It is also met with in
Sweden, Denmark, Siberia, and in the mountainous districts on the
Pacific coast of North America.
ACONITE: ACONITIA OR ACONITINE.
Plants: Aconitum napellus—A. ferox. Alkaloids: Aconitia—Pseudaconitia
—other bases—Decompositions—Proportions in the plants. Commercial
aconitia—German aconitia—English aconitia. Separation—Tests,
chemical and physiological. History—Preparations, official and non-
official. Physiological effects—Causes of death—Post mortem
appearances—Treatment and antidotes—Remarks—Phosphoric acid test
—Case referred to by Dr. Stevenson.
The name aconite is applied to a great number of plants
belonging to the natural order Ranunculaceæ. Two species only
need be noticed here, Aconitum napellus and A. ferox. The former
is the well-known “monkshood,” “wolfsbane,” or “blue rocket,” a
very beautiful but exceedingly poisonous plant, commonly
cultivated in English gardens. This very variable and widely
diffused species is found in the mountainous districts of the
temperate regions of the northern hemisphere: it occurs in the Alps
up to an altitude of more than 6,000 feet, in the Pyrenees, and in the
mountain ranges of Germany and Austria. It is also met with in
Sweden, Denmark, Siberia, and in the mountainous districts on the
Pacific coast of North America.
Page 650
Aconitum ferox, Nepaul aconite —“Bikh”), is a native of the
subalpine Himalayas, occurring, together with A. napellus and
several other poisonous species, at an elevation of 10,000 to 14,000
feet.
The most recent researches of Dr. C. R. Alder Wright and
others have shown that Aconitum napellus chiefly owes its
poisonous properties to the base aconitia, or aconitine (also called
aconitina), C33 H43 NO12, a highly active crystallizable alkaloid
furnishing readily crystallizable salts. This base constitutes about
one-half of the total quantity of alkaloids present in the root, and is
considered to be in combination with aconitic acid, H3 C6 H3 O6.
There is also present, but in much smaller quantity (about 10 per
cent. of the total bases present—Wright), another physiologically
active crystallizable alkaloid, pseudaconitia, C36 H49 NO12, similar
in many respects to aconitia (especially in its effects upon the
animal system), but not so readily yielding crystallizable salts. The
roots of A. napellus contain, in addition to aconitia and
pseudaconitia, a considerable quantity of a third base,
comparatively inert, apparently amorphous, yielding non-
crystallizable salts, and containing a higher percentage of carbon
than either aconitia or pseudaconitia.
Aconitum ferox contains as its active principle pseudaconitia,
or nepaline, associated with a comparatively small quantity of
aconitia: there is present in addition a non-crystallizable alkaloid
containing more carbon than either of the other bases, but
apparently not identical with the analogous body from A. napellus.
The plants have been stated to contain, besides the bases
already named, various other alkaloids, such as “napel-line,”
“acolyctine,” “lycoctonine,” &c., but there is no doubt that these
substances are merely products of the decomposition of aconitia
and pseudaconitia, formed during the process of extraction.
subalpine Himalayas, occurring, together with A. napellus and
several other poisonous species, at an elevation of 10,000 to 14,000
feet.
The most recent researches of Dr. C. R. Alder Wright and
others have shown that Aconitum napellus chiefly owes its
poisonous properties to the base aconitia, or aconitine (also called
aconitina), C33 H43 NO12, a highly active crystallizable alkaloid
furnishing readily crystallizable salts. This base constitutes about
one-half of the total quantity of alkaloids present in the root, and is
considered to be in combination with aconitic acid, H3 C6 H3 O6.
There is also present, but in much smaller quantity (about 10 per
cent. of the total bases present—Wright), another physiologically
active crystallizable alkaloid, pseudaconitia, C36 H49 NO12, similar
in many respects to aconitia (especially in its effects upon the
animal system), but not so readily yielding crystallizable salts. The
roots of A. napellus contain, in addition to aconitia and
pseudaconitia, a considerable quantity of a third base,
comparatively inert, apparently amorphous, yielding non-
crystallizable salts, and containing a higher percentage of carbon
than either aconitia or pseudaconitia.
Aconitum ferox contains as its active principle pseudaconitia,
or nepaline, associated with a comparatively small quantity of
aconitia: there is present in addition a non-crystallizable alkaloid
containing more carbon than either of the other bases, but
apparently not identical with the analogous body from A. napellus.
The plants have been stated to contain, besides the bases
already named, various other alkaloids, such as “napel-line,”
“acolyctine,” “lycoctonine,” &c., but there is no doubt that these
substances are merely products of the decomposition of aconitia
and pseudaconitia, formed during the process of extraction.
Page 651
Aconitia and pseudaconitia are very easily decomposed; thus, when
heated with water in a sealed tube, the former is converted into
benzoic acid and a fresh alkaloid, aconine, C26 H39 NO11, the
reaction being represented by the following equation:—
C33H43NO12 + = +
Aconitia. H 2O C7H6O2 C26H39NO11
Water. Benzoic Aconine.
acid.
Pseudaconitia, so treated, yields dimethyl-protocatechuic (or
“veratric”) acid and a new base, pseudaconine, C27 H41 NO9, the
equation being:—
C36H49O12 + = C9H10O4 + C27H41NO9
Pseudaconitia. H 2O Dimethyl- Pseudaconine.
Water. protocatechuic
acid.
Aconine is doubtless identical with Hübschmann’s “napel-line,”
discovered by him in commercial aconitia, and afterwards proved
to be the same as the “acolyctine” which he had previously
obtained. Pseudaconine is apparently the base “lycoctonine” of the
same chemist.
Commercial aconitia is a mixture of aconitia and pseudaconitia
with variable quantities of their decomposition-products, aconine
and pseudaconine, and of the amorphous unnamed alkaloids above
referred to (Wright and others; Year-Book of Pharmacy, 1877, et
seq.). In commercial aconitia prepared from Aconitum napellus
(German aconitia), aconitia predominates: English aconitia is
heated with water in a sealed tube, the former is converted into
benzoic acid and a fresh alkaloid, aconine, C26 H39 NO11, the
reaction being represented by the following equation:—
C33H43NO12 + = +
Aconitia. H 2O C7H6O2 C26H39NO11
Water. Benzoic Aconine.
acid.
Pseudaconitia, so treated, yields dimethyl-protocatechuic (or
“veratric”) acid and a new base, pseudaconine, C27 H41 NO9, the
equation being:—
C36H49O12 + = C9H10O4 + C27H41NO9
Pseudaconitia. H 2O Dimethyl- Pseudaconine.
Water. protocatechuic
acid.
Aconine is doubtless identical with Hübschmann’s “napel-line,”
discovered by him in commercial aconitia, and afterwards proved
to be the same as the “acolyctine” which he had previously
obtained. Pseudaconine is apparently the base “lycoctonine” of the
same chemist.
Commercial aconitia is a mixture of aconitia and pseudaconitia
with variable quantities of their decomposition-products, aconine
and pseudaconine, and of the amorphous unnamed alkaloids above
referred to (Wright and others; Year-Book of Pharmacy, 1877, et
seq.). In commercial aconitia prepared from Aconitum napellus
(German aconitia), aconitia predominates: English aconitia is
Page 652
chiefly if not entirely prepared from A. ferox, and in it
pseudaconitia is the prevailing active base.
All parts of the plants (A. napellus and A. ferox) are poisonous,
the active principles being contained in the seeds, roots, leaves and
flowering tops. The roots are chiefly used for the extraction of the
alkaloids, of which the proportions yielded are very variable and
depend on the time when the roots are collected. An ounce of the
fresh root of A. napellus contains, according to Woodman and Tidy,
from ¼ to ¾ of a grain of aconitia, while a pound of the dried root
furnishes from 12 to 36 grains, or 0·1 to 0·2 per cent. “The average
produce of the root, collected after flowering and fresh, is 8·58
grains of aconitia in the pound; of the same dried, 35·72 grains. But
if collected before flowering, the yield is only 3·5 grains per pound
in the fresh, and 12·13 in the dried root (Herapath). These results
are the average of several experiments.... The root of A. ferox
contains about three times as much alkaloid as that of the English
plant” (Royle’s Mat. Med.). According to Wright and Rennie (Year-
Book of Pharm., 1880, 458), the percentage of total bases yielded
by the root of A. napellus, calculated on the dry substance,
amounted to ·07 per cent., equivalent to about ·05 per cent, of total
alkaloids in the dry herb. Two-fifths of the total alkaloid consisted
of pure crystallized aconitia.
Commercial aconitia or aconitine is generally met with as a
white amorphous powder, but is occasionally crystalline. It
dissolves in 150 parts of cold and 50 parts of hot water, and is also
soluble in alcohol, benzole, and chloroform: it is inodorous,
possesses an acrid taste (W. and T., For. Med., p. 392), and is
strongly alkaline to test-paper. It generally fuses below 100° C.
(60° C., W. and T.), and gives an amorphous sublimate above 150°
C. (pure aconitia fuses at 183°-184° C.: pure pseudaconitia melts at
104°-105° C.): when strongly heated with free access of air, it
pseudaconitia is the prevailing active base.
All parts of the plants (A. napellus and A. ferox) are poisonous,
the active principles being contained in the seeds, roots, leaves and
flowering tops. The roots are chiefly used for the extraction of the
alkaloids, of which the proportions yielded are very variable and
depend on the time when the roots are collected. An ounce of the
fresh root of A. napellus contains, according to Woodman and Tidy,
from ¼ to ¾ of a grain of aconitia, while a pound of the dried root
furnishes from 12 to 36 grains, or 0·1 to 0·2 per cent. “The average
produce of the root, collected after flowering and fresh, is 8·58
grains of aconitia in the pound; of the same dried, 35·72 grains. But
if collected before flowering, the yield is only 3·5 grains per pound
in the fresh, and 12·13 in the dried root (Herapath). These results
are the average of several experiments.... The root of A. ferox
contains about three times as much alkaloid as that of the English
plant” (Royle’s Mat. Med.). According to Wright and Rennie (Year-
Book of Pharm., 1880, 458), the percentage of total bases yielded
by the root of A. napellus, calculated on the dry substance,
amounted to ·07 per cent., equivalent to about ·05 per cent, of total
alkaloids in the dry herb. Two-fifths of the total alkaloid consisted
of pure crystallized aconitia.
Commercial aconitia or aconitine is generally met with as a
white amorphous powder, but is occasionally crystalline. It
dissolves in 150 parts of cold and 50 parts of hot water, and is also
soluble in alcohol, benzole, and chloroform: it is inodorous,
possesses an acrid taste (W. and T., For. Med., p. 392), and is
strongly alkaline to test-paper. It generally fuses below 100° C.
(60° C., W. and T.), and gives an amorphous sublimate above 150°
C. (pure aconitia fuses at 183°-184° C.: pure pseudaconitia melts at
104°-105° C.): when strongly heated with free access of air, it
Page 653
burns with a yellow, smoky flame, leaving no residue. Crystallized
samples of commercial aconitia are the purest. Amorphous
aconitia, and particularly that prepared in Germany, is very impure,
being admixed with considerable quantities of comparatively inert
bases. The use of such a preparation should be avoided, as being
liable to give rise to a false idea as to the proper dose of the pure
alkaloid (Royle’s Mat. Med., 1876, p. 773). Morson’s “English
aconitine” (pseudaconitia) is much more powerful than the French
and German products, which are mostly prepared from A. napellus,
and consist mainly of aconitia.[221]
Aconitia and pseudaconitia differ from one another in their
molecular weights and melting-points; they also furnish different
decomposition-products: aconitia readily furnishes well-
crystallized salts, while the salts of pseudaconitia are usually
obtained amorphous; and finally, crystallized aconitia is anhydrous,
while pseudaconitia crystallizes with one atom of water.
The two bases are similar as regards their physiological action
(pseudaconitia is perhaps somewhat more powerfully active than
aconitia), and general behaviour with reagents.
The characters and physiological action of commercial aconitia
vary greatly, as might be expected from the ununiformity of its
composition.
SEPARATION AND TESTS.
For the extraction and separation of aconitia from anima
matters, the modification of Stas’s general method, described on
page 5 (Chap. I.), may be employed. The alkaloids of aconite
being, as has been already shown, very liable to decomposition,
great care must be taken, during the extraction with alcohol and
subsequent evaporation of the extracts, that the temperature does
samples of commercial aconitia are the purest. Amorphous
aconitia, and particularly that prepared in Germany, is very impure,
being admixed with considerable quantities of comparatively inert
bases. The use of such a preparation should be avoided, as being
liable to give rise to a false idea as to the proper dose of the pure
alkaloid (Royle’s Mat. Med., 1876, p. 773). Morson’s “English
aconitine” (pseudaconitia) is much more powerful than the French
and German products, which are mostly prepared from A. napellus,
and consist mainly of aconitia.[221]
Aconitia and pseudaconitia differ from one another in their
molecular weights and melting-points; they also furnish different
decomposition-products: aconitia readily furnishes well-
crystallized salts, while the salts of pseudaconitia are usually
obtained amorphous; and finally, crystallized aconitia is anhydrous,
while pseudaconitia crystallizes with one atom of water.
The two bases are similar as regards their physiological action
(pseudaconitia is perhaps somewhat more powerfully active than
aconitia), and general behaviour with reagents.
The characters and physiological action of commercial aconitia
vary greatly, as might be expected from the ununiformity of its
composition.
SEPARATION AND TESTS.
For the extraction and separation of aconitia from anima
matters, the modification of Stas’s general method, described on
page 5 (Chap. I.), may be employed. The alkaloids of aconite
being, as has been already shown, very liable to decomposition,
great care must be taken, during the extraction with alcohol and
subsequent evaporation of the extracts, that the temperature does
Page 654
not rise above 50° C.: the use of mineral acids should also be
avoided.
Tests.—1. The residue of aconitia or pseudaconitia, obtained on
spontaneous evaporation of the anhydrous chloroform solution,
will generally be found to be more or less crystalline, when
examined under the microscope.
2. The Taste Test.—A minute portion of the residue, either
alone or dissolved in a small quantity of water acidulated with
acetic acid, should be rubbed with the finger on the lips and gums,
or cautiously applied to the tip of the tongue. If aconitia or
pseudaconitia be present, a peculiar tingling and numbness will be
quickly experienced in and around the parts to which the alkaloidal
extract has been applied: salivation, with a desire to expectorate,
and a sense of swelling at the back of the throat, are also frequently
noticed. The effects, or some of them, usually last from three to six
hours, or even longer. This action is peculiar to aconite; the test,
therefore, is of the utmost value, and one which must never be
omitted.
3. The Physiological Test.—Inject a small quantity of the
alkaloidal extract, dissolved in a little water acidulated with acetic
acid, into the back of a mouse or other small animal. In the event of
aconitia being present, characteristic symptoms of aconite
poisoning are manifested in a few minutes, and the death of the
animal rapidly ensues. Among the chief symptoms observed by Dr.
Fleming, in some experiments upon animals, made in 1844, were
“weakness of the limbs, staggering, a gradually increasing paralysis
of the voluntary muscles, loss or diminution of sight, slowness of
pulse, difficulty of breathing, occasional convulsive movements, in
two cases opisthotonos, contracted pupils, but often dilating two or
three minutes before death, and death by asphyxia.” (Woodman and
Tidy’s For. Med., p. 394). This test is also a very important one.
avoided.
Tests.—1. The residue of aconitia or pseudaconitia, obtained on
spontaneous evaporation of the anhydrous chloroform solution,
will generally be found to be more or less crystalline, when
examined under the microscope.
2. The Taste Test.—A minute portion of the residue, either
alone or dissolved in a small quantity of water acidulated with
acetic acid, should be rubbed with the finger on the lips and gums,
or cautiously applied to the tip of the tongue. If aconitia or
pseudaconitia be present, a peculiar tingling and numbness will be
quickly experienced in and around the parts to which the alkaloidal
extract has been applied: salivation, with a desire to expectorate,
and a sense of swelling at the back of the throat, are also frequently
noticed. The effects, or some of them, usually last from three to six
hours, or even longer. This action is peculiar to aconite; the test,
therefore, is of the utmost value, and one which must never be
omitted.
3. The Physiological Test.—Inject a small quantity of the
alkaloidal extract, dissolved in a little water acidulated with acetic
acid, into the back of a mouse or other small animal. In the event of
aconitia being present, characteristic symptoms of aconite
poisoning are manifested in a few minutes, and the death of the
animal rapidly ensues. Among the chief symptoms observed by Dr.
Fleming, in some experiments upon animals, made in 1844, were
“weakness of the limbs, staggering, a gradually increasing paralysis
of the voluntary muscles, loss or diminution of sight, slowness of
pulse, difficulty of breathing, occasional convulsive movements, in
two cases opisthotonos, contracted pupils, but often dilating two or
three minutes before death, and death by asphyxia.” (Woodman and
Tidy’s For. Med., p. 394). This test is also a very important one.
Page 655
4. Chemical Tests.—Solutions of salts of aconitia and
pseudaconitia are precipitated by most of the general reagents for
alkaloids, such as Mayer’s reagent, tannic acid, potassium tri-
iodide, phosphomolybdic acid, &c. Platinic chloride, picric or
carbazotic acid, and auric chloride, however, do not give
precipitates, except in concentrated solutions. Among the special
tests for aconitia and pseudaconitia which have been described, the
following may be mentioned. (A) With sulphuric acid, no change
takes place in the cold, but on warming, a pale yellow, deepening
into brown, and finally changing into violet-red, is observed. This
reaction varies very greatly with different samples of aconitia, and
little or no reliance can be placed upon it as a toxicological test. (B)
With sulphuric acid and a drop of saturated solution of sugar, a
fine rose-red colour, passing into dingy brown, has been obtained.
Experience, however, has not shown this test to be of any especial
value. (C) If cautiously heated for ten or fifteen minutes on the
water-bath with a few drops of syrupy phosphoric acid, aconitia is
said to yield a violet or blue colour. This reaction is uncertain and
therefore useless: it may be obtained with impure samples, while
pure aconitia and pseudaconitia fail to give it. Mr. T. B. Groves
(Year-Book of Pharmacy, 1873) says:—“The colour reactions of
these alkaloids may be dismissed in a word. There are ‘none.’ As
for the phosphoric acid reaction producing a blue colour, I have
never succeeded in obtaining it. It is probably due to some
accidental impurity, and I believe Dr. Flückiger has arrived at the
same conclusion.”
Hence, as there are no reliable, characteristic, and distinctive
chemical tests for aconitia, its presence or absence must be judged
chiefly from the results of the tests of taste and physiological action
on small animals. A substance, previously proved to be an alkaloid
by its yielding precipitates with most of the general reagents for
pseudaconitia are precipitated by most of the general reagents for
alkaloids, such as Mayer’s reagent, tannic acid, potassium tri-
iodide, phosphomolybdic acid, &c. Platinic chloride, picric or
carbazotic acid, and auric chloride, however, do not give
precipitates, except in concentrated solutions. Among the special
tests for aconitia and pseudaconitia which have been described, the
following may be mentioned. (A) With sulphuric acid, no change
takes place in the cold, but on warming, a pale yellow, deepening
into brown, and finally changing into violet-red, is observed. This
reaction varies very greatly with different samples of aconitia, and
little or no reliance can be placed upon it as a toxicological test. (B)
With sulphuric acid and a drop of saturated solution of sugar, a
fine rose-red colour, passing into dingy brown, has been obtained.
Experience, however, has not shown this test to be of any especial
value. (C) If cautiously heated for ten or fifteen minutes on the
water-bath with a few drops of syrupy phosphoric acid, aconitia is
said to yield a violet or blue colour. This reaction is uncertain and
therefore useless: it may be obtained with impure samples, while
pure aconitia and pseudaconitia fail to give it. Mr. T. B. Groves
(Year-Book of Pharmacy, 1873) says:—“The colour reactions of
these alkaloids may be dismissed in a word. There are ‘none.’ As
for the phosphoric acid reaction producing a blue colour, I have
never succeeded in obtaining it. It is probably due to some
accidental impurity, and I believe Dr. Flückiger has arrived at the
same conclusion.”
Hence, as there are no reliable, characteristic, and distinctive
chemical tests for aconitia, its presence or absence must be judged
chiefly from the results of the tests of taste and physiological action
on small animals. A substance, previously proved to be an alkaloid
by its yielding precipitates with most of the general reagents for
Page 656
alkaloids, and which, when applied to the tongue and injected
under the skin of a small animal, produces the effects already
described, is absolutely certain to be aconitia.
HISTORY, PREPARATIONS, AND DOSES.
History.—The Ἀκόνιτον of the Greeks and Aconitum of the
Romans are believed to refer to the genus Aconitum, if not actually
to A. napellus. The ancients were well acquainted with the
poisonous properties of aconite, which has been widely used as an
arrow-poison. It was employed by the ancient Chinese, and is still
in requisition among the less civilised hill tribes of India.[222]
Something similar was in use among the aborigines of ancient
Gaul. In a Welsh MS. of the 13th century, aconite was pointed out
as one of the plants which every physician was to grow. The root
and the herb are met with in the German pharmaceutical tariff of
the 17th century. Störck, of Vienna, introduced aconite into regular
practice about the year 1762 (Flückiger and Hanbury;
“Pharmacographia,” 1879).
Preparations and Medicinal Doses,—Aconite leaves (Aconiti
Folia) and root (Aconiti Radix) are officinal in the British
Pharmacopœia, and the plants from which they are obtained (A.
napellus) are cultivated in Britain (Squire’s Companion to the B. P.,
1868). The chief preparations are as follows:—
1. Aconitia, B. P.—Aconitine. Not for internal use, according to
the Pharmacopœia. It is, however, occasionally prescribed in very
1
minute doses ( /400 to 1/50 of a grain by the mouth: not more than
1
/200 of a grain, subcutaneously injected; Royle’s Materia Medica).
Dr. J. Harley has given 1/200 of a grain, once a day, in fevers.
under the skin of a small animal, produces the effects already
described, is absolutely certain to be aconitia.
HISTORY, PREPARATIONS, AND DOSES.
History.—The Ἀκόνιτον of the Greeks and Aconitum of the
Romans are believed to refer to the genus Aconitum, if not actually
to A. napellus. The ancients were well acquainted with the
poisonous properties of aconite, which has been widely used as an
arrow-poison. It was employed by the ancient Chinese, and is still
in requisition among the less civilised hill tribes of India.[222]
Something similar was in use among the aborigines of ancient
Gaul. In a Welsh MS. of the 13th century, aconite was pointed out
as one of the plants which every physician was to grow. The root
and the herb are met with in the German pharmaceutical tariff of
the 17th century. Störck, of Vienna, introduced aconite into regular
practice about the year 1762 (Flückiger and Hanbury;
“Pharmacographia,” 1879).
Preparations and Medicinal Doses,—Aconite leaves (Aconiti
Folia) and root (Aconiti Radix) are officinal in the British
Pharmacopœia, and the plants from which they are obtained (A.
napellus) are cultivated in Britain (Squire’s Companion to the B. P.,
1868). The chief preparations are as follows:—
1. Aconitia, B. P.—Aconitine. Not for internal use, according to
the Pharmacopœia. It is, however, occasionally prescribed in very
1
minute doses ( /400 to 1/50 of a grain by the mouth: not more than
1
/200 of a grain, subcutaneously injected; Royle’s Materia Medica).
Dr. J. Harley has given 1/200 of a grain, once a day, in fevers.
Page 657
2. Unguentum Aconitiæ, B. P.—Ointment of aconitia. Prepared
with lard. Strength, 8 grains of aconitia to the ounce (= 1·66 per
cent.). For external application in painful nervous affections,
neuralgia, &c.
3. Linimentum Aconiti, B. P.—Useful for external application in
neuralgia or lumbago. May contain about 2 per cent. of aconitia
(Blyth).
4. Extractum Aconiti, B. P.—Prepared from the leaves and
flowering tops. Dose, 1 to 2 grains.
5. Tinctura Aconiti, B. P.—Dose, 5 to 10 minims, twice or
thrice a day (Squire); 5 to 15 minims, and only to be gradually if at
all increased (Royle); never to exceed 5 minims (Farquharson’s
Therapeutics).[223]
6. Fleming’s Tincture of Aconite is not officinal; it is nearly four
times stronger than the B. P. tincture, and must on no account be
given in the above doses (Royle).
7. Liston’s Strong Tincture.—Not officinal.
8. Aconiti Succus.—The expressed juice. Not officinal. Dose,
15 to 20 minims (Squire’s Comp. to the B. P.).
9. Extractum Aconiti Rad.—Not officinal. Prepared with
alcohol. Dose, half a grain.
Fatal Dose of Aconitia.—Smallest: in one case 1/50 of a grain
nearly proved fatal (Pereira). The tenth and even twentieth of a
grain are believed to have caused death (Headland; Herapath). The
average quantity for an adult is probably between 1/16 and 1/20 of a
grain. One drachm of the root, four grains of the alcoholic extract,
and one drachm of the tincture have proved fatal.[224] Numerous
well-authenticated cases are on record of aconite root being scraped
and eaten at table, in mistake for horseradish, with very serious and
even fatal results.[225] (See Guy and Ferrier’s For. Med., p. 617.)
with lard. Strength, 8 grains of aconitia to the ounce (= 1·66 per
cent.). For external application in painful nervous affections,
neuralgia, &c.
3. Linimentum Aconiti, B. P.—Useful for external application in
neuralgia or lumbago. May contain about 2 per cent. of aconitia
(Blyth).
4. Extractum Aconiti, B. P.—Prepared from the leaves and
flowering tops. Dose, 1 to 2 grains.
5. Tinctura Aconiti, B. P.—Dose, 5 to 10 minims, twice or
thrice a day (Squire); 5 to 15 minims, and only to be gradually if at
all increased (Royle); never to exceed 5 minims (Farquharson’s
Therapeutics).[223]
6. Fleming’s Tincture of Aconite is not officinal; it is nearly four
times stronger than the B. P. tincture, and must on no account be
given in the above doses (Royle).
7. Liston’s Strong Tincture.—Not officinal.
8. Aconiti Succus.—The expressed juice. Not officinal. Dose,
15 to 20 minims (Squire’s Comp. to the B. P.).
9. Extractum Aconiti Rad.—Not officinal. Prepared with
alcohol. Dose, half a grain.
Fatal Dose of Aconitia.—Smallest: in one case 1/50 of a grain
nearly proved fatal (Pereira). The tenth and even twentieth of a
grain are believed to have caused death (Headland; Herapath). The
average quantity for an adult is probably between 1/16 and 1/20 of a
grain. One drachm of the root, four grains of the alcoholic extract,
and one drachm of the tincture have proved fatal.[224] Numerous
well-authenticated cases are on record of aconite root being scraped
and eaten at table, in mistake for horseradish, with very serious and
even fatal results.[225] (See Guy and Ferrier’s For. Med., p. 617.)
Page 658
Fatal Period.—The shortest time in which death has been
known to occur is 1¼ hour: the longest, 20 hours: average, less
than 4 hours (Guy and Ferrier). A case is mentioned in Woodman
and Tidy’s Forensic Medicine, however, in which death occurred in
20 minutes. “The symptoms usually make their appearance in from
a few minutes to one or two hours; whilst death usually takes place
within three or four hours” (W. and T., p. 393).
PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS.
Aconite produces, locally applied, a tingling sensation,
followed by numbness, and the earliest symptom of poisoning by
aconite, when any one of its preparations has been taken by the
mouth, is tingling, followed by numbness and anæsthesia of the
lips and throat, afterwards becoming general. Vomiting occurs
frequently, but not universally: purging is not nearly so frequent
(W. and T.). The intellectual faculties are usually unaffected, but in
some cases there is stupor. Aconite paralyses both the reflex and
motor activity of the spinal cord, hence there is an almost total loss
of muscular power. The respiratory centre is eventually paralysed,
so that death may result from suffocation (Farquharson). The
heart’s action becomes feeble and irregular; its rapidity is first
diminished, then increased. The face is pale, and the body bathed in
a clammy sweat: the pupils “are at first contracted, and afterwards
dilated shortly before death.” The respiration becomes slower, then
irregular, and death generally results from its cessation (asphyxia).
In cases of poisoning by aconite, death may be caused by (1)
asphyxia, (2) shock, or (3) syncope.
The following symptoms were noted in the case of a cat, to
which one-tenth of a grain of Morson’s English aconitia (=
pseudaconitia, or nepaline) was administered:—stertorous and
known to occur is 1¼ hour: the longest, 20 hours: average, less
than 4 hours (Guy and Ferrier). A case is mentioned in Woodman
and Tidy’s Forensic Medicine, however, in which death occurred in
20 minutes. “The symptoms usually make their appearance in from
a few minutes to one or two hours; whilst death usually takes place
within three or four hours” (W. and T., p. 393).
PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS.
Aconite produces, locally applied, a tingling sensation,
followed by numbness, and the earliest symptom of poisoning by
aconite, when any one of its preparations has been taken by the
mouth, is tingling, followed by numbness and anæsthesia of the
lips and throat, afterwards becoming general. Vomiting occurs
frequently, but not universally: purging is not nearly so frequent
(W. and T.). The intellectual faculties are usually unaffected, but in
some cases there is stupor. Aconite paralyses both the reflex and
motor activity of the spinal cord, hence there is an almost total loss
of muscular power. The respiratory centre is eventually paralysed,
so that death may result from suffocation (Farquharson). The
heart’s action becomes feeble and irregular; its rapidity is first
diminished, then increased. The face is pale, and the body bathed in
a clammy sweat: the pupils “are at first contracted, and afterwards
dilated shortly before death.” The respiration becomes slower, then
irregular, and death generally results from its cessation (asphyxia).
In cases of poisoning by aconite, death may be caused by (1)
asphyxia, (2) shock, or (3) syncope.
The following symptoms were noted in the case of a cat, to
which one-tenth of a grain of Morson’s English aconitia (=
pseudaconitia, or nepaline) was administered:—stertorous and
Page 659
difficult breathing, staggering motions, convulsions (always
contracting, never stretching like strychnia), vomiting, foaming at
the mouth, moans and spasmodic cries, violent struggles for breath;
the body fell over on one side, the limbs were stretched forward
and worked spasmodically, but never stiffened. Attacks
intermittent, with peaceful intervals. Involuntary defecation;
retching (the stomach had already emptied itself), prolonged low
moans, gasps for breath, abdominal rumblings, insensibility for two
hours with occasional twitching, moans and cries. Eyes wide open,
pupils not contracted. Finally, after 2½ hours, a few slight
struggles, a convulsive gasp, and death. Stiffening very slow.
Tongue protruded beyond the teeth.
Twelve hours after death, the rigidity was very strong. A post-
mortem examination was then made, with the following results.
Pupils dilated. Intestines and other organs normal, not congested:
lungs collapsed and congested: heart very much venously
congested. Blood not more fluid than usual. Larynx filled with
frothy mucus. Brain congested.
On analysis of the stomach and other organs an alkaloidal
extract was obtained, which, when submitted to the taste test,
produced all the effects characteristic of aconitia. It is worthy of
remark that the colour-tests completely failed.
Treatment and antidotes.—“Emetics, stimulants internal and
external” (Squire’s Comp. B. P.). No chemical antidote is known:
animal charcoal has been recommended, but its efficacy is
doubtful. A mustard emetic should be applied, followed by the
stomach-pump. “In the latter stages, depletion from a jugular vein
to relieve the distension of the right heart, accompanied by the
most persevering efforts to promote the expansion of the chest.”
Gentle magneto-electric currents down the back of the neck and
around the margin of the ribs, to excite contractions of the
contracting, never stretching like strychnia), vomiting, foaming at
the mouth, moans and spasmodic cries, violent struggles for breath;
the body fell over on one side, the limbs were stretched forward
and worked spasmodically, but never stiffened. Attacks
intermittent, with peaceful intervals. Involuntary defecation;
retching (the stomach had already emptied itself), prolonged low
moans, gasps for breath, abdominal rumblings, insensibility for two
hours with occasional twitching, moans and cries. Eyes wide open,
pupils not contracted. Finally, after 2½ hours, a few slight
struggles, a convulsive gasp, and death. Stiffening very slow.
Tongue protruded beyond the teeth.
Twelve hours after death, the rigidity was very strong. A post-
mortem examination was then made, with the following results.
Pupils dilated. Intestines and other organs normal, not congested:
lungs collapsed and congested: heart very much venously
congested. Blood not more fluid than usual. Larynx filled with
frothy mucus. Brain congested.
On analysis of the stomach and other organs an alkaloidal
extract was obtained, which, when submitted to the taste test,
produced all the effects characteristic of aconitia. It is worthy of
remark that the colour-tests completely failed.
Treatment and antidotes.—“Emetics, stimulants internal and
external” (Squire’s Comp. B. P.). No chemical antidote is known:
animal charcoal has been recommended, but its efficacy is
doubtful. A mustard emetic should be applied, followed by the
stomach-pump. “In the latter stages, depletion from a jugular vein
to relieve the distension of the right heart, accompanied by the
most persevering efforts to promote the expansion of the chest.”
Gentle magneto-electric currents down the back of the neck and
around the margin of the ribs, to excite contractions of the
Page 660
diaphragm, accompanied by rhythmical abductions of the upper
extremities, should be employed. If there is yet a capability of
swallowing, brandy and ammonia should be given (Royle’s Mat.
Med.).
Remarks.
Pure aconitia is perhaps the most deadly poison with which we
are at present acquainted, and all the preparations of aconite are
excessively poisonous. Unless employed with extreme caution they
are very dangerous, and should on no account be used, even for
external application, except with the advice of, or by a medical
man.[226]
The urgent necessity for an alteration in the law at present
relating to the sale of poisons, and for the introduction of a clause
placing some restrictions on the sale of patent medicines containing
poisons, is strikingly shown by the fact that such preparations as
“Neuraline” are now sold without any restriction whatever. Indeed,
as the law at present stands, the most virulent poisons, if contained
in, or sold as patent medicines, can be obtained by any ordinary
person with less difficulty than the same poisons can be purchased,
under their own proper names, by a medical man. Neuraline, a
patent medicine containing a preparation of aconite, was brought
rather prominently forward, in 1872, in connection with the death
of the Hon. G. C. Vernon, the question arising as to whether the too
frequent use of neuraline by the deceased, for pains in his head, had
been the cause of death.[227]
The phosphoric acid test for aconitia, referred to by Mr.
Montagu Williams during the trial of Dr. Lamson, is described in
Professor Flückiger’s work (“Pharmaceutische Chemie”; Berlin,
1879); but it is at the same time mentioned that crystallized aconitia
extremities, should be employed. If there is yet a capability of
swallowing, brandy and ammonia should be given (Royle’s Mat.
Med.).
Remarks.
Pure aconitia is perhaps the most deadly poison with which we
are at present acquainted, and all the preparations of aconite are
excessively poisonous. Unless employed with extreme caution they
are very dangerous, and should on no account be used, even for
external application, except with the advice of, or by a medical
man.[226]
The urgent necessity for an alteration in the law at present
relating to the sale of poisons, and for the introduction of a clause
placing some restrictions on the sale of patent medicines containing
poisons, is strikingly shown by the fact that such preparations as
“Neuraline” are now sold without any restriction whatever. Indeed,
as the law at present stands, the most virulent poisons, if contained
in, or sold as patent medicines, can be obtained by any ordinary
person with less difficulty than the same poisons can be purchased,
under their own proper names, by a medical man. Neuraline, a
patent medicine containing a preparation of aconite, was brought
rather prominently forward, in 1872, in connection with the death
of the Hon. G. C. Vernon, the question arising as to whether the too
frequent use of neuraline by the deceased, for pains in his head, had
been the cause of death.[227]
The phosphoric acid test for aconitia, referred to by Mr.
Montagu Williams during the trial of Dr. Lamson, is described in
Professor Flückiger’s work (“Pharmaceutische Chemie”; Berlin,
1879); but it is at the same time mentioned that crystallized aconitia
Page 661
gives only an extremely faint reaction, and crystallized nitrate of
aconitia none at all.
It has been already pointed out (p. 573) that this test is one
which cannot be relied on, and that the violet colour is believed to
be due to impurities present rather than to aconitia itself.
The internal administration of aconitia in very small doses is
recommended, in cases of dysentery and typhoid fever, by a writer
in the Journal of Medicine and Dosimetric Therapeutics, according
to the method of Dr. Ad. Burggraeve, a publication edited by Dr. T.
L. Phipson. Dr. Burggraeve’s method (or “dosimetry,” as it is
called) is in several respects similar to homœopathy, and the
journal in question cannot be regarded as a generally accepted
authority.
In his speech for the defence, Mr. Montagu Williams referred to
the supposed existence of cadaveric alkaloids or ptomaines, and to
the absence of special chemical tests for aconitia. With reference to
the ptomaines, see Chap. 1, p. 12. The objection, that there is no
characteristic chemical test for aconitia, is to a great extent
deprived of its force when one remembers that aconitia can be
proved to be an alkaloid by its deportment with the general
alkaloidal re-agents; that the taste test alone will distinguish it from
all other alkaloids; and that it exerts a powerful and distinctive
action on small animals, and ultimately destroys them.
It must not be forgotten that the remark of Lord Coleridge’s,
quoted by Mr. Montagu Williams, is nothing more than an
expression of personal opinion, by an eminent lawyer on a purely
scientific subject; valuable, no doubt, but not necessarily infallible.
The statement of Messrs. Allen & Hanbury’s assistant, that
aconitia is yellowish-white (p. 544), does not hold good of all
samples: the colour of the alkaloids varies with their degree of
purity, and pure aconitia is not less white than pure atropia.
aconitia none at all.
It has been already pointed out (p. 573) that this test is one
which cannot be relied on, and that the violet colour is believed to
be due to impurities present rather than to aconitia itself.
The internal administration of aconitia in very small doses is
recommended, in cases of dysentery and typhoid fever, by a writer
in the Journal of Medicine and Dosimetric Therapeutics, according
to the method of Dr. Ad. Burggraeve, a publication edited by Dr. T.
L. Phipson. Dr. Burggraeve’s method (or “dosimetry,” as it is
called) is in several respects similar to homœopathy, and the
journal in question cannot be regarded as a generally accepted
authority.
In his speech for the defence, Mr. Montagu Williams referred to
the supposed existence of cadaveric alkaloids or ptomaines, and to
the absence of special chemical tests for aconitia. With reference to
the ptomaines, see Chap. 1, p. 12. The objection, that there is no
characteristic chemical test for aconitia, is to a great extent
deprived of its force when one remembers that aconitia can be
proved to be an alkaloid by its deportment with the general
alkaloidal re-agents; that the taste test alone will distinguish it from
all other alkaloids; and that it exerts a powerful and distinctive
action on small animals, and ultimately destroys them.
It must not be forgotten that the remark of Lord Coleridge’s,
quoted by Mr. Montagu Williams, is nothing more than an
expression of personal opinion, by an eminent lawyer on a purely
scientific subject; valuable, no doubt, but not necessarily infallible.
The statement of Messrs. Allen & Hanbury’s assistant, that
aconitia is yellowish-white (p. 544), does not hold good of all
samples: the colour of the alkaloids varies with their degree of
purity, and pure aconitia is not less white than pure atropia.
Page 662
Full details of the case of poisoning by aconitia, referred to by
Dr. Stevenson (p. 534), are to be found in Schmidt’s Jahrbücher der
In-und Ausländischen gesammten Medicin, edited by Dr. Adolf
Winter, vol. 189, p. 122: the case was originally communicated by
T. Haakma Tresling to a Dutch journal (Weekbl. van het Nederl.
Tijdschr. voor Geneesk, 16, 1880). The following is a short account
of this case.
A patient, for whom medicine containing aconitia nitrate (to be
taken in small and repeated doses) had been prescribed by a
physician, Dr. M., experienced soon after the first and second doses
a burning sensation in the throat, followed by vomiting and, later
on, by difficulty of respiration: the skin was icy cold to the touch,
although internally there was a sensation of burning throughout the
body. With the object of proving that these effects were not
attributable to the medicine, Dr. M., at four p.m. on March 16th,
1880, took a dose of the mixture, containing rather more than 1/16
grain of aconitia nitrate. The first symptoms of poisoning appeared
in about an hour and a half; and, about four hours after he had
taken the poison, Dr. M. was found to be pallid, with a cold skin,
contracted pupils, small and irregular but not accelerated pulse,
swollen tongue, headache, shivering fits, and a sensation of burning
in the mouth: there was also pain extending from the throat to the
lower part of the stomach. Suddenly the power of vision became
extinct, simultaneously with a great dilation of the pupils: sight
shortly afterwards returned, the pupils at the same time again
contracting. Vomiting was induced by tickling the throat; the
ejected matter was thick, red-coloured, and contained the remains
of food previously consumed: vomiting subsequently recurred
spontaneously. The first convulsions occurred eight hours and forty
minutes after the dose had been taken; respiration became more
difficult, and Dr. M. complained of humming in the ears, and
Dr. Stevenson (p. 534), are to be found in Schmidt’s Jahrbücher der
In-und Ausländischen gesammten Medicin, edited by Dr. Adolf
Winter, vol. 189, p. 122: the case was originally communicated by
T. Haakma Tresling to a Dutch journal (Weekbl. van het Nederl.
Tijdschr. voor Geneesk, 16, 1880). The following is a short account
of this case.
A patient, for whom medicine containing aconitia nitrate (to be
taken in small and repeated doses) had been prescribed by a
physician, Dr. M., experienced soon after the first and second doses
a burning sensation in the throat, followed by vomiting and, later
on, by difficulty of respiration: the skin was icy cold to the touch,
although internally there was a sensation of burning throughout the
body. With the object of proving that these effects were not
attributable to the medicine, Dr. M., at four p.m. on March 16th,
1880, took a dose of the mixture, containing rather more than 1/16
grain of aconitia nitrate. The first symptoms of poisoning appeared
in about an hour and a half; and, about four hours after he had
taken the poison, Dr. M. was found to be pallid, with a cold skin,
contracted pupils, small and irregular but not accelerated pulse,
swollen tongue, headache, shivering fits, and a sensation of burning
in the mouth: there was also pain extending from the throat to the
lower part of the stomach. Suddenly the power of vision became
extinct, simultaneously with a great dilation of the pupils: sight
shortly afterwards returned, the pupils at the same time again
contracting. Vomiting was induced by tickling the throat; the
ejected matter was thick, red-coloured, and contained the remains
of food previously consumed: vomiting subsequently recurred
spontaneously. The first convulsions occurred eight hours and forty
minutes after the dose had been taken; respiration became more
difficult, and Dr. M. complained of humming in the ears, and
Page 663
deafness, first in one ear and then in the other. Ether was now
subcutaneously injected: dilation of pupils, with loss of vision,
again followed, being succeeded by vomiting, and violent and
long-continued convulsions. In eight hours and fifty-three minutes
extraordinarily violent vomiting set in, and was followed by a
succession of violent convulsions. Dr. M. could not again be
restored to consciousness, the pupils were dilated and remained
unaffected by the light, and respiration was slow and laborious.
Notwithstanding the employment of electricity, breathing became
slower, the beating of the heart ceased to be audible, and death
occurred in nine hours from the time at which the poison was
taken.
On a post-mortem examination being made, it was found that
the surface-tissues of the body were very pale and contained little
blood, while the internal organs were much congested. The
intestinal congestion increased towards the stomach, and
diminished towards the large intestine. The colon, rectum, and
bladder were very pale and bloodless. The latter contained about 70
grammes (= 2¼ fl. oz.) of urine. The liver and spleen were
enlarged, the kidneys small; all much congested. Defecation had
not taken place, though some urine had been passed. The lungs did
not fill the cavity of the chest; they contained fresh infiltrations and
some small cavities: adhesion, congestion, and, in the lower
portions, numerous emphysematous patches. Much fat was
deposited on the right side of the heart, which contained thin blood.
Brain congested.
subcutaneously injected: dilation of pupils, with loss of vision,
again followed, being succeeded by vomiting, and violent and
long-continued convulsions. In eight hours and fifty-three minutes
extraordinarily violent vomiting set in, and was followed by a
succession of violent convulsions. Dr. M. could not again be
restored to consciousness, the pupils were dilated and remained
unaffected by the light, and respiration was slow and laborious.
Notwithstanding the employment of electricity, breathing became
slower, the beating of the heart ceased to be audible, and death
occurred in nine hours from the time at which the poison was
taken.
On a post-mortem examination being made, it was found that
the surface-tissues of the body were very pale and contained little
blood, while the internal organs were much congested. The
intestinal congestion increased towards the stomach, and
diminished towards the large intestine. The colon, rectum, and
bladder were very pale and bloodless. The latter contained about 70
grammes (= 2¼ fl. oz.) of urine. The liver and spleen were
enlarged, the kidneys small; all much congested. Defecation had
not taken place, though some urine had been passed. The lungs did
not fill the cavity of the chest; they contained fresh infiltrations and
some small cavities: adhesion, congestion, and, in the lower
portions, numerous emphysematous patches. Much fat was
deposited on the right side of the heart, which contained thin blood.
Brain congested.
Page 664
INDEX.
ACONITE,
varieties (napellus, ferox), 568
alkaloids, aconitine or aconitia, 569
pseudaconitia, 569
aconine and pseudaconine, 570
extraction and tests—
taste, 572
physiological, 572
chemical, 573
extraction and texts—
taste, 572
physiological, 572
chemical, 573
history and preparations, 574
doses, fatal, 575
fatal period, 576
cause of death, 577
post-mortem appearances, 577, 581
treatment and antidotes, 577
remarks. Phosphoric acid test, 579
Use in dysentery, 579
Colour of aconitia, 580
Case referred to by Dr. Stevenson, 580
ACONITE,
varieties (napellus, ferox), 568
alkaloids, aconitine or aconitia, 569
pseudaconitia, 569
aconine and pseudaconine, 570
extraction and tests—
taste, 572
physiological, 572
chemical, 573
extraction and texts—
taste, 572
physiological, 572
chemical, 573
history and preparations, 574
doses, fatal, 575
fatal period, 576
cause of death, 577
post-mortem appearances, 577, 581
treatment and antidotes, 577
remarks. Phosphoric acid test, 579
Use in dysentery, 579
Colour of aconitia, 580
Case referred to by Dr. Stevenson, 580
Page 665
ALKALOIDS,
derivation, 3, 4
chemically and physiologically considered, 4
general process for extracting, 5-8
morphia, curarine, solanine, 8
Guy’s subliming cell, 9
general reagents, 10-12
ptomaines or cadaveric, 13, 14
ALLOYS OF ANTIMONY, 491
ALLOYS OF ARSENIC, 374, 381
ALMONDS, BITTER, 59, 60, 78
ANALYSIS,
quantitative, indispensable in cases of poisoning by antimony,
mercury, and lead, 3
ANGINA PECTORIS,
Dr. Richardson (Palmer’s trial), 175, 289
ANILINE DYES,
arsenic in, 379
ANIMAL CHARCOAL,
reagent for alkaloids, 11
antidote, 12, 577
ANTIMONY,
symptom of poisoning by, 2
properties. Chap. IX., 490
alloy of, in different metals, 491
compounds of, chlorides, sulphides, 491
oxides, hydride, 492
tartar emetic, solubility, 493
composition, uses and occurrences, 494
doses and preparations, 495
fatal dose and fatal period, 496
physiological effects, 497
derivation, 3, 4
chemically and physiologically considered, 4
general process for extracting, 5-8
morphia, curarine, solanine, 8
Guy’s subliming cell, 9
general reagents, 10-12
ptomaines or cadaveric, 13, 14
ALLOYS OF ANTIMONY, 491
ALLOYS OF ARSENIC, 374, 381
ALMONDS, BITTER, 59, 60, 78
ANALYSIS,
quantitative, indispensable in cases of poisoning by antimony,
mercury, and lead, 3
ANGINA PECTORIS,
Dr. Richardson (Palmer’s trial), 175, 289
ANILINE DYES,
arsenic in, 379
ANIMAL CHARCOAL,
reagent for alkaloids, 11
antidote, 12, 577
ANTIMONY,
symptom of poisoning by, 2
properties. Chap. IX., 490
alloy of, in different metals, 491
compounds of, chlorides, sulphides, 491
oxides, hydride, 492
tartar emetic, solubility, 493
composition, uses and occurrences, 494
doses and preparations, 495
fatal dose and fatal period, 496
physiological effects, 497
Page 666
antidotes, 497
separation and tests. Reinsch’s, 498
Marsh, 500
preparation used, 502
quantity, 503
remarks (Pritchard’s case), 505
(Smethurst’s), 507
Addenda—bismuth, 510
grey powder, 513
ANTISEPTIC,
arsenic as an, 376
APPLE PIPS,
amount of prussic acid in, 59, 60
ARSENIC,
element. Chap. VII., 373
solubility of, 321, 375
taste of (Christison), 321-3
trioxide of, 374
uses and occurrences of, 376-381
steeping wheat—soap—antiseptic, 376
glass—for fur in boilers—candles, 376
wood preserving—sheep washing—paints, 377
wall papers—medicines, 378
horses—teeth stopping—aniline dyes, 379
rat and fly poisons—metal cleaning, 380
arsenic eaters—cosmetic—bronzing, 380
glucose beer—paper collars, 381
speculum metal—inhaling, 381
sulphides of, 381
orpiment (Burdock’s case), 382, and note
acid, 382
arsenates, 383
trichloride, Arseniuretted hydrogen, 383
extraction and tests, distribution, occurrence in soils, 384
separation and tests. Reinsch’s, 498
Marsh, 500
preparation used, 502
quantity, 503
remarks (Pritchard’s case), 505
(Smethurst’s), 507
Addenda—bismuth, 510
grey powder, 513
ANTISEPTIC,
arsenic as an, 376
APPLE PIPS,
amount of prussic acid in, 59, 60
ARSENIC,
element. Chap. VII., 373
solubility of, 321, 375
taste of (Christison), 321-3
trioxide of, 374
uses and occurrences of, 376-381
steeping wheat—soap—antiseptic, 376
glass—for fur in boilers—candles, 376
wood preserving—sheep washing—paints, 377
wall papers—medicines, 378
horses—teeth stopping—aniline dyes, 379
rat and fly poisons—metal cleaning, 380
arsenic eaters—cosmetic—bronzing, 380
glucose beer—paper collars, 381
speculum metal—inhaling, 381
sulphides of, 381
orpiment (Burdock’s case), 382, and note
acid, 382
arsenates, 383
trichloride, Arseniuretted hydrogen, 383
extraction and tests, distribution, occurrence in soils, 384
Page 667
modification of old process, 385-7
Marsh’s, 388
Reinsch’s, 390
doses, medicinal, poisonous, 391
physiological effects of, 392
treatment and antidotes, 393
presence in common articles, 394
attempted poisoning by forged prescription, 394
remarks on evidence of Dr. Letheby (Merritt’s case), 395
on Madeline Smith’s case, 395, note 396
supposed presence in sulphuretted hydrogen, 396
See trials of Madeline Smith, Pritchard, and Ann Merritt, Chap. VI.
ASHLEY, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 19
AYRTON, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 487
BABBINGTON, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 460
BALL, GEORGE,
trial of, at Lewes, 49-52
BAMFORD, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 99-100
BANKES, ISABELLA,
case of, 448
BARLOW, SILAS,
trial of, 268-75
history of the case, 268
symptoms of poisoning, 269
medical evidence, 271
analytical evidence, Dr. Lees, 272
Dr. Bernays, 274
defence and verdict, 275
Marsh’s, 388
Reinsch’s, 390
doses, medicinal, poisonous, 391
physiological effects of, 392
treatment and antidotes, 393
presence in common articles, 394
attempted poisoning by forged prescription, 394
remarks on evidence of Dr. Letheby (Merritt’s case), 395
on Madeline Smith’s case, 395, note 396
supposed presence in sulphuretted hydrogen, 396
See trials of Madeline Smith, Pritchard, and Ann Merritt, Chap. VI.
ASHLEY, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 19
AYRTON, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 487
BABBINGTON, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 460
BALL, GEORGE,
trial of, at Lewes, 49-52
BAMFORD, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 99-100
BANKES, ISABELLA,
case of, 448
BARLOW, SILAS,
trial of, 268-75
history of the case, 268
symptoms of poisoning, 269
medical evidence, 271
analytical evidence, Dr. Lees, 272
Dr. Bernays, 274
defence and verdict, 275
Page 668
BARNES, LAVINIA,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 98-9
BARRETT, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 20
BARWELL, Surgeon,
evidence of, post-mortem (Smethurst’s trial), 456
BATEMAN, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 41
BEDBROOK,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 541
BELLADONNA,
insensibility, symptom of poisoning by, 2
dilates the pupil of the eye, 2
BERNAYS, Dr. A. J.,
evidence of (Barlow’s trial), 274
BERRY, Dr.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 520
BIRD, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 455
BISMUTH,
potassio-iodide of, reagent for alkaloids, 10
subnitrate, arsenic in, 510
BLANC MANGE,
arsenic used for colouring, 377
BOILERS, FUR IN,
arsenic used for removing, 376
BOWERBANK, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 460
BRAMWELL, Baron,
charge of (Dove’s trial), 260-2
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 98-9
BARRETT, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 20
BARWELL, Surgeon,
evidence of, post-mortem (Smethurst’s trial), 456
BATEMAN, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 41
BEDBROOK,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 541
BELLADONNA,
insensibility, symptom of poisoning by, 2
dilates the pupil of the eye, 2
BERNAYS, Dr. A. J.,
evidence of (Barlow’s trial), 274
BERRY, Dr.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 520
BIRD, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 455
BISMUTH,
potassio-iodide of, reagent for alkaloids, 10
subnitrate, arsenic in, 510
BLANC MANGE,
arsenic used for colouring, 377
BOILERS, FUR IN,
arsenic used for removing, 376
BOWERBANK, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 460
BRAMWELL, Baron,
charge of (Dove’s trial), 260-2
Page 669
BRAND, Surgeon,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 524
BRODIE, Sir B.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 117
opinion of (Smethurst’s case), 478
BROOKS, Mrs.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 92
BRUCIA,
convulsions, symptoms of poisoning by, 3
whence obtained, 284
tests for, 285
BURDOCK, M.A.,
trial for poisoning by orpiment, 382, note.
CADAVERIC ALKALOIDS,
properties, 12-14
resembling strychnia, 291
in Lamson’s case, 550, 580, 537-8
CALVERT, F. C., Chemist,
indestructibility of strychnia, 149, note
CAMERON, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 482
CAMPBELL, Lord Chief Justice (Palmer’s trial),
omission of Keeling’s evidence, 104, note
charge of, 220-31
CANDLES,
arsenic used in, 376
CANTHARIDES,
vomiting symptom of poisoning by, 2
CARBONIC ACID AND OXIDE,
sudden death in poisoning by, 1, 2
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 524
BRODIE, Sir B.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 117
opinion of (Smethurst’s case), 478
BROOKS, Mrs.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 92
BRUCIA,
convulsions, symptoms of poisoning by, 3
whence obtained, 284
tests for, 285
BURDOCK, M.A.,
trial for poisoning by orpiment, 382, note.
CADAVERIC ALKALOIDS,
properties, 12-14
resembling strychnia, 291
in Lamson’s case, 550, 580, 537-8
CALVERT, F. C., Chemist,
indestructibility of strychnia, 149, note
CAMERON, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 482
CAMPBELL, Lord Chief Justice (Palmer’s trial),
omission of Keeling’s evidence, 104, note
charge of, 220-31
CANDLES,
arsenic used in, 376
CANTHARIDES,
vomiting symptom of poisoning by, 2
CARBONIC ACID AND OXIDE,
sudden death in poisoning by, 1, 2
Page 670
CASSAVA,
amount of prussic acid in, 59
CAUDLE, Chemist,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 456
CHAMPNEYS, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 23-7
CHERRY KERNELS,
amount of prussic acid in, 59
CHESHIRE, Postmaster,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 188-9
CHLORAL AND CROTON CHLORAL,
insensibility, symptom of poisoning by, 2
CHLORINE,
process for obtaining pure, xvi.
CHLOROFORM,
solvent for alkaloids, 4, 5
antidote to strychnia, 290
CHRISTISON, Professor,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 147-8
(Dove’s trial), 248
(Madeline Smith’s trial), 315, 358
CHRONIC POISONING,
symptoms of by antimony, mercury, lead, 3, 497
CLARK, RUTHERFORD,
defence of Pritchard, 435
CLUTTERBUCK, Mr.,
details of case of (Palmer’s trial), 123
COCCULUS INDICUS,
symptom of poisoning by, 2
COCKBURN, Attorney-General,
amount of prussic acid in, 59
CAUDLE, Chemist,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 456
CHAMPNEYS, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 23-7
CHERRY KERNELS,
amount of prussic acid in, 59
CHESHIRE, Postmaster,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 188-9
CHLORAL AND CROTON CHLORAL,
insensibility, symptom of poisoning by, 2
CHLORINE,
process for obtaining pure, xvi.
CHLOROFORM,
solvent for alkaloids, 4, 5
antidote to strychnia, 290
CHRISTISON, Professor,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 147-8
(Dove’s trial), 248
(Madeline Smith’s trial), 315, 358
CHRONIC POISONING,
symptoms of by antimony, mercury, lead, 3, 497
CLARK, RUTHERFORD,
defence of Pritchard, 435
CLUTTERBUCK, Mr.,
details of case of (Palmer’s trial), 123
COCCULUS INDICUS,
symptom of poisoning by, 2
COCKBURN, Attorney-General,
Page 671
statement and reply (Palmer’s trial), 84-94, 209-19
COOK,
murder of. See Palmer.
COOPER, Analytical Chemist,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 28-33
cross-examination, 33-9
discovery of prussic acid in apple pips, 32, 60, 64
COPLAND, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 460
COPPER,
preparation of pure, 498
CORBETT, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 323
COSMETIC,
use of arsenic as a, 380
bismuth, 510
COWARD, Inspector,
conduct of (Merritt’s trial), 369
CURARINE,
process for extracting, 8
properties, 277, 281
CURLING, J. B., Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 111
CYANIDE OF POTASSIUM,
symptoms and post-mortem appearances, &c., 80
DANIELL, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 119
DEATH, SUDDEN,
evidence of poisoning by sulphuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acids,
poisonous gases, carbonic oxide, arseniuretted and antimoniuretted
hydrogen, kakodyl, strychnia, oxalic and prussic acid, 1, 2
COOK,
murder of. See Palmer.
COOPER, Analytical Chemist,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 28-33
cross-examination, 33-9
discovery of prussic acid in apple pips, 32, 60, 64
COPLAND, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 460
COPPER,
preparation of pure, 498
CORBETT, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 323
COSMETIC,
use of arsenic as a, 380
bismuth, 510
COWARD, Inspector,
conduct of (Merritt’s trial), 369
CURARINE,
process for extracting, 8
properties, 277, 281
CURLING, J. B., Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 111
CYANIDE OF POTASSIUM,
symptoms and post-mortem appearances, &c., 80
DANIELL, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 119
DEATH, SUDDEN,
evidence of poisoning by sulphuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acids,
poisonous gases, carbonic oxide, arseniuretted and antimoniuretted
hydrogen, kakodyl, strychnia, oxalic and prussic acid, 1, 2
Page 672
chloroform, sometimes, 2
DE MEAU, French Consul,
evidence of (M. Smith’s trial), 338
DEVONSHIRE, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 109, note—134, note
DIGITALIS,
insensibility evidence of poisoning by, 2
dilates the pupils of the eyes, 2
DODD, Chemist,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 544
DOVE, Mrs.,
evidence as to her case (Palmer’s trial), 124
DOVE, WILLIAM,
trial for murder of wife—early life, 233-5
history of the case, 235-9
symptoms—Ann Fisher, 239
Mrs. Witham, 240
Mrs. Wood, 241
Mr. Scarth, 242
medical and analytical evidence (Mr. Morley), 242-8
(Mr. Nunneley), 248
(Professor Christison), 248
(Mr. Hobson and Mr. Teale), 249
(Mr. Richard and Mr. William Hey), 250
prisoner’s actions and statements (Ann Fisher), 250
(Gray, Hicks), 251
(Harrison, Jenkins, Scarth), 252
defence—letter to the Devil, 253
evidence of insanity (Dr. Williams), 254-7
(Dr. Pyeman Smith), 258
(Mr. J. Kitchen), 259
judge’s charge, and verdict, 260-3
confessions of, 263-8
DE MEAU, French Consul,
evidence of (M. Smith’s trial), 338
DEVONSHIRE, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 109, note—134, note
DIGITALIS,
insensibility evidence of poisoning by, 2
dilates the pupils of the eyes, 2
DODD, Chemist,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 544
DOVE, Mrs.,
evidence as to her case (Palmer’s trial), 124
DOVE, WILLIAM,
trial for murder of wife—early life, 233-5
history of the case, 235-9
symptoms—Ann Fisher, 239
Mrs. Witham, 240
Mrs. Wood, 241
Mr. Scarth, 242
medical and analytical evidence (Mr. Morley), 242-8
(Mr. Nunneley), 248
(Professor Christison), 248
(Mr. Hobson and Mr. Teale), 249
(Mr. Richard and Mr. William Hey), 250
prisoner’s actions and statements (Ann Fisher), 250
(Gray, Hicks), 251
(Harrison, Jenkins, Scarth), 252
defence—letter to the Devil, 253
evidence of insanity (Dr. Williams), 254-7
(Dr. Pyeman Smith), 258
(Mr. J. Kitchen), 259
judge’s charge, and verdict, 260-3
confessions of, 263-8
Page 673
DRAGENDORFF,
process for alkaloids, 4
DROPS AND MINIMS (Ball’s trial), 50-1
table of relative proportions of, 81
DUPRÉ, Dr.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 538
EDWARDS, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s case), 484
EGGLESHAM POISONING CASE (Agnes Montgomery), 52-3
ESSENTIAL OILS,
vomiting symptom of, 2
containing HCN, 60
EYE,
action of poisons on the—opium, morphia, calabar bean, aconite?, and
strychnia, contract the pupil; belladonna, henbane, tobacco,
stramonium, digitalis, and hemlock, dilate the pupil, 2
FIREWORKS,
arsenic in, 379
antimony, 492
FISHER, ANN,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 239, 251
FISHER, ISHMAEL,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 191-3
FLY POISONS,
arsenic in, 379
FORMIC ACID,
to be tested for in supposed cases of poisoning by hydrocyanic acid,
82-3
difference from sulphocyanide, 70
FORSTER,
process for alkaloids, 4
DROPS AND MINIMS (Ball’s trial), 50-1
table of relative proportions of, 81
DUPRÉ, Dr.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 538
EDWARDS, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s case), 484
EGGLESHAM POISONING CASE (Agnes Montgomery), 52-3
ESSENTIAL OILS,
vomiting symptom of, 2
containing HCN, 60
EYE,
action of poisons on the—opium, morphia, calabar bean, aconite?, and
strychnia, contract the pupil; belladonna, henbane, tobacco,
stramonium, digitalis, and hemlock, dilate the pupil, 2
FIREWORKS,
arsenic in, 379
antimony, 492
FISHER, ANN,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 239, 251
FISHER, ISHMAEL,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 191-3
FLY POISONS,
arsenic in, 379
FORMIC ACID,
to be tested for in supposed cases of poisoning by hydrocyanic acid,
82-3
difference from sulphocyanide, 70
FORSTER,
Page 674
supposed case of tetanus, 177-8
FOULNER,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
FOWLER’S SOLUTION,
arsenite of potash, 378
dose of, 391
FRANKLIN,
trial of (arsenic in blanc mange), 377, note
FRESENIUS,
process for arsenic, 385
GAGE, MARIA,
trial of (arsenic in rat poison), 379
GAIRDNER, Dr.,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 399-403
GAY, Dr. JOHN,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 179
GILLETT, Mrs.,
evidence of (Merritt’s trial), 368
GIRDWOOD, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 472
GLASS MAKING,
arsenic used in, 376
GLUCOSE BEER,
arsenic used in, 381
GRANULES, GRITTY,
on spine (Palmer’s trial), 171, 292
GRAY, MARGARET,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 251
GRAY, R, E.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 177-8
FOULNER,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
FOWLER’S SOLUTION,
arsenite of potash, 378
dose of, 391
FRANKLIN,
trial of (arsenic in blanc mange), 377, note
FRESENIUS,
process for arsenic, 385
GAGE, MARIA,
trial of (arsenic in rat poison), 379
GAIRDNER, Dr.,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 399-403
GAY, Dr. JOHN,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 179
GILLETT, Mrs.,
evidence of (Merritt’s trial), 368
GIRDWOOD, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 472
GLASS MAKING,
arsenic used in, 376
GLUCOSE BEER,
arsenic used in, 381
GRANULES, GRITTY,
on spine (Palmer’s trial), 171, 292
GRAY, MARGARET,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 251
GRAY, R, E.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 177-8
Page 675
GUY, Dr.,
process for subliming alkaloids, 9
HADLER, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 41
HAGGART, C.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 340
HANDYSIDE, Lord,
judgment in Madeline Smith’s trial, 361
HARLAND, Dr.,
evidence, post-mortem (Palmer’s trial), 105-9
HARRISON (the witchman),
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 252
HART, Mrs.,
history of (Tawell’s trial), 41
HAWKINS, Sir H.,
remarks on Poisons Acts (Lamson’s trial), 544, note
charge of (Lamson’s trial), 555
HEHNER,
tin in canned provisions, 504
HEMLOCK,
symptoms of poisoning by, 2
antidote to tetanus, 293
HERAPATH, Chemist,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 163-6
letter to the Times, 165, note
and Dr. Taylor (Smethurst’s trial), 507
HEY, R. and W. Medical men,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 250
HICKS, MARY,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 251
process for subliming alkaloids, 9
HADLER, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 41
HAGGART, C.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 340
HANDYSIDE, Lord,
judgment in Madeline Smith’s trial, 361
HARLAND, Dr.,
evidence, post-mortem (Palmer’s trial), 105-9
HARRISON (the witchman),
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 252
HART, Mrs.,
history of (Tawell’s trial), 41
HAWKINS, Sir H.,
remarks on Poisons Acts (Lamson’s trial), 544, note
charge of (Lamson’s trial), 555
HEHNER,
tin in canned provisions, 504
HEMLOCK,
symptoms of poisoning by, 2
antidote to tetanus, 293
HERAPATH, Chemist,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 163-6
letter to the Times, 165, note
and Dr. Taylor (Smethurst’s trial), 507
HEY, R. and W. Medical men,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 250
HICKS, MARY,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 251
Page 676
HOBSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 249
HOPE, Lord Justice Clerk,
judgment on L’Angelier’s diary (Madeline Smith’s trial), 359
charge (Madeline Smith’s trial), 352-5
HORSES,
use of arsenic for, 379
HOSPITAL, LONDON
case of tetanus at, 178
HOSPITAL, ROYAL FREE,
case of tetanus at, 179
HOWARD, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 28
HYDRIDE OF ANTIMONY, 492
HYDRARGYRUM CUM CRETA (grey powder),
composition of, 513
HYDROCHLORIC ACID,
purification of, xvi.
HYDROCYANIC ACID,
synonyms and properties, 55
variations of strength of, 55-6
British Pharmacopœia (HCN), 57
sources of, 58-61
poisonous doses, 59, 79
the quickest poison, 2
quantity in apple pips (Cooper), 32
(Thomas), 40
(C. G. Stewart), 59-60
tests for detection of, preliminary, 61-3
odour test (Tawell’s trial), 24, 34
smell-blindness (Stewart), 63-7
silver test, 67-8
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 249
HOPE, Lord Justice Clerk,
judgment on L’Angelier’s diary (Madeline Smith’s trial), 359
charge (Madeline Smith’s trial), 352-5
HORSES,
use of arsenic for, 379
HOSPITAL, LONDON
case of tetanus at, 178
HOSPITAL, ROYAL FREE,
case of tetanus at, 179
HOWARD, Mrs.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 28
HYDRIDE OF ANTIMONY, 492
HYDRARGYRUM CUM CRETA (grey powder),
composition of, 513
HYDROCHLORIC ACID,
purification of, xvi.
HYDROCYANIC ACID,
synonyms and properties, 55
variations of strength of, 55-6
British Pharmacopœia (HCN), 57
sources of, 58-61
poisonous doses, 59, 79
the quickest poison, 2
quantity in apple pips (Cooper), 32
(Thomas), 40
(C. G. Stewart), 59-60
tests for detection of, preliminary, 61-3
odour test (Tawell’s trial), 24, 34
smell-blindness (Stewart), 63-7
silver test, 67-8
Page 677
Prussian-blue test, 69
sulphur test, 70
guaiacum, uranium, picric acid, cupric sulphate, cobalt chloride,
potash and mercuric oxide tests, 71
peroxide of hydrogen test, 72
mercurous nitrate test, 72
apparatus for the silver, Prussian-blue, and sulphur tests, 72-3
salts of, 73-8
potassium cyanide, 73-4
mercuric cyanide, 74-5
cyanides of the heavy metals, 75
double cyanides, 75-6
sulphocyanides (Pharaoh’s serpent), 77
in the saliva, 78
oil of bitter almonds, amount in, 78
antidotes to, medicinal uses of, fatal dose, 79
symptoms of poisoning by, and post-mortem appearances, 78-80
how long after death discoverable, 81-3
HYDROGEN, SULPHURETTED,
death by, 1
supposed presence of arsenic in, 396
reagent for antimony, 501
IGASURIA and IGASURIC ACID, 285
INGLIS, Dean of Faculty,
defence of Madeline Smith, 342-52
INGLIS, Lord Justice Clerk,
charge at Pritchard’s trial, 445
INHALING ARSENIC,
in asthma and bronchitis, 381
INSANITY,
plea of, evidence in support of (Dove’s trial), 254-60
affidavits in support of (Lamson’s case), 561
sulphur test, 70
guaiacum, uranium, picric acid, cupric sulphate, cobalt chloride,
potash and mercuric oxide tests, 71
peroxide of hydrogen test, 72
mercurous nitrate test, 72
apparatus for the silver, Prussian-blue, and sulphur tests, 72-3
salts of, 73-8
potassium cyanide, 73-4
mercuric cyanide, 74-5
cyanides of the heavy metals, 75
double cyanides, 75-6
sulphocyanides (Pharaoh’s serpent), 77
in the saliva, 78
oil of bitter almonds, amount in, 78
antidotes to, medicinal uses of, fatal dose, 79
symptoms of poisoning by, and post-mortem appearances, 78-80
how long after death discoverable, 81-3
HYDROGEN, SULPHURETTED,
death by, 1
supposed presence of arsenic in, 396
reagent for antimony, 501
IGASURIA and IGASURIC ACID, 285
INGLIS, Dean of Faculty,
defence of Madeline Smith, 342-52
INGLIS, Lord Justice Clerk,
charge at Pritchard’s trial, 445
INHALING ARSENIC,
in asthma and bronchitis, 381
INSANITY,
plea of, evidence in support of (Dove’s trial), 254-60
affidavits in support of (Lamson’s case), 561
Page 678
INSENSIBILITY,
symptom of poisoning by morphia and opium, henbane, stramonium,
nicotine, darnel, hemlock, fools’ parsley (doubtful), water hemlock,
Indian hemp, woody nightshade, berries of potato, lobelia inflata,
foxglove, cocculus indicus, some fungi, chloroform, chloral, croton
chloral, amylene, methylene dichloride, sulphuretted hydrogen,
carbonic oxide, belladonna, 2
not in strychnia, 288
IVORY, LORD,
judgment on extracts from L’Angelier’s diary, 363
JONES, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 101-4, 190
JULIUS, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 453
KEELING, MARY,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 104
omitted by Lord Chief Justice, 104, note
KERR,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
KILLERS, VERMIN,
composition, 283, 379
KITCHEN,
evidence of insanity (Dove’s trial), 259
LAMSON, G. H., Dr.,
trial for murder of brother-in-law. Chap. X., 514
history of the case, 516-20
evidence of medical attendants (Berry, Little), 520
post-mortem (Little), 521-3
(Bond), 524-6
analytical evidence (Dr. Stevenson), 526
(cross-examination), 532
(Dr. Dupré), 538
symptom of poisoning by morphia and opium, henbane, stramonium,
nicotine, darnel, hemlock, fools’ parsley (doubtful), water hemlock,
Indian hemp, woody nightshade, berries of potato, lobelia inflata,
foxglove, cocculus indicus, some fungi, chloroform, chloral, croton
chloral, amylene, methylene dichloride, sulphuretted hydrogen,
carbonic oxide, belladonna, 2
not in strychnia, 288
IVORY, LORD,
judgment on extracts from L’Angelier’s diary, 363
JONES, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 101-4, 190
JULIUS, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 453
KEELING, MARY,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 104
omitted by Lord Chief Justice, 104, note
KERR,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
KILLERS, VERMIN,
composition, 283, 379
KITCHEN,
evidence of insanity (Dove’s trial), 259
LAMSON, G. H., Dr.,
trial for murder of brother-in-law. Chap. X., 514
history of the case, 516-20
evidence of medical attendants (Berry, Little), 520
post-mortem (Little), 521-3
(Bond), 524-6
analytical evidence (Dr. Stevenson), 526
(cross-examination), 532
(Dr. Dupré), 538
Page 679
previous acts of (J. L. and W. Tulloch), 539
(Bedbrook), 541
purchase of poison by (C. A. Smith), 543
(Dodd, Shilling), 544
remarks on Poisons Act by judge, 544, note
surrender of prisoner, 546
defence (Montagu Williams), 547-53
reply (Solicitor-General, Herschel), 553-5
judge’s charge (Sir H. Hawkins), 555-60
verdict and sentence, 560
affidavits in support of application for inquiry into his sanity, 561
L’ANGELIER,
poisoning of. See Madeline Smith.
extracts from diary, judgment on, 342-59
did he commit suicide? 395-6
LAWRIE, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 325
LEAD
process for alkaloids, 7, 279
LEE, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 117
LEES, Dr.,
evidence of (Barlow’s trial), 272
LETHEBY, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 166-9
(Merritt’s trial), 366, 395
LEWIS, Sir C.,
decision in Smethurst’s case, 479
LIQUOR,
strychniæ, 283
arsenicalis, 379
LITTLEJOHN, Dr.,
(Bedbrook), 541
purchase of poison by (C. A. Smith), 543
(Dodd, Shilling), 544
remarks on Poisons Act by judge, 544, note
surrender of prisoner, 546
defence (Montagu Williams), 547-53
reply (Solicitor-General, Herschel), 553-5
judge’s charge (Sir H. Hawkins), 555-60
verdict and sentence, 560
affidavits in support of application for inquiry into his sanity, 561
L’ANGELIER,
poisoning of. See Madeline Smith.
extracts from diary, judgment on, 342-59
did he commit suicide? 395-6
LAWRIE, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 325
LEAD
process for alkaloids, 7, 279
LEE, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 117
LEES, Dr.,
evidence of (Barlow’s trial), 272
LETHEBY, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 166-9
(Merritt’s trial), 366, 395
LEWIS, Sir C.,
decision in Smethurst’s case, 479
LIQUOR,
strychniæ, 283
arsenicalis, 379
LITTLEJOHN, Dr.,
Page 680
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 424-5
MACDONALD, W., Dr.,
evidence and cross-examination (Palmer’s trial), 180-2
MACHATTIE,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
MACLAGAN, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 326
(Pritchard’s trial), 412, 422-3
MARSH’S PROCESS (arsenic), 388
(antimony), 500
MAYER’S REAGENT FOR ALKALOIDS, 10
MERCURY,
symptoms of, 3
grey powder, 513
stain on copper, 499
MERRITT, ANN,
trial for poisoning her husband, 364-72
medical and analytical evidence (Toulmin), 365
(Letheby), 366
purchase of poison by, 368
acts and statements (Gillett), 368
(Coward), 369
prisoner’s defence, 371
charge and verdict, and reprieve, 372
case referred to at Palmer’s trial, 168
METALLIC STAINS ON COPPER,
distinctions between, 499
METALS,
cleansing and bronzing of, by arsenic, 380
MILLER, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 486
MACDONALD, W., Dr.,
evidence and cross-examination (Palmer’s trial), 180-2
MACHATTIE,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
MACLAGAN, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 326
(Pritchard’s trial), 412, 422-3
MARSH’S PROCESS (arsenic), 388
(antimony), 500
MAYER’S REAGENT FOR ALKALOIDS, 10
MERCURY,
symptoms of, 3
grey powder, 513
stain on copper, 499
MERRITT, ANN,
trial for poisoning her husband, 364-72
medical and analytical evidence (Toulmin), 365
(Letheby), 366
purchase of poison by, 368
acts and statements (Gillett), 368
(Coward), 369
prisoner’s defence, 371
charge and verdict, and reprieve, 372
case referred to at Palmer’s trial, 168
METALLIC STAINS ON COPPER,
distinctions between, 499
METALS,
cleansing and bronzing of, by arsenic, 380
MILLER, Dr.,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 486
Page 681
MILLS, ELIZABETH,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 94-8
MINIMS AND DROPS,
(Ball’s trial), 50, 51
table of relative proportions of, 81
MONCKTON, Dr.,
evidence of (post-mortem, Palmer’s trial), 109
MORLEY, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 124-7
(Dove’s trial), 242-7
MORPHIA,
symptom of poisoning by, 2
distinction from strychnia, xv.
process for extracting, 8, 9
was it used by Palmer? 291
MORSON’S ACONITINE, 577-9
MOTIVE,
remarks on (Inglis, defence of M. Smith), 347
(Inglis, charge, Pritchard’s trial), 445
(Hope, Lord Justice Clerk, M. Smith’s trial), 439
(Shee, Serjeant, defence of Palmer), 201
MYATT, GEORGE, Saddler,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 92, note
MYATT, JAMES, Postboy,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 193-4
NEWTON,
chemist, evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 184, and note
NEPALINE AND NAPELLINE,
aconite alkaloids, 569, 577
NEURALINE,
preparation of aconite, 579
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 94-8
MINIMS AND DROPS,
(Ball’s trial), 50, 51
table of relative proportions of, 81
MONCKTON, Dr.,
evidence of (post-mortem, Palmer’s trial), 109
MORLEY, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 124-7
(Dove’s trial), 242-7
MORPHIA,
symptom of poisoning by, 2
distinction from strychnia, xv.
process for extracting, 8, 9
was it used by Palmer? 291
MORSON’S ACONITINE, 577-9
MOTIVE,
remarks on (Inglis, defence of M. Smith), 347
(Inglis, charge, Pritchard’s trial), 445
(Hope, Lord Justice Clerk, M. Smith’s trial), 439
(Shee, Serjeant, defence of Palmer), 201
MYATT, GEORGE, Saddler,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 92, note
MYATT, JAMES, Postboy,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 193-4
NEWTON,
chemist, evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 184, and note
NEPALINE AND NAPELLINE,
aconite alkaloids, 569, 577
NEURALINE,
preparation of aconite, 579
Page 682
NITRIC ACID,
test for brucia, 285
for morphia, xv., 6, 285 note
NORBLAD, Surgeon,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 36-7
NUNNELEY, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 152-63
(Dove’s trial), 184, and note
ODLING, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 464
ORPIMENT,
composition and properties, 381
as a cosmetic, 320, 382
Mary Ann Burdock, 382, and note
OXIDATION TEST FOR STRYCHNIA, 280
OXIDES OF ANTIMONY, 495
OXIDES OF ARSENIC, 374, 382
PAINTS,
arsenic in, 377
PALMER, WILLIAM,
trial of, for murder of J. P. Cook. Chap. II., 84
his connection with Cook, 84-94
health of Cook, 90-1, note
sickness of Cook at Shrewsbury, 91-3
Cook’s symptoms at Rugeley (Elizabeth Mills), 94-6
(Lavinia Barnes), 98
(Mary Keeling), 104
medical evidence (Bamford), 99-100
(Jones), 101-4
post-mortem (Harland), 105-9
(Monckton), 109
(Devonshire), 109, note, 134, note
test for brucia, 285
for morphia, xv., 6, 285 note
NORBLAD, Surgeon,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 36-7
NUNNELEY, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 152-63
(Dove’s trial), 184, and note
ODLING, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 464
ORPIMENT,
composition and properties, 381
as a cosmetic, 320, 382
Mary Ann Burdock, 382, and note
OXIDATION TEST FOR STRYCHNIA, 280
OXIDES OF ANTIMONY, 495
OXIDES OF ARSENIC, 374, 382
PAINTS,
arsenic in, 377
PALMER, WILLIAM,
trial of, for murder of J. P. Cook. Chap. II., 84
his connection with Cook, 84-94
health of Cook, 90-1, note
sickness of Cook at Shrewsbury, 91-3
Cook’s symptoms at Rugeley (Elizabeth Mills), 94-6
(Lavinia Barnes), 98
(Mary Keeling), 104
medical evidence (Bamford), 99-100
(Jones), 101-4
post-mortem (Harland), 105-9
(Monckton), 109
(Devonshire), 109, note, 134, note
Page 683
medical experts (J. B. Curling), 111
(Dr. Todd), 114
(Daniell, Solly, Lee), 119
(Sir Benjamin Brodie), 117
(Dr. Jackson), 119-20
late cases of strychnia (Agnes Sennett), 121
(Mrs. S. Smyth, Romsey), 122
(Mr. Clutterbuck), 123
(Mrs. Dove, see Morley), 124-7
analytical evidence (Dr. Taylor), 128-45, 291
(Rees and Brande), 145
(Professor Christison), 146-8
medico-scientific evidence for defence, points of, 149-50, 288
(Mr. Nunneley), 152-63
(Mr. Herapath), 163-6
(Dr. Letheby), 166-9
(Professor Rogers), 170
(Dr. F. Wrightson), 170
(Mr. Partridge), 171-3
(Pemberton and Robinson), 174
(Dr. Richardson), 175, 468, 289.
cases of tetanus on part of defence, 177-82
purchase of poison by, 183-5
acts of, during illness and after death of Cook, 186-96
J. Myatt, evidence of, 193
letter to the coroner, &c., 194-5
committal of, for murder, and conduct in gaol, 196
evidence of, in forged bill case, 196, note
defence of, by Mr. Serjeant Shee, 196-208
reply of Attorney-General, 208
charge of Lord Campbell, 220
verdict and sentence, 231
remarks of Sir James Stephen, 231
suggested use of morphia by, 291
PARKE, Baron,
(Dr. Todd), 114
(Daniell, Solly, Lee), 119
(Sir Benjamin Brodie), 117
(Dr. Jackson), 119-20
late cases of strychnia (Agnes Sennett), 121
(Mrs. S. Smyth, Romsey), 122
(Mr. Clutterbuck), 123
(Mrs. Dove, see Morley), 124-7
analytical evidence (Dr. Taylor), 128-45, 291
(Rees and Brande), 145
(Professor Christison), 146-8
medico-scientific evidence for defence, points of, 149-50, 288
(Mr. Nunneley), 152-63
(Mr. Herapath), 163-6
(Dr. Letheby), 166-9
(Professor Rogers), 170
(Dr. F. Wrightson), 170
(Mr. Partridge), 171-3
(Pemberton and Robinson), 174
(Dr. Richardson), 175, 468, 289.
cases of tetanus on part of defence, 177-82
purchase of poison by, 183-5
acts of, during illness and after death of Cook, 186-96
J. Myatt, evidence of, 193
letter to the coroner, &c., 194-5
committal of, for murder, and conduct in gaol, 196
evidence of, in forged bill case, 196, note
defence of, by Mr. Serjeant Shee, 196-208
reply of Attorney-General, 208
charge of Lord Campbell, 220
verdict and sentence, 231
remarks of Sir James Stephen, 231
suggested use of morphia by, 291
PARKE, Baron,
Page 684
charge of (Tawell’s trial), 42-7
PARTRIDGE, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 171
PATERSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 404-26
PATTERSON, Servant,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 398
PEMBERTON, Surgeon,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 486
PENNY, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 357
(Pritchard’s trial), 413, 418, 420, 426
PERKINS, Constable,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 23
PHOSPHO-ANTIMONIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
PHOSPHO-MOLYBDIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 10
PHOSPHO-TUNGSTIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 11
PHOSPHORIC TEST FOR ACONITIA. See Aconite.
PICKERING, Surgeon,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 38
PICRIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 11
PIPERINE AND PYROXANTHINE,
distinctions from strychnia, 156, 281
PLATINIC CHLORIDE,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
PARTRIDGE, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 171
PATERSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 404-26
PATTERSON, Servant,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 398
PEMBERTON, Surgeon,
evidence of (Winslow’s trial), 486
PENNY, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 357
(Pritchard’s trial), 413, 418, 420, 426
PERKINS, Constable,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 23
PHOSPHO-ANTIMONIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
PHOSPHO-MOLYBDIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 10
PHOSPHO-TUNGSTIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 11
PHOSPHORIC TEST FOR ACONITIA. See Aconite.
PICKERING, Surgeon,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 38
PICRIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 11
PIPERINE AND PYROXANTHINE,
distinctions from strychnia, 156, 281
PLATINIC CHLORIDE,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
Page 685
POLLOCK, Lord Chief Baron,
censure of Inspector Coward, 369-70
charge (Smethurst’s trial), 473-7
report to Home Secretary, 478
PORTER,
does it disguise HCN? 37, 65
POTASSIUM TRI-IODIDE AND POTASSIO-MERCURIC-IODIDE,
reagents for alkaloids, 10
PRINCIPLES,
to be observed in testing for poisons, 14, 15
PRITCHARD, Dr.,
trial of, for murder of wife and mother-in-law, 397-448
history of the case (Patterson, McLeod), 398
symptoms (Gairdner, Paterson), 399
medical attendants, evidence of (Gairdner), 403
(Paterson), 404-26
purchase of poisons by, 412
post-mortem examinations (Maclagan), 413-18
chemical analysis of medicines in Pritchard’s room, 413
of bodies (Penny), 418
of bottle of Battley’s solution, 419
experiments with Battley’s solution on animals, 420-1
causes of death (Dr. Maclagan), 422-3
(Dr. Littlejohn), 424-5
(Dr. Paterson), 426
declarations (official) of, 427
witnesses for defence (Dr. M. Taylor), 430
(Simpson, Foulner, Kerr, and McHattie), 431
speech of Solicitor-General, 431
Rutherford Clark for prisoner, 435
judge’s charge, 445
verdict, confession, 447
PRUSSIC ACID. See Hydrocyanic Acid.
censure of Inspector Coward, 369-70
charge (Smethurst’s trial), 473-7
report to Home Secretary, 478
PORTER,
does it disguise HCN? 37, 65
POTASSIUM TRI-IODIDE AND POTASSIO-MERCURIC-IODIDE,
reagents for alkaloids, 10
PRINCIPLES,
to be observed in testing for poisons, 14, 15
PRITCHARD, Dr.,
trial of, for murder of wife and mother-in-law, 397-448
history of the case (Patterson, McLeod), 398
symptoms (Gairdner, Paterson), 399
medical attendants, evidence of (Gairdner), 403
(Paterson), 404-26
purchase of poisons by, 412
post-mortem examinations (Maclagan), 413-18
chemical analysis of medicines in Pritchard’s room, 413
of bodies (Penny), 418
of bottle of Battley’s solution, 419
experiments with Battley’s solution on animals, 420-1
causes of death (Dr. Maclagan), 422-3
(Dr. Littlejohn), 424-5
(Dr. Paterson), 426
declarations (official) of, 427
witnesses for defence (Dr. M. Taylor), 430
(Simpson, Foulner, Kerr, and McHattie), 431
speech of Solicitor-General, 431
Rutherford Clark for prisoner, 435
judge’s charge, 445
verdict, confession, 447
PRUSSIC ACID. See Hydrocyanic Acid.
Page 686
PSEUDACONITIA. See Aconite.
PTOMAINES. See Cadaveric Alkaloids.
RAT POISONS,
arsenic in, 379
RICHARDSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 175
(Smethurst’s trial), 466
ROBERTS, Chemist,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 183
ROBERTSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 174
ROGERS, Professor,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 170
(Smethurst’s), 469
ROSS, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 180
SALTS OF HYDROCYANIC ACID,
symptoms, 79
post-mortem appearances, 80
SARGEANT, J.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 91
SAVAGE, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 90, note
SCARTH, Chemist, 242
evidence of, (Dove’s trial), 242
SCHEIBLER’S REAGENT FOR ALKALOIDS, 11
SENNETT, AGNES,
case of tetanus (Palmer’s trial), 121
SHEE, Serjeant,
PTOMAINES. See Cadaveric Alkaloids.
RAT POISONS,
arsenic in, 379
RICHARDSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 175
(Smethurst’s trial), 466
ROBERTS, Chemist,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 183
ROBERTSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 174
ROGERS, Professor,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 170
(Smethurst’s), 469
ROSS, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 180
SALTS OF HYDROCYANIC ACID,
symptoms, 79
post-mortem appearances, 80
SARGEANT, J.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 91
SAVAGE, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 90, note
SCARTH, Chemist, 242
evidence of, (Dove’s trial), 242
SCHEIBLER’S REAGENT FOR ALKALOIDS, 11
SENNETT, AGNES,
case of tetanus (Palmer’s trial), 121
SHEE, Serjeant,
Page 687
speech for defence (Palmer’s trial), 196-208
SHEEPWASH,
arsenic in, 377
SHILLING,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 544
SILICO-TUNGSTIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
SMETHURST,
trial of, for murder of Isabella Bankes, 448-79
history of the case (Ballantine), 449-53
evidence of medical attendants (Julius), 453-5
(Bird and Caudle), 455-6
post-mortem examination (Barwell), 456-8
(Wilks), 458-9
medical experts for prosecution (Todd), 459
(Buzzard, Copland, Bowerbank, and Babbington), 460
analytical evidence (Taylor), 461-4
(Herapath’s letter on, Odling), 460
medical and analytical evidence for defence, 465-73
(Dr. Richardson), 466
(Drs. Rogers and Thudichum), 469
(Dr. Cornelius Webb), 470
(Dr. Girdwood), 472
(Dr. Tyler Smith), 473
judge’s charge (Pollock), 473-7
reference to Brodie, 478
pardon, 479
conviction for bigamy, 452
proof of Miss Bankes’ will, 452
SMITH, C. A., Chemist,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 543
SMITH, JEREMIAH,
examination and cross-examination (Palmer’s trial), 185, note
SHEEPWASH,
arsenic in, 377
SHILLING,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 544
SILICO-TUNGSTIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
SMETHURST,
trial of, for murder of Isabella Bankes, 448-79
history of the case (Ballantine), 449-53
evidence of medical attendants (Julius), 453-5
(Bird and Caudle), 455-6
post-mortem examination (Barwell), 456-8
(Wilks), 458-9
medical experts for prosecution (Todd), 459
(Buzzard, Copland, Bowerbank, and Babbington), 460
analytical evidence (Taylor), 461-4
(Herapath’s letter on, Odling), 460
medical and analytical evidence for defence, 465-73
(Dr. Richardson), 466
(Drs. Rogers and Thudichum), 469
(Dr. Cornelius Webb), 470
(Dr. Girdwood), 472
(Dr. Tyler Smith), 473
judge’s charge (Pollock), 473-7
reference to Brodie, 478
pardon, 479
conviction for bigamy, 452
proof of Miss Bankes’ will, 452
SMITH, C. A., Chemist,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 543
SMITH, JEREMIAH,
examination and cross-examination (Palmer’s trial), 185, note
Page 688
SMITH, MADELINE,
trial of, for murder, 295, 359
history of the parties, 295-8
declaration of the accused, 298-300
L’Angelier’s symptoms (Mrs. Jenkins), 300-3
medical attendants, evidence of (Dr. Thomson), 304
(Dr. Steven), 305
post-mortem examination (Appendix A), 355
analytical evidence (Dr. Penny), 307
(Prof. Christison), 315-58
medical experts for defence (Dr. Lawrie), 325
(Dr. McLagan), 326
opportunities of administering poison—1st charge, 329
2nd charge, 330
3rd charge, 332
conduct and statements of (M. de Meau), 337-42
(C. Haggart), 340, note
proposed evidence from L’Angelier’s diary (Appendix C), 342, 359
the defence, 342
judge’s charge and verdict, 352-5
quantity of arsenic found in body of a murdered person (Appendix B),
353
SMITH, PYEMAN, Dr.,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 258
SMITH, TYLER, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 473
SMYTH, Mrs.,
case of tetanus (Palmer’s trial), 122
SOLANINE,
extraction of, 8
SOLLY, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 117
SONNENSCHEIN’S REAGENT FOR ALKALOIDS, 10
trial of, for murder, 295, 359
history of the parties, 295-8
declaration of the accused, 298-300
L’Angelier’s symptoms (Mrs. Jenkins), 300-3
medical attendants, evidence of (Dr. Thomson), 304
(Dr. Steven), 305
post-mortem examination (Appendix A), 355
analytical evidence (Dr. Penny), 307
(Prof. Christison), 315-58
medical experts for defence (Dr. Lawrie), 325
(Dr. McLagan), 326
opportunities of administering poison—1st charge, 329
2nd charge, 330
3rd charge, 332
conduct and statements of (M. de Meau), 337-42
(C. Haggart), 340, note
proposed evidence from L’Angelier’s diary (Appendix C), 342, 359
the defence, 342
judge’s charge and verdict, 352-5
quantity of arsenic found in body of a murdered person (Appendix B),
353
SMITH, PYEMAN, Dr.,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 258
SMITH, TYLER, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 473
SMYTH, Mrs.,
case of tetanus (Palmer’s trial), 122
SOLANINE,
extraction of, 8
SOLLY, Surgeon,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 117
SONNENSCHEIN’S REAGENT FOR ALKALOIDS, 10
Page 689
SPECULUM METAL,
arsenic in, 381
SPINAL GRANULES (Palmer’s trial), 171-4
specimens at St. Thomas’ Hospital, 292-3
STEPHEN, Mr. Justice,
notes on Palmer’s trial, 169, 231-2
Dove’s trial, 268
Smethurst’s trial, 478-511
STEVEN, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 305
STEVENS,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 91, note
STEVENSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 526-32
STRYCHNIA (Chapter V.), 276
sources and properties of, 277
separation of, 278-80
STRYCHNIA TESTS,
microscope, taste, colour, 279, 280
galvanic (Letheby), 282
Marshall Hall’s, bichromate of potash, 282
picric acid, sodium nitrite, mercuric chloride, 283
preparations of (table), 283
vermin killers, 283-4
doses, medicinal, 285
fatal period for, 286
symptoms of, in man, 287
post-mortem appearances, 289
treatment and antidotes, 290
value of colour tests, 291
discovery of, in the tissues, 291
did Palmer poison Cook with morphia? 292
arsenic in, 381
SPINAL GRANULES (Palmer’s trial), 171-4
specimens at St. Thomas’ Hospital, 292-3
STEPHEN, Mr. Justice,
notes on Palmer’s trial, 169, 231-2
Dove’s trial, 268
Smethurst’s trial, 478-511
STEVEN, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 305
STEVENS,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 91, note
STEVENSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 526-32
STRYCHNIA (Chapter V.), 276
sources and properties of, 277
separation of, 278-80
STRYCHNIA TESTS,
microscope, taste, colour, 279, 280
galvanic (Letheby), 282
Marshall Hall’s, bichromate of potash, 282
picric acid, sodium nitrite, mercuric chloride, 283
preparations of (table), 283
vermin killers, 283-4
doses, medicinal, 285
fatal period for, 286
symptoms of, in man, 287
post-mortem appearances, 289
treatment and antidotes, 290
value of colour tests, 291
discovery of, in the tissues, 291
did Palmer poison Cook with morphia? 292
Page 690
supposed preparation of spinal gritty granules, 292-3
differences between morphia and, xv.
SULPHIDES,
of antimony, 491, 495
of arsenic, 381, 387
TANNIN OR TANNIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
antidote to antimony, 497
TARTAR EMETIC. See Antimony, 494
TAWELL, JOHN,
trial of, for murder of Mrs. Hart, 16-49
previous life of, 17
symptoms of poison (Ashley, Barrett), 19, 20
conduct at Slough, 21
arrest of (Williams, Wiggins), 22
statement by (Perkins), 23
medical evidence (Champneys), 23-7
previous attempt to poison (Howard), 28
analytical evidence (Cooper), 28-36
(Norblad, Pickering), 36-8
purchase of poison by (Thomas), 39, 40
history of Mrs. Hart (Bateman, Hadler), 41
defence (Kelly), 41-2
judge’s charge (Parke), and verdict, 42-7
confession, question about publication of, 48
legal dispute about his Australian property, 48-9
TAYLOR, A. S., Dr., Analyst,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 128-45
(Smethurst’s trial), 461-4
and Herapath, 507
TAYLOR, MICHAEL, Dr.,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 430
differences between morphia and, xv.
SULPHIDES,
of antimony, 491, 495
of arsenic, 381, 387
TANNIN OR TANNIC ACID,
reagent for alkaloids, 12
antidote to antimony, 497
TARTAR EMETIC. See Antimony, 494
TAWELL, JOHN,
trial of, for murder of Mrs. Hart, 16-49
previous life of, 17
symptoms of poison (Ashley, Barrett), 19, 20
conduct at Slough, 21
arrest of (Williams, Wiggins), 22
statement by (Perkins), 23
medical evidence (Champneys), 23-7
previous attempt to poison (Howard), 28
analytical evidence (Cooper), 28-36
(Norblad, Pickering), 36-8
purchase of poison by (Thomas), 39, 40
history of Mrs. Hart (Bateman, Hadler), 41
defence (Kelly), 41-2
judge’s charge (Parke), and verdict, 42-7
confession, question about publication of, 48
legal dispute about his Australian property, 48-9
TAYLOR, A. S., Dr., Analyst,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 128-45
(Smethurst’s trial), 461-4
and Herapath, 507
TAYLOR, MICHAEL, Dr.,
evidence of (Pritchard’s trial), 430
Page 691
TEAL, Dr.,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 249
TEETH STOPPING,
arsenic used in, 378
THOMPSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 304
THUDICHUM, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 469
TODD, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 114
(Smethurst’s trial), 459
TOYS,
coloured with arsenic, 378
TRI-IODIDE AND TRIOXIDE OF ARSENIC. See Arsenic.
TULLOCH, J. L. and W.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 539
petition to Home Secretary, 560
VOMITING,
a symptom of poisoning by all irritant poisons, acids, alkalies, alkaline
salts, &c., 2
WALKER, PETER,
trial of (Egglesham poisoning), 51-2
WALL PAPERS,
arsenic used in colouring, 378
WEBB, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 470
WIGGINS, Constable,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 22
WILKS, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 458
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 249
TEETH STOPPING,
arsenic used in, 378
THOMPSON, Dr.,
evidence of (Madeline Smith’s trial), 304
THUDICHUM, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 469
TODD, Dr.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 114
(Smethurst’s trial), 459
TOYS,
coloured with arsenic, 378
TRI-IODIDE AND TRIOXIDE OF ARSENIC. See Arsenic.
TULLOCH, J. L. and W.,
evidence of (Lamson’s trial), 539
petition to Home Secretary, 560
VOMITING,
a symptom of poisoning by all irritant poisons, acids, alkalies, alkaline
salts, &c., 2
WALKER, PETER,
trial of (Egglesham poisoning), 51-2
WALL PAPERS,
arsenic used in colouring, 378
WEBB, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 470
WIGGINS, Constable,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 22
WILKS, Dr.,
evidence of (Smethurst’s trial), 458
Page 692
WILLIAMS, Inspector G. W. R.,
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 22
WILLIAMS, CALEB, Dr.,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 254
WILSON, CATHERINE,
case of tetanus (Palmer’s trial), 180
WINSLOW, THOMAS,
trial of, for murder of Mrs. James, 479-89
history of case, 479-82
medical and analytical evidence (Cameron), 482
(J. B. Edwards), 484
(Ayrton), 487
(Miller, Pemberton), 486
prisoner’s statements, 487
purchase of poison, 488
charge and verdict, 489
WITHAM, Mrs.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 124
(Dove’s trial), 240
WOOD, MARY,
evidence of, objection to, 233, note
(Dove’s trial), 241
WOOD PRESERVING,
arsenic used for, 377
WRIGHTSON, Dr. F.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 170, 177
YOUNG, Solicitor-General,
speech of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
evidence of (Tawell’s trial), 22
WILLIAMS, CALEB, Dr.,
evidence of (Dove’s trial), 254
WILSON, CATHERINE,
case of tetanus (Palmer’s trial), 180
WINSLOW, THOMAS,
trial of, for murder of Mrs. James, 479-89
history of case, 479-82
medical and analytical evidence (Cameron), 482
(J. B. Edwards), 484
(Ayrton), 487
(Miller, Pemberton), 486
prisoner’s statements, 487
purchase of poison, 488
charge and verdict, 489
WITHAM, Mrs.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 124
(Dove’s trial), 240
WOOD, MARY,
evidence of, objection to, 233, note
(Dove’s trial), 241
WOOD PRESERVING,
arsenic used for, 377
WRIGHTSON, Dr. F.,
evidence of (Palmer’s trial), 170, 177
YOUNG, Solicitor-General,
speech of (Pritchard’s trial), 431
Page 693
THE END.
BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
Page 694
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Christison on Poisons, 1829, p. 491.
[2] For instance, strychnia or strychnine, morphia or
morphine, aconitia or aconitine, are the same substances.
[3] 39 & 40 Vict. cap. 77, sec. 12.
[4] Potassio-mercuric iodide, made by dissolving 50
grammes of potassium iodide and 13·5 grammes of
mercuric chloride, in a litre of distilled water. The reagent
is added till no further precipitate is produced, which is
known by filtering a small portion at intervals and testing
with the potassio-mercuric iodide to see if finished. The
strength of the solution must be, as nearly as possible, 1
part of the alkaloid in 200, so that an approximate idea
must first be obtained by weighing or otherwise. As the
quantity is in poison cases generally too small to weigh,
the approximate idea must be gathered by comparing the
intensity of the tests with those furnished by known
amounts of the alkaloid. Each cubic centimetre of
Mayer’s solution precipitates ·02 gramme of morphia,
·0268 of aconitia, and ·0167 of strychnia. For further
details see Blyth’s Practical Chemistry, 1879, p. 289.
[1] Christison on Poisons, 1829, p. 491.
[2] For instance, strychnia or strychnine, morphia or
morphine, aconitia or aconitine, are the same substances.
[3] 39 & 40 Vict. cap. 77, sec. 12.
[4] Potassio-mercuric iodide, made by dissolving 50
grammes of potassium iodide and 13·5 grammes of
mercuric chloride, in a litre of distilled water. The reagent
is added till no further precipitate is produced, which is
known by filtering a small portion at intervals and testing
with the potassio-mercuric iodide to see if finished. The
strength of the solution must be, as nearly as possible, 1
part of the alkaloid in 200, so that an approximate idea
must first be obtained by weighing or otherwise. As the
quantity is in poison cases generally too small to weigh,
the approximate idea must be gathered by comparing the
intensity of the tests with those furnished by known
amounts of the alkaloid. Each cubic centimetre of
Mayer’s solution precipitates ·02 gramme of morphia,
·0268 of aconitia, and ·0167 of strychnia. For further
details see Blyth’s Practical Chemistry, 1879, p. 289.
Page 695
[5] Rennard (Chem. Centr. 1876, 456) asserts that acetic
ether is preferable to amylic alcohol, as the latter
dissolves more colouring matter.
[6] To recover the alkaloid, dissolve the precipitate in
sufficient sulphurous acid solution, and evaporate: the
sulphate is left (Wagner).
[7] If the picrate precipitate be dissolved in dilute potash,
and the solution shaken with ether-chloroform, the latter,
on evaporation, leaves the alkaloid again in a free state.
[8] At the inquest this witness said that she rinsed out one of
the glasses on the table to give the deceased the water.
[9] Evidence of Katherine White, barmaid; W. Marton,
gardener; J. Kendal, waiter at the Jerusalem Coffee-
house; H. Crapp, clerk G. W. Railway, Slough; G. Lewis,
postboy at Salthill; R. Roberts, innkeeper, Slough; C.
Wibberts, guard of G. W. R.; Weymouth, a plumber; E. J.
Howell, superintendent of Slough station; Rev. E. T.
Champneys T. Holman, constable, of Farnham-Royal.
[10] At the inquest, this witness, speaking of the results of
the chemical analysis, said:—“It may not have been
prussic acid, but in conjunction with some salt nearly
allied to it. I do not think it was administered by itself but
in some liquid. The salts of prussic acid have not the
same pungent peculiar odour as prussic acid itself. They
would produce death, but he could not say how quickly.”
Mr. Norblad, on the same occasion, suggested that one of
the salts into the composition of which prussic acid
enters, might have been given; “that cyanide of
potassium, the salt to which he referred, would cause
death in from two seconds to a quarter of an hour,
according to the amount given.” At the time of the
ether is preferable to amylic alcohol, as the latter
dissolves more colouring matter.
[6] To recover the alkaloid, dissolve the precipitate in
sufficient sulphurous acid solution, and evaporate: the
sulphate is left (Wagner).
[7] If the picrate precipitate be dissolved in dilute potash,
and the solution shaken with ether-chloroform, the latter,
on evaporation, leaves the alkaloid again in a free state.
[8] At the inquest this witness said that she rinsed out one of
the glasses on the table to give the deceased the water.
[9] Evidence of Katherine White, barmaid; W. Marton,
gardener; J. Kendal, waiter at the Jerusalem Coffee-
house; H. Crapp, clerk G. W. Railway, Slough; G. Lewis,
postboy at Salthill; R. Roberts, innkeeper, Slough; C.
Wibberts, guard of G. W. R.; Weymouth, a plumber; E. J.
Howell, superintendent of Slough station; Rev. E. T.
Champneys T. Holman, constable, of Farnham-Royal.
[10] At the inquest, this witness, speaking of the results of
the chemical analysis, said:—“It may not have been
prussic acid, but in conjunction with some salt nearly
allied to it. I do not think it was administered by itself but
in some liquid. The salts of prussic acid have not the
same pungent peculiar odour as prussic acid itself. They
would produce death, but he could not say how quickly.”
Mr. Norblad, on the same occasion, suggested that one of
the salts into the composition of which prussic acid
enters, might have been given; “that cyanide of
potassium, the salt to which he referred, would cause
death in from two seconds to a quarter of an hour,
according to the amount given.” At the time of the
Page 696
inquest it was not known that the prisoner had bought of
Thomas, Scheele’s solution of prussic acid. On the
properties of the various kinds of these salts, see Mr.
Stewart’s remarks, pp. 73-77.
[11] Doubtful. C. G. S.
[12] On the mooted question of “odour,” see Mr. Stewart’s
experiments and remarks on smell-blindness, pp. 63-66.
[13] In giving the examination-in-chief of this witness, I
have, through the kindness of Mr. C. Platt, the clerk of
assize of the old Norfolk circuit, been able to correct the
cotemporary reports in the Times and the Bucks Heraldby
the original report of his experiments made by Mr.
Cooper to the prosecution. Mr. Cooper was unable to be
at the inquest, and the results of such of these
experiments as Messrs. Champneys and Norblad had
witnessed were then alone given in evidence, excluding
those where the odour of prussic acid was smelt by Mr.
Cooper and his sons, and where the quantity in the
portion of the contents of the stomach submitted to
analysation was determined.
[14] See the table of Mr. Stewart’s experiments on bitter
and sweet apples, and other fruits, p. 59.
[15] The reporter is wrong here; see cross-examination of
Mr. Champneys, p. 24, in which he says that neither Mr.
Norblad nor Mr. Pickering smelt the odour on the first
opening of the body.
[16] Sweet almonds would not affect the production of
prussic acid from the apple-pips, except as tending to
produce emulsine.
Thomas, Scheele’s solution of prussic acid. On the
properties of the various kinds of these salts, see Mr.
Stewart’s remarks, pp. 73-77.
[11] Doubtful. C. G. S.
[12] On the mooted question of “odour,” see Mr. Stewart’s
experiments and remarks on smell-blindness, pp. 63-66.
[13] In giving the examination-in-chief of this witness, I
have, through the kindness of Mr. C. Platt, the clerk of
assize of the old Norfolk circuit, been able to correct the
cotemporary reports in the Times and the Bucks Heraldby
the original report of his experiments made by Mr.
Cooper to the prosecution. Mr. Cooper was unable to be
at the inquest, and the results of such of these
experiments as Messrs. Champneys and Norblad had
witnessed were then alone given in evidence, excluding
those where the odour of prussic acid was smelt by Mr.
Cooper and his sons, and where the quantity in the
portion of the contents of the stomach submitted to
analysation was determined.
[14] See the table of Mr. Stewart’s experiments on bitter
and sweet apples, and other fruits, p. 59.
[15] The reporter is wrong here; see cross-examination of
Mr. Champneys, p. 24, in which he says that neither Mr.
Norblad nor Mr. Pickering smelt the odour on the first
opening of the body.
[16] Sweet almonds would not affect the production of
prussic acid from the apple-pips, except as tending to
produce emulsine.
Page 697
[17] See note at p. 38 as to Pickering’s evidence on this
point.
[18] See p. 58.
[19] Judge Therry’s Reminiscences of 30 Years’ Residence
in N. S. Wales. 2nd edition, p. 107. I have altered the
conclusion of the Judge’s remarks from information
supplied to me by a relative well acquainted with Sydney
in those days.
[20] Animal matter contains the elements carbon, hydrogen,
nitrogen, and oxygen: the carbon and nitrogen unite with
the alkaline metal to form a cyanide, or a ferrocyanide if
iron also be present.
[21] Case of Sir T. Boughton, 1781.
[22] The potash and ferrous salt form potassium sulphate
and ferrous hydroxide, the latter combines with cyanogen
and more potash to form potassium ferro-cyanide, the
ferric chloride with the potash produces ferric hydroxide
and potassium chloride; when the hydrochloric acid is
added, it dissolves up the excess of ferrous and ferric
hydroxides, forming ferrous and ferric chlorides, and the
ferric chloride unites with the potassium ferrocyanide to
form ferric ferrocyanide or Prussian blue.
[23] Professor Carey Lea (American Journal of Science, 3,
ix., 121) prefers to mix a weak solution of ammonio-
ferrous sulphate with a little ammonio-ferric citrate, to
acidify with hydrochloric acid, then to place two or three
drops of this on a white plate, and to add a few drops of
the suspected solution. A blue cloudiness indicates HCN.
This method, he says, is capable of detecting 1/5000 of a
grain of HCN. But I do not think it more delicate than the
point.
[18] See p. 58.
[19] Judge Therry’s Reminiscences of 30 Years’ Residence
in N. S. Wales. 2nd edition, p. 107. I have altered the
conclusion of the Judge’s remarks from information
supplied to me by a relative well acquainted with Sydney
in those days.
[20] Animal matter contains the elements carbon, hydrogen,
nitrogen, and oxygen: the carbon and nitrogen unite with
the alkaline metal to form a cyanide, or a ferrocyanide if
iron also be present.
[21] Case of Sir T. Boughton, 1781.
[22] The potash and ferrous salt form potassium sulphate
and ferrous hydroxide, the latter combines with cyanogen
and more potash to form potassium ferro-cyanide, the
ferric chloride with the potash produces ferric hydroxide
and potassium chloride; when the hydrochloric acid is
added, it dissolves up the excess of ferrous and ferric
hydroxides, forming ferrous and ferric chlorides, and the
ferric chloride unites with the potassium ferrocyanide to
form ferric ferrocyanide or Prussian blue.
[23] Professor Carey Lea (American Journal of Science, 3,
ix., 121) prefers to mix a weak solution of ammonio-
ferrous sulphate with a little ammonio-ferric citrate, to
acidify with hydrochloric acid, then to place two or three
drops of this on a white plate, and to add a few drops of
the suspected solution. A blue cloudiness indicates HCN.
This method, he says, is capable of detecting 1/5000 of a
grain of HCN. But I do not think it more delicate than the
Page 698
old method if properly performed, and it does not so
easily admit of comparative experiment as to quantity.
[24] Professor Toynbee met his death by incautious use in
this way.
[25] Death from suffocation.
[26] 19 Vict. c. 16.
[27] The authorities for the following report are (1) Report
of Trial of William Palmer. J. Gilbert, Lond., 1856. (2)
Reprint of Times Report of the Trial. Ward and Lock,
Lond., 1856; and the Life and Career of William Palmer,
by the same publishers. (3) Verbatim Report of the Trial,
from shorthand notes of Mr. Angelo Bennett. J. Allen,
Lond., 1856. (4) Letter to Lord Chief Justice Campbell
by the Rev. Thomas Palmer, brother to the prisoner, with
appendix of documents, including memorial from his
solicitor to Sir G. Grey, letters and newspaper criticisms.
Taylor, Lond., 1856. I have also availed myself of Mr.
Justice Stephens’ summary of the trial and his comments
on the evidence, in the appendix to the third volume of
his History of the Criminal Law of England.
[28] “From his childhood upward,” says his brother, “no
man was gentler of heart—his charity was inexhaustible;
his kindliness to all who were in distress well known. To
him the wanderer resorted in his afflictions; by him the
poor and houseless were fed and comforted. I write in the
face of the public, with my character as a gentleman and
a clergyman at stake, and I avow only facts that cannot be
denied. His liberality was a proverb; his frank sincerity,
his courage, his faithful loyalty to his friends, his
temperance, his performance of the duties of religion, his
social relations in the character of father, husband, and
easily admit of comparative experiment as to quantity.
[24] Professor Toynbee met his death by incautious use in
this way.
[25] Death from suffocation.
[26] 19 Vict. c. 16.
[27] The authorities for the following report are (1) Report
of Trial of William Palmer. J. Gilbert, Lond., 1856. (2)
Reprint of Times Report of the Trial. Ward and Lock,
Lond., 1856; and the Life and Career of William Palmer,
by the same publishers. (3) Verbatim Report of the Trial,
from shorthand notes of Mr. Angelo Bennett. J. Allen,
Lond., 1856. (4) Letter to Lord Chief Justice Campbell
by the Rev. Thomas Palmer, brother to the prisoner, with
appendix of documents, including memorial from his
solicitor to Sir G. Grey, letters and newspaper criticisms.
Taylor, Lond., 1856. I have also availed myself of Mr.
Justice Stephens’ summary of the trial and his comments
on the evidence, in the appendix to the third volume of
his History of the Criminal Law of England.
[28] “From his childhood upward,” says his brother, “no
man was gentler of heart—his charity was inexhaustible;
his kindliness to all who were in distress well known. To
him the wanderer resorted in his afflictions; by him the
poor and houseless were fed and comforted. I write in the
face of the public, with my character as a gentleman and
a clergyman at stake, and I avow only facts that cannot be
denied. His liberality was a proverb; his frank sincerity,
his courage, his faithful loyalty to his friends, his
temperance, his performance of the duties of religion, his
social relations in the character of father, husband, and
Page 699
son, won for him the love and confidence of all who
approached him; and though it is true that in one fatal
instance he violated the laws of his country, and
subjected himself to a severe penalty for an infringement
of its commercial code, yet, this excepted, his was in all
respects the very opposite of that cool, calculating,
cowardly, crafty temper, which is essential to the
poisoner, and we know cannot co-exist with those
qualities which my brother possessed from his earliest
years down even to the day when your lordship sent him
to his death.” Letter to Lord Campbell, pp. 4, 5.
[29] The excuse put forward for this was his wish to raise
money for Bate. The prisoner’s brother complains, in his
letter to Lord Campbell, pp. 29, 30, and with justice, that
though the evidence of the negotiation for this insurance
was afterwards excluded as irrelevant, the statement was
allowed to be made by the Attorney-General without a
comment, which Lord Campbell must have known would
prejudice the case against the prisoner. This exclusion of
the evidence of a statement which has been allowed to
pass unchallenged is nearly as useless as the formal
warning not to pay any attention to some evidence that
has been wrongly admitted—the prejudice has been
raised, and the mischief already done. But for the result
of this trial, he would have been tried for the murder of
his wife, whose body had been exhumed and analysed.
[30] As the probability of Cook’s state of health
predisposing him to epileptic attacks was made part of
the prisoner’s case, the evidence of his regular medical
attendant is subjoined:—
Dr. Henry Savage, physician, of 7, Gloucester-place,
examined by the Attorney-General.—I knew John
Parsons Cook. He had been in the habit of consulting me
professionally during the last four years. He was a man
approached him; and though it is true that in one fatal
instance he violated the laws of his country, and
subjected himself to a severe penalty for an infringement
of its commercial code, yet, this excepted, his was in all
respects the very opposite of that cool, calculating,
cowardly, crafty temper, which is essential to the
poisoner, and we know cannot co-exist with those
qualities which my brother possessed from his earliest
years down even to the day when your lordship sent him
to his death.” Letter to Lord Campbell, pp. 4, 5.
[29] The excuse put forward for this was his wish to raise
money for Bate. The prisoner’s brother complains, in his
letter to Lord Campbell, pp. 29, 30, and with justice, that
though the evidence of the negotiation for this insurance
was afterwards excluded as irrelevant, the statement was
allowed to be made by the Attorney-General without a
comment, which Lord Campbell must have known would
prejudice the case against the prisoner. This exclusion of
the evidence of a statement which has been allowed to
pass unchallenged is nearly as useless as the formal
warning not to pay any attention to some evidence that
has been wrongly admitted—the prejudice has been
raised, and the mischief already done. But for the result
of this trial, he would have been tried for the murder of
his wife, whose body had been exhumed and analysed.
[30] As the probability of Cook’s state of health
predisposing him to epileptic attacks was made part of
the prisoner’s case, the evidence of his regular medical
attendant is subjoined:—
Dr. Henry Savage, physician, of 7, Gloucester-place,
examined by the Attorney-General.—I knew John
Parsons Cook. He had been in the habit of consulting me
professionally during the last four years. He was a man
Page 700
not of robust constitution; but his general health was
good. He came to me in May, 1855, but I saw him about
November of the year before, and early in the spring of
1855. In the spring of 1855 the old affair—indigestion—
was one cause of his visiting me, and he had some spots
upon his body, about which he was uneasy. He had also
two shallow ulcers on his tongue, which corresponded
with two bad teeth. He said that he had been under a mild
mercurial course, and he imagined that those spots were
very syphilitic. I thought they were not, and I
recommended the discontinuance of mercury. I gave him
quinine as a tonic, and an aperient composed of cream of
tartar, magnesia, and sulphur. I never at any time gave
him antimony. Under the treatment which I prescribed the
sores gradually disappeared, and they were quite well by
the end of May. I saw him, however, frequently in June,
as he still felt some little anxiety about the accuracy of
my opinion. If any little spot made its appearance he
came to me, and I also was anxious on the subject, as my
opinion differed from that of another medical man in
London. Every time he came to me I examined him
carefully. There were no indications of a syphilitic
character about the sores, and there was no ulceration of
the throat, but one of the tonsils was slightly enlarged and
tender. I saw him last alive, and carefully examined him,
either on the 3rd or 5th of November. There was in my
judgment no venereal taint about him at the time.
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—I do not think
that the deceased was fond of taking mercury before I
advised him against it; but he was timid on the subject of
his throat, and was apt to take the advice of anyone. No; I
don’t think that he would take quack medicines. I don’t
think he was so foolish as that.
Mr. Stevens, his stepfather, who saw him at the Euston
Station on the 5th of November, when starting for
good. He came to me in May, 1855, but I saw him about
November of the year before, and early in the spring of
1855. In the spring of 1855 the old affair—indigestion—
was one cause of his visiting me, and he had some spots
upon his body, about which he was uneasy. He had also
two shallow ulcers on his tongue, which corresponded
with two bad teeth. He said that he had been under a mild
mercurial course, and he imagined that those spots were
very syphilitic. I thought they were not, and I
recommended the discontinuance of mercury. I gave him
quinine as a tonic, and an aperient composed of cream of
tartar, magnesia, and sulphur. I never at any time gave
him antimony. Under the treatment which I prescribed the
sores gradually disappeared, and they were quite well by
the end of May. I saw him, however, frequently in June,
as he still felt some little anxiety about the accuracy of
my opinion. If any little spot made its appearance he
came to me, and I also was anxious on the subject, as my
opinion differed from that of another medical man in
London. Every time he came to me I examined him
carefully. There were no indications of a syphilitic
character about the sores, and there was no ulceration of
the throat, but one of the tonsils was slightly enlarged and
tender. I saw him last alive, and carefully examined him,
either on the 3rd or 5th of November. There was in my
judgment no venereal taint about him at the time.
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Shee.—I do not think
that the deceased was fond of taking mercury before I
advised him against it; but he was timid on the subject of
his throat, and was apt to take the advice of anyone. No; I
don’t think that he would take quack medicines. I don’t
think he was so foolish as that.
Mr. Stevens, his stepfather, who saw him at the Euston
Station on the 5th of November, when starting for
Page 701
Rugeley, said, “he looked better than he had seen him for
a long time. ‘You don’t look,’ he said to him, ‘like an
invalid’; and Cook, striking his chest, said he was quite
well, and should be all right if he was happy.” In point of
appearance he was not a robust man; his complexion was
pale, and he had sore throat in the previous winter for
some months.
For the defence, Foster, a farmer, said he considered
him of a weak constitution, because he had bilious
headaches, the last a year and a half back, but admitted
that he hunted three days a week.
John Sargeant, a betting man, who met him at the
races which he attended, said:—I had an opportunity of
seeing the state of his throat before he died. I was with
him at the Liverpool meeting the week previous to the
Shrewsbury races; we slept in adjoining rooms. One
morning he called me into his room and drew my
attention to his throat, which was much inflamed. There
were ulcers upon it, and the tongue was so swollen, that I
said I was surprised at the state of his mouth. He said he
had been in that state for weeks and months, “And now,”
he said, “I don’t take notice of it.” He had shown me his
throat before this at almost every meeting we attended.
He took some gingerbread and cayenne on the platform
at Liverpool, and told me afterwards it nearly killed him.
(It came out afterwards that the cayenne nut was a trick
nut.) The witness had also known Palmer supply Cook
with blackwash before his death. He had never seen
Cook’s throat dressed by anybody, and was surprised to
see him eat and drink so well. He saw the blackwash
applied (externally) at the Warwick Spring Meeting in
1855. With reference to another point, this witness spoke
to Cook being unable to pay him more than £10 out of
£25 at the Liverpool meeting, and promising the balance
at Shrewsbury.
a long time. ‘You don’t look,’ he said to him, ‘like an
invalid’; and Cook, striking his chest, said he was quite
well, and should be all right if he was happy.” In point of
appearance he was not a robust man; his complexion was
pale, and he had sore throat in the previous winter for
some months.
For the defence, Foster, a farmer, said he considered
him of a weak constitution, because he had bilious
headaches, the last a year and a half back, but admitted
that he hunted three days a week.
John Sargeant, a betting man, who met him at the
races which he attended, said:—I had an opportunity of
seeing the state of his throat before he died. I was with
him at the Liverpool meeting the week previous to the
Shrewsbury races; we slept in adjoining rooms. One
morning he called me into his room and drew my
attention to his throat, which was much inflamed. There
were ulcers upon it, and the tongue was so swollen, that I
said I was surprised at the state of his mouth. He said he
had been in that state for weeks and months, “And now,”
he said, “I don’t take notice of it.” He had shown me his
throat before this at almost every meeting we attended.
He took some gingerbread and cayenne on the platform
at Liverpool, and told me afterwards it nearly killed him.
(It came out afterwards that the cayenne nut was a trick
nut.) The witness had also known Palmer supply Cook
with blackwash before his death. He had never seen
Cook’s throat dressed by anybody, and was surprised to
see him eat and drink so well. He saw the blackwash
applied (externally) at the Warwick Spring Meeting in
1855. With reference to another point, this witness spoke
to Cook being unable to pay him more than £10 out of
£25 at the Liverpool meeting, and promising the balance
at Shrewsbury.
Page 702
[31] On the part of the prisoner, a saddler at Rugeley, of the
name of Myalt, whom Fisher spoke of as being in the
room with Cook and Palmer, was called to give an
entirely different account of this suspicious incident. “I
saw Cook,” said this witness, “in Palmer’s company on
Wednesday, about twelve o’clock. I had not dined with
Palmer, but at my house at Rugeley, and got back to
Shrewsbury between eight and nine, and went to
Palmer’s room to see if he was in. The first person I saw
was Cook at the room door, who said, ‘What brought you
here?’ I told him, ‘to see how they were getting on.’
Palmer, I found, had gone out, and I went into the town,
and was away about an hour. “When I returned Palmer
was not there, so I waited in his room till he returned,
about a couple of hours. He came in with Cook, who was
the worse for liquor—not very drunk—rather. They asked
me to take some brandy and water; it was produced
directly afterwards—the brandy in a decanter, the water
might be on the table. I did not leave the room at all,
from the time Cook and Palmer came in till they all went
to bed. I did not see anything put into the brandy and
water; nothing could be without my seeing it. Palmer and
I left together, and slept that night in the same room.
Cook said something about its being bad. He drank part
of it off, and then gave it to some one to taste. He
proposed to have some more, but Palmer said he would
not unless Cook drank his out. Nothing more happened
that night. Next morning Palmer asked me to call Cook. I
went into his room, and he told me how ill he had been in
the night, and obliged to send for a doctor. He asked me
what had been put into the brandy and water, and I told
him I did not know of anything. He asked me to send for
the doctor—Palmer. I did so. The witness did not
remember Mrs. Brooks coming, or Palmer being called
out of the room. He swore that Cook did not say ‘it burns
my throat.’ Did not remember Fisher saying that it was no
name of Myalt, whom Fisher spoke of as being in the
room with Cook and Palmer, was called to give an
entirely different account of this suspicious incident. “I
saw Cook,” said this witness, “in Palmer’s company on
Wednesday, about twelve o’clock. I had not dined with
Palmer, but at my house at Rugeley, and got back to
Shrewsbury between eight and nine, and went to
Palmer’s room to see if he was in. The first person I saw
was Cook at the room door, who said, ‘What brought you
here?’ I told him, ‘to see how they were getting on.’
Palmer, I found, had gone out, and I went into the town,
and was away about an hour. “When I returned Palmer
was not there, so I waited in his room till he returned,
about a couple of hours. He came in with Cook, who was
the worse for liquor—not very drunk—rather. They asked
me to take some brandy and water; it was produced
directly afterwards—the brandy in a decanter, the water
might be on the table. I did not leave the room at all,
from the time Cook and Palmer came in till they all went
to bed. I did not see anything put into the brandy and
water; nothing could be without my seeing it. Palmer and
I left together, and slept that night in the same room.
Cook said something about its being bad. He drank part
of it off, and then gave it to some one to taste. He
proposed to have some more, but Palmer said he would
not unless Cook drank his out. Nothing more happened
that night. Next morning Palmer asked me to call Cook. I
went into his room, and he told me how ill he had been in
the night, and obliged to send for a doctor. He asked me
what had been put into the brandy and water, and I told
him I did not know of anything. He asked me to send for
the doctor—Palmer. I did so. The witness did not
remember Mrs. Brooks coming, or Palmer being called
out of the room. He swore that Cook did not say ‘it burns
my throat.’ Did not remember Fisher saying that it was no
Page 703
good his tasting it, as there was nothing in the glass. He
told Mr. Gardner and Mr. Stevens before the inquest what
he now said, but they had not subpœnaed him.
[32] “Lord Campbell did not even read this portion of the
witness’s evidence to the jury. Whatever its value might
be, and it had some in the prisoner’s favour, they were
not reminded of it, and can hardly be expected to have
remembered it after a twelve days’ trial.” Letter to Lord
Campbell, p. 24.
[33] Some questions on this point were put to Mr. Gardner,
the solicitor for the prosecution, but were stopped as too
general.
[34] Mills, in her cross-examination, said that Palmer “had
on a plaid dressing-gown, but could not say whether he
had on a cap or not.”
[35] Lord Campbell had omitted from his notes this
contradiction of the statement of Mills and others that the
body was arched, and when Mr. Serjeant Shee called his
attention to it, made no comment on it to the jury.—
Evidence of Mary Keeling.
[36] But see the evidence of Mr. Partridge, Mr. Rogers, and
Mr. Pemberton as to the state of the exhumed corpse, and
the probable effect of the granules.—Evidence of
scientific witnesses for the defence, post, pp. 170-4.
[37] A Mr. Devonshire, a late assistant of Dr. Monckton’s,
who was present at the post-mortem, was also called to
confirm the previous witnesses. He also proved the
extraction of the liver, kidneys, spleen, and some blood,
and their safe delivery through a clerk (Boycott) to the
attorneys at Rugeley to Dr. Taylor for analysis.
told Mr. Gardner and Mr. Stevens before the inquest what
he now said, but they had not subpœnaed him.
[32] “Lord Campbell did not even read this portion of the
witness’s evidence to the jury. Whatever its value might
be, and it had some in the prisoner’s favour, they were
not reminded of it, and can hardly be expected to have
remembered it after a twelve days’ trial.” Letter to Lord
Campbell, p. 24.
[33] Some questions on this point were put to Mr. Gardner,
the solicitor for the prosecution, but were stopped as too
general.
[34] Mills, in her cross-examination, said that Palmer “had
on a plaid dressing-gown, but could not say whether he
had on a cap or not.”
[35] Lord Campbell had omitted from his notes this
contradiction of the statement of Mills and others that the
body was arched, and when Mr. Serjeant Shee called his
attention to it, made no comment on it to the jury.—
Evidence of Mary Keeling.
[36] But see the evidence of Mr. Partridge, Mr. Rogers, and
Mr. Pemberton as to the state of the exhumed corpse, and
the probable effect of the granules.—Evidence of
scientific witnesses for the defence, post, pp. 170-4.
[37] A Mr. Devonshire, a late assistant of Dr. Monckton’s,
who was present at the post-mortem, was also called to
confirm the previous witnesses. He also proved the
extraction of the liver, kidneys, spleen, and some blood,
and their safe delivery through a clerk (Boycott) to the
attorneys at Rugeley to Dr. Taylor for analysis.
Page 704
[38] Mr. Curling agreed with Dr. Watson, Principles and
Practice of Physic, in the cases of “the sticking of a fish
bone in the fauces, the stroke of a whip-lash under the
eye leaving the skin unbroken, the cutting of a corn, the
biting of the finger by a sparrow, the blow of a stick on
the neck, the insertion of a seton, the extraction of a
tooth, the injection of a hydrocele, and the operation of
cupping,” but not with “the percussion of the air caused
by a musket-shot.” He also explained that the supposed
case of tetanus produced at once where a negro servant
cut his thumb with a dish, rested on the authority of an
old cyclopædia, and that his judgment was more mature
and his experience greater than when, twenty-two years
of age, he wrote the treatise in which he had quoted this
case. (It was only in Rees’ Cyclopædia.)
[39] Dr. Todd, in reply to Lord Campbell, defined idiopathic
tetanus to be “that form of the disease which is produced
without any external wound, apparently from internal
causes—from a constitutional cause.”
[40] Evidence of Dr. Robert Corbett, physician, of Glasgow,
at the time medical clerk at the Glasgow Infirmary; Dr.
Watson, surgeon to the infirmary; Dr. J. Patterson, of the
infirmary laboratory; and Mary Kelly, patient.
[41] This is a test for brucia and not for strychnia. See p.
285.
[42] See Ptomaine’s or Cadaveric Poisons. Chemical
introduction, ante, p. 12, and Chapter V., p. 278.
[43] “Mr. Mayhew called on me with another gentleman
with an introduction from Professor Faraday. I received
him as I would Professor Faraday, and entered into
conversation with him about these cases. He represented,
Practice of Physic, in the cases of “the sticking of a fish
bone in the fauces, the stroke of a whip-lash under the
eye leaving the skin unbroken, the cutting of a corn, the
biting of the finger by a sparrow, the blow of a stick on
the neck, the insertion of a seton, the extraction of a
tooth, the injection of a hydrocele, and the operation of
cupping,” but not with “the percussion of the air caused
by a musket-shot.” He also explained that the supposed
case of tetanus produced at once where a negro servant
cut his thumb with a dish, rested on the authority of an
old cyclopædia, and that his judgment was more mature
and his experience greater than when, twenty-two years
of age, he wrote the treatise in which he had quoted this
case. (It was only in Rees’ Cyclopædia.)
[39] Dr. Todd, in reply to Lord Campbell, defined idiopathic
tetanus to be “that form of the disease which is produced
without any external wound, apparently from internal
causes—from a constitutional cause.”
[40] Evidence of Dr. Robert Corbett, physician, of Glasgow,
at the time medical clerk at the Glasgow Infirmary; Dr.
Watson, surgeon to the infirmary; Dr. J. Patterson, of the
infirmary laboratory; and Mary Kelly, patient.
[41] This is a test for brucia and not for strychnia. See p.
285.
[42] See Ptomaine’s or Cadaveric Poisons. Chemical
introduction, ante, p. 12, and Chapter V., p. 278.
[43] “Mr. Mayhew called on me with another gentleman
with an introduction from Professor Faraday. I received
him as I would Professor Faraday, and entered into
conversation with him about these cases. He represented,
Page 705
as I understood, that he was connected with some
insurance company, and wished for information about a
number of cases of poisoning that had occurred during
many years. After we had conversed about an hour, he
asked if there was any objection to the publication of the
details. Still believing him to be connected with an
insurance office, I replied that, so far as the correction of
error was concerned, I had no objection to anything
appearing. On that evening he went away without telling
me he was connected with the Illustrated Times, or any
other paper. It was not until Thursday that I knew that. It
was the greatest deception that ever was practised on a
scientific man.”—Dr. Taylor’s evidence. In his charge,
Lord Campbell said, “I must say I think it would have
been better if Dr. Taylor, trusting to the credit he had
before acquired, had taken no notice of what had been
said; but it is for you to say, whether, he having been
misrepresented, and having written this letter to the
Lancet to set himself right, materially detracted from the
credit which would otherwise be given to his evidence.”
It was these statements in the Illustrated Times, copied
into other papers, that led Dove to resort to strychnia to
poison his wife.—See his case, post.
[44] On the value of experiments on animals, see Chemical
Introduction, ante, p. 6.
[45] “A mixture of sugar and bile, or a substance called
pyroxanthine—the product of a distillation of wood—
will produce the purple and red tint.”—Taylor’s evidence.
But see Chapter V.
[46] Curarine. See Chapter V.
[47] On this point see Chapter V.
insurance company, and wished for information about a
number of cases of poisoning that had occurred during
many years. After we had conversed about an hour, he
asked if there was any objection to the publication of the
details. Still believing him to be connected with an
insurance office, I replied that, so far as the correction of
error was concerned, I had no objection to anything
appearing. On that evening he went away without telling
me he was connected with the Illustrated Times, or any
other paper. It was not until Thursday that I knew that. It
was the greatest deception that ever was practised on a
scientific man.”—Dr. Taylor’s evidence. In his charge,
Lord Campbell said, “I must say I think it would have
been better if Dr. Taylor, trusting to the credit he had
before acquired, had taken no notice of what had been
said; but it is for you to say, whether, he having been
misrepresented, and having written this letter to the
Lancet to set himself right, materially detracted from the
credit which would otherwise be given to his evidence.”
It was these statements in the Illustrated Times, copied
into other papers, that led Dove to resort to strychnia to
poison his wife.—See his case, post.
[44] On the value of experiments on animals, see Chemical
Introduction, ante, p. 6.
[45] “A mixture of sugar and bile, or a substance called
pyroxanthine—the product of a distillation of wood—
will produce the purple and red tint.”—Taylor’s evidence.
But see Chapter V.
[46] Curarine. See Chapter V.
[47] On this point see Chapter V.
Page 706
[48] This suggestion of negligence on the part of the
operator, Mr. Devonshire, and the comments on it by the
Attorney-General, having subjected him to several
attacks both in the Central Criminal Court and in the
papers, he gave the following explanation in a letter to
the Morning News, dated May 29:—
“It was agreed in consultation at Mr. Freer’s, at
Rugeley, that the stomach and intestines should be
opened, and, with their contents, enclosed in a jar. It was
further agreed that the spinal cord should not be opened if
its upper portion and the brain should prove to be in a
healthy condition. At the examination I was assisted by
Mr. Newton, a young gentleman who had, unfortunately,
never witnessed a post-mortem. He punctured the
stomach, and about a teaspoonful of its contents was lost.
Afterwards, when Dr. Harland and I were examining the
lining membrane, Mr. Newton suddenly turned the
stomach inside out; an additional half teaspoonful was
thus lost, the remainder falling into the jar. This accounts
for Dr. Taylor finding the mucous membrane in contact
with the intestines. With the exception of this casual
puncture I maintain the post-mortem was skilfully
performed.”—Letter to Lord Campbell. Appendix, p.
xxiv.
[49] The extract from Orfila is: “In a dog who for four
entire months had taken no emetic, having taken three
grammes in ten days (that is, about forty-five grains), but
had not taken any for four months, the metal was found
accumulated in the bones; the liver also contained a great
deal, and the other tissues but little.”
[50] The letter referred mainly to the case of the prisoner’s
wife. Mr. Serjeant Shee wished only the concluding
paragraph to he read, but the Attorney-General insisted
on the whole. It was dated only Jan., published in the
operator, Mr. Devonshire, and the comments on it by the
Attorney-General, having subjected him to several
attacks both in the Central Criminal Court and in the
papers, he gave the following explanation in a letter to
the Morning News, dated May 29:—
“It was agreed in consultation at Mr. Freer’s, at
Rugeley, that the stomach and intestines should be
opened, and, with their contents, enclosed in a jar. It was
further agreed that the spinal cord should not be opened if
its upper portion and the brain should prove to be in a
healthy condition. At the examination I was assisted by
Mr. Newton, a young gentleman who had, unfortunately,
never witnessed a post-mortem. He punctured the
stomach, and about a teaspoonful of its contents was lost.
Afterwards, when Dr. Harland and I were examining the
lining membrane, Mr. Newton suddenly turned the
stomach inside out; an additional half teaspoonful was
thus lost, the remainder falling into the jar. This accounts
for Dr. Taylor finding the mucous membrane in contact
with the intestines. With the exception of this casual
puncture I maintain the post-mortem was skilfully
performed.”—Letter to Lord Campbell. Appendix, p.
xxiv.
[49] The extract from Orfila is: “In a dog who for four
entire months had taken no emetic, having taken three
grammes in ten days (that is, about forty-five grains), but
had not taken any for four months, the metal was found
accumulated in the bones; the liver also contained a great
deal, and the other tissues but little.”
[50] The letter referred mainly to the case of the prisoner’s
wife. Mr. Serjeant Shee wished only the concluding
paragraph to he read, but the Attorney-General insisted
on the whole. It was dated only Jan., published in the
Page 707
Lancet of February 2, was headed “Audi alteram
partem,” and was as follows:—
“Sir,—I have great pleasure in replying to the
inquiries in your leading article of January 19. (1) I stated
that I had never known antimonial powder, when given in
medicinal doses (i.e., from five to eight grains a dose) to
produce vomiting or purging. I am aware that experience
differs on this point—that some have found the substance
inert, and others very active. From some recent
experiments on antimonial preparations, I think it not
unlikely that the powder sometimes contains arseniate of
lime. Dr. Pereira mentions that in the case of a dose of
half a teaspoonful it on one occasion produced violent
vomiting, purging, and sweating; while in still larger
doses (120 grains to a dose), prescribed by Dr. Elliotson,
it occasioned in some instances only nausea. I have never
met with any case in which serious symptoms could be
referred to its operation; and in the case of Ann Palmer
(the wife) this medical preparation would not account for
the antimony found in her body. (2) My statement as to
the cause of death was that the deceased died from the
effects of tartar emetic, and from no other cause; that is
the opinion which Dr. Rees and myself formed from the
result of our examination, and from the description under
which the deceased laboured during the eight days before
her death. It is an opinion now equally shared by the two
medical attendants of the deceased. We are quite prepared
to maintain this at the trial.” The letter then went on to
describe the state of Ann Palmer’s body, though not
exhumed until eighteen months after death, and
contrasted it with that of the brother, and concluded with
the passage given in the text. Its effect could not be but
prejudicial to the prisoner.
[51] In this case, stated by Dr. Christison, the patient had
been affected with some complaint for four weeks, and
partem,” and was as follows:—
“Sir,—I have great pleasure in replying to the
inquiries in your leading article of January 19. (1) I stated
that I had never known antimonial powder, when given in
medicinal doses (i.e., from five to eight grains a dose) to
produce vomiting or purging. I am aware that experience
differs on this point—that some have found the substance
inert, and others very active. From some recent
experiments on antimonial preparations, I think it not
unlikely that the powder sometimes contains arseniate of
lime. Dr. Pereira mentions that in the case of a dose of
half a teaspoonful it on one occasion produced violent
vomiting, purging, and sweating; while in still larger
doses (120 grains to a dose), prescribed by Dr. Elliotson,
it occasioned in some instances only nausea. I have never
met with any case in which serious symptoms could be
referred to its operation; and in the case of Ann Palmer
(the wife) this medical preparation would not account for
the antimony found in her body. (2) My statement as to
the cause of death was that the deceased died from the
effects of tartar emetic, and from no other cause; that is
the opinion which Dr. Rees and myself formed from the
result of our examination, and from the description under
which the deceased laboured during the eight days before
her death. It is an opinion now equally shared by the two
medical attendants of the deceased. We are quite prepared
to maintain this at the trial.” The letter then went on to
describe the state of Ann Palmer’s body, though not
exhumed until eighteen months after death, and
contrasted it with that of the brother, and concluded with
the passage given in the text. Its effect could not be but
prejudicial to the prisoner.
[51] In this case, stated by Dr. Christison, the patient had
been affected with some complaint for four weeks, and
Page 708
began to take strychnia; in three hours there was stupor
and loss of speech, and at length violent tetanic
convulsions, and death in three hours and three-quarters.
[52] Probably a mistake of the reporter, as I cannot find any
clue to the meaning of this word.—C. G. S.
[53] An instance of the indestructibility of strychnia was
communicated by Mr. F. Crace Calvert, F.C.S., to the
London journals subsequently to the trial. In 1849 several
hounds of a pack in Cheshire were poisoned and one
brought to his laboratory, from which, by the usual
process, strychnia was obtained. “As the master of the
hounds attached great importance to the case, he
requested me,” writes Mr. Calvert, “to obtain a sufficient
amount of poison from the stomachs of some other of the
dead dogs, that I might not only be convinced of the
presence of the poison, but might also bring some of the
extracted strychnia into court. To enable me to do so,
several dogs were disinterred and brought to my
laboratory, and the space of time from the date of death to
that when I submitted them to analysis was at least three
weeks, and I still perfectly succeeded in extracting
strychnia from their stomachs and exhibiting it in the
state of crystallised hydrochlorate.”—Appendix to Letter
to Lord Campbell, p. xxix. Another correspondent to the
Times called attention to the practice in Mexico of killing
a worn-out mule with nux vomica, leaving its carcase to
be eaten by the wolves, which are thus killed, and that the
Turkey buzzards who feed on the dead wolves also die of
the poison.—Ib. p. xxv.
[54] See Chapter V.
[55] An error. See Chapter V.
and loss of speech, and at length violent tetanic
convulsions, and death in three hours and three-quarters.
[52] Probably a mistake of the reporter, as I cannot find any
clue to the meaning of this word.—C. G. S.
[53] An instance of the indestructibility of strychnia was
communicated by Mr. F. Crace Calvert, F.C.S., to the
London journals subsequently to the trial. In 1849 several
hounds of a pack in Cheshire were poisoned and one
brought to his laboratory, from which, by the usual
process, strychnia was obtained. “As the master of the
hounds attached great importance to the case, he
requested me,” writes Mr. Calvert, “to obtain a sufficient
amount of poison from the stomachs of some other of the
dead dogs, that I might not only be convinced of the
presence of the poison, but might also bring some of the
extracted strychnia into court. To enable me to do so,
several dogs were disinterred and brought to my
laboratory, and the space of time from the date of death to
that when I submitted them to analysis was at least three
weeks, and I still perfectly succeeded in extracting
strychnia from their stomachs and exhibiting it in the
state of crystallised hydrochlorate.”—Appendix to Letter
to Lord Campbell, p. xxix. Another correspondent to the
Times called attention to the practice in Mexico of killing
a worn-out mule with nux vomica, leaving its carcase to
be eaten by the wolves, which are thus killed, and that the
Turkey buzzards who feed on the dead wolves also die of
the poison.—Ib. p. xxv.
[54] See Chapter V.
[55] An error. See Chapter V.
Page 709
[56] The table of cases of poisoning by strychnia, with their
symptoms and results of the post-mortem, given by Mr.
Woodman and Dr. Tidy, shows that the state of the heart
varies. In six cases it was contracted and empty, in some
others the right side only was empty, and in one both
sides were filled with blood.—Handy Book of Forensic
Medicine and Toxicology. London. 1877.
[57] In a letter to the Times of June 4, Mr. Herapath says: “I
learnt on my return here (Bristol) that Mr. Yates had
visited Bristol with an anonymous letter in his hand
(since acknowledged to have been written by the
magistrates’ clerk, Keynsham), and questioned several
gentlemen whom I am in the habit of meeting, as to
whether they heard me say ‘that I had no doubt strychnia
was in Cook’s body, but that Dr. Taylor could not find it,’
and ‘that a word from me would hang the man.’ They all
said they had heard me speak of the case, but not in such
terms. The mayor said that ‘he could not say the exact
terms, but the impression on his mind was, that I thought
strychnia was there, but that Dr. Taylor could not find
it.’”—Letter to Lord Campbell, Appendix, p. xxxi.
[58] “The controversy,” as to the non-discovery of strychnia
by Dr. Taylor, says Mr. Justice Stephen, “was foreign to
the merits of the case, inasmuch as the evidence given for
the prisoner tended to prove, not that there was no
strychnia in Cook’s body, but that Dr. Taylor ought to
have found it if it was there. In other words it was
relevant, not so much to the guilt or innocence of the
prisoner, as to whether Mr. Herapath and Dr. Nunneley
were better analytical chemists than Dr. Taylor. The
evidence could not be even considered relevant to the
shaking of Dr. Taylor’s credit, for no part of the case
rested on his evidence except the discovery of the
antimony, as to which he was corroborated by Mr.
symptoms and results of the post-mortem, given by Mr.
Woodman and Dr. Tidy, shows that the state of the heart
varies. In six cases it was contracted and empty, in some
others the right side only was empty, and in one both
sides were filled with blood.—Handy Book of Forensic
Medicine and Toxicology. London. 1877.
[57] In a letter to the Times of June 4, Mr. Herapath says: “I
learnt on my return here (Bristol) that Mr. Yates had
visited Bristol with an anonymous letter in his hand
(since acknowledged to have been written by the
magistrates’ clerk, Keynsham), and questioned several
gentlemen whom I am in the habit of meeting, as to
whether they heard me say ‘that I had no doubt strychnia
was in Cook’s body, but that Dr. Taylor could not find it,’
and ‘that a word from me would hang the man.’ They all
said they had heard me speak of the case, but not in such
terms. The mayor said that ‘he could not say the exact
terms, but the impression on his mind was, that I thought
strychnia was there, but that Dr. Taylor could not find
it.’”—Letter to Lord Campbell, Appendix, p. xxxi.
[58] “The controversy,” as to the non-discovery of strychnia
by Dr. Taylor, says Mr. Justice Stephen, “was foreign to
the merits of the case, inasmuch as the evidence given for
the prisoner tended to prove, not that there was no
strychnia in Cook’s body, but that Dr. Taylor ought to
have found it if it was there. In other words it was
relevant, not so much to the guilt or innocence of the
prisoner, as to whether Mr. Herapath and Dr. Nunneley
were better analytical chemists than Dr. Taylor. The
evidence could not be even considered relevant to the
shaking of Dr. Taylor’s credit, for no part of the case
rested on his evidence except the discovery of the
antimony, as to which he was corroborated by Mr.
Page 710
Brande, and not contradicted by the prisoner’s
witnesses.” (One does not see how this could have been
accomplished, as they were not present at the analysis.)
“His opinion as to the nature of Cook’s symptoms was
shared by many other medical witnesses of the highest
eminence, whose credit was altogether unimpeached. The
prisoner’s counsel was placed in a curious difficulty by
this state of the question. They had to attack, and did
attack Dr. Taylor’s credit vigorously, for the purpose of
rebutting his conclusion that Cook might have been
poisoned by strychnia: yet they had to maintain his credit
as a skilful analyst. For if they destroyed it, the fact that
he did not discover strychnia went for nothing. This
dilemma was fatal. To admit his skill was to admit their
client’s guilt; to deny it, was to destroy the value of
nearly all their own evidence. The only possible way was
to admit his skill and deny his good faith; but this too was
useless for the reason just assigned.”—History of
Criminal Law in England. Vol. III., 418.
[59] Roberts, Theory and Practice of Medicine, 1877, Vol.
II., 23, gives the following symptoms of angina pectoris:
—“Abrupt suddenness—intense præcordial pain—
oppression and constriction of the chest—suffocation, no
cyanosis—tenderness of chest rare—face pale, sweat—
expression of intense anxiety—pulse mostly feeble,
flickering occasionally—vomiting and eructation.
Conscious at first, but, if prolonged, may be syncope.
Spasmodic movements, and even general convulsions
may be observed. Usually several brief paroxysms with
intermissions. Tendency to rave under slight exciting
causes.” Dr. Bristow, Theory and Practice of Medicine,
agrees with this, and adds, “After death various lesions—
most important the calcification of the coronary vessels
—fatty and other degenerations of the muscular tissue of
the heart. In other cases the heart perfectly healthy.”
witnesses.” (One does not see how this could have been
accomplished, as they were not present at the analysis.)
“His opinion as to the nature of Cook’s symptoms was
shared by many other medical witnesses of the highest
eminence, whose credit was altogether unimpeached. The
prisoner’s counsel was placed in a curious difficulty by
this state of the question. They had to attack, and did
attack Dr. Taylor’s credit vigorously, for the purpose of
rebutting his conclusion that Cook might have been
poisoned by strychnia: yet they had to maintain his credit
as a skilful analyst. For if they destroyed it, the fact that
he did not discover strychnia went for nothing. This
dilemma was fatal. To admit his skill was to admit their
client’s guilt; to deny it, was to destroy the value of
nearly all their own evidence. The only possible way was
to admit his skill and deny his good faith; but this too was
useless for the reason just assigned.”—History of
Criminal Law in England. Vol. III., 418.
[59] Roberts, Theory and Practice of Medicine, 1877, Vol.
II., 23, gives the following symptoms of angina pectoris:
—“Abrupt suddenness—intense præcordial pain—
oppression and constriction of the chest—suffocation, no
cyanosis—tenderness of chest rare—face pale, sweat—
expression of intense anxiety—pulse mostly feeble,
flickering occasionally—vomiting and eructation.
Conscious at first, but, if prolonged, may be syncope.
Spasmodic movements, and even general convulsions
may be observed. Usually several brief paroxysms with
intermissions. Tendency to rave under slight exciting
causes.” Dr. Bristow, Theory and Practice of Medicine,
agrees with this, and adds, “After death various lesions—
most important the calcification of the coronary vessels
—fatty and other degenerations of the muscular tissue of
the heart. In other cases the heart perfectly healthy.”
Page 711
[60] In the Appendix, p. xxi., to the letter to Lord Campbell,
is a letter from a Mr. Lacy, a hatter of Nottingham, dated
June 2, to the Morning News, giving a very unfavourable
account of the earlier years of this witness. He appears to
have got out of the way after the trial, and to have evaded
the search made for him by the prisoner’s friends.
[61] In cross-examination, after admitting that he attested
the proposal to the Prince of Wales office for £13,000 on
Walter Palmer’s life, and saying that he did not recollect
attesting another proposal on the same life to the
Universal, the proposal to that office was put into his
hand, and he was asked if the “Jeremiah Smith” attesting
it was his signature. “It is very like my signature,” he
said, “but I have a doubt of it.” (After a pause) “I believe
it is not my handwriting; I swear it is not. I think it a very
good imitation. I did not receive the document from Pratt;
I might from W. Palmer. I don’t recollect.” (After some
hesitation) “No doubt he did give it to me. I got it before
it was signed.”
Attorney-General.—“Do you now say it is not your
signature?”
Witness.—“I do.” (He then admitted getting appointed
agent to the Midland County office in order to get a
policy for £10,000 on Bate’s life.)
Attorney-General.—“I will refresh your memory with
regard to these proposals. Look at that, and tell me
whether it is your handwriting?”
Witness.—“Yes.”
Attorney-General.—“Now, refreshing your memory
with that document, were you applied to in December,
1854, to attest a proposal of Walter Palmer to the
Solicitors’ and General office for £13,000?”
Witness.—“That is my signature, certainly.”
Attorney-General repeats the question.
is a letter from a Mr. Lacy, a hatter of Nottingham, dated
June 2, to the Morning News, giving a very unfavourable
account of the earlier years of this witness. He appears to
have got out of the way after the trial, and to have evaded
the search made for him by the prisoner’s friends.
[61] In cross-examination, after admitting that he attested
the proposal to the Prince of Wales office for £13,000 on
Walter Palmer’s life, and saying that he did not recollect
attesting another proposal on the same life to the
Universal, the proposal to that office was put into his
hand, and he was asked if the “Jeremiah Smith” attesting
it was his signature. “It is very like my signature,” he
said, “but I have a doubt of it.” (After a pause) “I believe
it is not my handwriting; I swear it is not. I think it a very
good imitation. I did not receive the document from Pratt;
I might from W. Palmer. I don’t recollect.” (After some
hesitation) “No doubt he did give it to me. I got it before
it was signed.”
Attorney-General.—“Do you now say it is not your
signature?”
Witness.—“I do.” (He then admitted getting appointed
agent to the Midland County office in order to get a
policy for £10,000 on Bate’s life.)
Attorney-General.—“I will refresh your memory with
regard to these proposals. Look at that, and tell me
whether it is your handwriting?”
Witness.—“Yes.”
Attorney-General.—“Now, refreshing your memory
with that document, were you applied to in December,
1854, to attest a proposal of Walter Palmer to the
Solicitors’ and General office for £13,000?”
Witness.—“That is my signature, certainly.”
Attorney-General repeats the question.
Page 712
Witness.—“I don’t recollect.”
Attorney-General.—“What, with your signature
staring you in the face?”
Witness.—“I might have been a witness to it. I am
speaking from memory.”
Attorney-General.—“Have you any doubt, after
looking at that document?”
Witness.—“I have no doubt.”
Attorney-General.—“At last we have got at it from
you. Now look to that document, and see if another
month afterwards—in January, 1855—you were asked to
attest another proposal for £13,000 to the Prince of Wales
office?”
Witness (hesitating).—“That is my signature. (A
pause.) Perhaps if I saw the paper I could answer.”
Attorney-General.—“There is the paper.”
Witness (after a pause).—“I might have signed it in
blank. I have some doubt whether I did not sign some of
these in blank. The body of the papers is in the
handwriting of William Palmer.”
Attorney-General.—“Upon your oath, don’t you
believe that William Palmer applied to you to attest the
proposal on his brother’s life for £13,000?”
Witness.—“He did apply to me.”
Attorney-General.—“Was it not to attest the proposal
for £13,000 on his brother’s life?”
Witness.—“One of them was for £13,000. I don’t think
I was present when Walter Palmer signed the assignment.
I believe Jeremiah Smith’s (another witness of that name)
handwriting is very like mine.”
After much fencing with the question, the witness
saying he might or he might not have attested Walter
Palmer’s signature to a deed of assignment, the Attorney-
Attorney-General.—“What, with your signature
staring you in the face?”
Witness.—“I might have been a witness to it. I am
speaking from memory.”
Attorney-General.—“Have you any doubt, after
looking at that document?”
Witness.—“I have no doubt.”
Attorney-General.—“At last we have got at it from
you. Now look to that document, and see if another
month afterwards—in January, 1855—you were asked to
attest another proposal for £13,000 to the Prince of Wales
office?”
Witness (hesitating).—“That is my signature. (A
pause.) Perhaps if I saw the paper I could answer.”
Attorney-General.—“There is the paper.”
Witness (after a pause).—“I might have signed it in
blank. I have some doubt whether I did not sign some of
these in blank. The body of the papers is in the
handwriting of William Palmer.”
Attorney-General.—“Upon your oath, don’t you
believe that William Palmer applied to you to attest the
proposal on his brother’s life for £13,000?”
Witness.—“He did apply to me.”
Attorney-General.—“Was it not to attest the proposal
for £13,000 on his brother’s life?”
Witness.—“One of them was for £13,000. I don’t think
I was present when Walter Palmer signed the assignment.
I believe Jeremiah Smith’s (another witness of that name)
handwriting is very like mine.”
After much fencing with the question, the witness
saying he might or he might not have attested Walter
Palmer’s signature to a deed of assignment, the Attorney-
Page 713
General put a cheque for £5 into the witness’s hand, and
asked him if it was William Palmer’s signature to it.
Answer.—“It is.”
Question.—“Did you take that piece of paper to the
bank and get £5 for it, and that for attesting the signature
of Walter Palmer to the deed of assignment?”
Answer.—“I may have got the £5 at the bank; but upon
my honour I do not know what for. (Laughter.) Cook,
with reference to the £200 bill, gave Palmer £10 for the
accommodation, and he took the money to Shrewsbury
races. I cannot say who saw me on the Monday night
when I went up to Cook’s room at the ‘Talbot Arms.’ I
did not notice. I believe that either the chambermaid, the
waitress, or the cook saw me go into the hotel. I don’t
know who drove the fly to Stafford.”
This witness was also severely cross-examined as to
his relations with Mrs. Palmer, replying with the same
caution as to their impropriety, and could not get further
than “that there ought not to be any truth” in the
imputation.
Mr. Justice Stephen, who was present at the trial, gives
the following graphic sketch of the demeanour of this
witness:—“No abbreviation can give the effect of this
cross-examination. The witness’s efforts to gain time, and
his distress as the various answers were extorted from
him by degrees, may be faintly traced in the report. His
face was covered with sweat, and the papers put into his
hands shook and rattled.”—Hist. Criminal Law of
England. Vol. III., p. 399, note. “And yet, after all,” as the
learned judge adds, “he was right as to the time according
to the inspector at Euston. If Smith spoke the truth,
Newton could not have seen Palmer at all that night, and
Mills, if at all, must have seen him in Smith’s company.
Mills never mentioned Smith” (and was never asked by
the defence if he came with Palmer), “and Smith would
asked him if it was William Palmer’s signature to it.
Answer.—“It is.”
Question.—“Did you take that piece of paper to the
bank and get £5 for it, and that for attesting the signature
of Walter Palmer to the deed of assignment?”
Answer.—“I may have got the £5 at the bank; but upon
my honour I do not know what for. (Laughter.) Cook,
with reference to the £200 bill, gave Palmer £10 for the
accommodation, and he took the money to Shrewsbury
races. I cannot say who saw me on the Monday night
when I went up to Cook’s room at the ‘Talbot Arms.’ I
did not notice. I believe that either the chambermaid, the
waitress, or the cook saw me go into the hotel. I don’t
know who drove the fly to Stafford.”
This witness was also severely cross-examined as to
his relations with Mrs. Palmer, replying with the same
caution as to their impropriety, and could not get further
than “that there ought not to be any truth” in the
imputation.
Mr. Justice Stephen, who was present at the trial, gives
the following graphic sketch of the demeanour of this
witness:—“No abbreviation can give the effect of this
cross-examination. The witness’s efforts to gain time, and
his distress as the various answers were extorted from
him by degrees, may be faintly traced in the report. His
face was covered with sweat, and the papers put into his
hands shook and rattled.”—Hist. Criminal Law of
England. Vol. III., p. 399, note. “And yet, after all,” as the
learned judge adds, “he was right as to the time according
to the inspector at Euston. If Smith spoke the truth,
Newton could not have seen Palmer at all that night, and
Mills, if at all, must have seen him in Smith’s company.
Mills never mentioned Smith” (and was never asked by
the defence if he came with Palmer), “and Smith would
Page 714
not swear that she or anyone else had seen him at the
‘Talbot’ that night.”
[62] Smith (not Jeremiah, subsequently examined, pp. 185-
6), when called for the defence, said that he sent the soup
to Cook by Rowley, but not to Palmer’s on the way.
[63] Palmer’s brother, in the letter to Lord Campbell, states
that Sanders, the trainer, if called (who had been
examined before the coroner), could have proved that
Cook excused his not giving him more than £10 when he
came to see him, on the plea “that he had given all his
money to Palmer to take with him to London to settle his
affairs,” and that he was in court at the trial, and when
not called by the prosecution, was sent out of the way to
prevent his being called for the defence.—Letter to Lord
Campbell, pp. 18, 19.
He was called on his subpœna at the close of the
evidence for the defence (tenth day), and when he did not
answer, the Attorney-General said, “I should be deeply
grieved if it could be possibly thought that the absence of
any witness could in any way prejudice the prisoner’s
case, and if my learned friend makes any application on
that ground it shall not be resisted by me.” No
application was made.
[64] It was an acknowledgment that certain bills, of which
the dates and amounts were set out, were all for Cook’s
benefit, and signed either J.P. or I.P. Cook. Cheshire was
under Palmer’s influence, and a few days after opened
Dr. Taylor’s letter to Mr. Gardner with the account of the
results of the analytical examination, and disclosed them
to Palmer, for which he was prosecuted and punished.
[65] Whilst Palmer was in Stafford jail, inquests were held
on the bodies of his wife and his brother Walter. In the
‘Talbot’ that night.”
[62] Smith (not Jeremiah, subsequently examined, pp. 185-
6), when called for the defence, said that he sent the soup
to Cook by Rowley, but not to Palmer’s on the way.
[63] Palmer’s brother, in the letter to Lord Campbell, states
that Sanders, the trainer, if called (who had been
examined before the coroner), could have proved that
Cook excused his not giving him more than £10 when he
came to see him, on the plea “that he had given all his
money to Palmer to take with him to London to settle his
affairs,” and that he was in court at the trial, and when
not called by the prosecution, was sent out of the way to
prevent his being called for the defence.—Letter to Lord
Campbell, pp. 18, 19.
He was called on his subpœna at the close of the
evidence for the defence (tenth day), and when he did not
answer, the Attorney-General said, “I should be deeply
grieved if it could be possibly thought that the absence of
any witness could in any way prejudice the prisoner’s
case, and if my learned friend makes any application on
that ground it shall not be resisted by me.” No
application was made.
[64] It was an acknowledgment that certain bills, of which
the dates and amounts were set out, were all for Cook’s
benefit, and signed either J.P. or I.P. Cook. Cheshire was
under Palmer’s influence, and a few days after opened
Dr. Taylor’s letter to Mr. Gardner with the account of the
results of the analytical examination, and disclosed them
to Palmer, for which he was prosecuted and punished.
[65] Whilst Palmer was in Stafford jail, inquests were held
on the bodies of his wife and his brother Walter. In the
Page 715
first case there was no manner of doubt that she had been
gradually dosed to death by antimony. In that of the
brother, the analysis failed to detect any poison, a fact
probably accounted for by the length of time that had
elapsed since the death and the action of the lead coffin,
if prussic acid was the poison used. In both cases,
however, verdicts of wilful murder against Palmer were
returned. On the 21st of January Palmer was brought up
from jail as a witness in an action on one of the £2000
bills purported to be signed by his mother, the signature
of which was denied by her; clerks in banks and others
who knew her handwriting well also agreeing that it was
a forgery. At last Palmer was produced in custody. He
entered in a perfectly cool and collected manner, nodded
familiarly to his friends in the crowded court, and gave
the following evidence in a low, yet firm and distinct
voice, without a sign of trepidation:—
Mr. Edwin James (putting the disputed bill into his
hand).—“Is the signature of William Palmer, as drawer of
this bill, in your handwriting?”
Palmer.—“Yes.”
Mr. James.—“And did you apply to Mr. Padwick to
advance you money on it?”
Palmer.—“I did.”
Mr. James.—“Who wrote Sarah Palmer’s acceptance
on it?”
Palmer.—“Anne Palmer.”
Question.—“Who is she?”
Palmer.—“She is dead.”
Question.—“Do you mean your wife?”
Palmer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Did you see her write it?”
Palmer.—“Yes.”
gradually dosed to death by antimony. In that of the
brother, the analysis failed to detect any poison, a fact
probably accounted for by the length of time that had
elapsed since the death and the action of the lead coffin,
if prussic acid was the poison used. In both cases,
however, verdicts of wilful murder against Palmer were
returned. On the 21st of January Palmer was brought up
from jail as a witness in an action on one of the £2000
bills purported to be signed by his mother, the signature
of which was denied by her; clerks in banks and others
who knew her handwriting well also agreeing that it was
a forgery. At last Palmer was produced in custody. He
entered in a perfectly cool and collected manner, nodded
familiarly to his friends in the crowded court, and gave
the following evidence in a low, yet firm and distinct
voice, without a sign of trepidation:—
Mr. Edwin James (putting the disputed bill into his
hand).—“Is the signature of William Palmer, as drawer of
this bill, in your handwriting?”
Palmer.—“Yes.”
Mr. James.—“And did you apply to Mr. Padwick to
advance you money on it?”
Palmer.—“I did.”
Mr. James.—“Who wrote Sarah Palmer’s acceptance
on it?”
Palmer.—“Anne Palmer.”
Question.—“Who is she?”
Palmer.—“She is dead.”
Question.—“Do you mean your wife?”
Palmer.—“Yes.”
Question.—“Did you see her write it?”
Palmer.—“Yes.”
Page 716
The action was, of course, at once abandoned, and no
further proceedings taken on the other bills bearing the
mother’s name.
[66] See Lord Campbell’s correction of this.—Judge’s
charge, post.
[67] Ante, pp. 185 and 186, note.
[68] See the suggestion of Dr. Guy, that the death was
probably due to morphia, and the remarks thereon in
Chapter V., post.
[69] On this point, which was also put very strongly by
Lord Campbell in his charge, the prisoner’s brother, in his
letter to that judge, accuses the prosecution of cunningly
keeping back a witness of the name of Cockayne, who
had been examined before the coroner and whose
deposition was before the Court, who would have
explained the use for which the strychnia was bought.
“Had he been, as he ought to have been called, he would
have proved that he kept a gun loaded in the stable, by
order of my brother, to shoot the dogs that worried his
brood mares, and that he also threatened to poison them,
and that the strychnia was purchased for that object, and
that he had missed dogs since then, which had been in the
habit of prowling about the pastures and hunting the
mares.” He also accounts for the non-production of
poisoned dogs, by the “medical fact that they go away to
die in secret, concealed and quiet places, where they die
undiscovered, and would be mortally attacked in so short
a time that they could not get to their own home.” He
further accuses them of sending this witness, and Sanders
the trainer, who would have proved that Cook told him he
had given Palmer all his money, out of the way, so that
the prisoner’s solicitor could not call them for the
further proceedings taken on the other bills bearing the
mother’s name.
[66] See Lord Campbell’s correction of this.—Judge’s
charge, post.
[67] Ante, pp. 185 and 186, note.
[68] See the suggestion of Dr. Guy, that the death was
probably due to morphia, and the remarks thereon in
Chapter V., post.
[69] On this point, which was also put very strongly by
Lord Campbell in his charge, the prisoner’s brother, in his
letter to that judge, accuses the prosecution of cunningly
keeping back a witness of the name of Cockayne, who
had been examined before the coroner and whose
deposition was before the Court, who would have
explained the use for which the strychnia was bought.
“Had he been, as he ought to have been called, he would
have proved that he kept a gun loaded in the stable, by
order of my brother, to shoot the dogs that worried his
brood mares, and that he also threatened to poison them,
and that the strychnia was purchased for that object, and
that he had missed dogs since then, which had been in the
habit of prowling about the pastures and hunting the
mares.” He also accounts for the non-production of
poisoned dogs, by the “medical fact that they go away to
die in secret, concealed and quiet places, where they die
undiscovered, and would be mortally attacked in so short
a time that they could not get to their own home.” He
further accuses them of sending this witness, and Sanders
the trainer, who would have proved that Cook told him he
had given Palmer all his money, out of the way, so that
the prisoner’s solicitor could not call them for the
Page 717
defence.—Letter to Lord Campbell, pp. 17, 19. But see
ante, p. 188, note.
[70] See ante, p. 216, note, on the evidence of a witness,
Cockayne, who was called before the coroner.
[71] The prisoner’s brother, on the contrary, says that he
distinctly, in a most solemn interview, declared his
“perfect guiltlessness of blood.” The same writer
unfortunately lessens the value of his other statements by
a coarse attack on Lord Campbell as a worthy successor
of Jeffries, and imputes to him and Baron Alderson a
deliberate intention to force the jury to a conviction. As I
had not the advantage of being present at the trial, I can
only say nothing of this appears in any of the reports of
the trial which I have collated, and whilst on the contrary
we now have the evidence of an experienced criminal
lawyer, who saw and heard all. Still, however, remains
the great difficulty that strychnia, as every analytical
chemist will testify, ought to have been found, if it had
been given, though the failure to discover it does not
conclusively negative the probability of it having been
administered. Dr. Guy has suggested that morphia might
have been the cause, introduced into the pills, a point of
which would seem to be made in Serjeant Shee’s speech,
and which would account for Palmer’s statement that
Cook was not killed by strychnia, and with his wish for a
further examination of the body by Mr. Herapath.—Hist.
of Crim. Law of England. Vol. III., pp. 423-4. See on this
point Chapter V.
[72] For the report of this trial I have relied on the
apparently verbatim report in the Times (probably from
the pen of the late Mr. Campbell Forster), collated with
that in the Annual Register of 1856, and with the
ante, p. 188, note.
[70] See ante, p. 216, note, on the evidence of a witness,
Cockayne, who was called before the coroner.
[71] The prisoner’s brother, on the contrary, says that he
distinctly, in a most solemn interview, declared his
“perfect guiltlessness of blood.” The same writer
unfortunately lessens the value of his other statements by
a coarse attack on Lord Campbell as a worthy successor
of Jeffries, and imputes to him and Baron Alderson a
deliberate intention to force the jury to a conviction. As I
had not the advantage of being present at the trial, I can
only say nothing of this appears in any of the reports of
the trial which I have collated, and whilst on the contrary
we now have the evidence of an experienced criminal
lawyer, who saw and heard all. Still, however, remains
the great difficulty that strychnia, as every analytical
chemist will testify, ought to have been found, if it had
been given, though the failure to discover it does not
conclusively negative the probability of it having been
administered. Dr. Guy has suggested that morphia might
have been the cause, introduced into the pills, a point of
which would seem to be made in Serjeant Shee’s speech,
and which would account for Palmer’s statement that
Cook was not killed by strychnia, and with his wish for a
further examination of the body by Mr. Herapath.—Hist.
of Crim. Law of England. Vol. III., pp. 423-4. See on this
point Chapter V.
[72] For the report of this trial I have relied on the
apparently verbatim report in the Times (probably from
the pen of the late Mr. Campbell Forster), collated with
that in the Annual Register of 1856, and with the
Page 718
Summary by Mr. Justice Stephen based on the notes of
the presiding judge.
[73] Mrs. Mary Wood. Mr. Overend objected to this witness
being asked as to her opinion of Dove’s state of mind, on
the ground that she was not a skilled witness. The
objection was allowed by Mr. Baron Bramwell, but on
the suggestion of the judge, not persevered in by the
prosecution.
[74] Charles Harrison.
[75] These strong expressions were not supported by any
specific proof worth reporting. Mr. H. admitted he used
to flog him, but added, “I flogged him till I was satisfied
there was a want of reason, but not after.” He admitted
that he flogged him slightly (perhaps a stroke or two) the
day before he left.—Stephens’ Summary. Vol. III., p. 430.
[76] He used to point loaded fire-arms at his servants, and
threaten to shoot unoffending persons: tell strange stories
of being followed by robbers: wander about his fields
without an object.
[77] Evidence of his nurse, Mrs. Wood, Mr. Highley, Mr. C.
Harrison, Mr. Lord, and the servants at Whitwell Farm
(James Shaw, Mary Peek, Robert and William Tomlinson,
Emma Spence, and Emma and Fanny Wilson) called for
the defence, and cross-examination of Elizabeth Fisher,
who had been his servant at Normanton and Leeds, Mrs.
Thornhill, charwoman, generally employed at the house
at Leeds, and Mary Hicks.
[78] In his second confession he fixes the date of this as
Sunday, February 24, and that he took then about ten
grains.
the presiding judge.
[73] Mrs. Mary Wood. Mr. Overend objected to this witness
being asked as to her opinion of Dove’s state of mind, on
the ground that she was not a skilled witness. The
objection was allowed by Mr. Baron Bramwell, but on
the suggestion of the judge, not persevered in by the
prosecution.
[74] Charles Harrison.
[75] These strong expressions were not supported by any
specific proof worth reporting. Mr. H. admitted he used
to flog him, but added, “I flogged him till I was satisfied
there was a want of reason, but not after.” He admitted
that he flogged him slightly (perhaps a stroke or two) the
day before he left.—Stephens’ Summary. Vol. III., p. 430.
[76] He used to point loaded fire-arms at his servants, and
threaten to shoot unoffending persons: tell strange stories
of being followed by robbers: wander about his fields
without an object.
[77] Evidence of his nurse, Mrs. Wood, Mr. Highley, Mr. C.
Harrison, Mr. Lord, and the servants at Whitwell Farm
(James Shaw, Mary Peek, Robert and William Tomlinson,
Emma Spence, and Emma and Fanny Wilson) called for
the defence, and cross-examination of Elizabeth Fisher,
who had been his servant at Normanton and Leeds, Mrs.
Thornhill, charwoman, generally employed at the house
at Leeds, and Mary Hicks.
[78] In his second confession he fixes the date of this as
Sunday, February 24, and that he took then about ten
grains.
Page 719
[79] On the Monday he wrote the following letter to his
mother:—“My dear Mother,—I am sorry to tell you that
my wife is very ill indeed. She came down as I thought
this morning much better, took a nice breakfast for her,
and then she commenced to play (the piano). After that
she told Mrs. Fisher (who is with us) that she would help
her to make the beds, but instead of that she was seized in
her limbs and could not stand, neither could she take
anything. I went to Mr. Morley, and I am sure I did not
expect to see her alive when I came back; but thank God
she was alive, and that was all; she was entirely
prostrated. Mother has been to see her. If you would like
to see her you had better come by London for three and
sixpence. Harriet would like to see her, but she thinks of
the expense. My dear wife’s love to you and all at home,
and accept the same from your affectionate son, William
Dove. P.S.—I hope Mary will not make fun of this small
bit of paper; it would be over-heavy if I had not torn it
off.” [This was one of the letters referred to by Baron
Bramwell as disproof of his imputed idiotcy.]
[80] This witness and Mr. Morley, the surgeon, were called
in Palmer’s trial to state the symptoms observed in the
course of Mrs. Dove’s illness and death, without
mentioning her name, and Mr. Morley also related the
results of the analytical examination of her body in
conjunction with Mr. Nunneley, who was called on behalf
of Palmer, and maintained that if it had been given,
strychnia must have been found by analysis six days after
death (pp. 124-8).
[81] “He told me,” said Harrison, “that he was afflicted by
devils, but that I had more power over them, and could
send them to frighten his wife from her bed to sleep with
him—believed they were in his house, and attributed
thunder and lightning to them. I attributed this to delirium
mother:—“My dear Mother,—I am sorry to tell you that
my wife is very ill indeed. She came down as I thought
this morning much better, took a nice breakfast for her,
and then she commenced to play (the piano). After that
she told Mrs. Fisher (who is with us) that she would help
her to make the beds, but instead of that she was seized in
her limbs and could not stand, neither could she take
anything. I went to Mr. Morley, and I am sure I did not
expect to see her alive when I came back; but thank God
she was alive, and that was all; she was entirely
prostrated. Mother has been to see her. If you would like
to see her you had better come by London for three and
sixpence. Harriet would like to see her, but she thinks of
the expense. My dear wife’s love to you and all at home,
and accept the same from your affectionate son, William
Dove. P.S.—I hope Mary will not make fun of this small
bit of paper; it would be over-heavy if I had not torn it
off.” [This was one of the letters referred to by Baron
Bramwell as disproof of his imputed idiotcy.]
[80] This witness and Mr. Morley, the surgeon, were called
in Palmer’s trial to state the symptoms observed in the
course of Mrs. Dove’s illness and death, without
mentioning her name, and Mr. Morley also related the
results of the analytical examination of her body in
conjunction with Mr. Nunneley, who was called on behalf
of Palmer, and maintained that if it had been given,
strychnia must have been found by analysis six days after
death (pp. 124-8).
[81] “He told me,” said Harrison, “that he was afflicted by
devils, but that I had more power over them, and could
send them to frighten his wife from her bed to sleep with
him—believed they were in his house, and attributed
thunder and lightning to them. I attributed this to delirium
Page 720
tremens. Told me he had sold his soul to the devil. I did
not encourage him to think I could rule devils; it was his
own fancy. I told him I would cast his nativity, but when I
saw the state of his mind I did not finish it.”—Harrison’s
evidence—cross-examination. But see Dove’s account of
Harrison in his confession, post.
[82] In this case Baron Alderson also decided that if the
witnesses were called by the defence, the person calling
them made them his own witnesses, 2 C. & K. p. 520.
Baron Parke, Justice Cresswell, and Lord Campbell
agreed with this. See R. v. Cassidy, F. &. F. p. 79.
[83] To the schoolmaster at Abeford—conjuring tricks!
[84] Should not this be “at some times.”
[85] “That would be moral insanity.”—Judge’s Notes—
Stephen.
[86] I cannot find in the reports to what particular act this
question refers.
[87] “The suggestion of Dr. Williams,” says Judge Stephen,
“that Dove had allowed his mind to dwell on his wife’s
death till at last he became the victim of an
uncontrollable propensity to kill her, if correct, would not
prove that his act was not voluntary. It is setting and
keeping the mind in motion towards an object plainly
conceived that constitutes the mental part of an act. Every
act becomes irrevocable before it is consummated. If a
man, for example, strikes another, he may repent while
his arm is falling; but there is a point at which he can no
more deprive his arm of the impetus with which he has
animated it, than he can divert from its course a bullet
which has been fired from a rifle. Suppose he deals with
his mind in this manner at an earlier stage of the
not encourage him to think I could rule devils; it was his
own fancy. I told him I would cast his nativity, but when I
saw the state of his mind I did not finish it.”—Harrison’s
evidence—cross-examination. But see Dove’s account of
Harrison in his confession, post.
[82] In this case Baron Alderson also decided that if the
witnesses were called by the defence, the person calling
them made them his own witnesses, 2 C. & K. p. 520.
Baron Parke, Justice Cresswell, and Lord Campbell
agreed with this. See R. v. Cassidy, F. &. F. p. 79.
[83] To the schoolmaster at Abeford—conjuring tricks!
[84] Should not this be “at some times.”
[85] “That would be moral insanity.”—Judge’s Notes—
Stephen.
[86] I cannot find in the reports to what particular act this
question refers.
[87] “The suggestion of Dr. Williams,” says Judge Stephen,
“that Dove had allowed his mind to dwell on his wife’s
death till at last he became the victim of an
uncontrollable propensity to kill her, if correct, would not
prove that his act was not voluntary. It is setting and
keeping the mind in motion towards an object plainly
conceived that constitutes the mental part of an act. Every
act becomes irrevocable before it is consummated. If a
man, for example, strikes another, he may repent while
his arm is falling; but there is a point at which he can no
more deprive his arm of the impetus with which he has
animated it, than he can divert from its course a bullet
which has been fired from a rifle. Suppose he deals with
his mind in this manner at an earlier stage of the
Page 721
proceeding, and so fills himself with a passionate, intense
longing for the forbidden object or result, that he
becomes, as it were, a mere machine in his own hands. Is
not the case precisely similar, and does not the action
continue to be voluntary and wilful, although the act of
volition which made it irrevocable preceded its
completion by a longer interval than usual?
“It must, however, be remembered, that the proof that
Dove’s propensity was uncontrollable was very defective.
An uncontrollable propensity, which accidental
difficulties or the fear of detection constantly control and
divert for a time, is an inconceivable state of mind. Is
there the smallest reason to suppose that, if Mrs. Dove
had met with a fatal accident, and had been lying in bed
dying before her husband gave her any poison, his
uncontrollable propensity to kill her would have induced
him to give her poison nevertheless? If not, the
propensity was like any other wicked feeling. It was
certainly uncontrolled, and it may probably have been
strong, but that is different to uncontrollable.”—History
of the Criminal Law of England, by Mr. Justice Stephen.
Vol. III., p. 435-6.
[88] Baron Bramwell especially called attention to the letter
of the prisoner to his mother of the 25th of February,
describing his wife’s first attack (see ante, note p. 237),
and that to the Witchman, Harrison, asking him, in
replying about his nativity, to “write in milk, or lemon, or
anything else that would not show till put to the fire.”
[89] This was proved at the trial by the Fishers.
[90] Mr. Morley’s pupil had shown it to him; proved at the
trial.
longing for the forbidden object or result, that he
becomes, as it were, a mere machine in his own hands. Is
not the case precisely similar, and does not the action
continue to be voluntary and wilful, although the act of
volition which made it irrevocable preceded its
completion by a longer interval than usual?
“It must, however, be remembered, that the proof that
Dove’s propensity was uncontrollable was very defective.
An uncontrollable propensity, which accidental
difficulties or the fear of detection constantly control and
divert for a time, is an inconceivable state of mind. Is
there the smallest reason to suppose that, if Mrs. Dove
had met with a fatal accident, and had been lying in bed
dying before her husband gave her any poison, his
uncontrollable propensity to kill her would have induced
him to give her poison nevertheless? If not, the
propensity was like any other wicked feeling. It was
certainly uncontrolled, and it may probably have been
strong, but that is different to uncontrollable.”—History
of the Criminal Law of England, by Mr. Justice Stephen.
Vol. III., p. 435-6.
[88] Baron Bramwell especially called attention to the letter
of the prisoner to his mother of the 25th of February,
describing his wife’s first attack (see ante, note p. 237),
and that to the Witchman, Harrison, asking him, in
replying about his nativity, to “write in milk, or lemon, or
anything else that would not show till put to the fire.”
[89] This was proved at the trial by the Fishers.
[90] Mr. Morley’s pupil had shown it to him; proved at the
trial.
Page 722
[91] That would be February the 23rd, when Fisher’s
mother come to Dove’s to take her daughter’s place, and
the first attack was when Mrs. Dove fell whilst helping to
make the beds on the following Monday. Throughout his
statement Dove is very confused as to dates. The tasting
by Mrs. Witham was several days after this.
[92] Mrs. Witham states (see her evidence) that she gave her
medicine at 3.30 P.M., and she seemed better for it.
[93] In his comments on this extraordinary case, Mr. Justice
Stephen—after noting Dove’s predisposition to madness
in his infancy; the fact that the symptoms of the disease
exhibited themselves at frequent intervals, yet never
reached such a pitch as to induce his friends to treat him
as a madman; the prurience with which he dwelt on the
prospect of his wife’s death; the forming of the design of
putting her to death, and the deliberate contrivance and
precaution with which he carried it out—says:—“In this
state of things can he be said to have known, in the wider
sense of the words, that his act was wrong? He obviously
knew that it was wrong in the sense that people generally
consider it so; but was he capable of thinking, like an
ordinary man, of the reasons why murder is wrong, and
of applying these reasons to his conduct? There was
evidence both ways. His irrationality, however, was
occasional, and he appears to have acted rationally
enough as a rule, and to have transacted all the common
affairs of life. Did, then, this act belong to the rational or
irrational part of his conduct? Every circumstance
connected with it referred it to the former. It was a
continued series of deliberate and repeated attempts, fully
completed at last.”—History of the Criminal Law. Vol.
III., pp. 435-6.
[94] This is probably an error of the reporter—rigid(?)
mother come to Dove’s to take her daughter’s place, and
the first attack was when Mrs. Dove fell whilst helping to
make the beds on the following Monday. Throughout his
statement Dove is very confused as to dates. The tasting
by Mrs. Witham was several days after this.
[92] Mrs. Witham states (see her evidence) that she gave her
medicine at 3.30 P.M., and she seemed better for it.
[93] In his comments on this extraordinary case, Mr. Justice
Stephen—after noting Dove’s predisposition to madness
in his infancy; the fact that the symptoms of the disease
exhibited themselves at frequent intervals, yet never
reached such a pitch as to induce his friends to treat him
as a madman; the prurience with which he dwelt on the
prospect of his wife’s death; the forming of the design of
putting her to death, and the deliberate contrivance and
precaution with which he carried it out—says:—“In this
state of things can he be said to have known, in the wider
sense of the words, that his act was wrong? He obviously
knew that it was wrong in the sense that people generally
consider it so; but was he capable of thinking, like an
ordinary man, of the reasons why murder is wrong, and
of applying these reasons to his conduct? There was
evidence both ways. His irrationality, however, was
occasional, and he appears to have acted rationally
enough as a rule, and to have transacted all the common
affairs of life. Did, then, this act belong to the rational or
irrational part of his conduct? Every circumstance
connected with it referred it to the former. It was a
continued series of deliberate and repeated attempts, fully
completed at last.”—History of the Criminal Law. Vol.
III., pp. 435-6.
[94] This is probably an error of the reporter—rigid(?)
Page 723
[95] The pills were produced at the inquest, and seen there
by Dr. Lees, but not submitted for analysis, either to him
or Dr. Bernays.
[96] In this the presence of strychnia was very distinct.
[97] The important evidence of this witness is given very
briefly on the report of the trial. From the notes of the
analyses made at the time in the laboratory I have been
enabled to give it in greater detail.
[98] Morphia gives with nitric acid a deep orange
unchanged by stannous chloride.
[99] See also case of Agnes Sennett, p. 121.
[100] A striking case of cure by chloroform is given in the
London Med. Gazette for 1850, p. 187, quoted from the
Boston Med. Journal, July, 1850.
[101] Palmer administered to Cook so few pills, that unless
these consisted of solid morphia, which is impossible,
they could not much affect the above conclusion.
[102] The words “causing to be administered” were struck
out on the objection of Mr. Young that “they were not
covered by the major part of the indictment, and not
material in any way.”
[103] This was distinctly denied by Miss Giubilei, who had
been a pupil teacher at the school.
[104] Mr. Minnoch, on the contrary, said, “She accepted me
on the 28th of January, and then she and I arranged it on
the 12th of March. From the 28th of January to the end of
March there was nothing to suggest to my mind a doubt
as to the engagement continuing. I had no idea she was
by Dr. Lees, but not submitted for analysis, either to him
or Dr. Bernays.
[96] In this the presence of strychnia was very distinct.
[97] The important evidence of this witness is given very
briefly on the report of the trial. From the notes of the
analyses made at the time in the laboratory I have been
enabled to give it in greater detail.
[98] Morphia gives with nitric acid a deep orange
unchanged by stannous chloride.
[99] See also case of Agnes Sennett, p. 121.
[100] A striking case of cure by chloroform is given in the
London Med. Gazette for 1850, p. 187, quoted from the
Boston Med. Journal, July, 1850.
[101] Palmer administered to Cook so few pills, that unless
these consisted of solid morphia, which is impossible,
they could not much affect the above conclusion.
[102] The words “causing to be administered” were struck
out on the objection of Mr. Young that “they were not
covered by the major part of the indictment, and not
material in any way.”
[103] This was distinctly denied by Miss Giubilei, who had
been a pupil teacher at the school.
[104] Mr. Minnoch, on the contrary, said, “She accepted me
on the 28th of January, and then she and I arranged it on
the 12th of March. From the 28th of January to the end of
March there was nothing to suggest to my mind a doubt
as to the engagement continuing. I had no idea she was
Page 724
engaged to any other. When the marriage was fixed in
March it was to take place on the 18th of June.”
[105] “But surely,” said the Lord Justice Clerk, “had such
been the case, she would never have wished to be
‘clasped to the heart,’ as she expresses it in her letter, of a
man whom she had to inform that she was engaged to
another, and that all relations must be broken off between
them.”
[106] On this latter matter and the identification of the
envelopes for the respective letters much time was
occupied. In his charge the Lord Justice Clark said, that
“though the procedure adopted had been loose and
slovenly, it did not appear that the panel had suffered any
prejudice from the want of any of them. As to each letter
being in its proper envelope, in the first part of the
correspondence, it did not much signify whether such
were the case; because there was no doubt that those
passionate letters written by the prisoner, declaring such
strong love for L’Angelier, and some of them expressed
in very licentious terms, were written by her at some time
or other.”
[107] “Arsenious oil applied to scalp to cure vermin caused
death on 10th day.”—Taylor, I., 254. “A solution to cure
itch caused death in two years.” Cours de Med., Leq., p.
121. “Arsenious acid and gum to the head, caused death
in 36 hours.”—American Journal of Med. Science, July,
1851. “When used as a face powder it caused poisoning
symptoms.”—Christison, p. 329. “Arsenical soap applied
to scrotum and axillæ produced violent pains in stomach,
vomiting, purging, but patient recovered in fourteen
days.”—Med. Times and Gazette, December 10, 1853.
And see other similar cases in list in “Woodman and
Tidy.”
March it was to take place on the 18th of June.”
[105] “But surely,” said the Lord Justice Clerk, “had such
been the case, she would never have wished to be
‘clasped to the heart,’ as she expresses it in her letter, of a
man whom she had to inform that she was engaged to
another, and that all relations must be broken off between
them.”
[106] On this latter matter and the identification of the
envelopes for the respective letters much time was
occupied. In his charge the Lord Justice Clark said, that
“though the procedure adopted had been loose and
slovenly, it did not appear that the panel had suffered any
prejudice from the want of any of them. As to each letter
being in its proper envelope, in the first part of the
correspondence, it did not much signify whether such
were the case; because there was no doubt that those
passionate letters written by the prisoner, declaring such
strong love for L’Angelier, and some of them expressed
in very licentious terms, were written by her at some time
or other.”
[107] “Arsenious oil applied to scalp to cure vermin caused
death on 10th day.”—Taylor, I., 254. “A solution to cure
itch caused death in two years.” Cours de Med., Leq., p.
121. “Arsenious acid and gum to the head, caused death
in 36 hours.”—American Journal of Med. Science, July,
1851. “When used as a face powder it caused poisoning
symptoms.”—Christison, p. 329. “Arsenical soap applied
to scrotum and axillæ produced violent pains in stomach,
vomiting, purging, but patient recovered in fourteen
days.”—Med. Times and Gazette, December 10, 1853.
And see other similar cases in list in “Woodman and
Tidy.”
Page 725
[108] See Chapter VII.
[109] Referring to the evidence of Dr. Penny, the Dean, in
his speech for the defence, said: “Here comes again
another point on which the evidence for the Crown is
very defective, to say the least of it. They knew very well
when they were examining the contents of this poor
man’s stomach, and his intestines generally, what was the
arsenic that the prisoner had bought. They knew from her
own candid statement that she bought it partly at
Murdoch’s and partly at Currie’s. If that arsenic had been
swallowed by the deceased, the colouring-matter could
have been detected in the stomach—there was one means
of connecting the prisoner with this poison which was
found in L’Angelier’s stomach, and a very obvious
means. It may be very well for Professor Penny and Dr.
Christison to say now that their attention was not directed
to this matter. Whose fault was this?—the whole thing
was in the hand of the authorities. They kept it to
themselves—they dealt with it exclusively—and they
present this lame and impotent conclusion.”
[110] 14 Vict. c. 13, sec. 3: “Before the sale, the arsenic
shall be mixed with soot or indigo in the proportion of
one ounce of soot or half an ounce of indigo, at least, to
one pound of arsenic, except in cases where, according to
the representation of the purchaser, such mixture would
render it unfit for his purpose, when it may be sold in
quantities of not less than ten pounds.”
[111] In the Edinburgh Monthly Journal of Dec., 1857,
Professor Christison gives the details of a case—not of
suicide—in which 90 to 100 grains were found, and the
party lived seven hours. In the case of R. v. Dodds,
Lincoln Assizes, December, 1860, 150 grains were found;
in that of R. v. Hewitt, or Holt, Chester Winter Assizes,
[109] Referring to the evidence of Dr. Penny, the Dean, in
his speech for the defence, said: “Here comes again
another point on which the evidence for the Crown is
very defective, to say the least of it. They knew very well
when they were examining the contents of this poor
man’s stomach, and his intestines generally, what was the
arsenic that the prisoner had bought. They knew from her
own candid statement that she bought it partly at
Murdoch’s and partly at Currie’s. If that arsenic had been
swallowed by the deceased, the colouring-matter could
have been detected in the stomach—there was one means
of connecting the prisoner with this poison which was
found in L’Angelier’s stomach, and a very obvious
means. It may be very well for Professor Penny and Dr.
Christison to say now that their attention was not directed
to this matter. Whose fault was this?—the whole thing
was in the hand of the authorities. They kept it to
themselves—they dealt with it exclusively—and they
present this lame and impotent conclusion.”
[110] 14 Vict. c. 13, sec. 3: “Before the sale, the arsenic
shall be mixed with soot or indigo in the proportion of
one ounce of soot or half an ounce of indigo, at least, to
one pound of arsenic, except in cases where, according to
the representation of the purchaser, such mixture would
render it unfit for his purpose, when it may be sold in
quantities of not less than ten pounds.”
[111] In the Edinburgh Monthly Journal of Dec., 1857,
Professor Christison gives the details of a case—not of
suicide—in which 90 to 100 grains were found, and the
party lived seven hours. In the case of R. v. Dodds,
Lincoln Assizes, December, 1860, 150 grains were found;
in that of R. v. Hewitt, or Holt, Chester Winter Assizes,
Page 726
1863, 154 grains were found eleven weeks after death.
Professor Christison’s letter will be found in Appendix
B., p. 358.
[112] In Woodman and Tidy the following Table, showing
the solubility of arsenic, is given:—
Transparent Opaque Crystalline
Form. Form. Acid.
(1) 1,000
grains of
distilled cold
water, after 1·74 gr. 1·16 gr. 2·0 gr.
standing 24
hours—
dissolved
(2) 1,000
grains of
boiling
water,
poured on
10·12 gr. 5·4 gr. 15·0 gr.
the acid, and
allowed to
stand 24
hours—
dissolved
(3) 1,000 64·5 gr. 76·5 gr. 87·0 gr.
grains of
water, boiled
for one hour,
the quantity
being kept
Professor Christison’s letter will be found in Appendix
B., p. 358.
[112] In Woodman and Tidy the following Table, showing
the solubility of arsenic, is given:—
Transparent Opaque Crystalline
Form. Form. Acid.
(1) 1,000
grains of
distilled cold
water, after 1·74 gr. 1·16 gr. 2·0 gr.
standing 24
hours—
dissolved
(2) 1,000
grains of
boiling
water,
poured on
10·12 gr. 5·4 gr. 15·0 gr.
the acid, and
allowed to
stand 24
hours—
dissolved
(3) 1,000 64·5 gr. 76·5 gr. 87·0 gr.
grains of
water, boiled
for one hour,
the quantity
being kept
Page 727
uniform by
the addition
of boiling
water from
time to time,
and filtered
immediately
—dissolved
[113] As proof that L’Angelier’s first illness could not have
been on the night of the 19th and morning of the 20th, the
Dean referred to the fact that “on the 21st he ordered of
his butcher the largest piece of beef to be found in his
pass-book (7lbs.), and had fresh herrings in such a
quantity as to alarm his landlady, and a still more
alarming quantity and variety of vegetables.” “There’s a
dinner for a sick person!” He also said, “I give my
learned friend the option of being impaled on one of the
horns of the dilemma—I care not which. He was ill from
arsenical poisoning on the morning of the 20th, or he was
not. If he was, he received arsenic from other hands than
the prisoner’s. If he was not, the foundation of the case
was shaken.”
[114] “What is the evidence of Mrs. Jenkins on this point?
She says he was in his usual condition on the 21st, when
he made that celebrated dinner, and she thought he was
making himself ill, and on that 21st he told her he should
not leave the house all the following day—the Sunday.
He had, therefore, I maintain, no appointment to keep,
else he would never have made that statement. On the
22nd Mrs. Jenkins says she had no recollection of his
going out. When he did go out at night, and came in late,
what was his habit? Mrs. Jenkins says he never got into
the house on those occasions except in one of two ways
the addition
of boiling
water from
time to time,
and filtered
immediately
—dissolved
[113] As proof that L’Angelier’s first illness could not have
been on the night of the 19th and morning of the 20th, the
Dean referred to the fact that “on the 21st he ordered of
his butcher the largest piece of beef to be found in his
pass-book (7lbs.), and had fresh herrings in such a
quantity as to alarm his landlady, and a still more
alarming quantity and variety of vegetables.” “There’s a
dinner for a sick person!” He also said, “I give my
learned friend the option of being impaled on one of the
horns of the dilemma—I care not which. He was ill from
arsenical poisoning on the morning of the 20th, or he was
not. If he was, he received arsenic from other hands than
the prisoner’s. If he was not, the foundation of the case
was shaken.”
[114] “What is the evidence of Mrs. Jenkins on this point?
She says he was in his usual condition on the 21st, when
he made that celebrated dinner, and she thought he was
making himself ill, and on that 21st he told her he should
not leave the house all the following day—the Sunday.
He had, therefore, I maintain, no appointment to keep,
else he would never have made that statement. On the
22nd Mrs. Jenkins says she had no recollection of his
going out. When he did go out at night, and came in late,
what was his habit? Mrs. Jenkins says he never got into
the house on those occasions except in one of two ways
Page 728
—either he asked her for a check key, and got one, or
Thuau opened the door for him. He did not ask for a key
that night, and Thuau says he certainly did not let him
in.”—Speech of the Dean of Faculty for the defence.
[115] To the evidence for these statements, the Dean of
Faculty objected that, though the guard of the train from
Stirling was shown the photograph of L’Angelier, and
identified him by it, the photo. was not shown to Ross—
that Ross only spoke of him as a foreigner—that no one
at the place where he had refreshments at Coatbridge was
called to identify him—that the “foreigner” told Ross he
had walked from Alloa (eight miles), and not from the
Bridge of Allan, and that on the Friday or Saturday
previous he had walked into Stirling to try and get a
cheque cashed, and yet no attempt was made to show that
he did so. The witnesses for the defence, on the contrary
(Adams, Kirk, Dickson, druggists), were clear (Adams)
that at half-past five on Sunday, the 22nd, a gentleman
came to his shop for 25 drops of laudanum; Dickson, of
Batherton, two miles from Coatbridge, that one whom he
recognised as extremely like the photo. of L’Angelier
came for a similar dose at 6.30 on a Sunday at the end of
March, suffering from a bowel complaint; and Miss Kirk,
of the Gallowgate, Glasgow, who remembered a
gentleman, “as like as anything I ever saw” to the photo.
of L’Angelier, came about 8 p.m. on a Sunday night at the
end of March for a medicine, and got a white powder.
[But it must be remarked that, weak as this evidence was,
it was weakened by the admission of Adams that his
customer did not complain of illness—by that of Dickson
that it might have been in April, and by the inability of
Miss Kirk to fix any date for the occurrence, or to state
what the powder was, though she identified the purse
from which the party took the money for the payment of
it.]
Thuau opened the door for him. He did not ask for a key
that night, and Thuau says he certainly did not let him
in.”—Speech of the Dean of Faculty for the defence.
[115] To the evidence for these statements, the Dean of
Faculty objected that, though the guard of the train from
Stirling was shown the photograph of L’Angelier, and
identified him by it, the photo. was not shown to Ross—
that Ross only spoke of him as a foreigner—that no one
at the place where he had refreshments at Coatbridge was
called to identify him—that the “foreigner” told Ross he
had walked from Alloa (eight miles), and not from the
Bridge of Allan, and that on the Friday or Saturday
previous he had walked into Stirling to try and get a
cheque cashed, and yet no attempt was made to show that
he did so. The witnesses for the defence, on the contrary
(Adams, Kirk, Dickson, druggists), were clear (Adams)
that at half-past five on Sunday, the 22nd, a gentleman
came to his shop for 25 drops of laudanum; Dickson, of
Batherton, two miles from Coatbridge, that one whom he
recognised as extremely like the photo. of L’Angelier
came for a similar dose at 6.30 on a Sunday at the end of
March, suffering from a bowel complaint; and Miss Kirk,
of the Gallowgate, Glasgow, who remembered a
gentleman, “as like as anything I ever saw” to the photo.
of L’Angelier, came about 8 p.m. on a Sunday night at the
end of March for a medicine, and got a white powder.
[But it must be remarked that, weak as this evidence was,
it was weakened by the admission of Adams that his
customer did not complain of illness—by that of Dickson
that it might have been in April, and by the inability of
Miss Kirk to fix any date for the occurrence, or to state
what the powder was, though she identified the purse
from which the party took the money for the payment of
it.]
Page 729
[116] On the question whether this letter brought L’Angelier
to Glasgow, the Dean referred to an expression in one of
his letters to Thuau, that he did not know what “Mr.
Mitchell could want with him,” and inferred that it might
be to hear about this person that he hurried up to
Glasgow and called on M’Alister, who probably might
have given some information on this point had he been
called. [If so, why was he not called for the defence?]
[117] “I have already shown,” said the Dean, “how
constantly she repeated to him her warning that on no
account he was to make the slightest noise of any kind.
Therefore, without previous arrangement, it does not
appear to me possible for these parties to have met on the
occasion on which the prosecutor says they did. If I am
right in reading that letter, she expected him on Saturday
evening, and she waited and waited, as she had upon
Thursday, but he did not come. On the Sunday evening
she did not expect him. Why should she? When he did
not come on Thursday evening, when he did not come on
Saturday evening, why should she expect him on the
following evening? Well, then, that is the state in which
her expectations were on that occasion, and her conduct
precisely squares with it. She is at home in the family.
They are all at prayers at nine o’clock. The servants come
up to attend prayers with the family. Mackenzie, the
suitor of Haggart, remains below while the family are at
prayers. The servants afterwards go down stairs to bed, as
usual—one after the other. The family then retire to rest,
and the prisoner, with her youngest sister, goes to her
bedroom about half-past ten or eleven. They both get into
bed about the same time; and, so far as human knowledge
can go, that house is undisturbed and unapproached till
the prisoner is lying in the morning side by side with her
sister, as she had fallen asleep. The watchman was on his
beat—he knew L’Angelier well—and he saw nothing.”
to Glasgow, the Dean referred to an expression in one of
his letters to Thuau, that he did not know what “Mr.
Mitchell could want with him,” and inferred that it might
be to hear about this person that he hurried up to
Glasgow and called on M’Alister, who probably might
have given some information on this point had he been
called. [If so, why was he not called for the defence?]
[117] “I have already shown,” said the Dean, “how
constantly she repeated to him her warning that on no
account he was to make the slightest noise of any kind.
Therefore, without previous arrangement, it does not
appear to me possible for these parties to have met on the
occasion on which the prosecutor says they did. If I am
right in reading that letter, she expected him on Saturday
evening, and she waited and waited, as she had upon
Thursday, but he did not come. On the Sunday evening
she did not expect him. Why should she? When he did
not come on Thursday evening, when he did not come on
Saturday evening, why should she expect him on the
following evening? Well, then, that is the state in which
her expectations were on that occasion, and her conduct
precisely squares with it. She is at home in the family.
They are all at prayers at nine o’clock. The servants come
up to attend prayers with the family. Mackenzie, the
suitor of Haggart, remains below while the family are at
prayers. The servants afterwards go down stairs to bed, as
usual—one after the other. The family then retire to rest,
and the prisoner, with her youngest sister, goes to her
bedroom about half-past ten or eleven. They both get into
bed about the same time; and, so far as human knowledge
can go, that house is undisturbed and unapproached till
the prisoner is lying in the morning side by side with her
sister, as she had fallen asleep. The watchman was on his
beat—he knew L’Angelier well—and he saw nothing.”
Page 730
[118] Regarding this third charge in the light of
probabilities, the Dean said:—“If you believe the
evidence of the Crown, he suspected the prisoner of
having tried to poison him. But my learned friend says
his suspicions were then lulled—she had become more
kind to him before he left town. I thought my learned
friend said he was brooding over it when in Edinburgh,
and spoke of it in a serious tone to the Towerses. That
was on the 16th of March, after which date he had
nothing to change his mind in the shape of kindness from
the prisoner, and therefore if he did once entertain the
suspicion, however unfounded, there was nothing to
remove it from his mind anterior to the 22nd of March. A
man, whose suspicions are excited against a particular
person, is not very likely to take poison at that person’s
hand; and yet, what are we asked to believe that he took
from her hand that night? That he took from her hand a
poisoned cup, in which there lurked such a quantity of
arsenic as was sufficient to leave in his stomach after
death 82 grains; such a dose indicating the administration
of at least double—aye, I think Dr. Christison said the
administration of at least half an ounce (240 grains)—and
that he took it that evening from the hand of the prisoner,
with all his previous suspicions that she was practising on
him. It is a dose which, as far as experience goes, was
never successfully administered by a murderer. There is
not a case on record in which it has ever been shown that
a person administering poison to another ever succeeded
in persuading him to swallow such a quantity.” [But note
as to confidence after suspicion, that of Cook in Palmer,
after the suspicious illness at Shrewsbury.—See Palmer’s
Case, ante; and as to quantity administered by murderers,
note ante, p. 319, and Appendix B., p. 358.]
[119] Christina Haggart, if she was to be believed, appears
to contradict this assertion. On re-examination she said
probabilities, the Dean said:—“If you believe the
evidence of the Crown, he suspected the prisoner of
having tried to poison him. But my learned friend says
his suspicions were then lulled—she had become more
kind to him before he left town. I thought my learned
friend said he was brooding over it when in Edinburgh,
and spoke of it in a serious tone to the Towerses. That
was on the 16th of March, after which date he had
nothing to change his mind in the shape of kindness from
the prisoner, and therefore if he did once entertain the
suspicion, however unfounded, there was nothing to
remove it from his mind anterior to the 22nd of March. A
man, whose suspicions are excited against a particular
person, is not very likely to take poison at that person’s
hand; and yet, what are we asked to believe that he took
from her hand that night? That he took from her hand a
poisoned cup, in which there lurked such a quantity of
arsenic as was sufficient to leave in his stomach after
death 82 grains; such a dose indicating the administration
of at least double—aye, I think Dr. Christison said the
administration of at least half an ounce (240 grains)—and
that he took it that evening from the hand of the prisoner,
with all his previous suspicions that she was practising on
him. It is a dose which, as far as experience goes, was
never successfully administered by a murderer. There is
not a case on record in which it has ever been shown that
a person administering poison to another ever succeeded
in persuading him to swallow such a quantity.” [But note
as to confidence after suspicion, that of Cook in Palmer,
after the suspicious illness at Shrewsbury.—See Palmer’s
Case, ante; and as to quantity administered by murderers,
note ante, p. 319, and Appendix B., p. 358.]
[119] Christina Haggart, if she was to be believed, appears
to contradict this assertion. On re-examination she said
Page 731
that between a month and two before her apprehension
Miss Smith asked her to leave the back gate into the lane
open after ten at night, and stay in the kitchen a little, as
she was to see her friend. When she did so she saw no
one in the lane, but as she went into the kitchen, which
was in front of the house, she met Miss Smith going
towards the back door. She heard footsteps coming
through the gate—that she stayed in the kitchen till she
heard Miss Smith go to her own room. She stayed about
half an hour. “Charlotte Maclean, the cook, stayed in the
kitchen with me at my request.” In this she was
confirmed by Maclean, but she could not say she heard
Miss Smith in the passage, though she heard her
afterwards go to her bedroom. Miss Smith’s statement to
Dr. Meau is true, if the meeting took place only at the
back gate. The Lord Justice Clerk, however, spoke of this
evidence as proving that L’Angelier was in the house in
Blythswood Square.
[120] In a letter with post-mark September 18, 1855, she
alludes to some such threat, “Beloved, you are young,
you ought to desire life.” In another with post-mark
October 19, 1855, she writes, “‘Before long,’ you say, ‘I
shall rid you and all the world of my presence.’ God
forbid that you should do this.” “This,” said the Judge,
“was a common enough mode of influencing females;
and if such was his design, he seemed to have
succeeded.”
[121] As to the evidence for the defence, that L’Angelier
had on one occasion threatened to throw himself out of
the window at the “Rainbow” Tavern, his lordship
observed, “As the witness was in bed at the time the
deceased had ample opportunity to have thrown himself
over, if he had been so inclined, before the witness could
interfere; and the jury would consider whether, when
Miss Smith asked her to leave the back gate into the lane
open after ten at night, and stay in the kitchen a little, as
she was to see her friend. When she did so she saw no
one in the lane, but as she went into the kitchen, which
was in front of the house, she met Miss Smith going
towards the back door. She heard footsteps coming
through the gate—that she stayed in the kitchen till she
heard Miss Smith go to her own room. She stayed about
half an hour. “Charlotte Maclean, the cook, stayed in the
kitchen with me at my request.” In this she was
confirmed by Maclean, but she could not say she heard
Miss Smith in the passage, though she heard her
afterwards go to her bedroom. Miss Smith’s statement to
Dr. Meau is true, if the meeting took place only at the
back gate. The Lord Justice Clerk, however, spoke of this
evidence as proving that L’Angelier was in the house in
Blythswood Square.
[120] In a letter with post-mark September 18, 1855, she
alludes to some such threat, “Beloved, you are young,
you ought to desire life.” In another with post-mark
October 19, 1855, she writes, “‘Before long,’ you say, ‘I
shall rid you and all the world of my presence.’ God
forbid that you should do this.” “This,” said the Judge,
“was a common enough mode of influencing females;
and if such was his design, he seemed to have
succeeded.”
[121] As to the evidence for the defence, that L’Angelier
had on one occasion threatened to throw himself out of
the window at the “Rainbow” Tavern, his lordship
observed, “As the witness was in bed at the time the
deceased had ample opportunity to have thrown himself
over, if he had been so inclined, before the witness could
interfere; and the jury would consider whether, when
Page 732
going about the room in that excited state, he had only
thrown open the window to get air. As to the other stories
that he would drown himself, if jilted, they did not
amount to much, as on one occasion he had been jilted,
and had not drowned himself. You will consider whether
all this is merely the vapouring of a loose, talkative man,
fond of awakening an interest in the minds of others
about himself, or whether it affords any indication that he
was likely to commit suicide. As to the evidence about
giving arsenic to horses in France, which would be
useless unless given constantly, he did not see its
importance. If he was in the habit of taking it in small
quantities, he knew its qualities, and therefore this did not
aid the notion that he took an immense quantity on the
22nd to destroy himself. No doubt the prisoner was not
bound to prove that he poisoned himself, but it was a
hazardous thing to set up a defence that L’Angelier went
out that night carrying such a quantity of arsenic in his
pocket, and that he swallowed it, how, when, and where,
no human being could conceive.”
[122] “It is very difficult,” said the learned Judge, “to say
what the exasperated feelings of a female placed in such
a situation as this woman was might not lead her to do.
And here it is that the correspondence becomes of the
utmost importance, as shewing what feelings she
cherished about that time, what state and disposition of
mind she was in, and whether there was any trace of
moral sense or propriety to be found in her letters, or
whether they did not exhibit such a degree of ill-
regulated, disordered, distempered, and licentious
feelings, as shew that the writer was quite capable of
compassing any end by which she could avoid exposure
and disgrace, and of cherishing any feeling of revenge
which such treatment might excite in her mind, driven
nearly to madness by the thought of what might follow
thrown open the window to get air. As to the other stories
that he would drown himself, if jilted, they did not
amount to much, as on one occasion he had been jilted,
and had not drowned himself. You will consider whether
all this is merely the vapouring of a loose, talkative man,
fond of awakening an interest in the minds of others
about himself, or whether it affords any indication that he
was likely to commit suicide. As to the evidence about
giving arsenic to horses in France, which would be
useless unless given constantly, he did not see its
importance. If he was in the habit of taking it in small
quantities, he knew its qualities, and therefore this did not
aid the notion that he took an immense quantity on the
22nd to destroy himself. No doubt the prisoner was not
bound to prove that he poisoned himself, but it was a
hazardous thing to set up a defence that L’Angelier went
out that night carrying such a quantity of arsenic in his
pocket, and that he swallowed it, how, when, and where,
no human being could conceive.”
[122] “It is very difficult,” said the learned Judge, “to say
what the exasperated feelings of a female placed in such
a situation as this woman was might not lead her to do.
And here it is that the correspondence becomes of the
utmost importance, as shewing what feelings she
cherished about that time, what state and disposition of
mind she was in, and whether there was any trace of
moral sense or propriety to be found in her letters, or
whether they did not exhibit such a degree of ill-
regulated, disordered, distempered, and licentious
feelings, as shew that the writer was quite capable of
compassing any end by which she could avoid exposure
and disgrace, and of cherishing any feeling of revenge
which such treatment might excite in her mind, driven
nearly to madness by the thought of what might follow
Page 733
the revelation of this correspondence. We have heard a
good deal said by the Dean of Faculty as to the character
of this person: we have no evidence on the subject,
except what these letters exhibit, and no witness to
character is brought; and certainly these letters exhibit as
extraordinary a frame of mind and of passion as perhaps
ever appeared in a court of justice. Can you be surprised,
that after such letters as those of the 29th April and 3rd
May (inviting him in very plain terms to meet her for that
purpose at the garden gate of the country house), that on
the 6th May, three days afterwards, he got possession of
her person? On the 7th she again writes, and in that letter
is there the slightest appearance of grief, of repentance, of
remorse? It is the letter of a girl rejoicing in what had
passed, and alluding to it particularly in terms which I
will not read, for perhaps they were never previously
committed to paper, as having passed between man and
woman. There could be no doubt of the state of degraded
and unholy feeling into which she had sunk, probably not
the less so if it was produced by his undermining and
corruption.”
[123] If this was the use for which the prisoner bought the
arsenic, it is at least curious that she did not buy it until
the 21st of February, 1857, when she was endeavouring
to get her letters back from L’Angelier. The article in
Blackwood was in December, 1853. Johnston’s Book was
published in 1855, and of the papers in Chambers, the
first was in December, 1851, the second in June, 1853,
and the third in July, 1856.
[124] Without wishing to fight over again the case of Eliza
Fenning, I would refer any one at all curious on this point
to a letter to the Times, quoted in the “Annual Register”
for July 29, 1855, from the Rev. J. H. Gurney, the nephew
of the well-known shorthand writer, in which it is stated,
good deal said by the Dean of Faculty as to the character
of this person: we have no evidence on the subject,
except what these letters exhibit, and no witness to
character is brought; and certainly these letters exhibit as
extraordinary a frame of mind and of passion as perhaps
ever appeared in a court of justice. Can you be surprised,
that after such letters as those of the 29th April and 3rd
May (inviting him in very plain terms to meet her for that
purpose at the garden gate of the country house), that on
the 6th May, three days afterwards, he got possession of
her person? On the 7th she again writes, and in that letter
is there the slightest appearance of grief, of repentance, of
remorse? It is the letter of a girl rejoicing in what had
passed, and alluding to it particularly in terms which I
will not read, for perhaps they were never previously
committed to paper, as having passed between man and
woman. There could be no doubt of the state of degraded
and unholy feeling into which she had sunk, probably not
the less so if it was produced by his undermining and
corruption.”
[123] If this was the use for which the prisoner bought the
arsenic, it is at least curious that she did not buy it until
the 21st of February, 1857, when she was endeavouring
to get her letters back from L’Angelier. The article in
Blackwood was in December, 1853. Johnston’s Book was
published in 1855, and of the papers in Chambers, the
first was in December, 1851, the second in June, 1853,
and the third in July, 1856.
[124] Without wishing to fight over again the case of Eliza
Fenning, I would refer any one at all curious on this point
to a letter to the Times, quoted in the “Annual Register”
for July 29, 1855, from the Rev. J. H. Gurney, the nephew
of the well-known shorthand writer, in which it is stated,
Page 734
on the authority of an extract from his uncle’s note-book,
that Eliza Fenning did confess the crime to the Rev.
James Upton, a Baptist minister, whose chapel she
attended, though she subsequently maintained her
innocence to other visitors.
[125] The learned Judge had previously said, “If this had
been an appointment about business, and it had been
shown that a person came to town for the purpose of
seeing another, and he went out for that purpose, having
no other object in coming to Glasgow, they would
probably scout the notion of a person saying, ‘I never
saw or heard of him that day that he came;’ but the
inference they were asked to draw was this, that they met
on that night, when the fact of their meeting is the
foundation of the charge of murder. Therefore the jury
must feel that the grounds of drawing an inference in the
ordinary matters of civil business, or the actual
appointment of mutual friends is one thing, and the
inference from the fact that he came to Glasgow, that they
did meet, and that, therefore, the poison was administered
to him by her at that time, is another, and a most
enormous jump in the category of inferences.”
[126] Evidence of Samuel Peckeridge, his fellow-workman;
Thomas Denman, who had seen him near the reservoir on
Stamford Hill, on the 24th, vomiting, and going to the
public-house for brandy; James Ashby, another turncock
of the East London Company’s; Mrs. Gillett, and Mr.
Toulmin, of Clapton.
[127] On Dr. Letheby’s evidence, see remarks in Chapter
VII., p. 395.
[128] A. Andrews also proved that she had only objected to
the post-mortem because she knew the deceased objected
that Eliza Fenning did confess the crime to the Rev.
James Upton, a Baptist minister, whose chapel she
attended, though she subsequently maintained her
innocence to other visitors.
[125] The learned Judge had previously said, “If this had
been an appointment about business, and it had been
shown that a person came to town for the purpose of
seeing another, and he went out for that purpose, having
no other object in coming to Glasgow, they would
probably scout the notion of a person saying, ‘I never
saw or heard of him that day that he came;’ but the
inference they were asked to draw was this, that they met
on that night, when the fact of their meeting is the
foundation of the charge of murder. Therefore the jury
must feel that the grounds of drawing an inference in the
ordinary matters of civil business, or the actual
appointment of mutual friends is one thing, and the
inference from the fact that he came to Glasgow, that they
did meet, and that, therefore, the poison was administered
to him by her at that time, is another, and a most
enormous jump in the category of inferences.”
[126] Evidence of Samuel Peckeridge, his fellow-workman;
Thomas Denman, who had seen him near the reservoir on
Stamford Hill, on the 24th, vomiting, and going to the
public-house for brandy; James Ashby, another turncock
of the East London Company’s; Mrs. Gillett, and Mr.
Toulmin, of Clapton.
[127] On Dr. Letheby’s evidence, see remarks in Chapter
VII., p. 395.
[128] A. Andrews also proved that she had only objected to
the post-mortem because she knew the deceased objected
Page 735
to it; that she said “Thank God, I am innocent. Poor dear
soul, I loved him too well to injure him;” and had told
him that Annie had eaten the rest of the gruel, and that
Mrs. Gillett knew it.
[129] James Urry, the secretary of the benefit society,
proved that the deceased had been insured in it nearly
two years—these would not have been completed until
February 2nd, and that, in consequence, she would be
entitled to only £7 10s. instead of £10. When he saw the
prisoner she seemed absorbed in grief.
[130] See on this the remarks in Chapter VII. p. 395.
[131] Tidy (Handbook of Modern Chem., 1878, p. 397)
states that 1,000 parts of boiling water, digested for
twenty-four hours with the powder, dissolve—of the
opaque form, 5·4 parts; of the transparent, 10; of the
crystalline, 15.
[132] In this case, which was tried before the late Lord
Denman, at the Summer Assizes, 1848, very many of the
guests at a dinner given to celebrate the election of an
Independent minister were seriously affected, and the
death of the chairman (an invalid) hastened, by eating of
a blancmange made in the form of a cucumber,
surrounded with leaves—all of the natural green colour.
In colouring this sweet, emerald green, in which, on
analysis, 47½ per cent. of arsenite of copper was found,
had been used to such an extent that the colour was in
some parts half an inch in depth. The pastrycook
(Franklin) had been previously warned, by the chemist
who sold it to him, of its poisonous qualities, and for a
time had discontinued its use for eatables; and the
defence was, that in this case his apprentice (Randall) had
used it under the impression that the sweet was only for
soul, I loved him too well to injure him;” and had told
him that Annie had eaten the rest of the gruel, and that
Mrs. Gillett knew it.
[129] James Urry, the secretary of the benefit society,
proved that the deceased had been insured in it nearly
two years—these would not have been completed until
February 2nd, and that, in consequence, she would be
entitled to only £7 10s. instead of £10. When he saw the
prisoner she seemed absorbed in grief.
[130] See on this the remarks in Chapter VII. p. 395.
[131] Tidy (Handbook of Modern Chem., 1878, p. 397)
states that 1,000 parts of boiling water, digested for
twenty-four hours with the powder, dissolve—of the
opaque form, 5·4 parts; of the transparent, 10; of the
crystalline, 15.
[132] In this case, which was tried before the late Lord
Denman, at the Summer Assizes, 1848, very many of the
guests at a dinner given to celebrate the election of an
Independent minister were seriously affected, and the
death of the chairman (an invalid) hastened, by eating of
a blancmange made in the form of a cucumber,
surrounded with leaves—all of the natural green colour.
In colouring this sweet, emerald green, in which, on
analysis, 47½ per cent. of arsenite of copper was found,
had been used to such an extent that the colour was in
some parts half an inch in depth. The pastrycook
(Franklin) had been previously warned, by the chemist
who sold it to him, of its poisonous qualities, and for a
time had discontinued its use for eatables; and the
defence was, that in this case his apprentice (Randall) had
used it under the impression that the sweet was only for
Page 736
ornament. They were both found guilty of manslaughter,
and sentenced to three months’ imprisonment with hard
labour.
[133] According to the Apotheker Zeitung, No. 14, April 3,
1879, out of 118 samples of children’s toys officially
examined in 1878, 53, or nearly one-half, were found
adorned with poisonous colours. In the cases of 46 the
vendors were punished. As to dresses, see Chem. News,
v. 114.
[134] In the case of Maria Gage, tried at the Summer
Assizes, at Ipswich, on the 2nd of August, 1851, for the
murder of her husband, it was proved that she had got a
neighbour to purchase for her a pennyworth of stuff for
rats and mice, which was found to consist of linseed with
arsenic enough to kill half a dozen men.
[135] “Considerable sensation has been excited by the
report that arsenic had been detected in the paper collars,
&c., manufactured by a Leipzig firm. On a careful
examination, conducted by six of the most eminent
chemists, the accusation was proved to be utterly
unfounded.”—Chemiker Zeitung, No. 45, 1879.
[136] In this case, which was tried in April, 1835, before Sir
Charles Wetherell, as Recorder of Bristol, a widow lady
of the name of Mary Smith, who had lodged with the
prisoner, was poisoned by her, in October, 1833, for the
sake of the money and other property she had with her.
The accused was proved to have purchased yellow
arsenic about six days before Mrs. Smith’s death, and to
have been seen putting some yellow powder out of a
paper from her pocket into a basin of gruel, after taking
which Mrs. Smith was seized with dreadful convulsions,
and died. In consequence of suspicions created by the
and sentenced to three months’ imprisonment with hard
labour.
[133] According to the Apotheker Zeitung, No. 14, April 3,
1879, out of 118 samples of children’s toys officially
examined in 1878, 53, or nearly one-half, were found
adorned with poisonous colours. In the cases of 46 the
vendors were punished. As to dresses, see Chem. News,
v. 114.
[134] In the case of Maria Gage, tried at the Summer
Assizes, at Ipswich, on the 2nd of August, 1851, for the
murder of her husband, it was proved that she had got a
neighbour to purchase for her a pennyworth of stuff for
rats and mice, which was found to consist of linseed with
arsenic enough to kill half a dozen men.
[135] “Considerable sensation has been excited by the
report that arsenic had been detected in the paper collars,
&c., manufactured by a Leipzig firm. On a careful
examination, conducted by six of the most eminent
chemists, the accusation was proved to be utterly
unfounded.”—Chemiker Zeitung, No. 45, 1879.
[136] In this case, which was tried in April, 1835, before Sir
Charles Wetherell, as Recorder of Bristol, a widow lady
of the name of Mary Smith, who had lodged with the
prisoner, was poisoned by her, in October, 1833, for the
sake of the money and other property she had with her.
The accused was proved to have purchased yellow
arsenic about six days before Mrs. Smith’s death, and to
have been seen putting some yellow powder out of a
paper from her pocket into a basin of gruel, after taking
which Mrs. Smith was seized with dreadful convulsions,
and died. In consequence of suspicions created by the
Page 737
prisoner’s subsequent conduct and false statements, a
post-mortem was held of the body, exhumed fourteen
months after death. The report of this examination was
very striking. “A thick, yellow coating, like paint, lay on
the mucous membrane of the stomach, particularly over
the pyloric third, but it extended more or less with some
small interjections of unstained membrane to within two
or three inches of the great cul-de-sac.” The accused was
convicted and executed.
[137] Phosphates give nothing with sulphuretted hydrogen,
and a yellow with silver nitrate.
[138] “A curious toxicological case is reported from
Hamburg. The body of a man who died in 1867 was
taken for examination. It was thought necessary to
determine arsenic, not merely in the corpse in question,
but in the soil of the churchyard at different distances
from the coffin, and also in the body of another man who
had been subsequently buried in the same grave. This
latter body was perfectly free from arsenic, which,
however, was found in the first corpse in ample fatal
quantity (3·6 grains), whilst in the lid of the coffin and in
the adjacent ground very minute quantities were traced.
Hence the conclusion was fairly drawn that the man in
question had been poisoned with arsenic, and that a
portion of the poison had been gradually transferred from
his body to the wood of the coffin and the adjacent
soil.”—Chemiker Zeitung, No. 7, February 13th, 1879.
[139] See also a case in the Gaz. Médicale, 1850.
[140] When we bear in mind how small a space even 200
grains of arsenic would occupy—not more than that of an
ordinary seidlitz powder—the suggestion of L’Angelier
carrying this means of suicide about him, when keeping
post-mortem was held of the body, exhumed fourteen
months after death. The report of this examination was
very striking. “A thick, yellow coating, like paint, lay on
the mucous membrane of the stomach, particularly over
the pyloric third, but it extended more or less with some
small interjections of unstained membrane to within two
or three inches of the great cul-de-sac.” The accused was
convicted and executed.
[137] Phosphates give nothing with sulphuretted hydrogen,
and a yellow with silver nitrate.
[138] “A curious toxicological case is reported from
Hamburg. The body of a man who died in 1867 was
taken for examination. It was thought necessary to
determine arsenic, not merely in the corpse in question,
but in the soil of the churchyard at different distances
from the coffin, and also in the body of another man who
had been subsequently buried in the same grave. This
latter body was perfectly free from arsenic, which,
however, was found in the first corpse in ample fatal
quantity (3·6 grains), whilst in the lid of the coffin and in
the adjacent ground very minute quantities were traced.
Hence the conclusion was fairly drawn that the man in
question had been poisoned with arsenic, and that a
portion of the poison had been gradually transferred from
his body to the wood of the coffin and the adjacent
soil.”—Chemiker Zeitung, No. 7, February 13th, 1879.
[139] See also a case in the Gaz. Médicale, 1850.
[140] When we bear in mind how small a space even 200
grains of arsenic would occupy—not more than that of an
ordinary seidlitz powder—the suggestion of L’Angelier
carrying this means of suicide about him, when keeping
Page 738
the supposed appointment on the Sunday night, is by no
means improbable. And when his evident tendency to
attempt self-destruction, when irritated or depresssed, is
remembered, it is within the range of probability, that, if
either the meeting took place and ended with a quarrel, or
he failed to obtain a meeting, in the excited state of mind
which either circumstance would have created, he in
desperation swallowed the drug very shortly before he
returned to his lodgings, only to die. This is a far more
probable suggestion than that set up by the defence, that
he had been dosing himself with arsenic on the road from
Stirling to Glasgow. The difficulty is that purchases of
arsenic by L’Angelier could not be proved. But, looking
to the careless way in which it was exposed in the shops
of some of the firms with which he had relations
(evidence of Fleming and Townsend), he might have got
it from thence, without its being known, or he might have
purchased it in Edinburgh on his visit there, where he
could not be easily recognised. He certainly had an
unwholesome hankering after this drug.—G. L. B.
[141] To the medical profession, for whose use, as well as
for that of their legal brethren, this volume is intended,
any but a detailed report of the medical evidence in this
disputed case would be useless.
[142] For the report of this trial I have relied on that
published in Edinburgh by William Kay, 1865.
[143] Evidence of James Struthers. Registrar of Deaths for
the Blythswood district of Glasgow.
[144] According to Mary Patterson, Mrs. Taylor was in the
kitchen about 7 p.m., as well as usual, only appearing a
little peevish in consequence of her night-watching. Mary
McLeod met her going up stairs from the consulting-
means improbable. And when his evident tendency to
attempt self-destruction, when irritated or depresssed, is
remembered, it is within the range of probability, that, if
either the meeting took place and ended with a quarrel, or
he failed to obtain a meeting, in the excited state of mind
which either circumstance would have created, he in
desperation swallowed the drug very shortly before he
returned to his lodgings, only to die. This is a far more
probable suggestion than that set up by the defence, that
he had been dosing himself with arsenic on the road from
Stirling to Glasgow. The difficulty is that purchases of
arsenic by L’Angelier could not be proved. But, looking
to the careless way in which it was exposed in the shops
of some of the firms with which he had relations
(evidence of Fleming and Townsend), he might have got
it from thence, without its being known, or he might have
purchased it in Edinburgh on his visit there, where he
could not be easily recognised. He certainly had an
unwholesome hankering after this drug.—G. L. B.
[141] To the medical profession, for whose use, as well as
for that of their legal brethren, this volume is intended,
any but a detailed report of the medical evidence in this
disputed case would be useless.
[142] For the report of this trial I have relied on that
published in Edinburgh by William Kay, 1865.
[143] Evidence of James Struthers. Registrar of Deaths for
the Blythswood district of Glasgow.
[144] According to Mary Patterson, Mrs. Taylor was in the
kitchen about 7 p.m., as well as usual, only appearing a
little peevish in consequence of her night-watching. Mary
McLeod met her going up stairs from the consulting-
Page 739
room about nine o’clock, and in a short time her bell
rang, and she found her in her daughter’s bedroom asking
for hot water to make her vomit, when she desired her to
go for the doctor.
[145] See evidence, ante, p. 414 (note), of McLeod and
Paterson, as to her health and actions during the evening
before her seizure.
[146] It was with reference to this visit that Paterson
afterwards expressed his opinion, that, but for the
accident of meeting Pritchard, he would not have been
asked to visit his wife. This was severely commented on
by Mr. R. Clark as showing the ill-feeling towards the
prisoner which was imputed to the witness.
[147] It was proved that he kept large quantities of
antimony, poisons, and other drugs in his consulting-
room, though no chlorodyne.—Evidence of McCall, Dr.
Penny, McHattie, Foulger, and Kerr.
[148] In a letter to his father-in-law on the 3rd of March,
Pritchard wrote: “I am very much fatigued with being up
with dear Mary Jane, who was very much worse
yesterday, and passed a wretched night. Wednesday has
been a periodic day with her during this illness, and she
always dreads it. Her prostration is extreme, and her
appetite quite failed. Dr. Paterson has recommended
Dublin stout and some very simple medicine.”—Evidence
of Mr. Taylor. Second day.
[149] On Dr. Paterson’s evident feeling against the prisoner,
the Lord Justice Clerk made the following remarks: “It is
said that he exhibited a strong feeling against the
prisoner; no human being could feel otherwise if he had
formed the impression that Mrs. Pritchard was being
rang, and she found her in her daughter’s bedroom asking
for hot water to make her vomit, when she desired her to
go for the doctor.
[145] See evidence, ante, p. 414 (note), of McLeod and
Paterson, as to her health and actions during the evening
before her seizure.
[146] It was with reference to this visit that Paterson
afterwards expressed his opinion, that, but for the
accident of meeting Pritchard, he would not have been
asked to visit his wife. This was severely commented on
by Mr. R. Clark as showing the ill-feeling towards the
prisoner which was imputed to the witness.
[147] It was proved that he kept large quantities of
antimony, poisons, and other drugs in his consulting-
room, though no chlorodyne.—Evidence of McCall, Dr.
Penny, McHattie, Foulger, and Kerr.
[148] In a letter to his father-in-law on the 3rd of March,
Pritchard wrote: “I am very much fatigued with being up
with dear Mary Jane, who was very much worse
yesterday, and passed a wretched night. Wednesday has
been a periodic day with her during this illness, and she
always dreads it. Her prostration is extreme, and her
appetite quite failed. Dr. Paterson has recommended
Dublin stout and some very simple medicine.”—Evidence
of Mr. Taylor. Second day.
[149] On Dr. Paterson’s evident feeling against the prisoner,
the Lord Justice Clerk made the following remarks: “It is
said that he exhibited a strong feeling against the
prisoner; no human being could feel otherwise if he had
formed the impression that Mrs. Pritchard was being
Page 740
poisoned in the hands of her husband, her medical
attendant. It is said that he exhibited this feeling in a
marked unpleasant manner in the box. That is a matter of
manner, and, if the feeling existed, I do not know that he
could have made his evidence really more valuable if he
had concealed the existence of it. It may be an unpleasant
thing to see what is called an animus in a witness
exhibited in the witness-box. If he has a feeling strong
upon him, and that on good ground, he may come into
the box and entirely suppress all appearance of it,
because he has more command of his feeling, or a better
manner of concealing it. The fact remains, that if he takes
up the position I have described, he cannot, as a man of
ordinary feeling, feel otherwise than unfavourably
prepossessed against the prisoner.” Again, on his
concealment of his suspicions, the Judge said: “Now, he
thought it consistent with his professional duty—and I
must also add with his duty as a citizen of this country—
to keep this opinion to himself. In that I cannot say he did
right. I should be very sorry to lead you to think so. I care
not for professional etiquette, or professional rule. There
is a rule of life and a consideration far higher than these
—the duty that every citizen of this country, that every
right-minded man owes to his neighbour—to prevent the
destruction of human life in this world, and in that duty I
cannot but say that Dr. Paterson has failed. Now you will
consider what effect that is to have, or whether it is to
have any effect on your minds. It is a very painful subject
—a subject which I would fain avoid, but the exigencies
of this case drive me to its consideration—and I am
bound to say that, because a man is so mistaken in regard
to his duty to his fellow-citizens, and his fellow-
creatures, it by no means follows that he is undeserving
of credit as a witness. You may con sider his evidence
always in the light of that failing; if you can see reason to
modify anything that he says, because of the existence of
attendant. It is said that he exhibited this feeling in a
marked unpleasant manner in the box. That is a matter of
manner, and, if the feeling existed, I do not know that he
could have made his evidence really more valuable if he
had concealed the existence of it. It may be an unpleasant
thing to see what is called an animus in a witness
exhibited in the witness-box. If he has a feeling strong
upon him, and that on good ground, he may come into
the box and entirely suppress all appearance of it,
because he has more command of his feeling, or a better
manner of concealing it. The fact remains, that if he takes
up the position I have described, he cannot, as a man of
ordinary feeling, feel otherwise than unfavourably
prepossessed against the prisoner.” Again, on his
concealment of his suspicions, the Judge said: “Now, he
thought it consistent with his professional duty—and I
must also add with his duty as a citizen of this country—
to keep this opinion to himself. In that I cannot say he did
right. I should be very sorry to lead you to think so. I care
not for professional etiquette, or professional rule. There
is a rule of life and a consideration far higher than these
—the duty that every citizen of this country, that every
right-minded man owes to his neighbour—to prevent the
destruction of human life in this world, and in that duty I
cannot but say that Dr. Paterson has failed. Now you will
consider what effect that is to have, or whether it is to
have any effect on your minds. It is a very painful subject
—a subject which I would fain avoid, but the exigencies
of this case drive me to its consideration—and I am
bound to say that, because a man is so mistaken in regard
to his duty to his fellow-citizens, and his fellow-
creatures, it by no means follows that he is undeserving
of credit as a witness. You may con sider his evidence
always in the light of that failing; if you can see reason to
modify anything that he says, because of the existence of
Page 741
that failing, it is your bounden duty to do that.”—Charge
of the Lord Justice Clerk. Fifth day.
[150] From Western Branch of Glasgow Apothecaries’
Company, September 19, 1864, 10 grains strychnia;
November 4, ½ oz. tincture conii (Hemlock); November
16, 1 oz. laudanum, 1 oz. tartar emetic; November 24, 1
oz. tincture aconite; December 8, 1 oz. tincture
(Fleming’s) aconite; December 9, 1 oz. tincture conii.
1865: February 4, 1 oz. tincture conii; February 7, 1 oz.
tartarised antimony, 1 oz. tincture of aconite; February 9,
1 oz. tincture of aconite; February 11, 1 oz. tincture of
digitalis; February 18, 2 oz. tincture conii (all sold by the
manager, J. Campbell); November 24, 1 oz. tincture of
aconite; December 9, 1 oz. tincture conii; February 4,
1865, 1 oz. tincture conii (sold by the assistant).
Fleming’s tincture of aconite is six times stronger than
the ordinary tincture.—Evidence of J. Campbell. From
John Currie, chemist in Glasgow:—1865: February 18, 2
oz. solution of morphia and 1 oz. of Fleming’s tincture of
aconite; March 8, solution of atropine, 1 drachm, with 2
grains of atropia to a drachm; March 13, ½ oz. of
Fleming’s tincture of aconite; March 14, solution of
atropine, 1 drachm, with 2 grains to a drachm; March 16,
solution of atropine, 1 drachm, with 5 grains to a drachm.
—Evidence of John Currie. Chloroform from July 13 to
December 9, 1864, 132 oz.—J. Campbell. This witness
said that 2 oz. of tartarised antimony and about 1 to 2 ozs.
of Fleming’s tincture would cover the whole of their sales
for a year, and that the chloroform was also in excess of
usual sale to one person. For the defence it was proved
that as much as 80 oz. of Fleming’s tincture was sold by
them within a year.—Evidence of John Simpson, of
Duncan, Flockhart & Co., of North Bridge, Glasgow. And
from 2 to 3 oz. of tartar emetic, besides larger quantities
of the Lord Justice Clerk. Fifth day.
[150] From Western Branch of Glasgow Apothecaries’
Company, September 19, 1864, 10 grains strychnia;
November 4, ½ oz. tincture conii (Hemlock); November
16, 1 oz. laudanum, 1 oz. tartar emetic; November 24, 1
oz. tincture aconite; December 8, 1 oz. tincture
(Fleming’s) aconite; December 9, 1 oz. tincture conii.
1865: February 4, 1 oz. tincture conii; February 7, 1 oz.
tartarised antimony, 1 oz. tincture of aconite; February 9,
1 oz. tincture of aconite; February 11, 1 oz. tincture of
digitalis; February 18, 2 oz. tincture conii (all sold by the
manager, J. Campbell); November 24, 1 oz. tincture of
aconite; December 9, 1 oz. tincture conii; February 4,
1865, 1 oz. tincture conii (sold by the assistant).
Fleming’s tincture of aconite is six times stronger than
the ordinary tincture.—Evidence of J. Campbell. From
John Currie, chemist in Glasgow:—1865: February 18, 2
oz. solution of morphia and 1 oz. of Fleming’s tincture of
aconite; March 8, solution of atropine, 1 drachm, with 2
grains of atropia to a drachm; March 13, ½ oz. of
Fleming’s tincture of aconite; March 14, solution of
atropine, 1 drachm, with 2 grains to a drachm; March 16,
solution of atropine, 1 drachm, with 5 grains to a drachm.
—Evidence of John Currie. Chloroform from July 13 to
December 9, 1864, 132 oz.—J. Campbell. This witness
said that 2 oz. of tartarised antimony and about 1 to 2 ozs.
of Fleming’s tincture would cover the whole of their sales
for a year, and that the chloroform was also in excess of
usual sale to one person. For the defence it was proved
that as much as 80 oz. of Fleming’s tincture was sold by
them within a year.—Evidence of John Simpson, of
Duncan, Flockhart & Co., of North Bridge, Glasgow. And
from 2 to 3 oz. of tartar emetic, besides larger quantities
Page 742
to veterinary surgeons.—Thomas Fairgreive, chemist, of
Edinburgh.
[151] Evidence of Alexander McCall, superintendent of
Glasgow Police, and John Murray, an officer of the
Sheriff—third day; and reports of analyses by Professor
Frederick Penny, same day. Another specimen of tapioca,
bought direct from Barton and Henderson, had no
antimony in it—Same witness.
[152] In reply to the Judge, the witness said that to take 7
grains of Fleming’s tincture Mrs. Taylor must have taken
100 drops of the poisoned Battley in a single dose, equal
to a teaspoonful; that 100 drops would not be an unusual
amount to a person accustomed to the use of it in
moderation, and that many opium eaters would not thank
you for 100 drops. Aconite might be given in divided
doses, and not prove fatal, though the same quantity was
taken, the distressing effect of one dose going off before
the other was taken.
[153] Dr. Gairdner stated that the only time he saw Mrs.
Pritchard was on the night of the 8th of February, and that
at that interview Pritchard told him Dr. Cowan had
prescribed stimulants, which he ordered to be
discontinued, and no medicine till he saw her again. Dr.
Cowan said that he did not see her until the 11th of
February, “to the best of his recollection, stopped all
night, saw her again next day, and left in the evening for
Edinburgh.”
[154] Dr. Paterson stated that he was called on the 24th of
February to see Mrs. Taylor, and then noticed the state in
which Mrs. Pritchard was, but not being asked did not
prescribe for her. He was called in to Mrs. Pritchard first
on the 2nd of March, when he prescribed powders
Edinburgh.
[151] Evidence of Alexander McCall, superintendent of
Glasgow Police, and John Murray, an officer of the
Sheriff—third day; and reports of analyses by Professor
Frederick Penny, same day. Another specimen of tapioca,
bought direct from Barton and Henderson, had no
antimony in it—Same witness.
[152] In reply to the Judge, the witness said that to take 7
grains of Fleming’s tincture Mrs. Taylor must have taken
100 drops of the poisoned Battley in a single dose, equal
to a teaspoonful; that 100 drops would not be an unusual
amount to a person accustomed to the use of it in
moderation, and that many opium eaters would not thank
you for 100 drops. Aconite might be given in divided
doses, and not prove fatal, though the same quantity was
taken, the distressing effect of one dose going off before
the other was taken.
[153] Dr. Gairdner stated that the only time he saw Mrs.
Pritchard was on the night of the 8th of February, and that
at that interview Pritchard told him Dr. Cowan had
prescribed stimulants, which he ordered to be
discontinued, and no medicine till he saw her again. Dr.
Cowan said that he did not see her until the 11th of
February, “to the best of his recollection, stopped all
night, saw her again next day, and left in the evening for
Edinburgh.”
[154] Dr. Paterson stated that he was called on the 24th of
February to see Mrs. Taylor, and then noticed the state in
which Mrs. Pritchard was, but not being asked did not
prescribe for her. He was called in to Mrs. Pritchard first
on the 2nd of March, when he prescribed powders
Page 743
containing camomile, blue or gray powder, ipecacuanha,
and aromatic powder, and he never saw her again until
five hours before her death. There is not a word in his
evidence of his having been previously consulted about
the use of Battley’s solution. The only interviews with the
prisoner, other than in the sick-room, were on the 1st of
March, when he met him in the street and he asked him
to see his wife, and on the 5th of March, when Pritchard
called on him, reported that the remedies had had a good
effect, and Dr. Paterson recommended their continuance.
[155] Mary McLeod stated that she was in the bedroom
from the time Dr. Paterson left till Mrs. Pritchard died;
that she lay on the sofa, and that Pritchard told her to get
the mustard-plaster, and that it was applied to Mrs.
Pritchard’s stomach, and as it did not seem to do her
good, she was sent down again for another, and that when
she and Mary Patterson returned with it, Mrs. Pritchard
was dead.
[156] From an account sent in to Mr. Taylor after his wife’s
death, the last purchases appeared to be:—18th January,
1865, 2 oz.; 29th January, 2 oz.; and 4th February, 2 oz.
James Thomson stated that the last time he took the bottle
to be filled was on the night before Mrs. Taylor left for
Glasgow, and that for a year or so before her death he
took the bottle to be filled at first only once in every two
or three months, but latterly every two or three weeks.
[157] Evidence of J. Foulger and George Kerr.
[158] This had previously been admitted by Dr. Penny.
[159] See remarks of the Lord Justice Clerk on the motive,
post, p. 445.
and aromatic powder, and he never saw her again until
five hours before her death. There is not a word in his
evidence of his having been previously consulted about
the use of Battley’s solution. The only interviews with the
prisoner, other than in the sick-room, were on the 1st of
March, when he met him in the street and he asked him
to see his wife, and on the 5th of March, when Pritchard
called on him, reported that the remedies had had a good
effect, and Dr. Paterson recommended their continuance.
[155] Mary McLeod stated that she was in the bedroom
from the time Dr. Paterson left till Mrs. Pritchard died;
that she lay on the sofa, and that Pritchard told her to get
the mustard-plaster, and that it was applied to Mrs.
Pritchard’s stomach, and as it did not seem to do her
good, she was sent down again for another, and that when
she and Mary Patterson returned with it, Mrs. Pritchard
was dead.
[156] From an account sent in to Mr. Taylor after his wife’s
death, the last purchases appeared to be:—18th January,
1865, 2 oz.; 29th January, 2 oz.; and 4th February, 2 oz.
James Thomson stated that the last time he took the bottle
to be filled was on the night before Mrs. Taylor left for
Glasgow, and that for a year or so before her death he
took the bottle to be filled at first only once in every two
or three months, but latterly every two or three weeks.
[157] Evidence of J. Foulger and George Kerr.
[158] This had previously been admitted by Dr. Penny.
[159] See remarks of the Lord Justice Clerk on the motive,
post, p. 445.
Page 744
[160] See the argument of the Dean of Faculty imputing the
murder to McLeod, and the Judge’s charge on that point,
post, 437-440.
[161] “Mr. Clark very properly said,” remarked the Judge in
this charge, “‘it is not his fault that he had abundant
opportunities. The relation existing between him and
these ladies is not his fault, and it was the existence of
this relation that gave him these opportunities.’ Quite
true, gentlemen—a very just observation; but remember,
on the other hand, that as the opportunities did in point of
fact exist, he cannot argue the case as if they did not.”
[162] “His possession of poisonous drugs,” said the Judge
in his charge, “to such an extent is not a suspicious
circumstance in the case of a medical man. They are in
some degree necessary; but the peculiar position of the
matter in this case—the nature of the drugs found in his
consulting-room—is certainly not to be lightly passed
over, and still more the nature of the purchases that he
had been making from two different apothecaries during
the period to which our inquiries particularly refer. In his
consulting-room were found some parcels of tartaric acid
—not a very large quantity; some phials, containing the
remains of tincture of aconite and white powder to the
extent of three or four grains, containing a somewhat
strange and unexplained mixture of tartarised antimony
or tartar emetic and aconite. These things were found in
his consulting-room; but what had he been purchasing
during the period to which our inquiry refers? On the
16th of November he purchased an ounce of tartar
emetic, and upon the 7th of February another ounce of
the same poison—very unusual quantities, as the
apothecaries state. He also purchased no less than 5½
ounces of tincture of aconite. That, the apothecaries state,
is a very unusual quantity for a medical man to purchase:
murder to McLeod, and the Judge’s charge on that point,
post, 437-440.
[161] “Mr. Clark very properly said,” remarked the Judge in
this charge, “‘it is not his fault that he had abundant
opportunities. The relation existing between him and
these ladies is not his fault, and it was the existence of
this relation that gave him these opportunities.’ Quite
true, gentlemen—a very just observation; but remember,
on the other hand, that as the opportunities did in point of
fact exist, he cannot argue the case as if they did not.”
[162] “His possession of poisonous drugs,” said the Judge
in his charge, “to such an extent is not a suspicious
circumstance in the case of a medical man. They are in
some degree necessary; but the peculiar position of the
matter in this case—the nature of the drugs found in his
consulting-room—is certainly not to be lightly passed
over, and still more the nature of the purchases that he
had been making from two different apothecaries during
the period to which our inquiries particularly refer. In his
consulting-room were found some parcels of tartaric acid
—not a very large quantity; some phials, containing the
remains of tincture of aconite and white powder to the
extent of three or four grains, containing a somewhat
strange and unexplained mixture of tartarised antimony
or tartar emetic and aconite. These things were found in
his consulting-room; but what had he been purchasing
during the period to which our inquiry refers? On the
16th of November he purchased an ounce of tartar
emetic, and upon the 7th of February another ounce of
the same poison—very unusual quantities, as the
apothecaries state. He also purchased no less than 5½
ounces of tincture of aconite. That, the apothecaries state,
is a very unusual quantity for a medical man to purchase:
Page 745
but I think it was a mistake in some respects to push this
statement to the extent to which the prosecutor pressed it,
because some of the other witnesses of the same
description said that for external application tincture of
aconite is sometimes used in considerable quantities, and
if it were used for that purpose we might account for such
a large quantity being used by the prisoner. But I do not
think anybody said, that two ounces of tartar emetic
within a month or two was a usual quantity for one
medical man to use who was not in the practice of mixing
it at home, which the prisoner, in his conversation with
Dr. Paterson, says he was not. Besides, there were other
very strange purchases, which have no immediate
connection with this case—all of them strong poisons. He
was, therefore, undoubtedly possessed of a very large
quantity of different kinds of poisonous substances; but
what is most important is, that he was in possession of
that very poison to which the death of Mrs. Pritchard is
undoubtedly to be traced, and to which, in combination
with others, the death of Mrs. Taylor is to be traced—that
is antimony. So that whether we adopt to the full extent
the suggestion of the Crown, it appears beyond a doubt
that some one had been practising a system of poisoning,
and that in the possession of the prisoner were the agents
necessary for carrying it on.”
[163] See, post, p. 446, the Judge’s remarks on this attempt
to throw the crime on McLeod.
[164] “It is said,” remarked the Lord Justice Clerk, “that it
would be very difficult that cheese could be poisoned by
antimony—very difficult to make a powder like tartar
emetic adhere to a piece of cheese in sufficient quantity
to have any effect, and that, if it did, it must have been
visible to the naked eye, because the cheese was yellow
and the tartar emetic was white. But we know from the
statement to the extent to which the prosecutor pressed it,
because some of the other witnesses of the same
description said that for external application tincture of
aconite is sometimes used in considerable quantities, and
if it were used for that purpose we might account for such
a large quantity being used by the prisoner. But I do not
think anybody said, that two ounces of tartar emetic
within a month or two was a usual quantity for one
medical man to use who was not in the practice of mixing
it at home, which the prisoner, in his conversation with
Dr. Paterson, says he was not. Besides, there were other
very strange purchases, which have no immediate
connection with this case—all of them strong poisons. He
was, therefore, undoubtedly possessed of a very large
quantity of different kinds of poisonous substances; but
what is most important is, that he was in possession of
that very poison to which the death of Mrs. Pritchard is
undoubtedly to be traced, and to which, in combination
with others, the death of Mrs. Taylor is to be traced—that
is antimony. So that whether we adopt to the full extent
the suggestion of the Crown, it appears beyond a doubt
that some one had been practising a system of poisoning,
and that in the possession of the prisoner were the agents
necessary for carrying it on.”
[163] See, post, p. 446, the Judge’s remarks on this attempt
to throw the crime on McLeod.
[164] “It is said,” remarked the Lord Justice Clerk, “that it
would be very difficult that cheese could be poisoned by
antimony—very difficult to make a powder like tartar
emetic adhere to a piece of cheese in sufficient quantity
to have any effect, and that, if it did, it must have been
visible to the naked eye, because the cheese was yellow
and the tartar emetic was white. But we know from the
Page 746
evidence before us that tartar emetic is easily dissolved,
and the poisoned cheese could easily have been poisoned
by dipping it into a solution, quite as easily as by dipping
it into a powder.” See Chapter IX.
[165] On this argument of the prisoner’s counsel the Lord
Justice Clerk said:—“It is difficult to offer an answer to
that. It is impossible to say what is the precise point to
which a poison of this kind will kill—what is the precise
amount that will at once destroy life as compared with
that which will only inflict suffering and torture. But that
Patterson did suffer these severe vomitings and pains
immediately after having tasted the egg-flip I suppose
you will not disbelieve, looking to the general character
of the evidence which she gave here as a witness.”
[166] With reference to the finding of the bottle of Battley’s
solution the Lord Justice Clerk made the following
remarks:—“To that scene I beg now to call your attention
as given by Mary Patterson. ‘When the bottle was found,’
she says, ‘he expressed great surprise that she should
have taken so much of its contents in so short a time.’
Now he was quite aware, as you will see by the evidence,
that the old lady was in the habit of taking a great
quantity, and you will consider whether the surprise was
real or feigned. That is but a very small point, however,
in reference to this matter. His expression in regard to it,
seemed to me much more strong. He expressed surprise
at her having sent ‘a girl like that for it’—namely,
McLeod. I cannot see that there is anything so startling in
that. Did he mean to suggest that in sending such a
messenger there might be some mistake as to the contents
of the bottle? Why, what was it, ‘to send a girl like that?’
What was the harm of sending a girl—an intelligent
servant girl? What was wanted was Battley’s solution,
because it was what Mrs. Taylor wanted—was
and the poisoned cheese could easily have been poisoned
by dipping it into a solution, quite as easily as by dipping
it into a powder.” See Chapter IX.
[165] On this argument of the prisoner’s counsel the Lord
Justice Clerk said:—“It is difficult to offer an answer to
that. It is impossible to say what is the precise point to
which a poison of this kind will kill—what is the precise
amount that will at once destroy life as compared with
that which will only inflict suffering and torture. But that
Patterson did suffer these severe vomitings and pains
immediately after having tasted the egg-flip I suppose
you will not disbelieve, looking to the general character
of the evidence which she gave here as a witness.”
[166] With reference to the finding of the bottle of Battley’s
solution the Lord Justice Clerk made the following
remarks:—“To that scene I beg now to call your attention
as given by Mary Patterson. ‘When the bottle was found,’
she says, ‘he expressed great surprise that she should
have taken so much of its contents in so short a time.’
Now he was quite aware, as you will see by the evidence,
that the old lady was in the habit of taking a great
quantity, and you will consider whether the surprise was
real or feigned. That is but a very small point, however,
in reference to this matter. His expression in regard to it,
seemed to me much more strong. He expressed surprise
at her having sent ‘a girl like that for it’—namely,
McLeod. I cannot see that there is anything so startling in
that. Did he mean to suggest that in sending such a
messenger there might be some mistake as to the contents
of the bottle? Why, what was it, ‘to send a girl like that?’
What was the harm of sending a girl—an intelligent
servant girl? What was wanted was Battley’s solution,
because it was what Mrs. Taylor wanted—was
Page 747
accustomed to take. But still he thought that it was a very
serious matter—and further, that it was one of those
things that it would not do to have spoken of as having
occurred in his house—a man of his profession.”
[167] Had she survived the wife, would she not have been a
most important witness to aid in the conviction of the
prisoner?
[168] For the report of this trial I have used that in the
Sessions Papers, Central Criminal Court, 1859, collated
with that given by Mr. Justice Stephen in his “History of
the Criminal Law of England,” vol. iii., p. 438, and that
in the Annual Register of 1859.
[169] According to her sister she had for some time suffered
from an affection of the uterus requiring the use of an
injection.
[170] The prisoner called on the solicitor on the Saturday
and asked him to come up the next day to draw the will,
to which he consented on the prisoner’s representation of
the state of the lady—but wished a medical man to be
present. The prisoner, however, assured him it was quite
unnecessary, as she was suffering only from diarrhœa,
and was quite in her right mind. “I went,” said the
witness, “to the prisoner’s lodging, and he informed me
that they were not married, which was another reason
why he did not wish a medical man to be present. I then
went up to the bedroom of the deceased, and the prisoner
said to her, ‘My dear, this is the gentleman who has come
to make your will.’ She bowed, and handed me the paper
which I had seen on Saturday. I looked at it, and asked
her if that was what she wished, and read it to her, and
she said it was quite correct, except that she wished to
leave a brooch to a friend. I then drew up the will in
serious matter—and further, that it was one of those
things that it would not do to have spoken of as having
occurred in his house—a man of his profession.”
[167] Had she survived the wife, would she not have been a
most important witness to aid in the conviction of the
prisoner?
[168] For the report of this trial I have used that in the
Sessions Papers, Central Criminal Court, 1859, collated
with that given by Mr. Justice Stephen in his “History of
the Criminal Law of England,” vol. iii., p. 438, and that
in the Annual Register of 1859.
[169] According to her sister she had for some time suffered
from an affection of the uterus requiring the use of an
injection.
[170] The prisoner called on the solicitor on the Saturday
and asked him to come up the next day to draw the will,
to which he consented on the prisoner’s representation of
the state of the lady—but wished a medical man to be
present. The prisoner, however, assured him it was quite
unnecessary, as she was suffering only from diarrhœa,
and was quite in her right mind. “I went,” said the
witness, “to the prisoner’s lodging, and he informed me
that they were not married, which was another reason
why he did not wish a medical man to be present. I then
went up to the bedroom of the deceased, and the prisoner
said to her, ‘My dear, this is the gentleman who has come
to make your will.’ She bowed, and handed me the paper
which I had seen on Saturday. I looked at it, and asked
her if that was what she wished, and read it to her, and
she said it was quite correct, except that she wished to
leave a brooch to a friend. I then drew up the will in
Page 748
accordance with her instructions, in a lower room. The
prisoner was with me, and, when the will had been drawn
up, said the daughter of the landlady could be one of the
witnesses, and he supposed I could say it was some
Chancery paper. I told him that would not do. She must
know it was a will, and he replied, ‘Oh, very well.’
Shortly afterwards the deceased executed the will, and I
and Miss Wheatley attested it, and I handed the document
to the prisoner, who paid me my fee. She appeared
perfectly competent to make a will.”—Evidence of Mr.
Senior. The will was proved by Smethurst,
notwithstanding opposition, after his punishment for
bigamy.
[171] From the sudden and serious illness of one of the
jurors, however, the examination of the witnesses had to
be suspended, and the trial adjourned to the first day of
the next Session. Eventually he was put on his trial,
before another jury, on the 15th of August. As the
statement of Serjeant Ballantine was fully confirmed by
the witnesses, the landladies of the respective lodgings,
and the sister, it will be necessary only to report the
medical evidence.
[172] It was apparently with reference to this case that the
name of a Dr. Barker, of Bedford, was repeatedly
mentioned, but he was not called to confirm or explain
the supposed instance of dysentery in early pregnancy.
[173] It must be borne in mind that there was no error in
this experiment, and that it was never suggested that the
arsenic in this case came from the copper, as it was not
destroyed, as when the bottle of chlorate of potash was
afterwards tested with copper gauze, which was
destroyed by it, and the arsenic in the gauze liberated.
Serjeant Parry, of course, said that the experiments in
prisoner was with me, and, when the will had been drawn
up, said the daughter of the landlady could be one of the
witnesses, and he supposed I could say it was some
Chancery paper. I told him that would not do. She must
know it was a will, and he replied, ‘Oh, very well.’
Shortly afterwards the deceased executed the will, and I
and Miss Wheatley attested it, and I handed the document
to the prisoner, who paid me my fee. She appeared
perfectly competent to make a will.”—Evidence of Mr.
Senior. The will was proved by Smethurst,
notwithstanding opposition, after his punishment for
bigamy.
[171] From the sudden and serious illness of one of the
jurors, however, the examination of the witnesses had to
be suspended, and the trial adjourned to the first day of
the next Session. Eventually he was put on his trial,
before another jury, on the 15th of August. As the
statement of Serjeant Ballantine was fully confirmed by
the witnesses, the landladies of the respective lodgings,
and the sister, it will be necessary only to report the
medical evidence.
[172] It was apparently with reference to this case that the
name of a Dr. Barker, of Bedford, was repeatedly
mentioned, but he was not called to confirm or explain
the supposed instance of dysentery in early pregnancy.
[173] It must be borne in mind that there was no error in
this experiment, and that it was never suggested that the
arsenic in this case came from the copper, as it was not
destroyed, as when the bottle of chlorate of potash was
afterwards tested with copper gauze, which was
destroyed by it, and the arsenic in the gauze liberated.
Serjeant Parry, of course, said that the experiments in
Page 749
both cases were the same. So they were so far as copper
was used, but the presence of the chlorate of potash in the
other case made all the difference.—See Chapter IX.
[174] Had this discovery of arsenic not been erroneous, the
gap in the evidence, as to the possession of the poison by
the prisoner in a form most likely to be administered,
would have been filled up. It in no way, however,
militated against the discovery of arsenic in bottle 2. See
post, Chap. IX., how far Mr. Herapath was correct in
asserting that more arsenic was found than could have
been released from the copper. In his statement before the
committing magistrates, on the 20th of May, Serjeant
Ballantine stated that bottle 21 had originally been sent
by Dr. Julius with a quinine mixture.
[175] On farther cross-examination, Professor Brande said
that the copper he used in Reinsch’s test was generally
rolled down from a halfpenny, which he considered pure
enough for the purpose.
[176] But see his evidence, Palmer’s trial, p. 175, ante.
[177] Handbuch der Pathologischen Anatomie, by Baron
Carl von Rokitansky, Vienna, 1842-46, of which a
translation by various English medical men of eminence
was published by the Sydenham Society in 4 vols. 8vo.
1849-54. It is still considered a valuable book of
reference.
[178] Subsequent to the verdict, in a memorial to the Prince
Consort, it was stated that “a lady friend of the deceased
was a witness,” to Miss Bankes’ knowledge, of the fact
that he was married already, and that she wished the
ceremony to be gone through. This lady, the memorial
stated, was to have been called, but Mr. Parry deemed it
was used, but the presence of the chlorate of potash in the
other case made all the difference.—See Chapter IX.
[174] Had this discovery of arsenic not been erroneous, the
gap in the evidence, as to the possession of the poison by
the prisoner in a form most likely to be administered,
would have been filled up. It in no way, however,
militated against the discovery of arsenic in bottle 2. See
post, Chap. IX., how far Mr. Herapath was correct in
asserting that more arsenic was found than could have
been released from the copper. In his statement before the
committing magistrates, on the 20th of May, Serjeant
Ballantine stated that bottle 21 had originally been sent
by Dr. Julius with a quinine mixture.
[175] On farther cross-examination, Professor Brande said
that the copper he used in Reinsch’s test was generally
rolled down from a halfpenny, which he considered pure
enough for the purpose.
[176] But see his evidence, Palmer’s trial, p. 175, ante.
[177] Handbuch der Pathologischen Anatomie, by Baron
Carl von Rokitansky, Vienna, 1842-46, of which a
translation by various English medical men of eminence
was published by the Sydenham Society in 4 vols. 8vo.
1849-54. It is still considered a valuable book of
reference.
[178] Subsequent to the verdict, in a memorial to the Prince
Consort, it was stated that “a lady friend of the deceased
was a witness,” to Miss Bankes’ knowledge, of the fact
that he was married already, and that she wished the
ceremony to be gone through. This lady, the memorial
stated, was to have been called, but Mr. Parry deemed it
Page 750
unnecessary. Upon this, the Lord Chief Baron, in his
report to the Home Secretary, observed—“I do not
believe Mr. Serjeant Parry gave any such advice; but if it
be true that any such evidence was ready, why is not the
lady friend named, and why is not her statement or
declaration now offered and laid before you? Such
evidence would, in my opinion, much alter the
complexion of the case.”—Judge Stephen’s Hist. of Crim,
Law, iii., 461. [What need was there of this evidence,
when it had been proved that for weeks together Miss
Bankes had been lodging and associating in the same
house with Smethurst and his wife?]
[179] Not quite correct; on the prisoners representations of
the effect of the sister’s prior visit, Dr. Bird had advised
that she should not see her—at any rate at present.—See
his evidence, ante, p. 450.
[180] When Dr. Julius was recalled, and stated that at the
first examination before the magistrates the prisoner
urged that it was necessary for him to go back to his wife;
that her death might be occasioned by his absence; and
that it was imperative that he should go; Serjeant Parry
asked the witness “whether the magistrates at that time
did not direct or require him not to interfere further with
the patient?” To this he replied—“I do not think it was
addressed to him, but it was addressed generally—it was
in his presence. It might have been a general direction,
but he might have heard it.”
[181] “And not only in the evacuations, where small
portions of both were found?” They also laid great stress
on the absence of certain symptoms generally present in
slow poisoning by arsenic or antimony, or both.
report to the Home Secretary, observed—“I do not
believe Mr. Serjeant Parry gave any such advice; but if it
be true that any such evidence was ready, why is not the
lady friend named, and why is not her statement or
declaration now offered and laid before you? Such
evidence would, in my opinion, much alter the
complexion of the case.”—Judge Stephen’s Hist. of Crim,
Law, iii., 461. [What need was there of this evidence,
when it had been proved that for weeks together Miss
Bankes had been lodging and associating in the same
house with Smethurst and his wife?]
[179] Not quite correct; on the prisoners representations of
the effect of the sister’s prior visit, Dr. Bird had advised
that she should not see her—at any rate at present.—See
his evidence, ante, p. 450.
[180] When Dr. Julius was recalled, and stated that at the
first examination before the magistrates the prisoner
urged that it was necessary for him to go back to his wife;
that her death might be occasioned by his absence; and
that it was imperative that he should go; Serjeant Parry
asked the witness “whether the magistrates at that time
did not direct or require him not to interfere further with
the patient?” To this he replied—“I do not think it was
addressed to him, but it was addressed generally—it was
in his presence. It might have been a general direction,
but he might have heard it.”
[181] “And not only in the evacuations, where small
portions of both were found?” They also laid great stress
on the absence of certain symptoms generally present in
slow poisoning by arsenic or antimony, or both.
Page 751
[182] Or he might have added, the results of his
experiments on the evacuations, the correctness of which
were proved by the subsequent 76 tests by Reinsch’s
method.
[183] “There were,” says Judge Stephen, “fourteen reasons
in all assigned by Sir B. Brodie, six in favour of the
prisoner, and eight against him, of which only two of the
first and four of the second proceeded on medical or
chemical grounds. Until these are published it is
impossible to judge fairly of Brodie’s opinion.”
[184] Stephen’s Hist. Crim. Law of Eng., iii., 465.
[185] Margaret Higgins, a servant of Mrs. James, told a
very different story when put into the box for cross-
examination, her evidence not being taken for the
prosecution. “On the morning of the 10th I went into
Mrs. James’s bedroom, about half-past eight, and found
two or three spoonsful of warmsago in a tea-cup by the
bedside, and two cups on the table. I took the cup from
the chair by the bedside down stairs, and ate the sago,
which did me no harm.”[As the prisoner said he took it in
about 5 a.m., the sago, being in an open cup, could not
have been warm at 8·30. It was also clear, from other
parts of her evidence, that she was in favour of the
prisoner, and anxious to throw the crime on the
Cafferatas.
[186] Evidence of Mrs. Cafferata, Dr. Cameron, Mr.
Clarence Pemberton (surgeon), Mr. Tennyson Lloyd
(solicitor), Inspector Horne, and detective Kehoe, who
proved the seizure of the medicine bottles, &c., and their
safe delivery to Dr. Edwards.
experiments on the evacuations, the correctness of which
were proved by the subsequent 76 tests by Reinsch’s
method.
[183] “There were,” says Judge Stephen, “fourteen reasons
in all assigned by Sir B. Brodie, six in favour of the
prisoner, and eight against him, of which only two of the
first and four of the second proceeded on medical or
chemical grounds. Until these are published it is
impossible to judge fairly of Brodie’s opinion.”
[184] Stephen’s Hist. Crim. Law of Eng., iii., 465.
[185] Margaret Higgins, a servant of Mrs. James, told a
very different story when put into the box for cross-
examination, her evidence not being taken for the
prosecution. “On the morning of the 10th I went into
Mrs. James’s bedroom, about half-past eight, and found
two or three spoonsful of warmsago in a tea-cup by the
bedside, and two cups on the table. I took the cup from
the chair by the bedside down stairs, and ate the sago,
which did me no harm.”[As the prisoner said he took it in
about 5 a.m., the sago, being in an open cup, could not
have been warm at 8·30. It was also clear, from other
parts of her evidence, that she was in favour of the
prisoner, and anxious to throw the crime on the
Cafferatas.
[186] Evidence of Mrs. Cafferata, Dr. Cameron, Mr.
Clarence Pemberton (surgeon), Mr. Tennyson Lloyd
(solicitor), Inspector Horne, and detective Kehoe, who
proved the seizure of the medicine bottles, &c., and their
safe delivery to Dr. Edwards.
Page 752
[187] “Free antimony” is what has not been taken up into
the system. “Eliminated,” which has been taken up into
the system.
[188] For these acids I have used the systematic
nomenclature corresponding to the phosphates, as in
Bernay’s “Notes for Students,” in preference to Fremy’s
original titles.
[189] Sulphuric acid may be freed from arsenic or antimony
by treating it with a few small fragments of charcoal and
a little rock salt, and boiling till the hydrochloric and
sulphurous acids have been expelled.
[190] Solutions of bismuth give with water white
precipitates, which are not re-dissolved by tartaric acid.
[191] But it must be borne in mind that it was late in the
evening when the cheese was taken up to the bedroom,
where the light was not likely to have been strong;
probably, on the contrary, was carefully shaded, so as not
to annoy the invalid.
[192] This bottle, according to Serjeant Ballantine’s
statement, had been sent by Dr. Julius to the deceased
containing a quinine mixture.
[193] Arsenic is tasteless. See evidence of Professor
Christison, in Madeline Smith’s case, ante, p. 322.
[194] This must be an error of the reporter, and must mean
McIntyre, who, with Dr. Bird, took possession of the
bottles in the bedroom. Dr. Bird delivered only bottles 1,
2, 3.
[195] In his evidence at the trial Dr. Taylor said that he
found less than half a grain of arsenic, equal to 2¼ per
the system. “Eliminated,” which has been taken up into
the system.
[188] For these acids I have used the systematic
nomenclature corresponding to the phosphates, as in
Bernay’s “Notes for Students,” in preference to Fremy’s
original titles.
[189] Sulphuric acid may be freed from arsenic or antimony
by treating it with a few small fragments of charcoal and
a little rock salt, and boiling till the hydrochloric and
sulphurous acids have been expelled.
[190] Solutions of bismuth give with water white
precipitates, which are not re-dissolved by tartaric acid.
[191] But it must be borne in mind that it was late in the
evening when the cheese was taken up to the bedroom,
where the light was not likely to have been strong;
probably, on the contrary, was carefully shaded, so as not
to annoy the invalid.
[192] This bottle, according to Serjeant Ballantine’s
statement, had been sent by Dr. Julius to the deceased
containing a quinine mixture.
[193] Arsenic is tasteless. See evidence of Professor
Christison, in Madeline Smith’s case, ante, p. 322.
[194] This must be an error of the reporter, and must mean
McIntyre, who, with Dr. Bird, took possession of the
bottles in the bedroom. Dr. Bird delivered only bottles 1,
2, 3.
[195] In his evidence at the trial Dr. Taylor said that he
found less than half a grain of arsenic, equal to 2¼ per
Page 753
cent. in the copper dissolved—an impossibility.
[196] “An attempt,” says Mr. Justice Stephen, “was made to
account for the presence of antimony and arsenic alleged
to be discovered by Dr. Taylor, by the suggestion that it
might have been contained in the medicines administered
to Miss Bankes during her life. Arsenic is generally found
in bismuth, and for three or four days doses of bismuth,
containing five or six grains, were administered to Miss
Bankes. Dr. Richardson put the proportion of arsenic in
bismuth at half a grain to an ounce, and as an ounce
contains 480 grains, each dose would have contained
about 1/140 of a grain of arsenic. If, therefore, Miss
Bankes took twelve doses of bismuth, she would have
taken between one-eleventh and one-twelfth of a grain of
arsenic in four days. This seems (for it is not perfectly
clear), from Dr. Bird’s evidence, to have been more than
a week before the day on which he obtained the
evacuation analysed by Dr. Taylor, and in 4 oz. of which
he said he found nearly a quarter of a grain.”—History of
Criminal Law of England, Vol. III., 459.
[197] The authorities relied on for this report are—(1) The
Central Criminal Court Sessions Paper, 5th session of
1882; (2) the report in the Standard, in which the
evidence is in many points given more fully and clearly,
including the charge of the learned judge, in which he has
kindly made some corrections; (3) the Summary of
Affidavits in support of the petition to the Home
Secretary, and the affidavits themselves, 70 in number,
relating to his conduct and state of mind from his youth
to his conviction.
[198] Dublin Medical Journal, vol. xix., p. 403.
[196] “An attempt,” says Mr. Justice Stephen, “was made to
account for the presence of antimony and arsenic alleged
to be discovered by Dr. Taylor, by the suggestion that it
might have been contained in the medicines administered
to Miss Bankes during her life. Arsenic is generally found
in bismuth, and for three or four days doses of bismuth,
containing five or six grains, were administered to Miss
Bankes. Dr. Richardson put the proportion of arsenic in
bismuth at half a grain to an ounce, and as an ounce
contains 480 grains, each dose would have contained
about 1/140 of a grain of arsenic. If, therefore, Miss
Bankes took twelve doses of bismuth, she would have
taken between one-eleventh and one-twelfth of a grain of
arsenic in four days. This seems (for it is not perfectly
clear), from Dr. Bird’s evidence, to have been more than
a week before the day on which he obtained the
evacuation analysed by Dr. Taylor, and in 4 oz. of which
he said he found nearly a quarter of a grain.”—History of
Criminal Law of England, Vol. III., 459.
[197] The authorities relied on for this report are—(1) The
Central Criminal Court Sessions Paper, 5th session of
1882; (2) the report in the Standard, in which the
evidence is in many points given more fully and clearly,
including the charge of the learned judge, in which he has
kindly made some corrections; (3) the Summary of
Affidavits in support of the petition to the Home
Secretary, and the affidavits themselves, 70 in number,
relating to his conduct and state of mind from his youth
to his conviction.
[198] Dublin Medical Journal, vol. xix., p. 403.
Page 754
[199] On the death of Herbert John, in 1879, the prisoner
had received £479 India Stock and £269 Consols as his
wife’s share of that child’s property.—Evidence of Mr.
Chapman, and of Mr. Ormond, the trustee.
[200] At Blenheim House he had two wheel-chairs—one on
the basement floor, and one on the bedroom floor. From
the evidence of Mrs. Jolliffe, at whose house the
Chapmans lodged at Shanklin, in August, 1880, he was
then able to get himself up and down stairs, but with
great difficulty—crawling up on his hands and knees.
The spinal-curvature was gradually increasing.
[201] It will be seen later that he went through the form of
going to Wimbledon that evening with Mr. Tulloch, and
pretending to him that he had been to the school.—See
evidence of John Law Tulloch, post.
[202] It is incorrectly stated, in the Summary of Affidavits,
that symptoms of poisoning did not begin till about three-
quarters of an hour after Lamson had left (p. 5).
[203] According to Banbury, a pupil, the boy had gone over
some examination papers with him after tea, and was in
good health and spirits. Ball, another pupil, gave the
same account of the boy’s health.
[204] The following is a list of the various articles delivered
to Dr. Stevenson for analysis:—“I received a number of
bottles and things from Mr. Bond. There was a bottle,
duly secured and sealed, and labelled ‘liver, spleen, and
kidneys.’ That was labelled with the letter A. I received a
bottle labelled ‘B,’ containing parts of small intestines,
cæcum and colon, and other parts of the intestines handed
to Dr. Bond on December 7. A third bottle was received,
containing part of the stomach. The fourth was a bottle
had received £479 India Stock and £269 Consols as his
wife’s share of that child’s property.—Evidence of Mr.
Chapman, and of Mr. Ormond, the trustee.
[200] At Blenheim House he had two wheel-chairs—one on
the basement floor, and one on the bedroom floor. From
the evidence of Mrs. Jolliffe, at whose house the
Chapmans lodged at Shanklin, in August, 1880, he was
then able to get himself up and down stairs, but with
great difficulty—crawling up on his hands and knees.
The spinal-curvature was gradually increasing.
[201] It will be seen later that he went through the form of
going to Wimbledon that evening with Mr. Tulloch, and
pretending to him that he had been to the school.—See
evidence of John Law Tulloch, post.
[202] It is incorrectly stated, in the Summary of Affidavits,
that symptoms of poisoning did not begin till about three-
quarters of an hour after Lamson had left (p. 5).
[203] According to Banbury, a pupil, the boy had gone over
some examination papers with him after tea, and was in
good health and spirits. Ball, another pupil, gave the
same account of the boy’s health.
[204] The following is a list of the various articles delivered
to Dr. Stevenson for analysis:—“I received a number of
bottles and things from Mr. Bond. There was a bottle,
duly secured and sealed, and labelled ‘liver, spleen, and
kidneys.’ That was labelled with the letter A. I received a
bottle labelled ‘B,’ containing parts of small intestines,
cæcum and colon, and other parts of the intestines handed
to Dr. Bond on December 7. A third bottle was received,
containing part of the stomach. The fourth was a bottle
Page 755
secured, sealed, and labelled ‘stomach,’ handed to Dr.
Dupré by Mr. Bond on December 7th, ‘D.’ The fifth was
a bottle, sealed and secured as before, ‘urine,’ handed to
Dr. Dupré by Mr. Bond on December 7, ‘E.’ The sixth
was a bottle, sealed and labelled ‘vomit;’ and on another
label, handed to Dr. Bond by Dr. Berry, December 6, ‘F.’
With this was a broken bottle, unlabelled, and a gutta-
percha wrapper, with two seals upon it, as Mr. Griffin
said. The next, ‘7,’ was a pill-box. It was secured and
sealed, and marked on the tape which secured it ‘C.B.’
That is the pill-box (identified), and it is sealed in the
same manner as the wrapper of the broken bottle. ‘8’ was
a newspaper parcel sealed; ‘9’ was a brown paper parcel
sealed; ‘10’ was a paper parcel sealed. That was the
whole of what I received from Mr. Bond. ‘11’ I received
from Inspector Butcher. That was opened in the presence
of Mr. Bond. It contained a box—(this is the box)—with
capsules in it. These capsules in the bottle were some of
the 107 capsules. There was a paper with some sugar in
it; some loose sugar, sweetmeat sugar. It contained a box
of quinine powders—(box identified)—labelled ‘quinine
powders’ in writing, and had the name ‘J. W. Littlefield,
Ventnor,’ in print. There were four pills loose, one large
comfit from a Dundee cake, and one of the capsules
contained what appeared to be a pill, but which was
really a similar comfit.”
“I don’t think you said what was in the newspaper
parcel?”
“Eight packets.”
“What did the next parcel contain?”
“Nine packets. Packet 11 I received from Inspector
Butcher on December 12, marked ‘1 W. D.’ Inside that
there were two little tinfoil packages. Twelve was
received from Butcher on December 14. It was a parcel
labelled ‘The remainder of the sugar from Dr.
Dupré by Mr. Bond on December 7th, ‘D.’ The fifth was
a bottle, sealed and secured as before, ‘urine,’ handed to
Dr. Dupré by Mr. Bond on December 7, ‘E.’ The sixth
was a bottle, sealed and labelled ‘vomit;’ and on another
label, handed to Dr. Bond by Dr. Berry, December 6, ‘F.’
With this was a broken bottle, unlabelled, and a gutta-
percha wrapper, with two seals upon it, as Mr. Griffin
said. The next, ‘7,’ was a pill-box. It was secured and
sealed, and marked on the tape which secured it ‘C.B.’
That is the pill-box (identified), and it is sealed in the
same manner as the wrapper of the broken bottle. ‘8’ was
a newspaper parcel sealed; ‘9’ was a brown paper parcel
sealed; ‘10’ was a paper parcel sealed. That was the
whole of what I received from Mr. Bond. ‘11’ I received
from Inspector Butcher. That was opened in the presence
of Mr. Bond. It contained a box—(this is the box)—with
capsules in it. These capsules in the bottle were some of
the 107 capsules. There was a paper with some sugar in
it; some loose sugar, sweetmeat sugar. It contained a box
of quinine powders—(box identified)—labelled ‘quinine
powders’ in writing, and had the name ‘J. W. Littlefield,
Ventnor,’ in print. There were four pills loose, one large
comfit from a Dundee cake, and one of the capsules
contained what appeared to be a pill, but which was
really a similar comfit.”
“I don’t think you said what was in the newspaper
parcel?”
“Eight packets.”
“What did the next parcel contain?”
“Nine packets. Packet 11 I received from Inspector
Butcher on December 12, marked ‘1 W. D.’ Inside that
there were two little tinfoil packages. Twelve was
received from Butcher on December 14. It was a parcel
labelled ‘The remainder of the sugar from Dr.
Page 756
Bedbrook’s.’ Sherry from the decanter used by Lamson
was handed to me by Butcher on the 14th.”
“Did you later on receive this box and wafers?”
“Yes. It is marked 14.”
[205] See post, Chapter XI.
[206] See post, Chapter XI.
[207] The only evidence offered of his being at Shanklin on
the 29th was an entry, in the “luggage and cloak office”
book of the Shanklin railway station, of a ticket having
been issued for luggage on the 29th August, in the name
of “Lamson,” which Mr. Poland proposed the porter
(John Durrant) should use to refresh his memory. As the
witness could not identify the prisoner as the party;
without saying that it was strictly inadmissible, Mr.
Justice Hawkins considered it would have little effect,
and it was not pressed. Neither Mr. Chapman nor Mrs.
Jolliffe saw him there on that day.
[208] Evidence of William Tulloch, and the pawnbroker,
Robinson, of Mortimer Street, Regent Street.
[209] There is some error in the report, as it was on the 1st
December that the prisoner wrote to the deceased that it
was too late to come that day; and Mr. Montagu Williams
admitted, in his speech, that the prisoner visited
Wimbledon, and said he went to the school on the 2nd. It
must have been on the 2nd that the witness went with
him, the first time, to Wimbledon. In his affidavit in
support of the plea of insanity J. L. Tulloch says, that “he
saw Dr. Lamson at his brother’s (W. Tulloch) for a few
minutes on the 1st, and next day proceeded with him to
Wimbledon.”
was handed to me by Butcher on the 14th.”
“Did you later on receive this box and wafers?”
“Yes. It is marked 14.”
[205] See post, Chapter XI.
[206] See post, Chapter XI.
[207] The only evidence offered of his being at Shanklin on
the 29th was an entry, in the “luggage and cloak office”
book of the Shanklin railway station, of a ticket having
been issued for luggage on the 29th August, in the name
of “Lamson,” which Mr. Poland proposed the porter
(John Durrant) should use to refresh his memory. As the
witness could not identify the prisoner as the party;
without saying that it was strictly inadmissible, Mr.
Justice Hawkins considered it would have little effect,
and it was not pressed. Neither Mr. Chapman nor Mrs.
Jolliffe saw him there on that day.
[208] Evidence of William Tulloch, and the pawnbroker,
Robinson, of Mortimer Street, Regent Street.
[209] There is some error in the report, as it was on the 1st
December that the prisoner wrote to the deceased that it
was too late to come that day; and Mr. Montagu Williams
admitted, in his speech, that the prisoner visited
Wimbledon, and said he went to the school on the 2nd. It
must have been on the 2nd that the witness went with
him, the first time, to Wimbledon. In his affidavit in
support of the plea of insanity J. L. Tulloch says, that “he
saw Dr. Lamson at his brother’s (W. Tulloch) for a few
minutes on the 1st, and next day proceeded with him to
Wimbledon.”
Page 757
[210] He had previously, on the 15th November, tried to
change a cheque for £15 at the American Exchange, in
the Strand, where a parcel had been sent for him.—
Evidence of Sidney Harbord, the cashier.
[211] In the cross-examination of Mrs. Bowles, the school-
matron, Mr. Williams endeavoured to get from her an
admission that the chemicals kept in the house for the
purposes of the scientific lectures were unsecurely kept,
and within the reach of the boy. Mr. Bedbrook, however,
proved that the button of the cupboard in which they
were kept was 6 feet 6 inches from the floor It was also
proved by the chemical lecturer that the chemicals were
only those acids commonly used in the production of
gases—acetate of lead, hydrochloric and sulphuric acids.
—Evidence of Eastick and Whalley.
[212] In the boy’s box, on the ground floor, five pills mixed
with capsules were found. Twenty white powders, which
were numbered 1 to 20, were got from a box in the
dining-room, marked “J. Littlefield,” six of which—1 to.
6—were large. The tin box with the two pills was handed
to the police inspector by Mr. Bedbrook, and a decanter
of sherry from the sitting-room, and the remainder of the
sugar from the matron. The evidence of Inspector Fuller,
and other policemen, proved that after being transferred
from various hands, these things were handed to the
analyst, the Judge remarking on the want of care in
transmitting such important pieces of evidence, most
unnecessarily, through so many hands.
[213] The assistant at Messrs. Bell & Co.’s stated the price
of atropia to a medical man as 4d. per grain—hence the
remark of Mr. Montagu Williams on the entry of “8d.”
“C.” in the cash book of that day. The assistants at
Messrs. Allen’s altered their minds, on consultation
change a cheque for £15 at the American Exchange, in
the Strand, where a parcel had been sent for him.—
Evidence of Sidney Harbord, the cashier.
[211] In the cross-examination of Mrs. Bowles, the school-
matron, Mr. Williams endeavoured to get from her an
admission that the chemicals kept in the house for the
purposes of the scientific lectures were unsecurely kept,
and within the reach of the boy. Mr. Bedbrook, however,
proved that the button of the cupboard in which they
were kept was 6 feet 6 inches from the floor It was also
proved by the chemical lecturer that the chemicals were
only those acids commonly used in the production of
gases—acetate of lead, hydrochloric and sulphuric acids.
—Evidence of Eastick and Whalley.
[212] In the boy’s box, on the ground floor, five pills mixed
with capsules were found. Twenty white powders, which
were numbered 1 to 20, were got from a box in the
dining-room, marked “J. Littlefield,” six of which—1 to.
6—were large. The tin box with the two pills was handed
to the police inspector by Mr. Bedbrook, and a decanter
of sherry from the sitting-room, and the remainder of the
sugar from the matron. The evidence of Inspector Fuller,
and other policemen, proved that after being transferred
from various hands, these things were handed to the
analyst, the Judge remarking on the want of care in
transmitting such important pieces of evidence, most
unnecessarily, through so many hands.
[213] The assistant at Messrs. Bell & Co.’s stated the price
of atropia to a medical man as 4d. per grain—hence the
remark of Mr. Montagu Williams on the entry of “8d.”
“C.” in the cash book of that day. The assistants at
Messrs. Allen’s altered their minds, on consultation
Page 758
together, within three hours after they had told the police
that it was atropia they had sold to the prisoner.
[214] The fact of this poison having been sold by Allen &
Hanbury’s assistant to the prisoner, on the faith of finding
his name in the Medical Directory, was severely
commented on by the Judge. No doubt by 31 Vict. cap.
121, sec. 17, Schedule A. Amendment Act, 32 & 33 Vict.
cap. 117, sec. 3, it is not required, in the case of a medical
man, that the name of the purchaser, the name and
quantity of poison sold, and the purpose for which it is to
be used, should be entered, and the signature of the
purchaser is not required. The following questions and
answers call for publication:—
The Judge.—“Suppose I applied and gave a name out
of the Medical Directory, and asked for two grains of
aconitia, would you sell it me?”
Answer.—“If I were satisfied at the time you were a
medical man I should let you have it.”
The Judge.—“Then anybody of respectable
appearance and well dressed might apply? and is there
anything by which you can satisfy yourself that the
applicant is not an impostor and telling you that which is
not true?”
Answer.—“The only thing would be the style of
writing—whether it was in the style characteristic of
medical men.”
The Judge.—“That hardly seems satisfactory.”
Mr. Poland.—“The Act does not require registration in
the case of sale to a medical man.”
The Judge.—“It strikes me that anyone could go, if he
had sufficient knowledge to write in the technical style of
medical men, and get poison without difficulty; and
though the matter is not before us in this case, it may be
that the law requires amendment in this particular.”
that it was atropia they had sold to the prisoner.
[214] The fact of this poison having been sold by Allen &
Hanbury’s assistant to the prisoner, on the faith of finding
his name in the Medical Directory, was severely
commented on by the Judge. No doubt by 31 Vict. cap.
121, sec. 17, Schedule A. Amendment Act, 32 & 33 Vict.
cap. 117, sec. 3, it is not required, in the case of a medical
man, that the name of the purchaser, the name and
quantity of poison sold, and the purpose for which it is to
be used, should be entered, and the signature of the
purchaser is not required. The following questions and
answers call for publication:—
The Judge.—“Suppose I applied and gave a name out
of the Medical Directory, and asked for two grains of
aconitia, would you sell it me?”
Answer.—“If I were satisfied at the time you were a
medical man I should let you have it.”
The Judge.—“Then anybody of respectable
appearance and well dressed might apply? and is there
anything by which you can satisfy yourself that the
applicant is not an impostor and telling you that which is
not true?”
Answer.—“The only thing would be the style of
writing—whether it was in the style characteristic of
medical men.”
The Judge.—“That hardly seems satisfactory.”
Mr. Poland.—“The Act does not require registration in
the case of sale to a medical man.”
The Judge.—“It strikes me that anyone could go, if he
had sufficient knowledge to write in the technical style of
medical men, and get poison without difficulty; and
though the matter is not before us in this case, it may be
that the law requires amendment in this particular.”
Page 759
The jury also appended to their verdict a presentment
urging greater restrictions on the sale of poisons, with
which the Judge thoroughly agreed, and undertook to
forward it to the Home Secretary. During the present
Session of Parliament the Government have announced
that a “New Poisons Act” is preparing, and that it will
deal with patent medicines. It is imperatively required.
[215] Entries in the Register of the New York Bloomingdale
Asylum.
[216] Affidavit of Dr. G. H. Boyland, of Baltimore, U.S., a
fellow student, and Dr. John Swinborne, of Albany, N.Y.,
Surgeon-in-Chief of the American Ambulance.
[217] Affidavits of Dr. Charles H. Von Klein, of Hamilton,
County Butler, U.S., Surgeon in the Russian army, and
Dr. F. P. Carey, of Auburn, N.Y., fellow surgeons with
Lamson at Bucharest.
[218] Statutory declarations of about thirty persons—
friends, servants, and such as occasionally came in
contact with him during his residence at Bournemouth.
[219] Ernest Juch, of 1, New Broad Street, journalist, and
formerly a medical practitioner, who met Lamson in New
York, August, 1881, and saw him daily for two months.
[220] Mrs. McElroy, when, with Lamson’s consent, taking
charge of his medicines, found among other things an
unmarked box of “sugar pills,” which Lamson said were
either morphia or quinine, he did not know which. On
this evidence the following remark is made on the
accused’s behalf:—“After he (Lamson) left, and when
John was taken ill, several pills were discovered on the
table, which were not noticed while Lamson was there. It
is believed that as John was suffering from indigestion
urging greater restrictions on the sale of poisons, with
which the Judge thoroughly agreed, and undertook to
forward it to the Home Secretary. During the present
Session of Parliament the Government have announced
that a “New Poisons Act” is preparing, and that it will
deal with patent medicines. It is imperatively required.
[215] Entries in the Register of the New York Bloomingdale
Asylum.
[216] Affidavit of Dr. G. H. Boyland, of Baltimore, U.S., a
fellow student, and Dr. John Swinborne, of Albany, N.Y.,
Surgeon-in-Chief of the American Ambulance.
[217] Affidavits of Dr. Charles H. Von Klein, of Hamilton,
County Butler, U.S., Surgeon in the Russian army, and
Dr. F. P. Carey, of Auburn, N.Y., fellow surgeons with
Lamson at Bucharest.
[218] Statutory declarations of about thirty persons—
friends, servants, and such as occasionally came in
contact with him during his residence at Bournemouth.
[219] Ernest Juch, of 1, New Broad Street, journalist, and
formerly a medical practitioner, who met Lamson in New
York, August, 1881, and saw him daily for two months.
[220] Mrs. McElroy, when, with Lamson’s consent, taking
charge of his medicines, found among other things an
unmarked box of “sugar pills,” which Lamson said were
either morphia or quinine, he did not know which. On
this evidence the following remark is made on the
accused’s behalf:—“After he (Lamson) left, and when
John was taken ill, several pills were discovered on the
table, which were not noticed while Lamson was there. It
is believed that as John was suffering from indigestion
Page 760
(he had dined at one, and portions of his dinner were
vomited undigested at nine) he determined to take a pill,
and try with it one of the capsules just given him. John’s
symptoms of poisoning did not begin till about three-
quarters of an hour (really twenty-five minutes, see p.
520) after Lamson left, and he lived for about four hours
after, whereas if he had taken the poison in the capsule,
while Lamson was there, it is almost certain that the
symptoms would have set in much earlier, especially
considering the enormous quantity of poison said to have
been taken. He then, unhappily, selected one containing
aconitia. From the foregoing evidence of the way in
which Lamson used and prescribed aconitia, taken with
what Mrs. McElroy says of his ignorance as to what his
own medicaments contained, it might well be that he
ignorantly or insanely mixed these pills, and sent them to
Percy John without any murderous intent.”
[221] A sample of “English aconitine,” recently obtained
from Morson’s, was amorphous, slightly coloured, and
gave a red-brown colour, with all acids, even acetic; yet
its physiological action was perfect.
[222] In “Unbeaten Tracks in Japan” (Isabella L. Bird,
1880), it is stated that the Ainos, an interesting race
inhabiting a part of that country, poison their arrow-heads
with a paste prepared from the root of a species of
aconite, Aconitum Japonicum.
[223] A servant girl was recently poisoned in New York by
repeatedly rubbing tincture of aconite on the gums to
relieve pain. She died in three days. (British Medical
Journal, Aug. 26, 1882.)
[224] Woodman and Tidy, p. 393, wrongly give this as “one
ounce of the tincture.”
vomited undigested at nine) he determined to take a pill,
and try with it one of the capsules just given him. John’s
symptoms of poisoning did not begin till about three-
quarters of an hour (really twenty-five minutes, see p.
520) after Lamson left, and he lived for about four hours
after, whereas if he had taken the poison in the capsule,
while Lamson was there, it is almost certain that the
symptoms would have set in much earlier, especially
considering the enormous quantity of poison said to have
been taken. He then, unhappily, selected one containing
aconitia. From the foregoing evidence of the way in
which Lamson used and prescribed aconitia, taken with
what Mrs. McElroy says of his ignorance as to what his
own medicaments contained, it might well be that he
ignorantly or insanely mixed these pills, and sent them to
Percy John without any murderous intent.”
[221] A sample of “English aconitine,” recently obtained
from Morson’s, was amorphous, slightly coloured, and
gave a red-brown colour, with all acids, even acetic; yet
its physiological action was perfect.
[222] In “Unbeaten Tracks in Japan” (Isabella L. Bird,
1880), it is stated that the Ainos, an interesting race
inhabiting a part of that country, poison their arrow-heads
with a paste prepared from the root of a species of
aconite, Aconitum Japonicum.
[223] A servant girl was recently poisoned in New York by
repeatedly rubbing tincture of aconite on the gums to
relieve pain. She died in three days. (British Medical
Journal, Aug. 26, 1882.)
[224] Woodman and Tidy, p. 393, wrongly give this as “one
ounce of the tincture.”
Page 761
[225] The case of Reg. v. McConkey, already referred to
(ante, p. 515), furnishes us with an instance of aconite
root being administered with criminal intent, and with
fatal result.
In Aug., 1882, four boys and a girl suffered severely
from chewing dried aconite root, which they had found in
the street. The symptoms, tingling and numbness,
abdominal pain, nausea, vomiting, giddiness, muscular
weakness, pains in the legs, and coldness of the feet, set
in very rapidly, the greatest delay being a quarter of an
hour. There was no dyspnœa, and the pupils in all were
widely dilated. The treatment adopted was the
administration of emetics (sulphate of zinc and vin.
ipecac.), coffee and brandy, and castor oil. Recovery in
two to seven days. Quantity taken, “a very small piece.”
(Brit. Med. Journal, 1882, p. 1039.)
[226] An illustration of the dangerous character of these
preparations, and of the serious results which may ensue
from the mistake of a person ignorant of medicine, is
afforded by the following case, reported in the Medical
Times and Gazette, of January 22, 1853. An inquest was
held on January 15th, 1853, to inquire into the death of
Emma Forty, an inmate of the Roman Catholic Convent
of the Good Shepherd at Arnosvale, near Bristol. The
deceased suffered from tapeworm, for which the medical
attendant of the convent had prescribed a decoction of
pomegranate bark and quinine. According to the general
custom at the convent, the medicine was prepared by
Miss Ryder, the sister-attendant, who unfortunately took
a wrong bottle from the dispensary, and gave, instead of
the decoction, a drachm of Fleming’s Tincture of Aconite.
This mixture was given to the deceased on the Monday
preceding the inquest (Jan. 10th); and death occurred in
about five hours after the draught had been swallowed.
After some remarks by the Coroner as to the imminent
(ante, p. 515), furnishes us with an instance of aconite
root being administered with criminal intent, and with
fatal result.
In Aug., 1882, four boys and a girl suffered severely
from chewing dried aconite root, which they had found in
the street. The symptoms, tingling and numbness,
abdominal pain, nausea, vomiting, giddiness, muscular
weakness, pains in the legs, and coldness of the feet, set
in very rapidly, the greatest delay being a quarter of an
hour. There was no dyspnœa, and the pupils in all were
widely dilated. The treatment adopted was the
administration of emetics (sulphate of zinc and vin.
ipecac.), coffee and brandy, and castor oil. Recovery in
two to seven days. Quantity taken, “a very small piece.”
(Brit. Med. Journal, 1882, p. 1039.)
[226] An illustration of the dangerous character of these
preparations, and of the serious results which may ensue
from the mistake of a person ignorant of medicine, is
afforded by the following case, reported in the Medical
Times and Gazette, of January 22, 1853. An inquest was
held on January 15th, 1853, to inquire into the death of
Emma Forty, an inmate of the Roman Catholic Convent
of the Good Shepherd at Arnosvale, near Bristol. The
deceased suffered from tapeworm, for which the medical
attendant of the convent had prescribed a decoction of
pomegranate bark and quinine. According to the general
custom at the convent, the medicine was prepared by
Miss Ryder, the sister-attendant, who unfortunately took
a wrong bottle from the dispensary, and gave, instead of
the decoction, a drachm of Fleming’s Tincture of Aconite.
This mixture was given to the deceased on the Monday
preceding the inquest (Jan. 10th); and death occurred in
about five hours after the draught had been swallowed.
After some remarks by the Coroner as to the imminent
Page 762
danger of unskilled persons being allowed to dispense
drugs, the jury returned a verdict that death was
occasioned by the administration of aconite by Miss
Ryder, and expressed the opinion that much blame was
attributable to the authorities of the convent for allowing
persons, without the necessary knowledge, to dispense
medicines: they hoped that in future such a practice
would be discontinued.
[227] A report of the inquest is to be found in the
Pharmaceutical Journal, 1872, p. 618. The deceased was
the Hon. Gowran Charles Vernon, Recorder of Lincoln,
and second son of Lord Lyvedon. According to the
evidence of a brother of Mr. Vernon, the latter had for
some time past complained of pains in his head, and had
been in the habit of using neuraline with the object of
relieving these pains. On returning to his residence, after
a walk with his wife, the deceased was seized with a fit,
and shortly afterwards died. The doctors considered that
he was suffering from neuralgia and epileptic fits. Mr. G.
Harley, M.D., M.R.C.S., stated that he had analysed
neuraline, and found it to be an extract of aconite, mixed
with rose-water; it also contained chloroform. The
Coroner (Dr. Lankester) said there was no doubt that the
deceased had expired from natural causes, and that he
had been seized with a fit of convulsions, from the effects
of which he died.
drugs, the jury returned a verdict that death was
occasioned by the administration of aconite by Miss
Ryder, and expressed the opinion that much blame was
attributable to the authorities of the convent for allowing
persons, without the necessary knowledge, to dispense
medicines: they hoped that in future such a practice
would be discontinued.
[227] A report of the inquest is to be found in the
Pharmaceutical Journal, 1872, p. 618. The deceased was
the Hon. Gowran Charles Vernon, Recorder of Lincoln,
and second son of Lord Lyvedon. According to the
evidence of a brother of Mr. Vernon, the latter had for
some time past complained of pains in his head, and had
been in the habit of using neuraline with the object of
relieving these pains. On returning to his residence, after
a walk with his wife, the deceased was seized with a fit,
and shortly afterwards died. The doctors considered that
he was suffering from neuralgia and epileptic fits. Mr. G.
Harley, M.D., M.R.C.S., stated that he had analysed
neuraline, and found it to be an extract of aconite, mixed
with rose-water; it also contained chloroform. The
Coroner (Dr. Lankester) said there was no doubt that the
deceased had expired from natural causes, and that he
had been seized with a fit of convulsions, from the effects
of which he died.
Page 763
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REPORTS
OF TRIALS FOR MURDER BY POISONING; ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old
editions will be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.
copyright law means that no one owns a United States
copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can
copy and distribute it in the United States without permission
and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth
in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and
trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and
may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by
following the terms of the trademark license, including paying
royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do
not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with
the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for
nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works,
reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks
may be modified and printed and given away—you may do
practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not
protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to
the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
OF TRIALS FOR MURDER BY POISONING; ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old
editions will be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.
copyright law means that no one owns a United States
copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can
copy and distribute it in the United States without permission
and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth
in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and
trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and
may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by
following the terms of the trademark license, including paying
royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do
not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with
the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for
nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works,
reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks
may be modified and printed and given away—you may do
practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not
protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to
the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
Page 764
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS
WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the
free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing
this work (or any other work associated in any way with the
phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the
terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License available with this
file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand,
agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual
property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree
to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease
using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for
obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic
work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this
agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity
to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may
only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic
work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this
agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most
Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS
WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the
free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing
this work (or any other work associated in any way with the
phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the
terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License available with this
file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand,
agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual
property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree
to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease
using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for
obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic
work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this
agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity
to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may
only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic
work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this
agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most
Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying
Page 765
with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C
below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all
the individual works in the collection are in the public domain
in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by
copyright law in the United States and you are located in the
United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating
derivative works based on the work as long as all references to
Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you
will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free
access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for
keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work.
You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full
Project Gutenberg License when you share it without charge
with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located
also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws
in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are
outside the United States, check the laws of your country in
addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading,
copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating
derivative works based on this work or any other Project
below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all
the individual works in the collection are in the public domain
in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by
copyright law in the United States and you are located in the
United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating
derivative works based on the work as long as all references to
Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you
will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free
access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for
keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work.
You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full
Project Gutenberg License when you share it without charge
with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located
also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws
in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are
outside the United States, check the laws of your country in
addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading,
copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating
derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Page 766
Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no representations
concerning the copyright status of any work in any country
other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project
Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg”
appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is
associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied
or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the
United States and most other parts of the world at no cost
and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may
copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the
Project Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook or
online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in
the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does
not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission
of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and
distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any
fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to
a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or
appearing on the work, you must comply either with the
concerning the copyright status of any work in any country
other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project
Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg”
appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is
associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied
or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the
United States and most other parts of the world at no cost
and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may
copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the
Project Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook or
online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in
the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does
not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission
of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and
distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any
fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to
a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or
appearing on the work, you must comply either with the
Page 767
requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain
permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is
posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use
and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the
copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project
Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of
the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project
Gutenberg License terms from this work, or any files
containing a part of this work or any other work associated
with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute
this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work,
without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in
paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the
full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any
binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary
form, including any word processing or hypertext form.
However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a
Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla
ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on
the official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user,
provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of
permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is
posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use
and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the
copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project
Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of
the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project
Gutenberg License terms from this work, or any files
containing a part of this work or any other work associated
with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute
this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work,
without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in
paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the
full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any
binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary
form, including any word processing or hypertext form.
However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a
Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla
ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on
the official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user,
provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of
Page 768
obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original
“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format
must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in
paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg
works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or
providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg
electronic works provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format
must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in
paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg
works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or
providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg
electronic works provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
Page 769
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different
terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain
permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™
trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3
below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend
considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on,
transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S.
copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection.
Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works,
and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
“Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged
disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes
that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF
DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or
Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement,
disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses,
of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different
terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain
permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™
trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3
below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend
considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on,
transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S.
copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection.
Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works,
and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
“Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged
disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes
that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF
DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or
Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement,
disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses,
Page 770
including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY,
BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT
EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU
AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK
OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS
AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR
ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU
GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND
- If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90
days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if
any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the
person you received the work from. If you received the work
on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your
written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement
copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may
choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work
electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also
defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set
forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’,
WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND,
EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY,
BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT
EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU
AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK
OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS
AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR
ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU
GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND
- If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90
days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if
any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the
person you received the work from. If you received the work
on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your
written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement
copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may
choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work
electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also
defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set
forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’,
WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND,
EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
Page 771
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY
OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this
agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this
agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the
maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable
state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision
of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of
the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this
agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any
of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a)
distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg
Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new
OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this
agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this
agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the
maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable
state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision
of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of
the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this
agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any
of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a)
distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg
Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new
Page 772
computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of
volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with
the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project
Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg
collection will remain freely available for generations to
come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent
future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn
more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-
profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the
laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status
by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or
federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions
to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax
deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws
and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung
Plaza #516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288.
Email contact links and up to date contact information can be
found at the Foundation’s website and official page at
www.gutenberg.org/contact
volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with
the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project
Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg
collection will remain freely available for generations to
come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent
future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn
more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-
profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the
laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status
by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or
federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions
to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax
deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws
and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung
Plaza #516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288.
Email contact links and up to date contact information can be
found at the Foundation’s website and official page at
www.gutenberg.org/contact
Page 773
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive
without widespread public support and donations to carry out
its mission of increasing the number of public domain and
licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-
readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment
including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to
$5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws
regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of
the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform
and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many
fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not
solicit donations in locations where we have not received
written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS
or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states
where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know
of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from
donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot
make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations
received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone
swamp our small staff.
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive
without widespread public support and donations to carry out
its mission of increasing the number of public domain and
licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-
readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment
including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to
$5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws
regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of
the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform
and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many
fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not
solicit donations in locations where we have not received
written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS
or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states
where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know
of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from
donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot
make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations
received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone
swamp our small staff.
Page 774
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current
donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a
number of other ways including checks, online payments and
credit card donations. To donate, please visit:
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg concept of a library of electronic works that could
be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose
network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several
printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected
by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included.
Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with
any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new
eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear
about new eBooks.
donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a
number of other ways including checks, online payments and
credit card donations. To donate, please visit:
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg concept of a library of electronic works that could
be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose
network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several
printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected
by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included.
Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with
any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new
eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear
about new eBooks.