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Title: A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume 2
(of 6)

Author: Jacob Bryant

Release date: October 18, 2006 [eBook #19584]

Language: English

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A

NEW SYSTEM;
OR, AN

ANALYSIS
OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY:
WHEREIN AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO DIVEST TRADITION OF
FABLE;
AND TO REDUCE THE TRUTH TO ITS ORIGINAL PURITY,

BY JACOB BRYANT, ESQ.
THE THIRD EDITION.
IN SIX VOLUMES.

WITH A PORTRAIT AND
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR;

A VINDICATION OF THE APAMEAN MEDAL;

Observations and Inquiries relating to various
Parts of Antient History;

A COMPLETE INDEX,

AND FORTY-ONE PLATES, NEATLY ENGRAVED.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. WALKER; W.J. AND J. RICHARDSON; R. FAULDER
AND SON; R. LEA; J. NUNN; CUTHELL AND MARTIN; H.D.
SYMONDS; VERNOR, HOOD, AND SHARPE; E. JEFFERY;
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO.; J. BOOKER; BLACK, PARRY, AND
KINGSBURY; J. ASPERNE; J. MURRAY; AND J. HARRIS.

1807.

A

NEW SYSTEM
OR AN

ANALYSIS
OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY.

PHŒNIX and PHŒNICES.

As there has been much uncertainty about the purport and extent of these
terms; and they are of great consequence in the course of history; I will
endeavour to state their true meaning. Phoinic, or Poinic, was an Egyptian
and Canaanitish term of honour; from whence were formed Φοινιξ,
Φοινικες, Φοινικοεις of the Greeks, and Phoinic, Poinicus, Poinicius of the
Romans; which were afterwards changed to Phœnix, Punicus, and
[1]
Puniceus. It was originally a title, which the Greeks made use of as a
provincial name: but it was never admitted as such by the people, to whom
it was thus appropriated, till the Greeks were in possession of the country.
And even then it was but partially received: for though mention is made of
the coast of Phœnice, yet we find the natives called Sidonians, Tyrians, and
[2]Canaanites, as late as the days of the Apostles. It was an honorary term,

compounded of Anac with the Egyptian prefix; and rendered at times both
Phoinic and Poinic. It signified a lord or prince: and was particularly
assumed by the sons of Chus and Canaan. The Mysians seem to have kept
nearest to the original pronunciation, who gave this title to the God
Dionusus, and called him Ph'anac.
[3]
Ogygia me Bacchum vocat,
Osirin Ægyptus putat,
Mysi Phanacem.

It was also conferred upon many things, which were esteemed princely and
noble. Hence the red, or scarlet, a colour appropriated to great and
honourable personages, was styled Phoinic. The palm was also styled
Phoinic, Φοινιξ: and the antients always speak of it as a stately and noble
tree. It was esteemed an emblem of honour; and made use of as a reward of
victory. Plurimarum palmarum homo, was a proverbial expression among
the Romans, for a soldier of merit. Pliny speaks of the various species of
palms; and of the great repute in which they were held by the Babylonians.
He says, that the noblest of them were styled the royal Palms; and supposes
that they were so called from their being set apart for the king's use. But
they were very early an emblem of royalty: and it is a circumstance
included in their original name. We find from Apuleius, that Mercury, the
[4]Hermes of Egypt, was represented with a palm branch in his hand: and

his priests at Hermopolis used to have them stuck in their [5]sandals, on the
outside. The Goddess [6]Isis was thus represented: and we may infer that
Hermes had the like ornaments; which the Greeks mistook for feathers, and
have in consequence of it added wings to his feet. The Jews used to carry
boughs of the same tree at some of their festivals; and particularly at the
celebration of their nuptials: and it was thought to have an influence at the
birth. Euripides alludes to this in his Ion; where he makes Latona recline
herself against a Palm tree, when she is going to produce Apollo and Diana.
[7]Φοινικα Παρ' ἁβροκομαν

Ενθα λοχευματα σεμν' ελοχευσατο
Λατω.

In how great estimation this tree was held of old, we may learn from many
passages in the sacred writings. Solomon says to his espoused, [8]how fair
and how pleasant art thou, O Love, for delights: thy stature is like a Palm
tree. And the Psalmist for an encouragement to holiness, says, [9]that the
righteous shall flourish like the Palm tree: for the Palm was supposed to
rise under a weight; and to thrive in proportion to its being [10]depressed.
There is possibly a farther allusion in this, than may at first appear. The
antients had an opinion, that the Palm was immortal: at least, if it did die, it
recovered again, and obtained a second life by renewal. Hence the story of
the bird, styled the Phoenix, is thought to have been borrowed from this
tree. Pliny, in describing the species of Palm, styled Syagrus, says,

[11]Mirum de eâ accepimus, cum Phœnice Ave, quæ putatur ex hujus Palmæ

argumento nomen accepisse, iterum mori, et renasci ex seipsà. Hence we
find it to have been an emblem of immortality among all nations, sacred
and prophane. The blessed in heaven are represented in the Apocalypse by
St. John, [12]as standing before the throne in white robes, with branches of
Palm in their hands. The notion of this plant being an emblem of royalty
prevailed so far, that when our Saviour made his last entrance into
Jerusalem, the people took branches of Palm trees, and accosted him as a
prince, crying, [13]Hosanna—blessed is the King of Israel.
The title of Phoinic seems at first to have been given to persons of great
stature: but, in process of time, it was conferred upon people of power and
eminence, like αναξ and ανακτες among the Greeks. The Cuthites in Egypt
were styled Royal Shepherds, Βασιλεις Ποιμενες, and had therefore the
title of Phœnices. A colony of them went from thence to Tyre and Syria:
hence it is said by many writers that Phœnix came from Egypt to Tyre.
People, not considering this, have been led to look for the shepherd's origin
in Canaan, because they were sometimes called Phœnices. They might as
well have looked for them in Greece; for they were equally styled
[14]Ἑλληνες, Hellenes. Phœnicia, which the Greeks called Φοινικη, was

but a small part of Canaan. It was properly a slip of sea coast, which lay
within the jurisdiction of the Tyrians and Sidonians, and signifies Ora
Regia; or, according to the language of the country, the coast of the Anakim.
It was a lordly title, and derived from a stately and august people. All the
natives of Canaan seem to have assumed to themselves great honour. The
Philistines are spoken of as [15]Lords, and the merchants of Tyre as Princes;
whose grandeur and magnificence are often alluded to in the Scriptures. The
prophet Ezekiel calls them the princes of the sea. [16]Then all the princes of
the sea shall come down from their thrones, and lay away their robes, and
put off their broidered garments. And Isaiah speaks to the same purpose.
[17]Who hath taken this counsel against Tyre, that crowning city, whose

merchants are princes; whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth?
The scripture term by which they are here distinguished is ‫שרים‬, Sarim: but
the title which they assumed to themselves was Ph'anac, or Ph'oinac, the
Phœnix of the Greeks and Romans. And as it was a mere title, the sacred
writers of the old testament never make use of it to distinguish either the
people or country. This part of Canaan is never by them called Phœnicia:

yet others did call it so; and the natives were styled Phœnices before the
birth of Homer. But this was through mistake; for it was never used by the
natives as a provincial appellation. I have shewn that it was a title of
another sort, a mark of rank and pre-eminence: on this account it was
assumed by other people, and conferred upon other places. For this reason it
is never mentioned by any of the sacred writers before the captivity, in order
to avoid ambiguity. The Gentile writers made use of it; and we see what
mistakes have ensued. There were Phœnicians of various countries. They
were to be found upon the Sinus [18]Persicus, upon the Sinus [19]Arabicus,
in Egypt, in [20]Crete, in [21]Africa, in [22]Epirus, and even in Attica.
[23]Φοινικες—γενος τι Αθηνῃσι. There is a race of people called

Phœnicians among the [24]Athenians. In short, it was a title introduced at
Sidon, and the coast adjoining, by people from Egypt: and who the people
were that brought it may be known from several passages in antient history;
but particularly from an extract in Eusebius, [25]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο
Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριαν, Τυρου και Σιδωνος
εβασιλευον. Phœnix and Cadmus, retiring from Thebes, in Egypt, towards
the coast of Syria, settled at Tyre and Sidon, and reigned there. It is said,
that [26]Belus carried a colony to the same parts: and from what part of the
world [27]Belus must be supposed to have come, needs not to be explained.
Euripides styles Cepheus the king of Ethiopia, the son of Phœnix: and
Apollodorus makes him the son of Belus: hence we may infer, that Belus
and Phœnix were the same. Not that there were any such persons as Phœnix
and Belus, for they were certainly titles: and, under the characters of those
two personages, Colonies, named Belidæ and Phœnices, went abroad, and
settled in different parts. Their history and appellation may be traced from
Babylonia to Arabia and Egypt; and from thence to Canaan, and to the
regions in the west. It were therefore to be wished, that the terms Phœnix
and Phœnicia had never been used in the common acceptation; at least
when the discourse turns upon the more antient history of Canaan. When
the Greeks got possession of the coast of Tyre, they called it Phœnicia: and
from that time it may be admitted as a provincial name. In consequence of
this, the writers of the New Testament do not scruple to make use of it, but
always with a proper limitation; for the geography of the Scriptures is
wonderfully exact. But the Greek and Roman writers often speak of it with
a greater latitude, and include Judea and Palestina within its borders; and

sometimes add Syria and Idume. But these countries were all separate and
distinct; among which Phœnicia bore but a small proportion. Yet, small as it
may have been, many learned men have thought, that all the colonies,
which at times settled upon the coast of the Mediterranean, were from this
quarter; and that all science was of Phœnician original. But this is not true
according to their acceptation of the term. Colonies did settle; and science
came from the east: but not merely from the Sidonian. I shall shew, that it
was principally owing to a prior and superior branch of the family.

ADDENDA.

OF THE PALM TREE.

Phœnix was a colour among horses. They were styled Phœnices, and
[28]
Phœniciati, from the colour of the Palm tree, which they resembled; and
upon the same account had the name of Spadices. This, according to Aulus
Gellius, was a term synonymous with the former. [29]Rutilus, et Spadix
Phœnicii συνωνυμος, exuberantiam splendoremque significant ruboris,
quales sunt fructus Palmæ arboris, nondum sole incocti: unde spadicis et
Phœnicei nomen est. [30]Spadix, σπαδιξ, avulsus est a Palmâ termes cum
fructu. Homer, describing the horses of Diomedes, says, that the one was
Phœnix, or of a bright Palm colour, with a white spot in his forehead like a
moon.
[31]Ὁς το μεν αλλο τοσον φοινιξ ην, ενδε μετωπῳ

Λευκον σημ' ετετυκτο περιτροχον ηϋτε μηνη.

Upon this the Scholiast observes, Φοινικες το χρωμα, ητοι πυῤῥος. The
horse was of a Palm colour, which is a bright red. We call such horses bays,
which probably is a term of the same original. The branch of a Palm tree
was called Bai in Egypt; and it had the same name in other places. Baia,
Βαια, are used for Palm-branches by St. John. [32]Τα βαια των Φοινικων.
And it is mentioned by the author of the book of Maccabees, that the Jews,
upon a solemn occasion, entered the temple. [33]Μετα αινεσεως και

βαιων. And Demetrius writes to the high priest, Simon, [34]Τον στεφανον
τον χρυσουν και την Βαϊνην, ἁ απεστειλατε, κεκομισμεθα. Coronam
auream et Bainem, quæ misistis, accepimus. The Greeks formed the word
βαϊνη from the Egyptian Bai. The Romans called the same colour Badius.
[35]
Varro, speaking of horses, mentions,

Hic badius, ille gilvus, ille Murinus.

As the Palm tree was supposed to be immortal; or, at least, if it did die, to
revive, and enjoy a second life, the Egyptians gave the name of Bai to the
soul: [36]Εστι μεν γαρ το βαι ψυχη.

OF THE

Term CAHEN:

THE

COHEN, ‫כהן‬, OF THE HEBREWS.

I have before taken notice that the term Cahen denoted a Priest, or
President; and that it was a title often conferred upon princes and kings. Nor
was it confined to men only: we find it frequently annexed to the names of
Deities, to signify their rule and superintendency over the earth. From them
it was derived to their attendants, and to all persons of a prophetical or
sacred character. The meaning of the term was so obvious, that one would
imagine no mistake could have ensued: yet such is the perverseness of
human wit, that we find it by the Greeks and Romans constantly
misapplied. They could not help imagining, from the sound of the word,
which approached nearly to that of κυων and canis, that it had some
reference to that animal: and, in consequence of this unlucky resemblance,
they continually misconstrued it a dog. Hence we are told by [37]Ælian and
[38]
Plutarch, not only of the great veneration paid to dogs in Egypt, and of

their being maintained in many cities and temples; in which they certainly
exceed the truth; but we are moreover assured, that the people of Ethiopia
had a dog for their king: that he was kept in great state, being surrounded
with a numerous body of officers and guards, and in all respects royally
treated. Plutarch speaks of him as being [39]σεμνως προσκυνομενος,
worshipped with a degree of religious reverence. The whole of this notion
took its rise from a misinterpretation of the title above. I have mentioned,
that in early times Cahen was a title universally conferred upon priests and
prophets: hence Lycophron, who has continually allusions to obsolete
terms, calls the two diviners, Mopsus and Amphilochus, Κυνας.
[40]
Δοιαιδε ῥειθρων Πυραμου προς εκβολαις
Αυτοκτονοις σφαγαισι Δηραινου ΚYΝΕΣ
Δμηθεντες αιχμαζουσι λοισθιον βοαν.

Upon which the Scholiast observes: Κυνες ὁι Μαντεις: by Cunes are meant
Diviners: and again, Κυνας Απολλωνος τους μαντεις ειπειν. The Poet,
by Κυνας, means the ministers and prophets of Apollo. Upon this the
learned [41]Meursius observes, that Lycophron had here made use of a term
imported from Egypt: so that, I think, we cannot be mistaken about the
purport of the word, however it may have been perverted.
The name of the Deity, Canouphis, expressed also Canuphis, and Cnuphis,
was compounded with this term. He was represented by the Egyptians as a
princely person, with a serpent entwined round his middle, and embellished
with other characteristics, relating to time and duration, of which the
serpent was an emblem. Oph, and Ouph, signified a serpent in the Amonian
language; and the Deity was termed Can-uph, from his serpentine
representation. The whole species, in consequence of this, were made
sacred to him, and styled Canyphian. To this Lucan alludes, when, in
speaking of the Seps, he calls all the tribe of serpents Cinyphias pestes:
[42]Cinyphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi.

Canuphis was sometimes expressed Anuphis and Anubis; and, however
rendered, was by the Greeks and Romans continually spoken of as a dog; at
least they supposed him to have had a dog's head, and often mention his

[43]barking. But they were misled by the title, which they did not
understand. The Egyptians had many emblematical personages, set off with
heads of various animals, to represent particular virtues and affections, as
well as to denote the various attributes of their Gods. Among others was
this canine figure, which I have no reason to think was appropriated to
Canuph, or Cneph. And though upon gems and marbles his name may be
sometimes found annexed to this character, yet it must be looked upon as a
Grecian work, and so denominated in consequence of their mistaken notion.
For we must make a material distinction between the hieroglyphics of old,
when Egypt was under her own kings; and those of later date, when that
country was under the government of the Greeks: at which time their
learning was greatly impaired, and their antient theology ruined. Horus
Apollo assures us, if any credit may be given to what he says, that this
canine figure was an emblem of the earth: [44]Οικουμενην γραφοντες
κυνοκεφαλον ζωγραφουσι. When they would describe the earth, they
paint a Cunocephalus. It could not, therefore, I should think, in any degree
relate to Canuphis. The same[45] writer informs us, that under the figure of a
dog they represented a priest, or sacred scribe, and a prophet; and all such
as had the chief management of funerals: also the spleen, the smell,
sneezing; rule and government, and a magistrate, or judge: which is a
circumstance hardly to be believed. For, as hieroglyphics were designed to
distinguish, it is scarce credible that the Egyptians should crowd together so
many different and opposite ideas under one character, whence nothing
could well ensue but doubt and confusion. Besides, I do not remember, that
in any group of antient hieroglyphics the figure of a dog occurs. The
meaning of this history, I think, may be with a little attention made out. The
Egyptians were refined in their superstitions, above all the nations in the
world; and conferred the names and titles of their Deities upon vegetables
and animals of every species; and not only upon these, but also upon the
parts of the human body, and the very passions of the mind. Whatever they
deemed salutary, or of great value, they distinguished by the title of Sacred,
and consecrated it to some [46]God. This will appear from words borrowed
from Egypt. The Laurel, Laurus, was denominated from Al-Orus: the berry
was termed bacca, from Bacchus; Myrrh, Μυῤῥα was from Ham-Ourah;
Casia, from Chus. The Crocodile was called Caimin and Campsa; the Lion,
El-Eon; the Wolf, El-Uc; the Cat, Al-Ourah: whence the Greeks formed
λεων, λυκος, αιλουρος. The Egyptians styled Myrrh, Baal; balsam, baal-

samen; Camphire, Cham-phour, καμφουρα of Greece; Opium, Ophion.
The sweet reed of Egypt was named [47]Canah, and Conah, by way of
eminence; also, [48]Can-Osiris. Cinnamon was denominated from Chan-
Amon; Cinnabar, κινναβαρις, from Chan-Abor; the sacred beetle,
Cantharus, from Chan-Athur. The harp was styled Cinnor, and was
supposed to have been found out by Cinaras; which terms are compounded
of Chan-Or, and Chan-Arez; and relate to the Sun, or Apollo, the supposed
inventor of the lyre. Priests and magistrates were particularly honoured with
the additional title of Cahen; and many things held sacred were liable to
have it in their composition. Hence arose the error of Horus Apollo; who,
having been informed that the antient Egyptians distinguished many things
which were esteemed holy by this sacred title, referred the whole to
hieroglyphics, and gave out that they were all represented under the figure
of a dog. And it is possible, that in later times the Grecian artists, and the
mixed tribes of Egypt, may have expressed them in this manner; for they
were led by the ear; and did not inquire into the latent purport of the
[49]theology transmitted to them. From hence we may perceive how little, in

later times, even the native Egyptians knew of their rites and history.
Farther accounts may be produced from the same writer, in confirmation of
what I have been saying. He not only mentions the great veneration paid by
the Egyptians to dogs, but adds, that in many temples they kept
κυνοκεφαλοι, a kind of baboons, or animals with heads like those of dogs,
which were wonderfully endowed. By their assistance the Egyptians found
out the particular periods of the Sun and Moon. These did not, like other
animals, die at once, but by piece-meal; so that one half of the animal was
oftentimes buried, while the other half[50] survived. He moreover assures
us, that they could read and write; and whenever one of them was
introduced into the sacred apartments for probation, the priest presented
him with a [51]tablet, and with a pen and ink; and by his writing could
immediately find out if he were of the true intelligent breed. These animals
are said to have been of infinite use to the antient Egyptians in determining
times and seasons; for it seems they were, in some particular functions, the
most accurate and punctual of any creatures upon earth: [52]Per æquinoctia
enim duodecies in die urinam reddere, et in nocte[53] compertus
(Cunocephalus), æquali interstitio servato, Trismegisto ansam dedit diem
dividendi in duodecim partes æquales. Such is the history of these

wonderful [54]animals. That Apes and Baboons were, among the Egyptians,
held in veneration, is very certain. The Ape was sacred to the God Apis; and
by the Greeks was rendered Capis, and [55]Ceipis. The Baboon was
denominated from the Deity[56] Babon, to whom it was equally sacred. But
what have these to do with the supposed Cunocephalus, which, according to
the Grecian interpretation, is an animal with the head of a dog? This
characteristic does not properly belong to any species of Apes, but seems to
have been unduly appropriated to them. The term Cunocephalus,
Κυνοκεφαλος, is an Egyptian compound: and this strange history relates to
the priests of the country, styled Cahen; also to the novices in their temples;
and to the examinations, which they were obliged to undergo, before they
could be admitted to the priesthood. To explain this, I must take notice, that
in early times they built their temples upon eminences, for many reasons;
but especially for the sake of celestial observations. The Egyptians were
much addicted to the study of astronomy: and they used to found their
colleges in Upper Egypt upon rocks and hills, called by them Caph. These,
as they were sacred to the Sun, were farther denominated Caph-El, and
sometimes Caph-Aur, and Caph-Arez. The term Caph-El, which often
occurs in history, the Greeks uniformly changed to Κεφαλη, Cephale: and
from Cahen-Caph-El, the sacred rock of Orus, they formed Κυνοκεφαλη,
and Κυνοκεφαλος; which they supposed to relate to an animal with the
head of a dog. But this Cahen-Caph-El was certainly some royal seminary
in Upper Egypt, whence they drafted novices to supply their colleges and
temples. These young persons were, before their introduction, examined by
some superior priest; and, accordingly as they answered upon their trial,
they were admitted, or refused. They were denominated Caph-El, and
Cahen-Caph-El, from the academy where they received their first
instruction; and this place, though sacred, seems to have been of a class
subordinate to others. It was a kind of inferior cloister and temple, such as
Capella in the Romish church; which, as well as Capellanus, was derived
from Egypt: for, the church, in its first decline, borrowed largely from that
country. That there was some particular place of this sort situated upon a
rock or eminence, may, I think, be proved from Martianus Capella; and,
moreover, that it was a seminary well known, where the youth of Upper
Egypt were educated. For, in describing the sciences, under different
personages, he gives this remarkable account of Dialectica upon
introducing her before his audience. [57]Hæc se educatam dicebat in

Ægyptiorum Rupe; atque in Parmenidis exinde gymnasium, atque Atticam
demeasse. And Johannes Sarisburiensis seems to intimate that Parmenides
obtained his knowledge from the same quarter, when he mentions [58]"in
Rupe vitam egisse. In this short detail we have no unpleasing account of the
birth of science in Egypt, and of its progress thence to Attica. It is plain that
this Rupes Ægyptiaca could be nothing else but a seminary, either the same,
or at least similar to that, which I have before been describing. As the
Cunocephali are said to have been sacred to Hermes, this college and
temple were probably in the nome of Hermopolis. Hermes was the patron of
Science, and particularly styled Cahen, or [59]Canis: and the Cunocephali
are said to have been worshipped by the people of that [60]place. They were
certainly there reverenced: and this history points out very plainly the
particular spot alluded to. Hermopolis was in the upper region styled
Thebaïs: and there was in this district a tower, such as has been
[61]mentioned. It was in aftertimes made use of for a repository, where they

laid up the tribute. This may have been the Rupes Ægyptiaca, so famed of
old for science; and which was the seat of the Chancephalim, or
Cunocephalians.
It is said of the Cunocephali, that when one part was dead and buried, the
other still survived. This can relate to nothing else but a society, or body
politic, where there is a continual decrement, yet part still remains; and the
whole is kept up by succession. It is an enigma, which particularly relates to
the priesthood in Egypt: for the sacred office there was hereditary, being
vested in certain families; and when part was dead, a residue still
[62]
survived, who admitted others in the room of the deceased. [63]Επεαν
δε τις αποθανῃ, τουτου ὁ παις αντικατισταται. The sons, we find,
supplied the place of their fathers: hence the body itself never became
extinct, being kept up by a regular succession. As to the Cunocephali giving
to Hermes the first hint of dividing the day into twelve parts from the
exactness, which was observed in their [64]evacuations, it is a surmise
almost too trifling to be discussed. I have shewn that the Cunocephali were
a sacred college, whose members were persons of great learning: and their
society seems to have been a very antient institution. They were particularly
addicted to astronomical observations; and by contemplating the heavens,
styled Ouran, they learned to distinguish the seasons, and to divide the day
into parts. But the term Ouran the Greeks by a strange misconception

changed to ουρειν; of which mistake they have afforded other instances:
and from this abuse of terms the silly figment took its rise.
The Cunocephali are not to be found in Egypt only, but in India likewise;
and in other parts of the world. Herodotus [65]mentions a nation of this
name in Libya: and speaks of them as a race of men with the heads of dogs.
Hard by in the neighbourhood of this people he places the Ακεφαλοι, men
with no heads at all: to whom, out of humanity, and to obviate some very
natural distresses, he gives eyes in the breast. But he seems to have forgot
mouth and ears, and makes no mention of a nose: he only says,
[66]
Ακεφαλοι, ὁι εν στηθεσιν οφθαλμους εχοντες. Both these and the
Cunocephali were denominated from their place of residence, and from
their worship: the one from Cahen-Caph-El, the other from Ac-Caph-El:
each of which appellations is of the same purport, the right noble, or sacred
[67]rock of the Sun.

Similar to the history of the Cunocephali, and Acephali, is that of the
Cunodontes. They are a people mentioned by Solinus and Isidorus, and by
them are supposed to have had the teeth of dogs. Yet they were probably
denominated, like those above, from the object of their worship, the Deity
Chan-Adon; which the Greeks expressed Κυνοδων, and styled his votaries
[68]Cunodontes.

The Greeks pretended, that they had the use of the sphere, and were
acquainted with the zodiac, and its asterisms very early. But it is plain from
their mistakes, that they received the knowledge of these things very late; at
a time when the terms were obsolete, and the true purport of them not to be
obtained. They borrowed all the schemes under which the stars are
comprehended from the Egyptians: who had formed them of old, and
named them from circumstances in their own religion and mythology. They
had particularly conferred the titles of their Deities upon those stars, which
appeared the brightest in their hemisphere. One of the most remarkable and
brilliant they called Cahen Sehor; another they termed Purcahen; a third
Cahen Ourah, or Cun Ourah. These were all misconstrued, and changed by
the Greeks; Cahen-Sehor to Canis Sirius; P'urcahen to Procyon; and Cahen
Ourah to Cunosoura, the dog's tail. In respect to this last name I think, from
the application of it in other instances, we may be assured that it could not
be in acceptation what the Greeks would persuade us: nor had it any

relation to a dog. There was the summit of a hill in Arcadia of this [69]name:
also a promontory in [70]Attica; and another in [71]Eubœa. How could it
possibly in its common acceptation be applicable to these places? And as a
constellation if it signified a dog's tail, how came it to be a name given to
the tail of a bear? It was a term brought from [72]Sidon, and Egypt: and the
purport was to be sought for from the language of the Amonians.
The antient Helladians used upon every promontory to raise pillars and
altars to the God of light, Can-Our, the Chan-Orus of Egypt. But Can-Our,
and Can-Ourah, they changed to κυνοσουρα, as I have shewn: yet
notwithstanding this corruption, the true name is often to be discovered.
The place which is termed Cunosoura by Lucian, in his Icaromemenippus,
is called Cunoura by Stephanus Byzant, and by [73]Pausanias. Cunoura is
also used by Lycophron, who understood antient terms full well, for any
high rock or headland.
[74]
Εν ἁισι προς κυνουρα καμπυλους σχασας
Πευκης οδοντας.

Προς κυνουρα, προς τραχειας πετρας. Scholiast. ibid.

We find the same mistake occur in the account transmitted to us concerning
the first discovery of purple. The antients very gratefully gave the merit of
every useful and salutary invention to the Gods. Ceres was supposed to
have discovered to men corn, and bread: Osiris shewed them the use of the
plough; Cinyras of the harp: Vesta taught them to build. Every Deity was
looked up to as the cause of some blessing. The Tyrians and Sidonians were
famous for the manufacture of purple: the die of which was very exquisite,
and the discovery of it was attributed to Hercules of Tyre; the same who by
Palæphatus is styled Hercules [75]Philosophus. But some will not allow him
this honour; but say, that the dog of Hercules was the discoverer. For
accidentally feeding upon the Murex, with which the coast abounded, the
dog stained his mouth with the ichor of the fish; and from hence the first
hint of dying was [76]taken. This gave birth to the proverbial expression,
[77]
Ἑυρημα κυνος ην ἡ σεβαστη πορφυρα. Nonnus mentions the
particular circumstance of the dog's staining his mouth:

[78]Χιονεας πορφυρε παρηϊδας ἁιματι κοχλου.

Such is the story, which at first sight is too childish to admit of credit. It is
not likely that a dog would feed upon shell-fish: and if this may at any time
have happened, yet whoever is at all conversant in natural history, must
know, that the murex is of the turbinated kind, and particularly aculeated;
having strong and sharp protuberances, with which a dog would hardly
engage. The story is founded upon the same misconception, of which so
many instances have been produced. Hercules of Tyre, like all other oriental
divinities, was styled Cahen, and Cohen; as was allowed by the Greeks
themselves. [79]Τον Ἡρακλην φασι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον
ΧΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. We are told, that Hercules in the language of the
Egyptians is called Chon. This intelligence, however, they could not abide
by; but changed this sacred title to [80]κυων, a dog, which they described as
an attendant upon the Deity.
The Grecians tell us, that the Egyptians styled Hermes a dog: but they seem
to have been aware, that they were guilty of an undue representation. Hence
Plutarch tries to soften, and qualify what is mentioned, by saying, [81]Ου
γαρ κυριως τον Ἑρμην ΚYΝΑ λεγουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι): by which this
learned writer would insinuate, that it was not so much the name of a dog,
as the qualities of that animal, to which the Egyptians alluded. Plutarch
thought by this refinement to take off the impropriety of conferring so base
a name upon a Deity. But the truth is, that the Egyptians neither bestowed it
nominally; nor alluded to it in any degree. The title which they gave to
Hermes was the same that they bestowed upon Hercules: they expressed it
Cahen, and Cohen; and it was very properly represented above by the Greek
term Χων, Chon. It is said of Socrates, that he sometimes made use of an
uncommon oath, μα τον κυνα, και τον χηνα by the dog and the goose:
which at first does not seem consistent with the gravity of his character. But
we are informed by Porphyry, that this was not done by way of ridicule: for
Socrates esteemed it a very serious and religious mode of attestation: and
under these terms made a solemn appeal to the son of [82]Zeus. The purport
of the words is obvious: and whatever hidden meaning there may have
been, the oath was made ridiculous by the absurdity of the terms. Besides,
what possible connection could there have subsisted between a dog and a
Deity; a goose and the son of Jove? There was certainly none: yet Socrates,

like the rest of his fraternity, having an antipathy to foreign terms, chose to
represent his ideas through this false medium; by which means the very
essence of his invocation was lost. The son of Zeus, to whom he appealed,
was the Egyptian Cahen abovementioned; but this sacred title was idly
changed to κυνα και χηνα, a dog and a goose, from a similitude in sound.
That he referred to the Egyptian Deity, is manifest from Plato, who
acknowledges that he swore, [83]μα τον κυνα τον Αιγυπτιων θεον. By
which we are to understand a Cahen of Egypt. Porphyry expressly says, that
it was the God Hermes the son of Zeus, and Maia: [84]Κατα τον του Διος
και Μαιας παιδα εποιειτο τον ὁρκον.
I cannot account upon any other principle than that upon which I have
proceeded, for the strange representation of Apollo, and Bacchus, gaping
with open mouths. So it seems they were in some places described.
Clemens of Alexandria mentions from Polemon, that Apollo was thus
exhibited: [85]Πολεμων δε κεχηνοτος Απολλωνος οιδεν αγαλμα. And
we are told that a gaping[86] Bacchus was particularly worshipped at Samos.
They were both the same as the Egyptian Orus; who was styled Cahen-On,
Rex, vel Deus Sol; out of which Cahen-On the Grecians seem to have
formed the word Χαινων: and in consequence of it, these two Deities were
represented with their jaws widely extended. This term was sometimes
changed to κοινος, communis: hence it is that we so often meet with κοινοι
Θεοι, and κοινοι βωμοι, upon coins and marbles: also κοινος Ἑρμης. And
as Hermes was the reputed God of gain, every thing found was adjudged to
be κοινος, or common.
[87]
Αλλ' εσιδουσα
Εξαπινης, Ἑρμης κοινος, εφη θυγατηρ.
[88]Κοινον ειναι τον Ἑρμην.

Notwithstanding this notion so universally received, yet among the
Grecians themselves the term κοινος was an antient title of eminence.
[89]Κοινος, ὁ Δεσποτης. Coinos signifies a lord and master: undoubtedly

from Cohinus; and that from Cohen. It would be endless to enumerate all
the instances which might be brought of this nature. Of this, I think, I am
assured, that whoever will consider the uncouth names both of Deities, and
men, as well as of places, in the light recommended; and attend to the

mythology transmitted concerning them; will be able by these helps to trace
them to their original meaning. It is, I think, plain, that what the Grecians so
often interpreted κυνες, was an antient Amonian title. When therefore I
read of the brazen dog of Vulcan, of the dog of Erigone, of Orion, of
Geryon, of Orus, of Hercules, of Amphilochus, of Hecate, I cannot but
suppose, that they were the titles of so many Deities; or else of their priests,
who were denominated from their office. In short, the Cahen of Egypt were
no more dogs than the Pateræ of Amon were basons: and though Diodorus
does say, that at the grand celebrity of [90]Isis, the whole was preceded by
dogs, yet I cannot help being persuaded that they were the priests of the
Goddess.
By this clue we may unravel many intricate histories transmitted from
different parts. In the temple of Vulcan, near mount Ætna, there are said to
have been a breed of dogs, which fawned upon good men, but were
implacable to the bad. [91]Inde etiam perpetuus ignis a Siculis alebatur in
Ætnæo Vulcani templo, cui custodes adhibiti sunt sacri canes, blandientes
piis hominibus, in impios ferocientes. In the celebrated gardens of Electra
there was a golden dog, which shewed the same regard to good men, and
was as inveterate to others.
[92]Χρυσεος οιδαινοντι κυων συνυλακτεε λαιμῳ

Σαινων ηθαδα φωτα.

What is more remarkable, there were many gaping dogs in this temple;
which are represented as so many statues, yet were endowed with life.
[93]Χασμασι ποιητοισι σεσῃροτες
ανθερεωνες
Ψευδαλεων σκυλακων στιχες εμφρονες.

Homer describes something of the same nature in the gardens of Alcinous.
[94]
Χρυσειοι δ' ἑκατερθε και αργυρεοι κυνες ησαν,
Ὁυς Ἡφαιστος ετευξεν ιδυιῃσι πραπιδεσσιν,
Αθανατους οντας, και αγηρως ηματα παντα.

All this relates to the Cusean priests of Vulcan or Hephaistos, and to the
priesthood established in his temple: which priesthood was kept up by

succession, and never became extinct. What was Cusean, the Greeks often
rendered Χρυσειον, as I shall hereafter shew. The same people were also
styled Cuthim; and this word likewise among the antients signified gold:
from hence these priests were styled Χρυσειοι κυνες. We find the like
history in Crete: here too was a golden dog, which Zeus had appointed to be
the guardian of his temple[95]. By comparing these histories, I think we
cannot fail of arriving at the latent meaning. The God of light among other
titles was styled Cahen, or Chan-Ades: but the term being taken in the same
acceptation here, as in the instances above, the Deity was changed to a dog,
and said to reside in the infernal regions. From hence he was supposed to
have been dragged to light by Hercules of Thebes. The notion both of
Cerberus and Hades being subterraneous Deities took its rise from the
temples of old being situated near vast caverns, which were esteemed
passages to the realms below. Such were in Messenia, in Argolis, in
Bithynia, and at Enna in Sicily; not to mention divers other places. These
temples were often named Kir-Abor; and the Deity Chan-Ades; out of
which terms the Greeks formed Τον Κερβερον κυνα ἁδου; and fabled,
that he was forced into upper air by Hercules, through these infernal inlets.
And as temples similar in name and situation were built in various parts, the
like history was told of them all. Pausanias takes notice of this event,
among other places, being ascribed to the cavern at [96]Tænarus; as well as
to one at [97]Trœzen, and to a third near the city [98]Hermione. The Poet
Dionysius speaks of the feat being performed in the country of the
Marianduni, near Colchis.
[99]Και Μαριανδυνων ἱερον πεδον, ενθ' ενεπουσιν

Ουδαιου Κρονιδαο μεγαν κυνα Χαλκεοφωνον
Χερσιν ανελκομενον μεγαλητορος Ἡρακληος,
Δεινον απο στοματων βαλεειν σιαλωδεα χυλον.

But however the Deity in all these instances may have been degraded to the
regions of darkness, yet he was the God of light, Κυν-ἁδης; and such was
the purport of that name. He was the same as Apollo, as may be proved
from the Cunidæ at Athens, who were a family set apart for his service.
Κυννιδαι, γενος Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ ὁ ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος.
Hesychius. The Cunnidai are a family at Athens, out of which the priest of
Apollo Cunnius is chosen. He styles him Apollo Cunnius: but the Cunidai

were more properly denominated from Apollo Cunides, the same as Cun-
Ades. Poseidon was expressly styled Cun-Ades; and he was the same Deity
as Apollo, only under a different title, as I have shewn. Κυναδης
Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσιν ετιμᾳτο. Hesychius. Poseidon was worshipped at
Athens under the title of Cun-Ades.
Though I have endeavoured to shew, that the term of which I have been
treating was greatly misapplied, in being so uniformly referred to dogs, yet
I do not mean to insinuate that it did not sometimes relate to them. They
were distinguished by this sacred title, and were held in some degree of
[100]veneration; but how far they were reverenced is not easy to determine.

Herodotus,[101] speaking of the sanctity of some animals in Egypt, says, that
the people in every family, where a dog died, shaved themselves all over:
and he mentions it as a custom still subsisting in his own time. Plutarch[102]
differs from him. He allows that these animals were, at one time, esteemed
holy; but it was before the time of Cambyses: from the æra of his reign they
were held in another light: for when this king killed the sacred Apis, the
dogs fed so liberally upon his entrails, without making a proper distinction,
that they lost all their sanctity. It is of little consequence whichever account
be the truest. They were certainly of old looked upon as sacred; and
esteemed emblems of the Deity. And it was, perhaps, with a view to this,
and to prevent the Israelites retaining any notion of this nature, that a dog
was not suffered to come within the precincts of the temple at
[103]Jerusalem. In the Mosaic law, the price of a dog, and the hire of a

harlot, are put upon the same level. [104]Thou shalt not bring the hire of a
whore, or the price of a dog, into the house of the Lord thy God for any
vow: for both these are an abomination to the Lord thy God.
To conclude: The Dog, in Egypt, was undoubtedly called Cahen, and
Cohen; a title by which many other animals, and even vegetables, were
honoured, on account of their being consecrated to some Deity. The Greeks
did not consider that this was a borrowed appellation, which belonged to the
Gods and their Priests; and was from them extended to many things held
sacred. Hence they have continually referred this term to one object only:
by which means they have misrepresented many curious pieces of history:
and a number of idle fables have been devised to the disparagement of all
that was true.

OF

CHUS;
STYLED

ΧΡYΣΟΣ and ΧΡYΣΑΩΡ.

Among the different branches of the great Amonian family which spread
themselves abroad, the sons of Chus were the most considerable, and at the
same time the most enterprising. They got access into countries widely
distant; where they may be traced under different denominations, but more
particularly by their family title. This we might expect the Greeks to have
rendered Chusos, and to have named the people Χυσαιοι, Chusæi. But, by a
fatal misprision, they uniformly changed these terms to words more familiar
to their ear, and rendered them Χρυσος, and Χρυσειος, as if they had a
reference to gold. I have before mentioned the various parts of the world
where the Amonians settled, and especially this branch of that family. Their
most considerable colonies westward were in Iönia and Hellas; and about
Cuma and Liguria in Italy; and upon the coast of Iberia in Spain. They were
likewise to be found in Cyrene; and still farther in Mauritania, and in the
islands opposite to that coast. In the north they were to be met with at
Colchis, towards the foot of Mount Caucasus, and in most regions upon the
coast of the Euxine sea. In the histories of these countries the Grecians have
constantly changed Chusos, the Gentile name, to Chrusos, Χρυσος; and
Chus-Or, Chusorus, to Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and, in consequence of this
alteration, they have introduced in their accounts of these places some
legend about gold. Hence we read of a golden fleece at Colchis; golden
apples at the Hesperides; at [105]Tartessus, a golden cup; and, at Cuma, in
Campania, a golden branch:

Aureus et foliis, et lento vimine, ramus.

Something similar is observable in the history of Cyrene. The natives were
not remarkable for either mines or merchandize: yet, Palæphatus, having
mentioned that they were κατα γενος Αιθιοπες, Ethiopians by extraction,

that is, Cuseans, subjoins: [106]Εισι δε σφοδρα χρυσοι. Pindar, in
celebrating each happy circumstance of the Insulæ Fortunatæ, mentions,
that there were trees with branches of gold: [107]Ανθεμα δε χρυσου
φλεγει. The river Phasis, in Colchis, was supposed to have abounded with
gold; and the like was pretended of the Hermus and Pactolus in Iönia. Not
only the Poets, but many of the graver [108]historians, speak of their golden
sands. Yet there is reason to doubt of the fact: for not one of them produces
any good voucher for what they suppose. They do not mention any trade
carried on, nor riches accruing from this lucky circumstance: so that there is
no reason to think that one grain of gold was gathered from these celebrated
streams. Among the several islands occupied by this people were Rhodes
and Delos. In the former, the chief city is said to have been blessed with
showers of gold. [109]Ενθα ποτε βρεχε θεον Βασιλευς ὁ μεγας χρυσαις
νιφαδεσσι πολιν. At Delos every thing was golden, even the slippers of
the God.
[110]
Χρυσεα και τα πεδιλα, πολυχρυσος γαρ Απολλων.

And this not only in aftertimes, when the island was enriched with offerings
from different nations, but even at the birth of the God; by which is meant
the foundation of his temple, and introduction of his rites.
[111]Χρυσεα τοι τοτε παντα θεμειλια γεινατο, Δηλε,

Χρυσῳ δε τροχοεσσα πανημερος εῤῥεε λιμνη,
Χρυσειον δ' εκομισσε γενεθλιον ερνος ελαιης,
Χρυσῳ δε πλημμυρε βαθυς Ινωπος ἑλιχθεις,
Αυτη δε χρυσοιο απ' ουδεος ἑιλεο παιδα,
Εν δ' εβαλευ κολποισιν.

We find that the very soil and foundations of the island were golden: the
lake floated with golden waves: the olive tree vegetated with golden fruit:
and the river Inopus, deep as it was, swelled with gold. Homer, in a hymn to
the same personage, represents the whole more compendiously, by saying,
that the island was weighed down with treasure:
[112]Χρυσῳ δ' αρα Δηλος ἁπασα

Βεβριθει.

I have before mentioned that the Amonians settled in Liguria: and, in
consequence of it, the Heliadæ are represented as weeping, not only amber,
but gold. Philostratus, speaking of a particular species of fir-trees in Bœtica,
says, that they dropped blood, just as the Heliadæ upon the Padus did[113]
gold.

Chus, by the Egyptians and Canaanites, was styled Or-Chus, and[114] Chus-
Or: the latter of which was expressed by the Greeks, analogous to the
examples above, Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and we learn in Eusebius, from Philo,
that Chrusor was one of the principal Deities of the Phenicians, a great
benefactor to mankind; and by some supposed to have been the same as
Hephaistus. Both the Tyrians and Sidonians were undoubtedly a mixed race,
and preserved the memory of Ham, and Chus, equally with that of Canaan.
This name, so often rendered Chrusos, and Chrusor, was sometimes
changed to Χρυσαωρ, Chrusaor: and occurs in many places where the
Cuthites were known to have settled. We have been shewn that they were a
long time in Egypt; and we read of a Chrusaor in those parts, who is said to
have arisen from the blood of Medusa.
[115]Εξεθορε Χρυσαωρ τε μεγας, και Πηγασος ἱππος.

We meet with the same Chrusaor in the regions of Asia Minor, especially
among the Carians. In these parts he was particularly worshipped, and said
to have been the first deified mortal. The great Divan of that nation was
called Chrusaorium; and there was a city [116]Chrusaoris, and a temple of
the same name. [117]Εγγυς δε της πολεως το του Χρυσαορεως Διος
κοινον ἁπαντων Καρων, εις ὁ συνιασι θυσαντες τε και
βουλευσαμενοι. This city was properly called Chus-Or, and built in
memory of the same person; as the city Chusora, called also
[118]Cerchusora, in Egypt. It was undoubtedly founded by some of the same

family, who in aftertimes worshipped their chief ancestor; as the Sidonians
and Syrians did likewise. For this we have the testimony of Sanchoniathon;
who, having mentioned the various benefits bestowed upon mankind by
Chrusaor, says, at the conclusion, [119]Διο και ὡς θεον αυτον μετα
θανατον εσεβασθησαν· for which reason, after his death, they
worshipped him as a God. The first king of Iberia was named Chrusaor, the

reputed father of [120]Geryon; and he is said to have been πολυχρυσος, a
person of great wealth: all which is an Egyptian history, transferred from
the Nile to the Bœtis.
[121]
Χρυσαωρ δ' ετεκε τρικαρηνον Γηρυονηα,
Μιχθεις Χαλλιροῃ κουρῃ κλυτου Ωκεανοιο.

Geryon of Spain was, according to this mythology of the poet, the son of
Chrusaor; and Chrusaor was confessedly of Egyptian original: so that,
whatever the fable may allude to, it must have been imported into Bœtica
from Egypt by some of the sons of Chus. The Grecians borrowed this term,
and applied it to Apollo; and from this epithet, Chrusaor, he was
denominated the God of the golden sword. Homer accordingly styles him,
[122]Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα: and, speaking of Apollo's infancy, he says,
[123]Ουδ' αρ' Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα θησατο μητηρ: and Diana is termed
[124]
Αυτοκασιγνητη Χρυσαορος Απολλωνος.
This title cannot possibly relate to the implement supposed: for it would be
idle to style an infant the God of the golden sword. It was a weapon, which
at no time was ascribed to him: nor do I believe, that he is ever represented
with one either upon a gem, or a marble. He is described as wishing for a
harp, and for a bow.
[125]Ειη μοι κιθαρις τε φιλη, και καμπυλα τοξα.

And his mother is said to have been pleased that she produced him to the
world an archer:
[126]Χαιρε δε Λετω,

Ὁυνεκα τοξοφορον και καρτερον ὑιον ετικτεν.

These habiliments are often specified: but I do not recollect any mention
made of a sword, nor was the term Chrusaor of Grecian etymology.
Since then we may be assured that Chus was the person alluded to under the
name of Chrusos, Chrubor, and Chrusaor; we need not wonder that his
substitute Apollo is so often styled Χρυσοκομης, and Χρυσολυρος: that
the harp, called by the Amonians [127] Chan-Or, and Cuth-Or, from the

supposed inventor, should by the Grecians be denominated Χρυσεα
φορμιγξ [128]Απολλωνος: that so many cities, where Apollo was
particularly worshipped, should be called Chruse, and Chrusopolis, the
number of which was of no small [129]amount. Nor is this observable in
cities only, but in rivers, which were named in the same manner. For it was
usual, in the first ages, to consecrate rivers to Deities, and to call them after
their names. Hence many were denominated from Chusorus, which by the
Greeks was changed to Χρυσοῤῥοας; and from this mistake they were
supposed to abound with gold. The Nile was called Chrusorrhoas[130],
which had no pretensions to gold: and there was a river of this name at
[131]Damascus. Others too might be produced, none of which had any claim

to that mineral. There was a stream Chrusorrhoas near the Amazonian city
Themiscura in [132]Pontus: and the river Pactolus was of old so called,
whence probably came the notion of its abounding with gold.
[133]Πακτωλος ποταμος εστι της Λυδιας——εκαλειτο δε προτερον

Χρυσοῤῥοας. It was named Chrusorrhoas first, and in aftertimes Pactolus:
whence we may conclude, in respect to gold, that the name was not given
on account of any such circumstance; but the notion was inferred from the
name.
It is apparent that this repeated mistake arose in great measure from the
term Chusus and Chrusus being similar: whence the latter was easily
convertible into the former; which to the Grecians appeared a more
intelligible, and at the same time a more splendid, title. But there was still
another obvious reason for this change. Chus was by many of the eastern
nations expressed Cuth; and his posterity the Cuthim. This term, in the
antient Chaldäic, and other Amonian languages, signified [134]gold: hence
many cities and countries, where the Cuthites settled, were described as
golden, and were represented by the terms Chrusos and Chruse. These, as I
have shewn, had no relation to gold, but to Chus, who was reverenced as
the Sun, or Apollo; and was looked upon as Dionusus; but may more truly
be esteemed Bacchus. Hence, when the poet Dionysius mentions the island
Chruse in [135]India, his commentator observes; Χρυση νησος, λεγομενη
ὁυτως, η δια το χρυσον φερειν, η κατα τον Διονυσον· and at last
concludes, [136]Χρυσους ειναι πως δοκει ὁ ἡλιος.

In a former dissertation concerning the Shepherd Kings in Egypt, I have
shewn that they were the sons of Chus, who came into that country under
the title of Auritæ. They settled in a province named from them Cushan,
which was at the upper part of Delta; and in aftertimes called Nomos
Arabicus. It was in the vicinity of Memphis, and Aphroditopolis, which
places they likewise [137]occupied. I have mentioned that Chusos was often
expressed Chrusos, and the country of the Cuthim rendered the golden
country. If then there be that uniformity in error which I maintain, it may be
expected that, in the history of these places, there should be some reference
to gold. It is remarkable that all this part of Egypt, conformably to what I
have said, was called Χρυση, Chruse. Here was the campus aureus, and
Aphrodite Aurea of the Romans: and all the country about Memphis was
styled golden. To this Diodorus, among others, bears witness: [138]Την τε
Αφροδιτην ονομαζεσθαι παρα τοις εγχωριοις Χρυσην ΕΚ ΠΑΛΑΙΑΣ
ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΕΩΣ, και πεδιον ειναι καλουμενον Χρυσης Αφροδιτης περι
την ονομαζομενην Μεμφιν. When the Cuthite shepherds came into Egypt,
they made Memphis the seat of royal [139]residence: and hard by was the
nome of Aphrodite, and the Arabian nome, which they particularly
possessed: and which, in consequence of it, were both styled the regions of
the Cuthim. Hence came the title of [140]Aphrodite Chruse: and hence the
country had the name of the Golden District. The island at the point of
Delta, where stood the city Cercusora, is called Gieserat [141]Eddahib, or the
Golden Island, at this day. Diodorus mentions, that this appellation of
Chruse was derived from a very antient tradition. This tradition
undoubtedly related to the shepherds, those sons of Chus, who were so long
in possession of the country; and whose history was of the highest antiquity.
The Cuthites in the west occupied only some particular spots: but from
Babylonia eastward the greatest part of that extensive sea-coast seems to
have been in their possession. In the history of these parts, there is often
some allusion to gold, as may be seen in the island Chruse, above-
mentioned; and in the Chersonesus Aurea, which lay beyond the Ganges:
and not only of gold, but sometimes a reference to brass; and this from a
similar mistake. For as Chusus was changed to Chrusus, Χρυσος, gold; so
was Cal-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus, converted to Chalcus, Χαλκος,
brass. Colchis was properly Col-Chus; and therefore called also Cuta, and
Cutaia. But what was Colchian being sometimes rendered Chalcion,

Καλκιον, gave rise to the fable of brazen bulls; which were only Colchic
Tor, or towers. There was a region named Colchis in [142]India: for where
the Cuthites settled, they continually kept up the memory of their
forefathers, and called places by their names. This being a secret to
Philostratus, has led him into a deal of mysterious error. It is well known
that this people were styled Oreitæ, and Auritæ, both in Egypt and in other
parts. Philostratus says that [143]Apollonius came to a settlement of the
Oreitæ upon the Indian Ocean. He also visited their Pegadæ; and, what is
remarkable, he met with a people whose very rocks were brazen; their sand
was brazen: the rivers conveyed down their streams fine filaments of brass:
and the natives esteemed their land golden on account of the plenty of
brass. Now what is this detail, but an abuse of terms, ill understood, and
shamefully misapplied? Philostratus had heard of a region in India; the
history of which he would fain render marvellous. The country, whither
Apollonius is supposed to go, was a province of the Indo-Cuthites, who
were to be met with in various parts under the title of Oreitæ. They were
worshippers of fire, and came originally from the land of Ur; and hence had
that name. The Pegadæ of the country are what we now call Pagodas; and
which are too well known to need describing. There were in this part of the
world several cities, and temples, dedicated to the memory of Chus. Some
of these are famous at this day, though denominated after the Babylonish
dialect Cutha, and Cuta; witness Calcutta, and Calecut. The latter seems to
have been the capital of the region called of old Colchis. This was more
truly expressed Cal-Chus; which Philostratus has mistaken for Χαλκος,
brass; and made the very [144]rocks and rivers abound with that mineral.
And yet, that the old mistake about gold may not be omitted, he concludes
with a strange antithesis, by saying, that the natives esteemed their country
Chrusitis, or golden, from the quantity of [145]brass.
It has been my endeavour to prove that what the Grecians represented by
Chrusos, Chrusor, and Chrusaor, should have been expressed Chus, Chusos,
and Chusor, called also Chus-Orus. Chus was the son of Ham; and though
the names of the Grecian Deities are not uniformly appropriated, yet Ham is
generally looked upon as Ἑλιος, the Sun; and had the title Dis, and Dios:
hence the city of Amon in Egypt was rendered Diospolis. If then Chrusos,
and Chrusor, be, as I have supposed, Chus; the person so denominated must
have been, according to the more antient mythology, the son of Helius, and

Dios. We find accordingly that it was so. The Scholiast upon Pindar
expressly says, [146]Διος παις ὁ Χρυσος. And in another place he is said to
have been the offspring of Helius, who was no other than Cham. [147]Εκ
θειας και Ὑπεριονος Ἡλιος, εκ δε Ἡλιου ὁ Χρυσος. Magic and
incantations are attributed to Chus, as the inventor; and they were certainly
first practised among his sons: hence it is said by Sanchoniathon, [148]Τον
Χρυσωρ λογους ασκησαι και επῳδας, και μαντειας. He was however
esteemed a great benefactor; and many salutary inventions were ascribed to
him. He had particularly the credit of being the first who ventured upon the
seas: [149]Πρωτον τε παντων ανθρωπων πλευσαι. Whether this can be
said truly of Chus himself, is uncertain: it agrees full well with the history
of his sons; who, as we have the greatest reason to be assured, were the first
great navigators in the world.

OF

CANAAN, CNAAN,
AND

ΧΝΑΣ;

AND OF THE

derivative ΚΥΚΝΟΣ.

Lucian tells us, that, reflecting upon the account given of Phaëthon, who
fell thunderstruck into the Eridanus, and of his sisters, who were changed to
poplars weeping amber, he took a resolution, if he should ever be near the
scene of these wonderful transactions, to inquire among the natives
concerning the truth of the [150]story. It so happened, that, at a certain time,
he was obliged to go up the river above mentioned: and he says, that he
looked about very wistfully; yet, to his great amazement, he saw neither
amber nor poplar. Upon this he took the liberty to ask the people, who
rowed him, when he should arrive at the amber-dropping trees: but it was
with some difficulty that he could make them understand what he meant.
He then explained to them the story of Phaëthon: how he borrowed the
chariot of the Sun; and being an awkward charioteer, tumbled headlong into
the Eridanus: that his sisters pined away with grief; and at last were
transformed to trees, the same of which he had just spoken: and he assured
them, that these trees were to be found somewhere upon the banks, weeping
amber. Who the deuce, says one of the boatmen, could tell you such an idle
story? We never heard of any charioteer tumbling into the river; nor have
we, that I know of, a single poplar in the country. If there were any trees
hereabouts dropping amber, do you think, master, that we would sit here,
day after day, tugging against stream for a dry groat, when we might step
ashore, and make our fortunes so easily? This affected Lucian a good deal:
for he had formed some hopes of obtaining a little of this precious
commodity; and began to think that he must have been imposed upon.

However, as Cycnus, the brother of Phaëthon, was here changed to a swan,
he took it for granted that he should find a number of those birds sailing up
and down the stream, and making the groves echo with their melody. But
not perceiving any in a great space, he took the liberty, as he passed
onward, to put the question again to the boatmen; and to make inquiry
about these birds. Pray, gentlemen, says he, at what particular season is it
that your swans hereabouts sing so sweetly? It is said, that they were
formerly men, and always at Apollo's side; being in a manner of his privy
council. Their skill in music must have been very great: and though they
have been changed into birds, they retain that faculty, and, I am told, sing
most melodiously. The watermen could not help smiling at this account.
Why, sir, says one of them, what strange stories you have picked up about
our country, and this river? We have plied here, men and boys, for years;
and to be sure we cannot say that we never saw a swan: there are some here
and there towards the fens, which make a low dull noise: but as for any
harmony, a rook or a jackdaw, in comparison of them, may be looked upon
as a nightingale.
Such are the witty strictures of Lucian upon the story of Phaëthon and
Cycnus, as described by the poets. Whatever may have been the grounds
upon which this fiction is founded, they were certainly unknown to the
Greeks; who have misinterpreted what little came to their hands, and from
such misconstruction devised these fables. The story, as we have it, is not
uniformly told. Some, like Lucian, speak of swans in the plural; and
suppose them to have been the ministers, and attendants of Apollo, who
assisted at his concerts. Others mention one person only, called Cycnus;
who was the reputed brother of Phaëthon, and at his death was transformed
to the bird of that name. The fable is the same whichever way it may be
related, and the purport of it is likewise the same. There is one mistake in
the story, which I must set right before I proceed; as it may be of some
consequence in the process of my inquiry. Phaëthon is represented by many
of the poets as the offspring of the Sun, or Apollo: [151]Sole satus Phaëthon.
But this was a mistake, and to be found chiefly among the Roman poets.
Phaëthon was the Sun. It was a title of Apollo; and was given to him as the
God of light. This is manifest from the testimony of the more early Greek
poets, and particularly from Homer, who uses it in this acceptation.

[152]Ουδεποτ' αυτους

Ηελιος Φαεθον επιδερκεται ακτινεσσιν.

In respect to Cycnus and his brotherhood, those vocal ministers of Apollo,
the story, which is told of them, undoubtedly alludes to Canaan, the son of
Ham; and to the Canaanites, his posterity. They sent out many colonies;
which colonies, there is great reason to think, settled in those places, where
these legends about swans particularly prevailed. The name of Canaan was
by different nations greatly varied, and ill expressed: and this
misconstruction among the Greeks gave rise to the fable. To shew this, it
will be proper to give an account of the rites and customs of the Canaanites,
as well as of their extensive traffic. Among the many branches of the
Amonian family, which settled in various parts of the world, and carried on
an early correspondence, the Canaanites were not the least respectable.
They traded from Sidon chiefly, before that city was taken by the king of
Ascalon: and upon their commerce being interrupted here, they
[153]
removed it to the strong hold of Tyre. This place was soon improved to
a mighty city, which was very memorable in its day. The Canaanites, as
they were a sister tribe of the Mizraïm, so were they extremely like them in
their rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration,
agreeably with the [154]customs of Egypt. Their chief Deity was the Sun,
whom they worshipped together with the Baalim, under the titles Ourchol,
Adonis, Thamuz. It was a custom among the Grecians, at the celebration of
their religious festivals, to crown the whole with hymns of praise, and the
most joyful exclamations. But the Egyptians were of a gloomy turn of
mind, which infected the whole of their worship. Their hymns were always
composed in melancholy affecting airs, and consisted of lamentations for
the loss of Osiris, the mystic flight of Bacchus, the wanderings of Isis, and
the sufferings of the Gods. Apuleius takes notice of this difference in the
rites and worship of the two nations: [155]Ægyptiaca numinum fana plena
plangoribus: Græca plerumque choreis. Hence the author of the Orphic
Argonautica, speaking of the initiations in Egypt, mentions,
[156]
Θρενους τ' Αιγυπτιον, και Οσιριδος ἱερα χυτλα.

The Canaanites at Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, and afterwards at Tyre, used
particularly mournful dirges for the loss of Adonis, or Thamuz; who was the

same as Thamas, and Osiris in Egypt. The Cretans had the like mournful
hymns, in which they commemorated the grief of Apollo for the loss of
Atymnius.
[157]Αιλινα μελπειν,

Ὁια παρα Κρητεσσιν αναξ ελιγαινεν Απολλων
Δακρυχεων ερατεινον Ατυμνιον.

The measures and harmony of the Canaanites seem to have been very
affecting, and to have made a wonderful impression on the minds of their
audience. The infectious mode of worship prevailed so far, that the children
of Israel were forbidden to weep, and make lamentation upon a festival:
[158]
Ειναι γαρ ἑορτην, και μη δειν εν αυτῃ κλαιειν, ου γαρ εξειναι. And
Nehemiah gives the people a caution to the same purpose: [159]This day is
holy unto the Lord your God: mourn not, nor weep. And Esdras counsels
them in the same manner: [160]This day is holy unto the Lord: be not
sorrowful. It is likewise in another place mentioned, that [161]the Levites
stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for the day is holy: neither
be ye grieved. Such was the prohibition given to the Israelites: but among
the Canaanites this shew of sorrow was encouraged, and made part of their
[162]rites.

The father of this people is represented in the Mosaic history, according to
our version, Canaan: but there is reason to think that by the Egyptians and
other neighbouring nations it was expressed Cnaan. This by the Greeks was
rendered Χναας, and Χνας; and in later times Χνα, Cna. [163]Χνα, ὁυτος ἡ
Φοινικη εκαλειτο—το εθνικον Χναος. We are told by Philo from
Sanchoniathon, that [164]Isiris the Egyptian, who found out three letters, was
the brother of Cna: by which is meant, that Mizraïm was the brother of
Canaan. I have taken notice more than once of a particular term, Υκ, Uc;
which has been passed over unnoticed by most writers: yet is to be found in
the composition of many words; especially such as are of Amonian original.
The tribe of Cush was styled by Manethon, before the passage was
depraved, Υκκουσος. Uch, says this author, in the sacred language of
Egypt, signifies a [165]king. Hence it was conferred as a title upon the God
Sehor, who, as we may infer from Manethon and [166]Hellanicus, was called
Ucsiris, and Icsiris; but by the later Greeks the name was altered to Isiris

and Osiris. And not only the God Sehor, or Sehoris was so expressed; but
Cnas, or Canaan, had the same title, and was styled Uc-Cnas, and the
Gentile name or possessive was Uc-cnaos, Υκ-κναος: το εθνικον γαρ
Χναος, as we learn from Stephanus. The Greeks, whose custom it was to
reduce every foreign name to something similar in their own language,
changed Υκκναος to Κυκνειος, Uc Cnaus to Cucneus; and from Υκ Κνας
formed Κυκνος. Some traces of this word still remain, though almost
effaced; and may be observed in the name of the Goddess Ichnaia. Instead
of Uc-Cnaan the son of Ham, the Greeks have substituted this personage in
the feminine, whom they have represented as the daughter of the Sun. She
is mentioned in this light by Lycophron: [167]Της Ἡλιου θυγατρος Ιχναιας
βραβευς. They likewise changed Thamuz and Thamas of Canaan and
Egypt to Themis a feminine; and called her Ichnaia Themis. She is so styled
by Homer.
[168]
Θεαι δ' εσαν ενδοθι πασαι,
Ὁσσαι αρισται εσαν, Διωνη τε, Ῥειη τε,
Ιχναιη τε Θεμις, και αγαστονος Αμφιτριτη.

Ιχναια is here used adjectively. Ιχναια Θεμις signifies Themis, or Thamuz,
of [169]Canaan.
There was another circumstance, which probably assisted to carry on the
mistake: a Canaanitish temple was called both Ca-Cnas, and Cu-Cnas; and
adjectively[170] Cu-Cnaios; which terms there is reason to think were
rendered Κυκνος, and Κυκνειος. Besides all this, the swan was
undoubtedly the insigne of Canaan, as the eagle and vulture were of Egypt,
and the dove of Babylonia. It was certainly the hieroglyphic of the country.
These were the causes which contributed to the framing many idle legends,
such as the poets improved upon greatly. Hence it is observable, that
wherever we may imagine any colonies from Canaan to have settled and to
have founded temples, there is some story about swans: and the Greeks, in
alluding to their hymns, instead of Yκκναον ασμα, the music of Canaan,
have introduced κυκνειον ασμα, the singing of these birds: and, instead of
the death of Thamuz, lamented by the Cucnaans, or priests, they have made
the swans sing their own dirge, and foretell their own funeral. Wherever the
Canaanites came, they introduced their national worship; part of which, as I

have shewn, consisted in chanting hymns to the honour of their country
God. He was the same as Apollo of Greece: on which account, Lucian, in
compliance with the current notion, says, that the Cycni were formerly the
assessors and ministers of that Deity. By this we are to understand, that
people of this denomination were in antient times his priests. One part of
the world, where this notion about swans prevailed, was in Liguria, upon
the banks of the Eridanus. Here Phaëthon was supposed to have met with
his downfal; and here his brother Cycnus underwent the metamorphosis, of
which we have spoken. In these parts some Amonians settled very early;
among whom it appears that there were many from Canaan. They may be
traced by the mighty works which they carried on; for they drained the river
towards its mouth, and formed some vast canals, called Fossæ Philistinæ.
Pliny, speaking of the entrance into the Eridanus, says, [171]Indé ostia plana,
Carbonaria, ac fossiones Philistinæ, quod alii Tartarum vocant: omnia ex
Philistinæ fossæ abundatione nascentia. These canals were, undoubtedly the
work of the Canaanites, and particularly of some of the Caphtorim, who
came from Philistim: and hence these outlets of the river were named
Philistinæ. The river betrays its original in its name; for it has no relation to
the Celtic language, but is apparently of Egyptian or Canaanitish
etymology. This is manifest from the terms of which it is made up; for it is
compounded of Ur-Adon, sive Orus Adonis; and was sacred to the God of
that name. The river, simply, and out of composition, was Adon, or Adonis:
and it is to be observed, that this is the name of one of the principal rivers in
Canaan. It ran near the city Biblus, where the death of Thamuz was
particularly lamented. It is a circumstance taken notice of by many authors,
and most pathetically described by Milton.
[172]
Thammuz came next behind,
Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd
The Syrian damsels to lament his fate
In amorous ditties all a summer's day:
While smooth Adonis from his native rock
Ran purple to the sea; suppos'd with blood
Of Thammuz yearly wounded.

It is said that the Eridanus was so called first by [173]Pherecydes Syrus: and
that my etymology is true, may in great measure be proved from the

[174]Scholiast upon Aratus. He shews that the name was of Egyptian
original, at least consonant to the language of Egypt; for it was the same as
the Nile. It is certain that it occurred in the antient sphere of Egypt, whence
the Grecians received it. The great effusion of water in the celestial sphere,
which, Aratus says, was the Nile, is still called the Eridanus: and, as the
name was of oriental original, the purport of it must be looked for among
the people of those parts. The river Strymon, in Thrace, was supposed to
abound with swans, as much as the Eridanus; and the antient name of this
river was Palaestinus. It was so called from the Amonians, who settled here
under the name of Adonians, and who founded the city Adonis. They were
by the later Greeks styled, after the Iönic manner, Edonians, and their city
Edonis. [175]Στρυμων ποταμος εστι της Θρακης κατα πολιν Ηδωνιδα,
προσηγορευετο δε προτερον Παλαιστινος. The Strymon is a river of
Thrace, which runs by the city Edonis: it was of old called the river
Palæstinus. In these places, and in all others where any of the Canaanites
settled, the Grecians have introduced some story about swans.
Some of them seem to have gained access at Delphi; as did likewise others
from Egypt: and by such was that oracle first founded. Egypt, among other
names, was called Ait, and Ai Ait, by the Greeks expressed Αετια:
[176]Εκληθη δε—και ΑΕΤΙΑ. The natives, in consequence of it, were called

Αετιοι, and Αεται; which was interpreted eagles. Hence, we are told by
Plutarch, that some of the feathered kind, either eagles or swans, came from
the remote parts of the earth, and settled at Delphi. [177]Αετους τινας, η
Κυκνους, ω Τερεντιανε Πρισκε, μυθολογουσιν απο των ακρων της
γης επι το μεσον φερομενους εις ταυτο συμπεσειν Πυθοι περι τον
καλουμενον ομφαλον. These eagles and swans undoubtedly relate to
colonies from Egypt and Canaan. I recollect but one philosopher styled
Cygnus; and, what is remarkable, he was of Canaan. Antiochus, the
Academic, mentioned by Cicero in his philosophical works, and also by
[178]
Strabo, was of Ascaloun, in Palestine; and he was surnamed Cygnus,
the Swan: which name, as it is so circumstanced, must, I think, necessarily
allude to this country.
As in early times colonies went by the name of the Deity whom they
worshipped, or by the name of the insigne and hieroglyphic under which
their country was denoted, every depredation made by such people was

placed to the account of the Deity under such a device. This was the manner
in which poets described things: and, in those days, all wrote in measure.
Hence, instead of saying that the Egyptians, or Canaanites, or Tyrians,
landed and carried off such and such persons; they said, that it was done by
Jupiter, in the shape of an eagle, or a swan, or a bull: substituting an eagle
for Egypt, a swan for Canaan, and a bull for the city of [179]Tyre. It is said
of the Telchines, who were Amonian priests, that they came to Attica under
the conduct of Jupiter in the shape of an eagle.
[180]
Αιετος ἡγεμονευε δι αιθερος αντιτυπος Ζευς.

By which is meant, that they were Egyptian priests; and an eagle was
probably the device in their standard, as well as the insigne of their nation.
Some of the same family were to be found among the Atlantes of
Mauritania, and are represented as having the shape of swans. Prometheus,
in Æschylus, speaks of them in the commission which he gives to Io:
[181]You must go, says he, as far as the city Cisthene in the Gorgonian

plains, where the three Phorcides reside; those antient, venerable ladies,
who are in the shape of swans, and have but one eye, of which they make
use in common. This history relates to an Amonian temple founded in the
extreme parts of Africa; in which there were three priestesses of Canaanitish
race; who, on that account, are said to be in the shape of swans. The notion
of their having but one eye among them took its rise from an hieroglyphic
very common in Egypt, and probably in Canaan: this was the representation
of an eye, which was said to be engraved upon the pediment of their
[182]temples. As the land of Canaan lay so opportunely for traffic, and the

emigrants from most parts went under their conduct, their history was well
known. They navigated the seas very early, and were necessarily acquainted
with foreign regions; to which they must at one time have betaken
themselves in great numbers, when they fled before the sons of Israel. In all
the places where they settled they were famous for their hymns and music;
all which the Greeks have transferred to birds, and supposed that they were
swans who were gifted with this harmony. Yet, sweet as their notes are said
to have been, there is not, I believe, a person upon record who was ever a
witness to it. It is, certainly, all a fable. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us
that Apollo was pleased with the music of swans, [183]μουσικῃ τε ἡδεται,

και κυκνων φωναις; and when Æschylus mentions their singing their own
dirges; they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitish priests, who
lamented the death of Adon and Osiris. And this could not be entirely a
secret to the Grecians, for they seem often to refer to some such notion.
Socrates termed swans his fellow-servants: in doing which he alluded to the
antient priests, styled Cycni. They were people of the choir, and officiated
in the temples of the same Deities; whose servant he professed himself to
be. Hence Porphyry assures us, [184]Ὁυ παιζων ὁμοδουλους αυτου
ελεγεν τους κυκνους (Σοκρατης), that Socrates was very serious when he
mentioned swans as his fellow-servants. When, therefore, Aristophanes
speaks of the [185]Delian and Pythian swans, they are the priests of those
places, to whom he alludes. And when it is said by Plato, that the soul of
Orpheus, out of disgust to womankind, led the life of a [186]swan, the
meaning certainly is, that he retired from the world to some cloister, and
lived a life of celibacy, like a priest. For the priests of many countries, but
particularly of Egypt, were recluses, and devoted themselves to
[187]celibacy: hence monkery came originally from Egypt. Lycophron, who

was of Egypt, and skilled in antient terms, styles Calchas, who was the
priest of Apollo, a swan. [188]Μολοσσου κυπεως κοιτου κυκνον. These
epithets, the Scholiast tells us, belong to Apollo; and Calchas is called a
swan, δια το γηραιον, και μαντικον: because he was an old prophet and
priest. Hence, at the first institution of the rites of Apollo, which is termed
the birth of the Deity, at Delos, it is said that many swans came from the
coast of Asia, and went round the island for the space of seven days.
[189]Κυκνοι δε θεου μελποντες αοιδοι

Μηονιον Πακτωλον εκυκλωσαντο λιποντες
Ἑβδομακις περι Δηλον· επηεισαν δε λοχειῃ
Μουσαων ορνιθες, αοιδοτατοι πετεηνων.

The whole of this relates to a choir of priests, who came over to settle at
Delos, and to serve in the newly erected temple. They circled the island
seven times; because seven, of old, was looked upon as a mysterious and
sacred number.
[190]Ἑβδομη ειν αγαθοις, και ἑβδομη εστι γενεθλη.

Ἑβδομη εν πρωτοισι, και ἑβδομη εστι τελειη.

Ἑβδοματῃ δη ὁι τετελεσμενα παντα τετυκται.
Ἑπτα δε παντα τετυκται εν ουρανῳ αστεροεντι.

The birds in the island of Diomedes, which were said to have been
originally companions of that hero, were undoubtedly priests, and of the
same race as those of whom I have been treating. They are represented as
gentle to good men, and averse to those who are bad. Ovid describes their
shape and appearance: [191]Ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis;
which, after what has been said, may, I think, be easily understood.
If then the harmony of swans, when spoken of, not only related to
something quite foreign, but in reality did not of itself exist, it may appear
wonderful that the antients should so universally give into the notion. For
not only the poets, but [192]Plato, Plutarch, Cicero, Pliny, with many others
of high rank, speak of it as a circumstance well known. But it is to be
observed, that none of them speak from their own experience: nor are they
by any means consistent in what they say. Some mention this singing as a
general faculty; which was exerted at all times: others limit it to particular
seasons, and to particular places. Aristotle seems to confine it to the seas of
[193]Africa: [194]Aldrovandus says, that it may be heard upon the Thames

near London. The account given by Aristotle is very remarkable. He says,
that mariners, whose course lay through the Libyan sea, have often met
with swans, and heard them singing in a melancholy strain: and upon a
nearer approach, they could perceive that some of them were dying, from
whom the harmony proceeded. Who would have expected to have found
swans swimming in the salt sea, in the midst of the Mediterranean? There is
nothing that a Grecian would not devise in support of a favourite error. The
legend from beginning to end is groundless: and though most speak of the
music of swans as exquisite; yet some absolutely deny [195]the whole of it;
and others are more moderate in their commendations. The watermen in
Lucian give the preference to a jackdaw: but Antipater in some degree
dissents, and thinks that the swan has the advantage.
[196]
Λωιτερος κυκνων μικρος θροος, ηε κολοιων
Κρωγμος.

And Lucretius confesses, that the screaming of a crane is not quite so
pleasing:
[197]Parvus ut est, Cygni melior canor, ille gruum quam

Clamor:

Which however is paying them no great compliment. To these respectable
personages I must add the evidence of a modern; one too of no small repute,
even the great Scaliger. He says, that he made a strict scrutiny about this
affair, when in Italy; and the result of his observations was this:
[198]
Ferrariæ multos (cygnos) vidimus, sed cantores sane malos, neque
melius ansere canere.

OF

TEMPLE SCIENCE.
The Egyptians were very famous for geometrical knowledge: and as all the
flat part of their country was annually overflowed, it is reasonable to
suppose that they made use of this science to determine their lands, and to
make out their several claims, at the retreat of the waters. Many indeed have
thought, that the confusion of property, which must for a while have
prevailed, gave birth to practical [199]geometry, in order to remedy the evil:
and in consequence of it, that charts and maps were first delineated in this
country. These, we may imagine, did not relate only to private demesnes:
but included also the course of the Nile in its various branches; and all the
sea coast, and its inlets, with which lower Egypt was bounded.
It is very certain, that the people of Colchis, who were a colony from Egypt,
had charts of this sort, with written descriptions of the seas and shores,
whithersoever they traded: and they at one time carried on a most extensive
commerce. We are told, says the [200]Scholiast upon Apollonius, that the
Colchians still retain the laws and customs of their forefathers: and they
have pillars of stone, upon which are engraved maps of the continent, and
of the ocean: Εισι δε, φησι, και νομοι παρ' αυτοις των Προγωνον, και
Στηλαι, εν ἁις γης και θαλασσης αναγραφαι εισι. The poet, upon whom
the above writer has commented, calls these pillars, κυρβεις: which, we are
told, were of a square figure, like obelisks: and on these, he says, were
delineated all the passages of the sea; and the boundaries of every country
upon the earth.
[201]
Ὁι δη τοι γραπτας πατερων ἑθεν ειρυονται
Κυρβεας, ὁις ενι πασαι ὁδοι, και πειρατ' εασιν
Ὑγρης τε, τραφερης τε, περιξ επινεισσομενοισιν.

These delineations had been made of old, and transmitted to the Colchians
by their forefathers; which forefathers were from [202]Egypt.
If then the Colchians had this science, we may presume that their mother
country possessed it in as eminent a degree: and we are assured, that they

were very knowing in this article. Clemens Alexandrinus [203]mentions, that
there were maps of Egypt, and charts of the Nile very early. And we are
moreover told, that Sesostris (by which is meant the Sethosians) drew upon
boards schemes of all the countries, which he had traversed: and copies of
these were given both to [204]the Egyptians, and to the Scythians, who held
them in high estimation. This is a curious account of the first delineation of
countries, and origin of maps; which were first described upon [205]pillars.
We may from hence be enabled to solve the enigma concerning Atlas, who
is said to have supported the heavens upon his shoulders. This took its rise
from some verses in Homer, which have been strangely misconstrued. The
passage is in the Odyssey; where the poet is speaking of Calypso, who is
said to be the daughter of Atlas, ολοοφρονος, a person of deep and
recondite knowledge:
[206]Ατλαντος θυγατηρ ολοοφρονος, ὁστε θαλασσης

Πασης βενθεα οιδεν, εχει δε τε ΚΙΟΝΑΣ αυτος
Μακρας, ἁι Γαιαν τε και Ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν.

It is to be observed, that when the antients speak of the feats of Hercules,
we are to understand the Herculeans; under the name of Cadmus is meant
the Cadmians; under that of Atlas, the Atlantians. With this allowance how
plain are the words of Homer! The [207]Atlantians settled in Phrygia and
Mauritania; and, like the Colchians, were of the family of Ham. They had
great experience in sea affairs: and the poet tells us, that they knew all the
soundings in the great deep.

Εχει δε τε Κιονας αυτος
Μακρας, ἁι Γαιην τε και Ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν.

They had also long pillars, or obelisks, which referred to the sea; and upon
which was delineated the whole system both of heaven and earth; αμφις, all
around, both on the front of the obelisk, and on the other sides. Κιονες
Κοσμου were certainly maps, and histories of the universe; in the
knowledge of which the Atlantians seem to have instructed their brethren
the Herculeans. The Grecians, in their accounts, by putting one person for a
people, have rendered the history obscure; which otherwise would be very
intelligible. There is a passage in Eusebius, which may be rendered very

plain, and to the purpose, if we make use of the clue above-mentioned.
[208]Ἡροδοτος δε λεγει τον Ηρακλεα μαντιν και φυσικον γενομενον

παρα Ατλαντος του Βαρβαρου του Φρυγος διαδεχεσθαι τας του
Κοσμου Κιονας. This may be paraphrased in the following manner; and
with such latitude will be found perfectly consonant to the truth. The
Herculeans were a people much given to divination, and to the study of
nature. Great part of their knowledge they are thought to have had
transmitted to them from those Atlantians, who settled in Phrygia,
especially the history of the earth and heavens; for all such knowledge the
Atlantians had of old consigned to pillars and obelisks in that country: and
from them it was derived to the Herculeans, or Heraclidæ, of Greece. The
Atlantians were esteemed by the Grecians as barbarous: but they were in
reality of the same family. Their chief ancestor was the father of the
Peleiadæ, or Ionim; of whom I shall hereafter have much to say: and was
the supposed brother of Saturn. The Hellenes, though they did not always
allow it, were undoubtedly of his race. This may be proved from Diodorus
Siculus, who gives this curious history of the Peleiadæ, his offspring.
[209]
Ταυτας δε μιγεισας τοις ευφυεστατοις Ἡρωσι και Θεοις αρχηγους
καταστηναι του πλειστου γενους τον ανθρωπων, τεκουσας τους δι'
αρετην Θεους και Ἡρωας ονομασθεντας.—Παραπλησεως δε και τας
αλλας Ατλαντιδας γεννησαι παιδας επιφανεις, ὡν τους μεν εθνων,
τους δε πολεων γενεσθαι κτιστας· διοπερ ου μονον παρ' ενιοις των
Βαρβαρων, αλλα και παρα τοις Ἑλλησι τους πλειστους των
αρχαιοτατων Ἡρωων εις ταυτας αναφερειν το γενος. These daughters
of Atlas, by their connections and marriages with the most illustrious
heroes, and divinities, may be looked up to as the heads of most families
upon earth. And from them proceeded all those, who upon account of their
eminence were in aftertimes esteemed Gods and Heroes. And having
spoken of Maia, and her offspring, the author proceeds to tell us, that the
other Atlantides in like manner gave birth to a most noble race: some of
whom were the founders of nations; and others the builders of cities:
insomuch that most of the more antient heroes, not only of those abroad,
who were esteemed Barbari, but even of the Helladians, claimed their
ancestry from them. And they received not only their ancestry, but their
knowledge also, του κοσμου κιονας; all the celestial and terrestrial
phenomena, which had been entrusted to the sacred pillars of the Atlantes,
ἁι γαιην τε και ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν, which contained descriptions

both of the heavens, and the earth. From Phrygia they came at last to Hellas,
where they were introduced by Anaximander, who is said, [210]Εσδουναι
πρωτον γεωγραφικον πινακα, to have been the first who introduced a
geographical chart: or, as Laertius expresses it, [211]Γης και Θαλαττης
περιμετρον, the circumference of the terraqueous globe delineated.
Though the origin of maps may be deduced from Egypt, yet they were not
the native Egyptians, by whom they were first constructed. Delineations of
this nature were the contrivance of the Cuthites, or Shepherds. They were,
among other titles, styled Saïtæ; and from them both astronomy and
geometry were introduced in those parts. They, with immense labour,
drained the lower provinces; erected stupendous buildings; and raised
towers at the mouths of the river, which were opportunely situated for
navigation. For, though the Mizraim were not addicted to commerce, yet it
was followed by other families besides the Cuthites, who occupied the
lower provinces towards the sea. The towers which were there raised served
for lighthouses, and were, at the same time, temples, denominated from
some title of the Deity, such as Canoph, Caneph, Cneph; also Perses,
Proteus, Phanes, and Canobus. They were on both accounts much resorted
to by mariners, and enriched with offerings. Here were deposited charts of
the coast, and of the navigation of the Nile, which were engraved on pillars,
and in aftertimes sketched out upon the Nilotic Papyrus. There is likewise
reason to think that they were sometimes delineated upon walls. This leads
me to take notice of a passage from Pherecydes Syrus, which seems to
allude to something of this nature: though, I believe, in his short detail that
he has misrepresented the author from whom he copied. He is said, by
Theopompus, [212]πρωτον περι της φυσεως, και Θεων, Ἑλλησι
γραφειν, to have been the first who wrote for the benefit of his countrymen
about nature and the Gods. Suidas [213]mentions, that he composed a
theogony; all which knowledge, we are assured, came from Egypt. It is
certain that he studied in that[214] country; whence we may conclude, that
the following history is Egyptian. He says, that Zas, or Jupiter, composed a
large and curious robe, upon which he described the earth, and the ocean,
and the habitations upon the ocean. [215]Ζας ποιει φαρος μεγα τε, και
καλον, και εν αυτῳ ποικιλλει Γην, και Ωγηνον, και τα Ωγηνου δωματα.
Now, Zas, or, as it should be rendered, Zan, was the Dorian title of Amon.
And Ogenus, the Ocean, was the most antient name of the Nile; whence the

Grecians borrowed their Oceanus. [216]Ὁι γαρ Αιγυπτιοι νομιζουσιν
ωκεανον ειναι τον παρ' αυτοις ποταμον Νειλον. The Egyptians, by the
term Oceanus, understand their own river Nilus. The same author, in
another place, calls this river Oceames[217]. Τον δε ποταμον αρχαιοτατον
μεν ονομα σχειν Ωκεαμην, ὁς εστιν Ἑλλενιστι ωκεανος. The former
term, Ogenus, whence the Greeks borrowed their Oceanus, was a
compound of Oc-Gehon, and Avas originally rendered Ogehonus. It
signifies the noble Gehon, and is a name taken from one of the rivers of
Paradise. The Nile was sometimes called simply Gehon, as we learn from
the author of the Chronicon Paschale. [218]Εχει δε (ἡ Αιγυπτος) ποταμον
Γηων—Νειλον καλουμενον. It was probably a name given by the
Cuthites, from whom, as will be hereafter shewn, the river Indus had the
name of Phison. [219]Ποταμοι ονομαστοι Ινδος, ὁ και Φεισων, Νειλος, ὁ
και Γηων. The two most celebrated rivers are the Indus, the same as the
Phison, and the Nile, which is called the Gehon. The river, also, of Colchis,
rendered Phasis, and Phasin, was, properly, the Phison. The Nile, being of
old styled Oc-Gehon, and having many branches, or arms, gave rise to the
fable of the sea monster Ægeon, whom Ovid represents as supporting
himself upon the whales of the ocean.

[220]Balænarumque prementem

Ægæona suis immania terga lacertis.

The Scholiast upon Lycophron informs us farther, that the river had three
names; and imagines that upon this account it was called Triton. [221]Τριτων ὁ
Νειλος, ὁτι τρις μετωνομασθη· προτερον γαρ Ωκεανος αν εκαλειτο,
δευτερον Αετος·—το δε Νειλος νεον εστι. I shall not at present controvert
his etymology. Let it suffice, that we are assured, both by this author and by
others, that the Nile was called Oceanus: and what is alluded to by Pherecydes
is certainly a large map or chart. The robe of which he speaks was indeed a
Pharos, Φαρος; but a Pharus of a different nature from that which he
describes. It was a building, a temple, which was not constructed by the Deity,
but dedicated to him. It was one of those towers of which I have before treated;
in which were described upon the walls, and otherwise delineated, Ωγηνος και
Ωγηνου δωματα, the course of the Gehon, or Nile; and the towns and houses
upon that river.
I imagine that the shield of Achilles, in Homer, was copied from something of
this sort which the poet had seen in Egypt: for Homer is continually alluding to
the customs, as well as to the history, of that kingdom. And, it is evident, that
what he describes on the central part of the shield, is a map of the earth, and of
the celestial appearances.
[222]Εν μεν Γαιαν ετευξ', εν δ' Ουρανον, εν δε θαλασσαν.

Εν δ' ετιθει ΠΟΤΑΜΟΙΟ μεγα σθενος ΩΚΕΑΝΟΙΟ.

The antients loved to wrap up every thing in mystery and fable: they have
therefore described Hercules, also, with a robe of this sort:
[223]Ποικιλον ἑιμα φερων, τυπον Αιθερος, εικονα Κοσμου:

He was invested with a robe, which was a type of the heavens, and a
representation of the whole world.
The garment of Thetis, which the poets mention as given her upon her
supposed marriage with Peleus, was a Pharos of the same kind as that
described above. We may learn, from Catullus, who copied the story, that the
whole alluded to an historical picture preserved in some tower; and that it

referred to matters of great antiquity, though applied by the Greeks to later
times, and ascribed to people of their own nation.
[224]Pulvinar vero Divæ geniale locatur

Sedibus in mediis; Indo quod dente politum
Tincta tegit roseo conchylis purpura fuco.
Hæc vestis priscis hominum variata figuris
Heroum mirâ virtutes indicat arte.

It contained a description of some notable achievements in the first ages; and a
particular account of the Apotheosis of Ariadne, who is described, whatever
may be the meaning of it, as carried by Bacchus to heaven. The story is said to
have been painted on a robe, or coverlet; because it was delineated upon a
Pharos: that word being equivocal, and to be taken in either sense. And here I
cannot but take notice of the inconsistency of the Greeks, who make Theseus a
partaker in this history; and suppose him to have been acquainted with
Ariadne. If we may credit Plutarch[225], Theseus, as soon as he was advanced
towards manhood, went, by the advice of his mother Æthra, from Trœzen, in
quest of his father Ægeus at Athens. This was some years after the Argonautic
expedition; when Medea had left Jason, and put herself under the protection of
this same Ægeus. After having been acknowledged by his father, Theseus went
upon his expedition to Crete; where he is said to have first seen Ariadne, and to
have carried her away. All this, I say, was done after Jason had married Medea,
and had children by her; and after she had left him and was come to Athens.
But the story of Ariadne, in the above specimen, is mentioned as a fact of far
older date. It was prior to the arrival of Medea in Greece, and even to the
Argonautic expedition. It is spoken of as a circumstance of the highest
antiquity: consequently, [226]Theseus could not any ways be concerned in it.
There, is an account in Nonnus of a robe, or Pharos, which Harmonia is
supposed to have worn when she was visited by the Goddess of beauty. There
was delineated here, as in some above mentioned, the earth, and the heavens,
with all the stars. The sea, too, and the rivers, were represented; and the whole
was, at the bottom, surrounded by the ocean.
[227]Πρωτην Γαιαν επασσε μεσομφαλον, αμφι δε γαιῃ

Ουρανον εσφαιρωσε τυπῳ κεχαραγμενον αστρων.
Συμφερτην δε θαλασσαν εφηρμοσε συζυγι Γαιῃ,
Και ποταμους ποικιλλεν· επ' ανδρομεῳ δε μετωπῳ

Ταυροφυης μορφουτο κερασφορος εγχλοος εικων.
Και πυματην παρα πεζαν εϋκλωστοιο χιτωνος
Ωκεανος κυκλωσε περιδρομον αντυγα Κοσμου.

All this relates to a painting, either at Sidon or Berytus; which was delineated
in a tower, or temple, sacred to Hermon.
Orpheus alludes to a Pharos of this sort, and to the paintings and furniture of it,
in his description of the robes with which Apollo, or Dionusus, is invested. He
speaks of them as the same Deity.
[228]Ταυτα δε παντα τελειν ἱερᾳ σκευῃ πυκασαντα,

Σωμα θεου πλαττειν περιαυγους Ηελιοιο.
Πρωτα μεν αργυφεαις εναλιγκιον ακτινεσσι
Πεπλον φοινικεον, πυρι εικελον, αμφιβαλεσθαι.
Αυταρ ὑπερθε νεβροιο παναιολου ἑυρυ καθαψαι
Δερμα πολυστικτον θηρος κατα δεξιον ωμον,
Αστρων δαιδαλεων μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο.
Ειτα δ' ὑπερθε νεβρης χρυσεον ζωστηρα βαλεσθαι,
Παμφανοωντα, περιξ στερνων φορεειν, μεγα σημα.
Ευθυς, ὁτ' εκ περατων γαιης Φαεθων ανορουσων
Χρυσειαις ακτισι βαλῃ ῥοον Ωκεανοιο,
Αυγη δ' ασπετος ῃ, ανα δε δροσῳ αμφιμιγεισα,
Μαρμαιρῃ δινῃσιν ἑλισσομενη κατα κυκλον
Προσθε θεου, ζωνε δ' αρ' ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων
Φαινετ' αρ' ωκεανου κυκλος, μεγα θαυμ' εσιδεσθαι.

When the poet has thus adorned the Deity, we find, towards the conclusion,
that these imaginary robes never shew to such advantage as in the morning.
When the sun, says he, rises from the extremities of the earth, and enlightens
the ocean with his horizontal rays; then they appear in great splendour, which
is increased by the morning dew. All this investiture of the Deity relates to the
earth and the heavens, which were delineated upon a [229]skin, δερμα
πολυστικτον θηρος, styled πεπλον. This is described, Αστρων δαιδαλεων
μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο: as a copy and imitation of all the celestial
appearances. The whole was deposited in a Pharos upon the sea shore, upon
which the sun, at his rising, darted his early rays; and whose turrets glittered
with the dew: Ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων φαινετ' αρ' ωκεανου κυκλος:
from the upper story of the tower, which was of an unmeasurable height, there

was an unlimited view of the ocean. This vast element surrounded the edifice
like a zone; and afforded a wonderful phænomenon. Such, I imagine, is the
solution of the enigma.

TAR, TOR, TARIT.
I have taken notice of the fears and apprehensions, under which the first
navigators must necessarily have been, when they traversed unknown seas;
and were liable to be entangled among the rocks, and shelves of the deep: and I
mentioned the expedients of which they made use to obviate such difficulties,
and to render the coast less dangerous. They built upon every hill, and
promontory, where they had either commerce or settlement, obelisks, and
towers, which they consecrated to some Deity. These served in a twofold
capacity, both as seamarks by day, and for beacons by night. And as people in
those times made only coasting voyages, they continually went on shore with
offerings, in order to gain the assistance of the God, whoever there presided;
for these towers were temples, and oftentimes richly furnished and endowed.
They were built sometimes on artificial mounds; but generally on natural
eminences, that they might be seen at a great distance. They were called by the
Amonians, who first erected them, [230]Tar, and Tor; the same as the ‫ תור‬of the
Chaldees, which signified both a hill and tower. They were oftentimes
compounded, and styled Tor-Is, or fire towers: on account of the light which
they exhibited, and the fires which were preserved in them. Hence came the
turris of the Romans; and the τυρις, τυῤῥις, τυρσις, τυρσος, of the Greeks.
The latter, when the word Tor occurred in antient history, often changed it to
ταυρος, a bull; and invented a number of idle stories in consequence of this
change. The Ophite God Osiris, the same as Apollo, was by the Amonians
styled Oph-El, and Ope-El: and there was upon the Sinus Persicus a city Opis,
where his rites were observed. There seems likewise to have been a temple
sacred to him, named Tor-Opel; which the Greeks rendered Ταυροπολος.
Strabo speaks of such an oracular temple; and says, that it was in the island
Icaria, towards the mouth of the Tigris: [231]Νησον Ικαριον, και ἱερον
Απολλωνος ἁγιον εν αυτῃ, και μαντειον Ταυροπολου. Here, instead of
Osiris, or Mithras, the serpent Deity, the author presents us with Apollo, the
manager of bulls.
One of the principal and most antient settlements of the Amonians upon the
ocean was at Gades; where a prince was supposed to have reigned, named
Geryon. The harbour at Gades was a very fine one; and had several Tor, or
Towers to direct shipping: and as it was usual to imagine the Deity, to whom

the temple was erected, to have been the builder, this temple was said to have
been built by Hercules. All this the Grecians took to themselves: they
attributed the whole to the hero of Thebes: and as he was supposed to conquer
wherever he came, they made him subdue Geryon; and changing the Tor, or
Towers, into so many head of cattle, they [232]describe him as leading them off
in triumph over the Pyranees and Alpes, to Hetruria, and so on to Calabria.
From thence, for what reason we know not, he swims them over to Messana in
Sicily: and after some stay he swims with them through the sea back again, all
the while holding by one of their horns. The bulls of Colchis, with which Jason
was supposed to have engaged, were probably of the same nature and original.
The people of this country were Amonians, and had once a [233]mighty trade;
for the security of which they erected at the entrance of the Phasis towers.
These served both as light-houses, and temples; and were sacred to Adorus.
They were on this account called Tynador, whence the Greeks formed
Tyndarus, Tyndaris, and Tyndaridæ. They were built after some, which stood
near the city [234]Parætonium of Egypt; and they are alluded to by the
geographer Dionysius:
[235]Παρ δε μυχον Ποντοιο, μετα χθονα Τυνδαριδαων,

Κολχοι ναιεταουσιν επηλυδες Αιγυπτοιο.

Colchis was styled Cutaia, and had been early occupied by the sons of Chus.
The chief city, whence the country has been in general denominated, was from
its situation called Cal-Chus, and Col-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus. This by
the Greeks was rendered Colchis: but as travellers are not uniform in
expressing foreign terms, some have rendered what was Colchian, Chalcian,
and from Colchus they have formed Χαλκος, brass. The Chalcian towers being
moreover interpreted ταυροι, bulls, a story took its rise about the brazen bulls
of Colchis. Besides this, there was in these towers a constant fire kept up for
the direction of ships by night: whence the bulls were said to breath fire.
We however sometimes meet with sacred towers, which were really
denominated Tauri from the worship of the mystic bull, the same as the Apis,
and Mneuis of Egypt. Such was probably the temple of Minotaurus in Crete,
where the [236]Deity was represented under an emblematical figure; which
consisted of the body of a man with the head of a bull. In Sicily was a
promontory Taurus, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus; which was called also
Tauromenium. He acquaints us, that Hanno the Carthaginian sent his Admiral
with orders παραπλειν επι τον λοφον καλουμενον Ταυρον, to sail along

the coast to the promontory named Taurus. This Taurus, he thinks, was
afterwards named Ταυρομενιον, Tauromenium, from the people who settled,
and [237]remained there: as if this were the only place in the world where
people settled and remained. It was an antient compound, and no part of it of
Grecian [238]original. Tauromenium is the same as Menotaurium reversed: and
the figure of the Deity was varied exactly in the same manner; as is apparent
from the coins and engravings which have been found in Sicily. The Minotaur
is figured as a man with the head of a bull; the Tauromen as a bull with the
face of a [239]man.

Among the [240]Hetrurians this term seems to have been taken in a more
enlarged sense; and to have signified a city, or town fortified. When they
settled in Italy, they founded many places of strength; and are reputed to have
been the first who introduced the art of fortification. [241]Τυρσηνοι πρωτον
εφευρον την τειχοποιϊαν. Hence the word Tar, and Tur, is often found in the
composition of names, which relate to people of this country. They worshipped
the Sun, styled Zan, and Zeen; whose temples were called Tur-Zeen: and in
consequence of it one of the principal names by which their country was
distinguished, was Turzenia. The Scholiast upon Lycophron mentions it as
[242]Χωραν απο Τυρσηνου κληθεισαν Τυρσηνιαν, a region, which from

Tur-Seen was named Tursenia. The Poet above takes notice of two persons by
the names of Tarchon, and Turseen. [243]Ταρχων τε, και Τυρσηνος, αιθωνες
λυκοι. From Tarchon there was a city and district named [244]Tarcunia; from
whence came the family of the Tarquins, or Tarquinii, so well known in the
history of [245]Rome. The Amonians esteemed every emanation of light a
fountain; and styled it Ain, and Aines: and as they built lighthouses upon every
island and insular promontory, they were in consequence of it called Aines,
Agnes, Inis, Inesos, Nesos, Nees: and this will be found to obtain in many
different countries and languages. The Hetrurians occupied a large tract of sea-
coast; on which account they worshipped Poseidon: and one of their principal
cities was Poseidonium. They erected upon their shores towers and beacons for
the sake of their navigation, which they called Tor-ain: whence they had a still
farther denomination of Tur-aini, and their country was named Tur-ainia; the
Τυῤῥηνια of the later Greeks. All these appellations are from the same object,
the edifices which they erected: even Hetruria seems to have been a compound
of Ai-tur; and to have signified the land of Towers. Another name for buildings
of this nature was Turit, or Tirit; which signified a tower or turret. I have often
mentioned that temples have been mistaken for Deities, and places for persons.

We have had an instance of this above; where Tarchon, and Tursenus are
supposed to have been founders of colonies. Torone was a place in Macedonia;
and signifies literally the Tower of the Sun. The Poets have formed out of it a
female personage; and supposed her to have been the wife of [246]Proteus. So
Amphi-Tirit is merely an oracular tower. This too has by the Poets been
changed to a female, Amphitrite; and made the wife of Neptune. The name of
Triton is a contraction of Tirit-On; and signifies the tower of the Sun, like
Torone: but a Deity was framed from it, who was supposed to have had the
appearance of a man upwards, but downwards to have been like a fish. From
this emblematical representation we may judge of the figure of the real Deity;
and be assured that it could be no other than that of Atargatis and Dagon. The
[247]
Hetrurians were thought to have been the inventors of trumpets: and in
their towers upon the sea-coast there were people appointed to be continually
upon the watch both by day and night; and to give a proper signal, if any thing
happened extraordinary. This was done by a blast from the trumpet; and Triton
was hence feigned to have been Neptune's trumpeter. He is accordingly
described by Nonnus,
[248]Τυρσηνης Βαρυδουπον εχων σαλπιγγα θαλασσης·

as possessing the deep toned trumpet of the Hetrurian main. However in early
times these brazen instruments were but little known: and people were obliged
to make use of what was near at hand, the conchs of the sea, which every
strand afforded. By sounding these, they gave signals from the top of the
towers when any ship appeared: and this is the implement with which Triton is
more commonly furnished. The antients divided the night into different
watches; the last of which was called cockcrow: and in consequence of this
they kept a cock in their Tirat, or Towers, to give notice of the dawn. Hence
this bird was sacred to the Sun, and named Alector, Αλεκτωρ: which seems to
be a compound out of the titles of that Deity, and of the tower set apart for his
service: for all these towers were temples. Those styled Tritonian were
oracular; as we may infer from the application made by the Argonauts. What
Homer attributes to Proteus, Pindar ascribes to Triton. [249]Μαντευεται δε ὡς
παρ' Ομηρῳ Πρωτευς, και παρα Πινδαρῳ Τριτων τοις Αργοναυταις.
Pausanias mentions a tradition of a [250]Triton near Tanagra, who used to
molest women, when they were bathing in the sea; and who was guilty of other
acts of violence. He was at last found upon the beach overpowered with wine;
and there slain. This Triton was properly a Tritonian, a priest of one of these

temples: for the priests appear to have been great tyrants, and oftentimes very
brutal. This person had used the natives ill; who took advantage of him, when
overpowered with liquor, and put him to death.
The term Tor, in different parts of the world, occurs sometimes a little varied.
Whether this happened through mistake, or was introduced for facility of
utterance, is uncertain. The temple of the Sun, Tor Heres, in Phenicia was
rendered Τριηρης, Trieres; the promontory Tor-Ope-On, in Caria, Triopon;
Tor-Hamath, in Cyprus, Trimathus; Tor-Hanes, in India, Trinesia; Tor-Chom,
or Chomus, in Palestine, Tricomis. In antient times the title of Anac was often
conferred upon the Deities; and their temples were styled Tor-Anac, and Anac-
Tor. The city Miletus was named [251]Anactoria: and there was an Heroüm at
Sparta called Ανακτορον, Anactoron; where Castor and Pollux had particular
honours, who were peculiarly styled Anactes. It was from Tor-Anac that Sicily
was denominated Trinacis and Trinacia. This, in process of time, was still
farther changed to Trinacria; which name was supposed to refer to the
triangular form of the island. But herein was a great mistake; for, the more
antient name was Trinacia, as is manifest from Homer:
[252]
Ὁπποτε δη πρωτον πελασῃς ευεργεα νηα
Τρινακιῃ νησῳ.

And the name, originally, did not relate to the island in general, but to a part
only, and that a small district near Ætna. This spot had been occupied by the
first inhabitants, the Cyclopians, Lestrygons, and Sicani: and it had this name
from some sacred tower which they built. Callimachus calls it, mistakenly,
Trinacria, but says that it was near Ætna, and a portion of the antient Sicani.
[253]Αυε δ' αρ' Αιτνα,

Αυε δε Τρινακριη Σικανων ἑδος.

The island Rhodes was called [254]Trinacia, which was not triangular: so that
the name had certainly suffered a variation, and had no relation to any figure.
The city Trachin, Τραχιν, in Greece, was properly Tor-chun, turris sacra vel
regia, like Tarchon in Hetruria. Chun and Chon were titles, said peculiarly to
belong to Hercules: [255]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα τον Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον
Κωνα λεγεσθαι. We accordingly find that this place was sacred to Hercules;
that it was supposed to have been [256]founded by him; and that it was called
[257]Heraclea.

I imagine that the trident of Poseidon was a mistaken implement; as it does not
appear to have any relation to the Deity to whom it has been by the Poets
appropriated. Both the towers on the sea-coast, and the beacons, which stood
above them, had the name of Tor-ain. This the Grecians changed to Triaina,
Τριαινα, and supposed it to have been a three-pronged fork. The beacon, or
Torain, consisted of an iron or brazen frame, wherein were three or four tines,
which stood up upon a circular basis of the same metal. They were bound with
a hoop; and had either the figures of Dolphins, or else foliage in the intervals
between them. These filled up the vacant space between the tines, and made
them capable of holding the combustible matter with which they were at night
filled. This instrument was put upon a high pole, and hung sloping sea-ward
over the battlements of the tower, or from the stern of a ship: with this they
could maintain, either a smoke by day, or a blaze by night. There was a place
in Argos named [258]Triaina, which was supposed to have been so called from
the trident of Neptune. It was undoubtedly a tower, and the true name Tor-ain;
as may be shewn from the history with which it is attended. For it stood near a
fountain, though a fountain of a different nature from that of which we have
been speaking. The waters of Amumone rose here: which Amumone is a
variation from Amim-On, the waters of the Sun. The stream rose close to the
place, which was named Tor-ain, from its vicinity to the fountain.

A The ancient Tower at Torone
B Tower of Cronus in Sicily

Ancient Triainæ

Cerberus was the name of a place, as well as Triton and Torone, though
esteemed the dog of hell. We are told by [259]Eusebius, from Plutarch, that
Cerberus was the Sun: but the term properly signified the temple, or place, of
the Sun. The great luminary was styled by the Amonians both Or and Abor;
that is, light, and the parent of light: and Cerberus is properly Kir-Abor, the
place of that Deity. The same temple had different names, from the diversity of
the God's titles who was there worshipped. It was called TorCaph-El; which
was changed to τρικεφαλος, just as Cahen-Caph-El was rendered
κυνοκεφαλος: and Cerberus was hence supposed to have had three heads. It
was also styled Tor-Keren, Turris Regia; which suffered a like change with the
word above, being expressed τρικαρηνος: and Cahen Ades, or Cerberus, was
hence supposed to have been a triple-headed monster. That these idle figments
took their rise from names of places, ill expressed and misinterpreted, may be
proved from Palæphatus. He abundantly shews that the mistake arose hence,
though he does not point out precisely the mode of deviation. He first speaks
of Geryon, who was supposed to have had three heads, and was thence styled

τρικεφαλος. [260]Ην δε τοιονδε τουτο· πολις εστιν εν τῳ Ευξινῳ ποντῳ
Τρικαρηνια καλουμενη κλ. The purport of the fable about Geryones is this:
There was, upon the Pontus Euxinus, a city named Tricarenia; and thence
came the history Γηρυονου του Τρικαρηνου, of Geryon the Tricarenian;
which was interpreted, a man with three heads. He mentions the same thing of
Cerberus. [261]Λεγουσι περι Κερβερου, ὡς κυων ην, εχων τρεις κεφαλας·
δηλον δε ὁτι και ὁυτος απο της πολεως εκληθη Τρικαρηνος, ὡσπερ ὁ
Γηρυονης. They say of Cerberus, that he was a dog with three heads: but it is
plain that he was so called from a city named Tricaren, or Tricarenia, as well
as Geryones. Palæphatus says, very truly, that the strange notion arose from a
place. But, to state more precisely the grounds of the mistake, we must
observe, that from the antient Tor-Caph-El arose the blunder about
τρικεφαλος; as, from Tor-Keren, rendered Tricarenia, was formed the term
τρικαρηνος: and these personages, in consequence of it, were described with
three heads.
As I often quote from Palæphatus, it may be proper to say something
concerning him. He wrote early: and seems to have been a serious and sensible
person; one, who saw the absurdity of the fables, upon which the theology of
his country was founded. In the purport of his name is signified an antiquarian;
a person, who dealt in remote researches: and there is no impossibility, but that
there might have casually arisen this correspondence between his name and
writings. But, I think, it is hardly probable. As he wrote against the mythology
of his country, I should imagine that Παλαιφατος, Palæphatus, was an
assumed name, which he took for a blind, in order to screen himself from
persecution: for the nature of his writings made him liable to much ill will.
One little treatise of [262]Palæphatus about Orion is quoted verbatim by the
Scholiast upon [263]Homer, who speaks of it as a quotation from Euphorion. I
should therefore think, that Euphorion was the name of this writer: but as there
were many learned men so called, it may be difficult to determine which was
the author of this treatise.
Homer, who has constructed the noblest poem that was ever framed, from the
strangest materials, abounds with allegory and mysterious description. He
often introduces ideal personages, his notions of which he borrowed from the
edifices, hills, and fountains; and from whatever savoured of wonder and
antiquity. He seems sometimes to blend together two different characters of the
same thing, a borrowed one, and a real; so as to make the true history, if there
should be any truth at bottom, the more extraordinary and entertaining.

I cannot help thinking, that Otus and Ephiâltes, those gigantic youths, so
celebrated by the Poets, were two lofty towers. They were building to Alohim,
called [264]Aloëus; but were probably overthrown by an earthquake. They are
spoken of by Pindar as the sons of Iphimedeia; and are supposed to have been
slain by Apollo in the island Naxos.
[265]
Εν δε Ναξῳ
Φαντι θανειν λιπαρᾳ Ιφιμεδειας παιδας
Ωτον, και σε, τολμαεις Εφιαλτα αναξ.

They are also mentioned by Homer, who styles them γηγενεις, or earthborn:
and his description is equally fine.
[266]Και ῥ' ετεκεν δυο παιδε, μινυνθαδιω δε γενεσθην,

Ωτον τ' αντιθεον, τηλεκλειτον τ' Εφιαλτην·
Ὁυς δη μηκιστους θρεψε ζειδωρος αρουρα,
Και πολυ καλλιστους μετα γε κλυτον Ωριωνα.
Εννεωροι γαρ τοι γε, και εννεαπηχεες ησαν
Ευρος, αταρ μηκος γε γενεσθην εννεοργυιοι.

Homer includes Orion in this description, whom he mentions elsewhere; and
seems to borrow his ideas from a similar object, some tower, or temple, that
was sacred to him. Orion was Nimrod, the great hunter in the Scriptures, called
by the Greeks Nebrod. He was the founder of Babel, or Babylon; and is
represented as a gigantic personage. The author of the Paschal Chronicle
speaks of him in this light. [267]Νεβρωδ Γιγαντα, τον την Βαβυλωνιαν
κτισαντα—ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. He is called Alorus by Abydenus, and
Apollodorus; which was often rendered with the Amonian prefix Pelorus.
Homer describes him as a great hunter; and of an enormous stature, even
superior to the Aloeidæ above mentioned.
[268]
Τον δε μετ' Ωριωνα Πελωριον εισενοησα,
Θηρας ὁμου ειλευντα κατ' ασφοδελον λειμωνα.

The Poet styles him Pelorian; which betokens something vast, and is
applicable to any towering personage, but particularly to Orion. For the term
Pelorus is the name by which the towers of Orion were called. Of these there
seems to have been one in Delos; and another of more note, to which Homer
probably alluded, in Sicily; where Orion was particularly reverenced. The

streight of Rhegium was a dangerous pass: and this edifice was erected for the
security of those who were obliged to go through it. It stood near Zancle; and
was called [269]Pelorus, because it was sacred to Alorus, the same as [270]Orion.
There was likewise a river named from him, and rendered by Lycophron
[271]
Elorus. The tower is mentioned by Strabo; but more particularly by
Diodorus Siculus. He informs us that, according to the tradition of the place,
Orion there resided; and that, among other works, he raised this very mound
and promontory, called Pelorus and Pelorias, together with the temple, which
was situated upon it. [272]Ωριωνα προσχωσαι το κατα την Πελωριαδα
κειμενον ακρωτηριον, και το τεμενος του Ποσειδωνος κατασκευασαι,
τιμωμενον ὑπο των εγχωριων διαφεροντως. We find from hence that there
was a tower of this sort, which belonged to Orion: and that the word Pelorion
was a term borrowed from these edifices, and made use of metaphorically, to
denote any thing stupendous and large. The description in Homer is of a mixed
nature: wherein he retains the antient tradition of a gigantic person; but
borrows his ideas from the towers sacred to him. I have taken notice before,
that all temples of old were supposed to be oracular; and by the Amonians
were called Pator and Patara. This temple of Orion was undoubtedly a Pator; to
which mariners resorted to know the event of their voyage, and to make their
offerings to the God. It was on this account styled Tor Pator; which being by
the Greeks expressed τριπατωρ, tripator, gave rise to the notion, that this
earthborn giant had three fathers.
[273]Ωριων τριπατωρ απο μητερος ανθορε γαιης.

These towers, near the sea, were made use of to form a judgment of the
weather, and to observe the heavens: and those which belonged to cities were
generally in the Acropolis, or higher part of the place. This, by the Amonians,
was named Bosrah; and the citadel of Carthage, as well as of other cities, is
known to have been so denominated. But the Greeks, by an unavoidable
fatality, rendered it uniformly [274]βυρσα, bursa, a skin: and when some of
them succeeded to Zancle [275]in Sicily, finding that Orion had some reference
to Ouran, or Ouranus, and from the name of the temple (τριπατωρ) judging
that he must have had three fathers, they immediately went to work, in order to
reconcile these different ideas. They accordingly changed Ouran to ουρειν;
and, thinking the misconstrued hide, βυρσα, no improper utensil for their
purpose, they made these three fathers co-operate in a most wonderful manner
for the production of this imaginary person; inventing the most slovenly

legend that ever was devised. [276]Τρεις (θεοι) του σφαγεντος βοος βυρσῃ
ενουρησαν, και εξ αυτης Ωριων εγενετο. Tres Dei in bovis mactati pelle
minxerunt, et inde natus est Orion.

TIT and TITH.
When towers were situated upon eminences fashioned very round, they were
by the Amonians called Tith; which answers to ‫ תד‬in Hebrew, and to [277]τιτθη,
and τιτθος, in Greek. They were so denominated from their resemblance to a
woman's breast; and were particularly sacred to Orus and Osiris, the Deities of
light, who by the Grecians were represented under the title of Apollo. Hence
the summit of Parnassus was [278]named Tithorea, from Tith-Or: and hard by
was a city, mentioned by Pausanias, of the same name; which was alike sacred
to Orus and Apollo. The same author takes notice of a hill, near Epidaurus,
called [279]Τιτθειον ορος Απολλωνος. There was a summit of the like nature
at Samos, which, is by Callimachus styled the breast of Parthenia:
[280]Διαβροχον ὑδατι μαστον Παρθενιης. Mounds of this nature are often,

by Pausanias and Strabo, termed, from their resemblance, [281]μαστοειδεις.
Tithonus, whose longevity is so much celebrated, was nothing more than one
of these structures, a Pharos, sacred to the sun, as the name plainly shews.
Tith-On is μαστος ἑλιου, the mount of the [282]Sun. As he supplied the place
of that luminary, he is said to have been beloved by Aurora, and through her
favour to have lived many ages. This, indeed, is the reverse of that which is
fabled of the [283]Cyclopes, whose history equally relates to edifices. They are
said to have raised the jealousy of Apollo, and to have been slain by his
arrows: yet it will be found at bottom of the same purport. The Cyclopian
turrets upon the Sicilian shore fronted due east: and their lights must
necessarily have been extinguished by the rays of the rising Sun. This, I
imagine, is the meaning of Apollo's slaying the Cyclopes with his arrows.
Tethys, the antient Goddess of the sea, was nothing else but an old tower upon
a mount; of the same shape, and erected for the same purposes, as those above.
On this account it was called Tith-Is, μαστος πυρος. Thetis seems to have
been a transposition of the same name, and was probably a Pharos, or Fire-
tower, near the sea.
These mounts, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, were not only in Greece; but in Egypt,
Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by art; being
composed of earth, raised very high; which was sloped gradually, and with
great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. The situation

of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of great safety: and the
reverence in which they were held added to the security. On these accounts
they were the repositories of much wealth and treasure: in times of peril they
were crowded with things of value. In Assyria was a temple named Azara;
which the Parthian plundered, and is said to have carried off ten thousand
talents: [284]Χαι ηρε παλαντων μυριων γαζαν. The same author mentions
two towers of this sort in Judea, not far from Jericho, belonging to Aristobulus
and Alexander, and styled [285]Γαζοφυλακια των Τυραννων: which were
taken by Pompeius Magnus in his war with the Jews. There were often two of
these mounds of equal height in the same inclosure; such as are described by
Josephus at Machærus, near some warm fountains. He mentions here a cavern
and a rock; [286]σπηλαιον—τῃ πετρᾳ προυχουσῃ σκεπομενον· ταυτης
ανωθεν ὡσανει μαστοι δυο ανεχουσιν, αλληλων ολιγῳ διεστωτες: and
above it two round hills like breasts, at no great distance from each other. To
such as these Solomon alludes, when he makes his beloved say, [287]I am a
wall, and my breasts like towers. Though the word ‫חומה‬, Chumah, or Comah,
be generally rendered a wall; yet I should think that in this place it signified
the ground which the wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to Cham, the Sun,
who was particularly worshipped in such places. The Mizraïm called these
hills Typhon, and the cities where they were erected, Typhonian. But as they
stood within inclosures sacred to Chom, they were also styled Choma. This, I
imagine, was the meaning of the term in this place, and in some others; where
the text alludes to a different nation, and to a foreign mode of worship. In these
temples the Sun was principally adored, and the rites of fire celebrated: and
this seems to have been the reason why the judgment denounced against them
is uniformly, that they shall be destroyed by fire. If we suppose Comah to
mean a mere wall, I do not see why fire should be so particularly destined
against a part, which is the least combustible. The Deity says, [288]I will kindle
a fire in the wall of Damascus. [289]I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza. [290]I
will send a fire on the wall of Tyrus. [291]I will kindle a [292]fire in the wall of
Rabbah. As the crime which brought down this curse was idolatry, and the
term used in all these instances is Chomah; I should think that it related to a
temple of Chom, and his high places, called by the Greeks λοφοι μαστοειδεις:
and to these the spouse of Solomon certainly alludes, when she Says, εγω
τειχος, και ὁι μαστοι μου ὡς πυργοι. This will appear from another passage
in Solomon, where he makes his beloved say, [293]We have a little sister, and
she hath no breasts. If she be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of
silver. A palace cannot be supposed to be built upon a wall; though it may be

inclosed with one. The place for building was a Comah, or eminence. It is said
of Jotham, king of Judah, that [294]on the wall of Ophel he built much. Ophel is
literally Pytho Sol, the Ophite Deity of Egypt and Canaan. What is here termed
a wall, was a Comah, or high place, which had been of old erected to the sun
by the Jebusites. This Jotham fortified, and turned it to advantage; whereas
before it was not used, or used for a bad purpose. The ground set apart for such
use was generally oval; and towards one extremity of the long diameter, as it
were in the focus, were these mounds and towers erected. As they were
generally royal edifices, and at the same time held sacred; they were termed
Tarchon, like Tarchonium in Hetruria: which by a corruption was in later times
rendered Trachon, Τραχων. There were two hills of this denomination near
Damascus; from whence undoubtedly the Regio Trachonitis received its name:
[295]
ὑπερκεινται δε αυτης (Δαμασκου) δυο λεγομενοι Τραχωνες. These
were hills with towers, and must have been very fair to see to. Solomon takes
notice of a hill of this sort upon [296]Lebanon, looking toward Damascus;
which he speaks of as a beautiful structure. The term Trachon seems to have
been still farther sophisticated by the Greeks, and expressed Δρακων, Dracon:
from whence in, great measure arose the notion of treasures being guarded by
[297]Dragons. We read of the gardens of the Hesperides being under the

protection of a sleepless serpent: and the golden fleece at Colchis was
entrusted to such another guardian; of which there is a fine description in
Apollonius.
[298]
Πυργους εισοψεσθε Κυταεος Αιηταο,
Αλσος τε σκιοεν Αρεος, τοθι κωας επ' ακρης
Πεπταμενον φηγοιο Δρακων, τερας αινον ιδεσθαι,
Αμφις οπιπτευει δεδοκημενος· ουδε ὁι ημαρ,
Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε.

Nonnus often introduces a dragon as a protector of virginity; watching while
the damsel slumbered, but sleepless itself: [299]Ὑπναλεης αγρυπνον
οπιπτευτηρα κορειης: and in another place he mentions [300]Φρουρον εχεις
απελεθρον Οφιν. Such an one guarded the nymph Chalcomeda,
[301]
Παρθενικης αγαμοιο βοηθοος. The Goddess Proserpine had two
[302]dragons to protect her, by the appointment of her mother Demeter.

Such are the poetical representations: but the history at bottom relates to sacred
towers, dedicated to the symbolical worship of the serpent; where there was a

perpetual watch, and a light ever burning. The Titans, Τιτανες, were properly
Titanians; a people so denominated from their worship, and from the places
where it was celebrated. They are, like Orion and the Cyclopians, represented
as gigantic persons: and they were of the same race, the children of Anak. The
Titanian temples were stately edifices, erected in Chaldea, as well as in lower
Egypt, upon mounds of earth, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, and sacred to Hanes;
Τιτανις and Τιτανες are compounds of Tit-Hanes; and signify literally μαστος
ἡλιου, the conical hill of Orus. They were by their situation strong, and
probably made otherwise defensible.
In respect to the legends about dragons, I am persuaded that the antients
sometimes did wilfully misrepresent things, in order to increase the wonder.
Iphicrates related, that in Mauritania there were dragons of such extent, that
grass grew upon their backs: [303]Δρακοντας τε λεγει μεγαλους, ὡστε και
ποαν επιπεφυκεναι. What can be meant under this representation but a
Dracontium, within whose precincts they encouraged verdure? It is said of
Taxiles, a mighty prince in India, and a rival of Porus, that, upon the arrival of
Alexander the Great, he shewed him every thing that was in his country
curious, and which could win the attention of a foreigner. Among other things
he carried him to see a [304]Dragon, which was sacred to Dionusus; and itself
esteemed a God. It was of a stupendous size, being in extent equal to five
acres; and resided in a low deep place, walled round to a great height. The
Indians offered sacrifices to it: and it was daily fed by them from their flocks
and herds, which it devoured at an amazing rate. In short my author says, that
it was treated rather as a tyrant, than a benevolent Deity. Two Dragons of the
like nature are mentioned by [305]Strabo; which are said to have resided in the
mountains of Abisares, or Abiosares, in India: the one was eighty cubits in
length, the other one hundred and forty. Similar to the above is the account
given by Posidonius of a serpent, which he saw in the plains of Macra, a
region in Syria; and which he styles [306]δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα νεκρον. He
says, that it was about an acre in length; and of a thickness so remarkable, as
that two persons on horseback, when they rode on the opposite sides, could not
see one another. Each scale was as big as a, shield; and a man might ride in at
its mouth. What can this description allude to, this δρακων πεπτωκως, but
the ruins of an antient Ophite temple; which is represented in this enigmatical
manner to raise admiration? The plains of Macra were not far from Mount
Lebanon and Hermon; where the Hivites resided; and where serpent-worship
particularly prevailed. The Indian Dragon above mentioned seems to have

been of the same nature. It was probably a temple, and its environs; where a
society of priests resided, who were maintained by the public; and who
worshipped the Deity under the semblance of a serpent. Tityus must be ranked
among the monsters of this class. He is by the Poets represented as a
stupendous being, an earthborn giant:
[307]Terræ omniparentis alumnum,

—— per tota novem cui jugera corpus
Porrigitur.

By which is meant, that he was a tower, erected upon a conical mount of earth,
which stood in an inclosure of nine acres. He is said to have a vulture preying
upon his heart, or liver; immortale jecur tondens. The whole of which history
is borrowed from Homer, who mentions two vultures engaged in tormenting
him.
[308]
Και Τιτυον ειδον Γαιης ερικυδεος ὑιον,
Κειμενον εν δαπεδῳ· ὁδ' επ' εννεα κειτο πελεθρα·
Γυπε δε μιν ἑκατερθε παρημενοι ηπαρ εκειρον,
Δερτρον εσω δυνοντες, ὁδ' ουκ απαμυνετο χερσι.

The same story is told of Prometheus, who is said to have been exposed upon
Mount Caucasus, near Colchis; with this variation, that an eagle is placed over
him, preying upon his heart. These strange histories are undoubtedly taken
from the symbols and devices which were carved upon the front of the antient
Amonian temples; and especially those of Egypt. The eagle and the vulture
were the insignia of that country: whence it was called Ai-Gupt, and [309]Aetia,
from Ait and Gupt, which signified an eagle and vulture. Ait was properly a
title of the Deity, and signified heat: and the heart, the centre of vital heat, was
among the Egyptians styled [310]Ait: hence we are told by [311]Orus Apollo,
that a heart over burning coals was an emblem of Egypt. The Amonians dealt
much in hieroglyphical representations. Nonnus mentions one of this sort,
which seems to have been a curious emblem of the Sun. It was engraved upon
a jasper, and worn for a bracelet. Two serpents entwined together, with their
heads different ways, were depicted in a semicircular manner round the
extreme part of the gem. At the top between their heads was an eagle; and
beneath a sacred carriage, called Cemus.
[312]
Αιετος εν χρυσειος, ἁτε πλατυν ηερα τεμνων,

Ορθος, εχιδναιων διδυμων μεσσηγυ καρηνων,
Ὑψιφανης πτερυγων πισυρων τετραζυγι κημῳ.
Τῃ μεν ξανθος ιασπις επετρεχε.

The history of Tityus, Prometheus, and many other poetical personages, was
certainly taken from hieroglyphics misunderstood, and badly explained.
Prometheus was worshipped by the Colchians as a Deity; and had a temple and
high place, called [313]Πετρα Τυφαονια, upon Mount Caucasus: and the
device upon the portal was Egyptian, an eagle over a heart. The magnitude of
these personages was taken from the extent of the temple inclosures. The
words, per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur, relate to a garden of so
many acres. There were many such inclosures, as I have before taken notice:
some of them were beautifully planted, and ornamented with pavilions and
fountains, and called Paradisi. One of this sort stood in Syria upon the river
[314]
Typhon, called afterwards Orontes. Places of this nature are alluded to
under the description of the gardens of the Hesperides, and Alcinous; and the
gardens of Adonis. Such were those at Phaneas in Palestine; and those
beautiful gardens of Daphne upon the Orontes above mentioned; and in the
shady parts of Mount Libanus. Those of Daphne are described by Strabo, who
mentions, [315]Μεγα τε και συνηρεφες αλσος, διαῤῥεομενον πηγαιοις
ὑδασιν· εν μεσῳ δε Ασυλον τεμενος, και νεως Απολλωνοι και
Αρτεμιδος. There was a fine wide extended grove, which sheltered the whole
place; and which was watered with numberless fountains. In the centre of the
whole was a sanctuary and asylum, sacred to Artemis and Apollo. The Groves
of Daphne upon the mountains Heræi in Sicily, and the garden and temple at
bottom were very noble; and are finely described by [316]Diodorus.
I have taken notice that the word δρακων, draco, was a mistake for Tarchon,
Ταρχων: which was sometimes expressed Τραχων; as is observable in the
Trachones at Damascus. When the Greeks understood that in these temples
people worshipped a serpent Deity, they concluded that Trachon was a serpent:
and hence came the name of Draco to be appropriated to such an animal. For
the Draco was an imaginary being, however afterwards accepted and
understood. This is manifest from Servius, who distributes the serpentine
species into three tribes; and confines the Draco solely to temples: [317]Angues
aquarum sunt, serpentes terrarum, Dracones templorum. That the notion of
such animals took its rise from the temples of the Syrians and Egyptians, and
especially from the Trachones, Τραχωνες, at Damascus, seems highly

probable from the accounts above: and it may be rendered still more apparent
from Damasenus, a supposed hero, who took his name from the city
Damasene, or Damascus. He is represented as an earthborn giant, who
encountered two dragons: [318]Και χθονος απλετον ὑια, δρακοντοφονον
Δαμασηνα. One of the monsters, with which he fought, is described of an
enormous size, πεντηκονταπελεθρος Οφις, a serpent in extent of fifty acres:
which certainly, as I have before insinuated, must have a reference to the grove
and garden, wherein such Ophite temple stood at Damascus. For the general
measurement of all these wonderful beings by [319]jugera or acres proves that
such an estimate could not relate to any thing of solid contents; but to an
inclosure of that superficies. Of the same nature as these was the gigantic
personage, supposed, to have been seen at Gades by Cleon Magnesius. He
made, it seems, no doubt of Tityus and other such monsters having existed. For
being at Gades, he was ordered to go upon a certain expedition by Hercules:
and upon his return to the island, he saw upon the shore a huge sea-man, who
had been thunderstruck, and lay extended upon the ground: [320]τουτον
πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα επεχειν; and his dimensions were not less than
five acres. So Typhon, Caanthus, Orion, are said to have been killed by
lightning. Orpheus too, who by some is said to have been torn to pieces by the
Thracian women, by others is represented as slain by the bolt of Jupiter: and
his epitaph imports as much.
[321]Θρηϊκα χρυσολυρην τηδ' Ορφεα Μουσαι εθαψαν,

Ὁν κτανεν ὑψιμεδων Ζευς ψολοεντι βελει.

All these histories relate to sacred inclosures; and to the worship of the serpent,
and rites of fire, which were practised within them. Such an inclosure was by
the Greeks styled [322]τεμενος, and the mound or high place ταφος and
τυμβος; which had often a tower upon it, esteemed a sanctuary and asylum.
Lycophron makes Cassandra say of Diomedes, [323]ΤYΜΒΟΣ δ' αυτον
εκσωσει: the temple, to which he shall fly, shall save him. In process of time
both the word τυμβος, as well as ταφος, were no longer taken in their original
sense; but supposed uniformly to have been places of sepulture. This has
turned many temples into tombs: and the Deities, to whom they were sacred,
have been represented as there buried. There was an Orphic Dracontium at
Lesbos; where a serpent was supposed to have been going to devour the
remains of Orpheus: and this temple being of old styled Petra, it was fabled of
the serpent, that he was turned into stone.

[324] Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis arenis

Os petit, et sparsos stillanti rore capillos.
Tandem Phœbus adest: morsusque inferre parantem
Arcet; et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos
Congelat; et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.

All the poetical accounts of heroes engaging with dragons have arisen from a
misconception about these towers and temples; which those persons either
founded, or else took in war. Or, if they were Deities of whom the story is told,
these buildings were erected to their honour. But the Greeks made no
distinction. They were fond of heroism; and interpreted every antient history
according to their own prejudices: and in the most simple narrative could find
out a martial achievement. No colony could settle any where, and build an
Ophite temple, but there was supposed to have been a contention between a
hero and a dragon. Cadmus, as I have shewn, was described in conflict with
such an one near Thebes, whose teeth he sowed in the earth:
[325]
οδοντας
Αονιοιο δρακοντος, ὁν ωγυγιῃ ενι Θηβῃ
Καδμος, ὁτ' Ευρωπην διζημενος εισαφικανε,
Πεφνε.

Serpents are said to have infested [326]Cyprus, when it was occupied by its first
inhabitants: and there was a fearful dragon in the isle of [327]Salamis. The
Python of Parnassus is well known, which Apollo was supposed to have slain,
when he was very young; a story finely told by Apollonius.
[328]
Ὡς ποτε πετραιῃ ὑπο δειραδι Παρνησσοιο
Δελφυνην τοξοισι πελωριον εξεναριξε,
Κουρος εων ετι γυμνος, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως.

After all, this dragon was a serpent temple; a tumbos, τυμβος, formed of earth,
and esteemed of old oracular. To this, Hyginus bears witness. [329]Python,
Terræ filius, Draco ingens. Hic ante Apollinem ex oraculo in monte Parnasso
responsa dare solitus est. Plutarch says, that the dispute between Apollo and
the Dragon was about the privilege of the place. [330]Ὁι Δελφων θεολογοι
νομιζουσιν ενταυθα ποτε προς οφιν τῳ Θεῳ περι του χρηστηριου
μαχην γενεσθαι. Hence we may perceive, that he was in reality the Deity of

the temple; though the Greeks made an idle distinction: and he was treated
with divine honours. [331]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος θρησκευεται,
και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. It is said, moreover, that
the seventh day was appointed for a festival in the temple, and celebrated with
a Pæan to the [332]serpent.
We often read of virgins, who were exposed to dragons and sea-monsters; and
of dragons which laid waste whole provinces, till they were at length, by some
person of prowess, encountered and slain. These histories relate to women,
who were immured in towers by the sea-side; and to banditti, who got
possession of these places, whence they infested the adjacent country. The
[333]author of the Chronicon Paschale supposes, that Andromeda, whom the

poets describe as chained to a rock, and exposed to a sea-monster, was in
reality confined in a temple of Neptune, a Petra of another sort. These dragons
are represented as sleepless; because, in such places there were commonly
lamps burning, and a watch maintained. In those more particularly set apart for
religious service there was a fire, which never went out.
[334]Irrestincta focis servant altaria flammas.

The dragon of Apollonius is ever watchful.

Ουδε ὁι ημαρ,
Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε.

What the Poet styles the eyes of the Dragon, were undoubtedly windows in the
upper part of the building, through which the fire appeared. Plutarch takes
notice, that in the temple of Amon there was a [335]light continually burning.
The like was observable in other temples of the [336]Egyptians. Pausanias
mentions the lamp of Minerva [337]Polias at Athens, which never went out: the
same custom was kept up in most of the [338]Prutaneia. The Chaldeans and
Persians had sacred hearths; on which they preserved a [339]perpetual fire. In
the temple of [340]Apollo Carneus at Cyrene, the fire upon the altar was never
suffered to be extinguished. A like account is given by Said Ebn Batrick of the
sacred fire, which was preserved in the great temple at [341]Aderbain in
Armenia. The Nubian Geographer mentions a nation in India, called
[342]Caimachitæ, who had large Puratheia, and maintained a perpetual fire.

According to the Levitical law, a constant fire was to be kept up upon the altar
of God. [343]The fire shall be ever burning upon the altar: it shall never go out.
From what has preceded, we may perceive, that many personages have been
formed out of places. And I cannot help suspecting much more of antient
history, than I dare venture to acknowledge. Of the mythic age I suppose
almost every circumstance to have been imported, and adopted; or else to be a
fable. I imagine, that Chiron, so celebrated for his knowledge, was a mere
personage formed from a tower, or temple, of that name. It stood in Thessaly;
and was inhabited by a set of priests, called Centauri. They were so
denominated from the Deity they worshipped, who was represented under a
particular form. They styled him Cahen-Taur: and he was the same as the
Minotaur of Crete, and the Tauromen of Sicilia; consequently of an
emblematical and mixed figure. The people, by whom this worship was
introduced, were many of them Anakim; and are accordingly represented as of
great strength and stature. Such persons among the people of the east were
styled [344]Nephelim: which the Greeks in after times supposed to relate to
νεφελη, a cloud. In consequence of this, they described the Centaurs as born
of a cloud: and not only the Centaurs, but Ixion, and others, were reputed of
the same original. The chief city of the Nephelim stood in Thessaly, and is
mentioned by [345]Palæphatus: but through the misconception of his
countrymen it was expressed Νεφελη, Nephele, a cloud. The Grecians in
general were of this race; as will be abundantly shewn. The Scholiast upon
Lycophron mentions, that the descendants of Hellen were by a woman named
Nephele, whom Athamas was supposed to have married. [346]Αθαμας ὁ
Αιολου του Ἑλληνος παις εκ Νεφελης γεννᾳ Ἑλλην, και Φριξον. The
author has made a distinction between Helle, and Hellen; the former of which
he describes in the feminine. By Phrixus is meant Φρυξ, Phryx, who passed
the Hellespont, and settled in Asia minor. However obscured the history may
be, I think the purport of it is plainly this, that the Hellenes, and Phrygians
were of the Nephelim or Anakim race. Chiron was a temple, probably at
Nephele in Thessalia, the most antient seat of the Nephelim. His name is a
compound of Chir-On, in purport the same as Kir-On, the tower and temple of
the Sun. In places of this sort people used to study the heavenly motions: and
they were made use of for seminaries, where young people were instructed; on
which account they were styled παιδοτροφοι. Hence Achilles was supposed
to have been taught by [347]Chiron, who is reported to have had many
disciples. They are enumerated by Xenophon in his treatise upon hunting, and

amount to a large number. [348]Εγενοντο αυτῳ μαθηται κυνηγεσιων τε, και
ἑτερων καλων, Κεφαλος, Ασκληπιος, Μελανιων, Νεστωρ, Αμφιαραος,
Πηλευς, Τελαμων, Μελεαγρος, Θησευς, Ἱππολυτος, Παλαμηδης,
Οδυσσευς, Μενεσθευς, Διομηδης, Καστωρ, Πολυδευκης, Μαχαων,
Ποδαλειριος, Αντιλοχος, Αινειας, Αχιλλευς. Jason is by Pindar made to say
of himself, [349]Φαμι διδασκαλιαν Χειρωνος οισειν: and the same
circumstance is mentioned in another place; [350]Κρονιδᾳ δε τραφεν Χειρωνι
δωκαν (Ιασονα). These histories could not be true of Chiron as a person: for,
unless we suppose him to have been, as the Poets would persuade us, of a
different species from the rest of mankind, it will be found impossible for him
to have had pupils in such different ages. For not only Æsculapius, mentioned
in this list, but Apollo likewise learnt of him the medicinal arts.
[351]Ασκληπιος και Απολλων παρα Χειρωνι τῳ Κενταυρῳ ιασθαι

διδασκονται. Xenophon indeed, who was aware of this objection, says, that
the term of Chiron's life was sufficient for the performance of all that was
attributed to him: [352]Ὁ Χειρωνος βιος πασιν εξηρκει· Ζευς γαρ και
Χειρων αδελφοι: but he brings nothing in proof of what he alleges. It is
moreover incredible, were we to suppose such a being as Chiron, that he
should have had pupils from so many different [353]countries. Besides many of
them, who are mentioned, were manifestly ideal personages. For not to speak
of Cephalus and Castor, Apollo was a Deity; and Æsculapius was the [354]like:
by some indeed esteemed the son of the former; by others introduced rather as
a title, and annexed to the names of different Gods. Aristides uses it as such in
his invocation of [355]Hercules: Ιω, Παιαν, Ἡρακλες, Ασκληπιε: and he also
speaks of the temple of Jupiter Æsculapius, Διος Ασκληπιου νεως. It was
idle therefore in the Poets to suppose that these personages could have been
pupils to Chiron. Those that were instructed, whoever they may have been,
partook only of Chironian education; and were taught in the same kind of
academy: but not by one person, nor probably in the same place. For there
were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy, music, and other
sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature, where justice was
administered: whence Chiron was said to have been φιλοφρονεων, και
δικαιοτατος:
[356]Ὁν Χειρων εδιδαξε δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων.

The like character is given of him by Hermippus, of Berytus.

[357]Ὁυτος

Εις τε δικαιοσυνην θνητων γενος ηγαγε, δειξας
Ὁρκον, και θυσιας ἱλαρας, και σχηματ' Ολυμπου.

Right was probably more fairly determined in the Chironian temples, than in
others. Yet the whole was certainly attended with some instances of cruelty: for
human sacrifices are mentioned as once common, especially at Pella in
Thessaly; where, if they could get a person, who was an Achean by birth, they
used to offer him at the altars of Peleus and [358]Chiron.
There were many edifices denominated Chironian, and sacred to the Sun.
Charon was of the same purport, and etymology; and was sacred to the same
Deity. One temple of this name, and the most remarkable of any, stood
opposite to Memphis on the western side of the Nile. It was near the spot
where most people of consequence were buried. There is a tower in this
province, but at some distance from the place here spoken of, called
[359]Kiroon at this day. As Charon was a temple near the catacombs, or place of

burial; all the persons who were brought to be there deposited, had an offering
made on their account, upon being landed on this shore. Hence arose the
notion of the fee of Charon, and of the ferryman of that name. This building
stood upon the banks of a canal, which communicated with the Nile: but that
which is now called Kiroon, stands at some distance to the west, upon the lake
[360]Mœris; where only the kings of Egypt had a right of sepulture. The region

of the catacombs was called the Acheronian and [361]Acherusian plain, and
likewise the Elysian: and the stream, which ran by it, had the name of
Acheron. They are often alluded to by Homer, and other Poets, when they treat
of the region of departed souls. The Amonians conferred these names upon
other places, where they settled, in different parts of the world. They are
therefore to be met with in [362]Phrygia, [363]Epirus, [364]Hellas, [365]Apulia,
[366]Campania, and other countries. The libri [367]Acherontii in Italy, mentioned

by Arnobius, were probably transcripts from some hieroglyphical writings,
which had been preserved in the Acherontian towers of the Nile. These were
carried by Tages to Hetruria; where they were held in great veneration.
As towers of this sort were seminaries of learning, Homer from one of them
has formed the character of sage Mentor; under whose resemblance the
Goddess of wisdom was supposed to be concealed. By Mentor, I imagine, that
the Poet covertly alludes to a temple of Menes. It is said, that Homer in an

illness was cured by one [368]Mentor, the son of Αλκιμος, Alcimus. The person
probably was a Mentorian priest, who did him this kind office, if there be any
truth in the story. It was from an oracular temple styled Mentor; and Man-Tor,
that the sacred cakes had the name of Amphimantora. [369]Αμφιμαντορα,
αλφιτα μελιτι δεδευμενα.
Castor, the supposed disciple of Chiron, was in reality the same as Chiron;
being a sacred tower, a Chironian edifice, which served both for a temple and
Pharos. As these buildings for the most part stood on strands of the sea, and
promontories; Castor was esteemed in consequence of it a tutelary Deity of
that element. The name seems to be a compound of Ca-Astor, the temple or
place of Astor; who was rendered at different times Asterius, Asterion, and
Astarte. Ca-Astor was by the Greeks abbreviated to Castor; which in its
original sense I should imagine betokened a fire-tower: but the Greeks in this
instance, as well as in innumerable others, have mistaken the place and temple
for the Deity, to whom it was consecrated. The whole history of Castor and
Pollux, the two Dioscuri, is very strange and inconsistent. Sometimes they are
described as two mortals of Lacedæmon, who were guilty of violence and
rapine, and were slain for their wickedness. At other times they are represented
as the two principal Deities; and styled Dii Magni, Dii Maximi, Dii Potentes,
Cabeiri. Mention is made by Pausanias of the great regard paid to them, and
particularly by the Cephalenses. [370]Μεγαλους γαρ σφας ὁι ταυτῃ Θεους
ονομαζουσιν. The people there style them by way of eminence the Great
Gods. There are altars extant, which are inscribed [371]CASTORI ET
POLLUCI DIIS MAGNIS. In [372]Gruter is a Greek inscription to the same
purport. Γαιος Γαιου Αχαρνευς Ἱερευς γενομενος Θεων Μεγαλων
Διοσκορων Καβειρων. But though Castor was enshrined, as a God, he was
properly a Tarchon, such as I have before described; and had all the requisites
which are to be found in such buildings. They were the great repositories of
treasure; which people there entrusted, as to places of great security. The
temple of Castor vas particularly famous on this account, as we may learn
from Juvenal:
[373]Æratâ multus in arcâ

Fiscus, et ad vigilem ponendi Castora nummi.

The Deity, who was alluded to under the name of Castor, was the Sun: and he
had several temples of that denomination in Laconia, and other parts of

Greece. His rites were first introduced by people from Egypt and Canaan. This
we may infer, among other circumstances, from the title of Anac being so
particularly conferred on him and his brother Pollux: whence their temple was
styled Ανακειον in Laconia; and their festival at Athens ανακεια, anakeia. For
Anac was a Canaanitish term of honour; which the Greeks changed to αναξ
and [374]ανακτες. I have before mentioned, that in these places were preserved
the Archives of the cities and provinces in which they stood: and they were
often made use of for courts of judicature, called πρυτανεια, and prætoria;
whither the antient people of the place resorted, to determine about right and
wrong. Hence it is that Castor and Pollux, two names of the same personage,
were supposed to preside over judicial affairs. This department does but ill
agree with the general and absurd character, under which they are represented:
for what has horsemanship and boxing to do with law and equity? But these
were mistaken attributes, which arose from a misapplication of history. Within
the precincts of their temples was a parade for boxing and wrestling; and often
an Hippodromus. Hence arose these attributes, by which the Poets celebrated
these personages:
[375]
Καστορα θ' Ἱπποδαμον, και πυξ αγαθον Πολυδευκεα.

The Deity, originally referred to, was the Sun: As he was the chief Deity, he
must necessarily have been esteemed the supervisor and arbitrator of all
sublunary things:
[376]Ηελιος, ὁς παντ' εφορᾳ, και παντ' επακουει.

On this account the same province of supreme judge was conferred on his
substitute Castor, in conjunction with his brother Pollux: and they were
accordingly looked upon as the conservators of the rights of mankind. Cicero
makes a noble appeal to them in his seventh oration against Verres; and
enlarges upon the great department, of which they were presumed to be
possessed: at the same time mentioning the treasures, which were deposited in
their temples. [377]Vos omnium rerum forensium, consiliorum maximorum,
legum, judiciorumque arbitri, et testes, celeberrimo in loco PRÆTORII locati,
Castor et Pollux; quorum ex templo quæstum sibi iste (Verres) et prædam
maximam improbissime comparavit—teque, Ceres, et Libera—a quibis initia
vitæ atque victûs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla
hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Thus we find that they

are at the close joined with Ceres, and Libera; and spoken of as the civilizers
of the world: but their peculiar province was law and judicature.
Many instances to the same purpose might be produced; some few of which I
will lay before the reader. Trophonius, like Chiron and Castor, was a sacred
tower; being compounded of Tor-Oph-On, Solis Pythonis turris, rendered
Trophon, and Trophonius. It was an oracular temple, situated near a vast
cavern: and the responses were given by dreams. Tiresias, that antient prophet,
was an edifice of the same nature: and the name is a compound of Tor-Ees, and
Tor-Asis; from whence the Greeks formed the word Tiresias. He is generally
esteemed a diviner, or soothsayer, to whom people applied for advice: but it
was to the temple that they applied, and to the Deity, who was there supposed
to reside. He was, moreover, said to have lived nine ages: till he was at last
taken by the Epigoni, when he died. The truth is, there was a tower of this
name at Thebes, built by the Amonians, and sacred to the God Orus. It stood
nine ages, and was then demolished. It was afterwards repaired, and made use
of for a place of augury: and its situation was close to the temple of Amon.
[378]Θηβαιοις δε μετα του Αμμωνος το Ἱερον, οιωνοσκοπειον τε

Τειρεσιου καλουμενον. Tiresias, according to Apollodorus, was the son of
Eueres, [379]Ευηρης, or, according to the true Dorian pronunciation, Euares,
the same as the Egyptian Uc Arez, the Sun. He is by Hyginus styled
[380]Eurimi filius; and in another place Eurii filius, Pastor. Eurius, Eurimus,

Euarez, are all names of the Sun, or places sacred to him; but changed to terms
of relation by not being understood. Tiresias is additionally styled Pastor;
because all the Amonian Deities, as well as their princes, were called
Shepherds: and those, who came originally from Chaldea, were styled the
children of Ur, or Urius.
By the same analogy we may trace the true history of Terambus, the Deity of
Egypt, who was called the Shepherd Terambus. The name is a compound of
Tor-Ambus, or Tor-Ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. He is said to have been
the son of Eusires, [381]Ευσειρου του Ποσειδωνος; and to have come over,
and settled in Thessaly, near mount Othrys. According to Antonius Liberalis,
he was very rich in flocks, and a great musician, and particularly expert in all
pastoral measure. To him they attributed the invention of the pipe. The
meaning of the history is, I think, too plain, after what has preceded, to need a
comment. It is fabled of him, that he was at last turned into a bird called
Cerambis, or Cerambix. Terambus and Cerambis are both antient terms of the

same purport: the one properly expressed is Tor-Ambi; the other Cer-Ambi, the
oracular temple of the Sun.
I have taken notice that towers of this sort were the repositories of much
treasure; and they were often consecrated to the Ophite Deity, called Opis and
Oupis. It is the same which Callimachus addresses by the title of [382]Ουπι,
Ανασσ' ευωπι: and of whom Cicero speaks, and styles Upis; [383]quam Græci
Upim paterno nomine appellant. The temple was hence called Kir-Upis; which
the Grecians abridged to Γρυπες: and finding many of the Amonian temples
in the north, with the device of a winged serpent upon the frontal, they gave
this name to the hieroglyphic. Hence, I imagine, arose the notion of Γρυπες,
or Gryphons; which, like the dragons abovementioned, were supposed to be
guardians of treasure, and to never sleep. The real conservators of the wealth
were the priests. They kept up a perpetual fire, and an unextinguished light in
the night. From Kir Upis, the place of his residence, a priest was named
Grupis; and from Kir-Uph-On, Gryphon. The Poets have represented the
Grupes as animals of the serpentine kind; and supposed them to have been
found in countries of the Arimaspians, Alazonians, Hyperboreans, and other
the most northern regions, which the Amonians possessed. In some of the
temples women officiated, who were denominated from the Deity they served.
The Scholiast upon Callimachus calls the chief of them Upis; and styles her,
and her associates, Κορας [384]Ὑπερβορεους, Hyperborean young women.
The Hyperboreans, Alazonians, Arimaspians, were Scythic nations of the same
family. All the stories about Prometheus, Chimæra, Medusa, Pegasus, Hydra,
as well as of the Grupes, or Gryphons, arose, in great measure, from the sacred
devices upon the entablatures of temples.

TAPH, TUPH, TAPHOS.
There was another name current among the Amonians, by which they called
their λοφοι, or high places. This was Taph; which at times was rendered Tuph,
Toph, and Taphos. Lower Egypt being a flat, and annually overflowed, the
natives were forced to raise the soil, on which they built their principal
edifices, in order to secure them from the inundation: and many of their sacred
towers were erected upon conical mounds of earth. But there were often hills
of the same form constructed for religious purposes, upon which there was no
building. These were very common in Egypt. Hence we read of Taphanis, or
Taph-Hanes, Taph-Osiris, Taph-Osiris parva, and contra Taphias, in Antoninus;
all of this country. In other parts were Taphiousa, Tape, Taphura, Tapori,
Taphus, Taphosus, Taphitis. All these names relate to high altars, upon which
they used oftentimes to offer human sacrifices. Typhon was one of these; being
a compound of Tuph-On, which signifies the hill or altar of the Sun. Tophet,
where the Israelites made their children pass through fire to [385]Moloch, was a
mount of this form. And there seem to have been more than one of this
denomination; as we learn from the prophet Jeremiah, [386]They have built the
high places of Tophet, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their
sons and their daughters in the fire. And in another place: They have built also
the high places of Baal, to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings unto
Baal. These cruel operations were generally performed upon mounts of this
sort; which, from their conical figure, were named Tuph and Tupha. It seems to
have been a term current in many countries. The high Persian [387]bonnet had
the same name from its shape: and Bede mentions a particular kind of standard
in his time; which was made of plumes in a globular shape, and called in like
manner, [388]Tupha, vexilli genus, ex consertis plumarum globis. There was
probably a tradition, that the calf, worshipped by the Israelites in the
wilderness near Horeb, was raised upon a sacred mound, like those described
above: for Philo Judæus says, that it was exhibited after the model of an
Egyptian Tuphos: [389]Αιγυπτιακου μιμημα Τυφου. This I do not take to have
been a Grecian word; but the name of a sacred orbicular mount, analogous to
the Touphas of Persis.
The Amonians, when they settled in Greece, raised many of these Tupha, or
Tapha, in different parts. These, beside their original name, were still farther

denominated from some title of the Deity, to whose honour they were erected.
But as it was usual, in antient times, to bury persons of distinction under heaps
of earth formed in this fashion; these Tapha came to signify tombs: and almost
all the sacred mounds, raised for religious purposes, were looked upon as
monuments of deceased heroes. Hence [390]Taph-Osiris was rendered ταφος,
or the burying place of the God Osiris: and as there were many such places in
Egypt and Arabia, sacred to Osiris and Dionusus; they were all by the Greeks
esteemed places of sepulture. Through this mistake many different nations had
the honour attributed to them of these Deities being interred in their country.
The tumulus of the Latines was mistaken in the same manner. It was originally
a sacred hillock; and was often raised before temples, as an altar; such as I
have before described. It is represented in this light by Virgil:
[391]
Est urbe egressis tumulus, templumque vetustum
Desertæ Cereris; juxtaque antiqua cupressus.

In process of time the word tumulus was in great measure looked upon as a
tomb; and tumulo signified to bury. The Greeks speak of numberless
sepulchral monuments, which they have thus misinterpreted. They pretended
to shew the tomb of [392]Dionusus at Delphi; also of Deucalion, Pyrrha, Orion,
in other places. They imagined that Jupiter was buried in Crete: which
Callimachus supposes to have been a forgery of the natives.
[393]Κρητες αει ψευσται· και γαρ ταφον, ω Ανα, σειο

Κρητες ετεκτῃναντο, συ δ' ου θανες, εσσι γαρ αιει.

I make no doubt, but that there was some high place in Crete, which the later
Greeks, and especially those who were not of the country, mistook for a tomb.
But it certainly must have been otherwise esteemed by those who raised it: for
it is not credible, however blind idolatry may have been, that people should
enshrine persons as immortal, where they had the plainest evidences of their
mortality. An inscription Viro Immortali was in a style of flattery too refined
for the simplicity of those ages. If divine honours were conferred, they were
the effects of time, and paid at some distance; not upon the spot, at the
vestibule of the charnel-house. Besides, it is evident, that most of the deified
personages never existed: but were mere titles of the Deity, the Sun; as has
been, in great measure, proved by Macrobius. Nor was there ever any thing of
such detriment to antient history, as the supposing that the Gods of the Gentile
world had been natives of the countries, where they were worshipped. They

have by these means been admitted into the annals of times: and it has been the
chief study of the learned to register the legendary stories concerning them; to
conciliate absurdities, and to arrange the whole in a chronological series. A
fruitless labour, and inexplicable: for there are in all these fables such
inconsistences, and contradictions, as no art, nor industry, can remedy. Hence,
all who have expended their learning to this purpose, are in opposition to one
another, and often at variance with themselves. Some of them by these means
have rendered their works, which might have been of infinite use to the world,
little better than the reveries of Monsieur Voltaire. The greatest part of the
Grecian theology arose from misconceptions and blunders: and the stories
concerning their Gods and Heroes were founded on terms misinterpreted and
abused. Thus from the word ταφος, taphos, which they adopted in a limited
sense, they formed a notion of their gods having been buried in every place,
where there was a tumulus to their honour. This misled bishop Cumberland,
Usher, Pearson, Petavius, Scaliger, with numberless other learned men; and
among the foremost the great Newton. This extraordinary genius has greatly
impaired the excellent system, upon which he proceeded, by admitting these
fancied beings into chronology. We are so imbued in our childhood with
notions of Mars, Hercules, and the rest of the celestial outlaws, that we scarce
ever can lay them aside. We absolutely argue upon Pagan principles: and
though we cannot believe the fables, which have been transmitted to us; yet we
forget ourselves continually; and make inferences from them, as if they were
real. In short, till we recollect ourselves, we are semi-pagans. It gives one pain
to see men of learning, and principle, debating which was the Jupiter who lay
with Semele; and whether it was the same that outwitted Amphitryon. This is
not, says a critic, the Hermes, who cut off Argus's head; but one of later date,
who turned Battus into a stone. I fancy, says another, that this was done, when
Iö was turned into a cow. It is said of Jupiter, that he made the night, in which
he enjoyed Alcmena, as long as [394]three; or, as some say, as long as nine. The
Abbe [395]Banier with some phlegm excepts to this coalition of nights; and is
unwilling to allow it. But he is afterwards more complying; and seems to give
it his sanction, with this proviso, that chronological verity be not thereby
impeached. I am of opinion, says he, that there was no foundation for the fable
of Jupiter's having made the night, on which he lay with Alcmena, longer than
others: at least this event put nothing in nature out of order; since the day,
which followed, was proportionably shorter, as Plautus [396]remarks.

Atque quanto nox fuisti longior hâc proximâ,

Tanto brevior dies ut fiat, faciam; ut æque disparet,
Et dies e nocte accedat.

Were it not invidious, I could subjoin names to every article, which I have
alleged; and produce numberless instances to the same purpose.
It may be said, that I run counter to the opinions of all antiquity: that all the
fathers who treated of this subject, and many other learned men, supposed the
Gods of the heathen to have been deified mortals, who were worshipped in the
countries, where they died. It was the opinion of Clemens, Eusebius, Cyril,
Tertullian, Athenagoras, Epiphanius, Lactantius, Arnobius, Julius Firmicus,
and many others. What is more to the purpose, it was the opinion of the
heathen themselves; the very people, by whom these gods were honoured: yet
still it is a mistake. In respect to the fathers, the whole of their argument turns
upon this point, the concessions of the Gentiles. The more early writers of the
church were not making a strict chronological inquiry: but were labouring to
convert the heathen. They therefore argue with them upon their own principles;
and confute them from their own testimony. The Romans had their Dii
Immortales; the Greeks their Θεοι Αθανατοι: yet acknowledged that they had
been men; that they died, and were buried. Cicero owns; [397]ab Euhemero et
mortes, et sepulturæ demonstrantur deorum. It matters not whether the notion
were true; the fathers very fairly make use of it. They avail themselves of these
concessions; and prove from them the absurdity of the Gentile worship, and
the inconsistency of their opinions. Even Maximus Tyrius, the Platonic, could
not but smile, at being shewn in the same place the temple, and tomb of the
deity[398]; ἱερον Θεου, και ταφον Θεου. These supposed places of sepulture
were so numerous, that Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, they were not to be
counted. [399]Αλλα γαρ επιοντι μοι τους προσκυνουμενους ὑμιν ταφους,
εμοι μεν ουδ' ὁ πας αν αρκεσῃ χρονος. But, after all, these Ταφοι were not
tombs, but λοφοι μαστοειδεις, conical mounds of earth; on which in the first
ages offerings were made by fire. Hence τυφω, tupho, signified to make a
smoke, such as arose from incense upon these Tupha, or eminences. Besides, if
these were deified men, who were buried under these hills; how can we
explain the difficulty of the same person being buried in different places, and
at different times? To this it is answered, that it was another Bacchus, and
another Jupiter. Yet this still adds to the difficulty: for it is hard to conceive,
that whoever in any country had the name of Jupiter, should be made a God.
Add to this, that Homer and Hesiod, and the authors of the Orphic poetry,
knew of no such duplicates. There is no hint of this sort among the antient

writers of their nation. It was a refinement in after ages; introduced to obviate
the difficulties, which arose from the absurdities in the pagan system. Arnobius
justly ridicules the idle expedients, made use of to render a base theology
plausible. Gods, of the same name and character, were multiplied to make their
fables consistent; that there might be always one ready at hand upon any
chronological emergency. Hence no difficulty could arise about a Deity, but
there might be one produced, adapted to all climes, and to every age. [400]Aiunt
Theologi vestri, et vetustatis absconditæ conditores, tres in rerum naturâ Joves
esse—quinque Soles, et Mercurios quinque. Aiunt iidem Theologi quatuor esse
Vulcanos, et tres Dianas; Æsculapios totidem, et Dionysos quinque; ter binos
Hercules, et quatuor Veneres; tria genera Castorum, totidemque Musarum. But
Arnobius is too modest. Other writers insist upon a greater variety. In respect
to Jupiters, Varro according to Tertullian makes them in number three hundred.
[401]
Varro trecentos Joves, sive Jupiteres, dicendum, —— introducit. The same
writer mentions forty heroes of the name of Hercules; all which variety arose
from the causes above assigned: and the like multiplicity may be found both of
kings and heroes; of kings, who did not reign; of heroes, who never existed.
The same may be observed in the accounts transmitted of their most early
prophets, and poets: scarce any of them stand single: there are duplicates of
every denomination. On this account it is highly requisite for those, who
suppose these personages to have been men, and make inferences from the
circumstances of their history, to declare explicitly which they mean; and to
give good reasons for their determination. It is said of Jupiter, that he was the
son of Saturn; and that he carried away Europa, before the arrival of Cadmus.
He had afterwards an amour with Semele, the supposed daughter of Cadmus:
and they mention his having a like intimacy with Alcmena an age or two later.
After this he got acquainted with Leda, the wife of Tyndarus: and he had
children at the siege of Troy. If we may believe the poets, and all our
intelligence comes originally from the poets, Jupiter was personally interested
in that war. But this interval contains little less than two hundred years. These
therefore could not be the actions of one man: on which account I want to
know, why Sir Isaac Newton [402]in his chronological interpretations chooses
to be determined by the story of Jupiter and Europa, rather than by that of
Jupiter and Leda. The learned [403]Pezron has pitched upon a Jupiter above one
thousand years earlier, who was in like manner the son of Saturn. But Saturn,
according to some of the best mythologists, was but four generations inclusive
before the æra of Troy. Latinus, the son of Faunus, was alive some years after
that city had been taken; when Æneas was supposed to have arrived in Italy.

The poet tells us, [404]Fauno Picus pater: isque parentem Te, Saturne, refert; Tu
sanguinis ultimus auctor. The series amounts only to four, Latinus, Faunus,
Picus, Saturn. What authority has Pezron for the anticipation of which he is
guilty in determining the reign of Jupiter? and how can he reconcile these
contradictory histories? He ought to have given some good reason for setting
aside the more common and accepted accounts; and placing these events so
[405]
early. Shall we suppose with the critics and commentators that this was a
prior Jupiter? If it were a different person, the circumstances of his life should
be different: but the person, of whom he treats, is in all respects similar to the
Jupiter of Greece and Rome. He has a father Saturn; and his mother was Rhea.
He was nursed in Crete; and had wars with the Titans. He dethrones his father,
who flies to Italy; where he introduces an age of gold. The mythology
concerning him we find to be in all respects uniform. It is therefore to little
purpose to substitute another person of the same name by way of reconciling
matters, unless we can suppose that every person so denominated had the same
relations and connexions, and the same occurrences in life reiterated: which is
impossible. It is therefore, I think, plain, that the Grecian Deities were not the
persons [406]supposed: and that their imputed names were titles. It is true, a
very antient and respectable writer, [407]Euhemerus, of whom I have before
made mention, thought otherwise. It is said, that he could point out precisely,
where each god departed: and could particularly shew the burying-place of
Jupiter. Lactantius, who copied from him, says, that it was at Cnossus in
[408]
Crete. Jupiter, ætate pessum actâ, in Cretâ vitam commutavit.—
Sepulchrum ejus est in Cretâ, et in oppido Cnosso: et dicitur Vesta hanc urbem
creavisse: inque sepulchro ejus est inscriptio antiquis literis Græcis, Ζαν
Κρονου. If Jupiter had been buried in Crete, as these writers would persuade
us, the accounts would be uniform about the place where he was deposited.
Lactantius, we find, and some others, say, that it was in the city Cnossus. There
are writers who mention it to have been in a cavern upon [409]Mount Ida:
others upon Mount [410]Jasius. Had the Cretans been authors of the notion, they
would certainly have been more consistent in their accounts: but we find no
more certainty about the place of his burial, than of his birth; concerning which
Callimachus could not determine.
[411]
Ζευ, σε μεν Ιδαιοισιν εν ουρεσι φασι γενεσθαι,
Ζευ, σε δ' εν Αρκαδιῃ.

He was at times supposed to have been a native of Troas, of Crete, of Thebes,
of Arcadia, of Elis: but the whole arose from the word ταφος being, through
length of time, misunderstood: for there would have been no legend about the
birth of Jupiter, had there been no mistake about his funeral. It was a common
notion of the Magnesians, that Jupiter was buried in their country upon Mount
Sipylus. Pausanias says, that he ascended the mountain, and beheld the tomb,
which was well worthy of [412]admiration. The tomb of [413]Isis in like manner
was supposed to be at Memphis, and at Philæ in Upper Egypt: also at Nusa in
Arabia. Osiris was said to have been buried in the same places: likewise at
Taphosiris, which is thought by Procopius to have had its name, [414]because it
was the place of sepulture of Osiris. The same is said of another city, which
was near the mouth of the Nile, and called Taphosiris parva. But they each of
them had their name from the worship, and not from the interment of the
Deity. This is plain from the account given of the ταφος Οσιριδος, or high
altar of Osiris, by Diodorus; from whom we learn that Busiris and Osiris were
the same. [415]The Grecians, says this author, have a notion, that Busiris in
Egypt used to sacrifice strangers: not that there was ever such a king as
Busiris; but the ταφος, or altar, of Osiris had this name in the language of the
natives. In short, Busiris was only a variation for Osiris: both were
compounded of the Egyptian term [416]Sehor, and related to the God of day.
Hence the altars of the same Deity were called indifferently the altars of Osiris,
or Busiris, according as custom prevailed.
I have in a former chapter taken notice of the Tarchons and Dracontia in Syria,
and other parts: which consisted of sacred ground inclosed with a wall, and an
altar or two at the upper part. Such an inclosure is described by Pausanias,
which must have been of great antiquity: hence the history of it was very
imperfectly known in his time. He is speaking of Nemea in Argolis; [417]near
which, says he, stands the temple of Nemean Jupiter, a structure truly
wonderful, though the roof is now fallen in. Round the temple is a grove of
cypress; in which there is a tradition that Opheltes was left by his nurse upon
the grass, and in her absence killed by a serpent.—In the same place is the
tomb of Opheltes, surrounded with a wall of stone; and within the inclosure
altars. There is also a mound of earth said to be the tomb of Lycurgus, the
father of Opheltes. Lycurgus is the same as Lycus, Lycaon, Lycoreus, the Sun:
and Opheltes, his supposed offspring, is of the same purport. To say the truth,
[418]Opheltes, or, as it should be expressed, Ophel-tin is the place; and Ophel

the Deity, Sol Pytho, whose symbol was a serpent. Ophel-tin was a Taphos

with a τεμενος, or sacred inclosure: it was a sacred mound to the Ophite
Deity; like that which was inclosed and fortified by [419]Manasseh king of
Judah; and which had been previously made use of to the same purpose by
[420]
Jotham. A history similar to that of Opheltes is given of Archemorus; who
was said to have been left in a garden by his nurse Hypsipyle, and in her
absence slain by a serpent. Each of them had festivals instituted, together with
sacred games, in memorial of their misfortune. They are on this account by
many supposed to have been the same person. But in reality they were not
persons, but places. They are, however, so far alike, as they are terms which
relate to the same worship and Deity. Opheltin is the place, and altar of the
Ophite God above-mentioned: and Archemorus was undoubtedly the antient
name of the neighbouring town, or city. It is a compound of Ar-Chemorus; and
signifies the city of Cham-Orus, the same who is styled Ophel. In many of
these places there was an antient tradition of some person having been injured
by a serpent in the beginning of life; which they have represented as the state
of childhood. The mythology upon this occasion is different: for sometimes the
personages spoken of are killed by the serpent: at other times they kill it: and
there are instances where both histories are told of the same person. But
whatever may have been the consequence, the history is generally made to
refer to a state of childhood. Hercules has accordingly a conflict with two
serpents in his cradle: and Apollo, who was the same as Python, was made to
engage a serpent of this name at Parnassus, when he was a child;
[421]Κουρος, εων, ΕΤΙ ΓYΜΝΟΣ, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως.

Near mount Cyllene in Arcadia was the sacred Taphos of [422]Æputus, who was
supposed to have been stung by a serpent. Æputus was the same as Iapetus, the
father of mankind. In the Dionusiaca the priests used to be crowned with
serpents; and in their frantic exclamations to cry out [423]Eva, Eva; and
sometimes Evan, Evan: all which related to some history of a serpent. Apollo,
who is supposed by most to have been victor in his conflict with the Pytho, is
by Porphyry said to have been slain by that serpent: Pythagoras affirmed, that
he saw his tomb at Tripos in [424]Delphi; and wrote there an epitaph to his
honour. The name of Tripos is said to have been given to the place, because the
daughters of Triopus used to lament there the fate of Apollo. But Apollo and
the Python were the same; and Tripus, or Triopus, the supposed father of these
humane sisters, was a variation for Tor-Opus, the serpent-hill, or temple; where
neither Apollo, nor the Python were slain, but where they were both

worshipped, being one and the same Deity. [425]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ
Πυθιος θρησκευεται, και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια.
At Python (the same as Delphi) the Pythian Dragon is worshipped; and the
celebrity of the serpent is styled Pythian. The daughters of Triopus were the
priestesses of the temple; whose business it was to chant hymns in memory of
the serpent: and what is very remarkable, the festival was originally observed
upon the seventh [426]day.
The Greeks had innumerable monuments of the sort, which I have been
describing. They were taken for the tombs of departed heroes, but were really
consecrated places: and the names by which they were distinguished, shew
plainly their true history. Such was the supposed tomb of [427]Orion at Tanagra,
and of Phoroneus in [428]Argolis; the tomb of [429]Deucalion in Athens; and of
his wife [430]Pyrrha in Locris: of [431]Endymion in Elis: of Tityus in
[432]Panopea: of Asterion in the island [433]Lade: of the Egyptian [434]Belus in

Achaia. To these may be added the tombs of Zeus in Mount Sipylus, Mount
Iasius, and Ida: the tombs of Osiris in various parts: and those of Isis, which
have been enumerated before. Near the Æaceum at Epidaurus was a hill,
reputed to have been the tomb of the hero [435]Phocus. This Æaceum was an
inclosure planted with olive trees of great antiquity; and at a small degree
above the surface of the ground was an altar sacred to Æacus. To divulge the
traditions relative to this altar would, it seems, be an high profanation. The
author, therefore, keeps them a secret. Just before this sacred septum was the
supposed tomb of Phocus, consisting of a mound of raised earth, fenced round
with a border of stone work: and a large rough stone was placed upon the top
of all. Such were the rude monuments of Greece, which were looked upon as
so many receptacles of the dead: but were high altars, with their sacred
τεμενη, which had been erected for divine worship in the most early times.
The Helladians, and the Persians, were of the same [436]family: hence we find
many similar rites subsisting among the two nations. The latter adhered to the
purer Zabaïsm, which they maintained a long time. They erected the same
sacred Tupha, as the Grecians: and we may be assured of the original purpose,
for which these hills were raised, from the use to which they put them. They
were dedicated to the great fountain of light, called by the Persians, Anaït: and
were set apart as Puratheia, for the celebration of the rites of fire. This people,
after they had defeated the Sacæ in Cappadocia, raised an immense Comah in
memorial of their victory. [437]Strabo, who describes it very minutely, tells us,
that they chose a spot in an open plain; where they reared a Petra, or high

place, by heaping up a vast mound of earth. This they fashioned to a conical
figure; and then surrounded it with a wall of stone. In this manner they
founded a kind of temple in honour of Anaït, Omanus, and Anandrates, the
Deities of their country. I have mentioned that the Egyptians had hills of this
nature: and from them the custom was transmitted to Greece. Typhon, or more
properly Tuphon, Τυφων, who was supposed to have been a giant, was a
compound of Tuph-On, as I have before mentioned; and signified a sacred
[438]mount of the sun. Those cities in Egypt, which had a high place of this

sort, and rites in consequence of it, were styled Typhonian. Upon such as these
they sacrificed red haired men, or men with hair of a light colour; in other
words strangers. For both the sons of Chus, and the Mizraïm were particularly
dark and woolly: so that there could be no surer mark than the hair to
distinguish between a native and a foreigner. These sacrifices were offered in
the city [439]Idithia, [440]Abaris, [441]Heliopolis, and Taphosiris; which in
consequence of these offerings were denominated Typhonian cities. Many
writers say, that these rites were performed to Typhon at the [442]tomb of
Osiris. Hence he was in later times supposed to have been a person, one of
immense size: and he was also esteemed a [443]God. But this arose from the
common mistake by which places were substituted for the Deities there
worshipped. Typhon was the Tupha, or altar, the supposed tomb of the God:
and the offerings were made to the Sun, styled On; the same as Osiris, and
Busiris. As there were Typhonian mounts in many parts, he was in
consequence of it supposed to have been buried in different places: near mount
Caucasus in Colchis; near the river Orontes in Syria; and under lake Serbonis.
Typhon, or rather Typhonian worship, was not unknown in the region of
[444]
Troas, near which were the Scopuli Typhonis. Plutarch mentions that in the
Phrygian Theology Typhon was esteemed the grandson of Isaac or Isæac: and
says that he was so spoken of εν τοις Φρυγιοις [445]γραμμασιν. But all terms
of relation are to be disregarded. The purport of the history was this. The altar
was termed Tuphon Isiac, sive Βωμος Ισιακος, from the sacra Isiaca, which
were performed upon it. The same Isaac or Isæac was sometimes rendered
Æsacus, and supposed to have been a son of the river Granicus.

[446]Æsacon umbrosâ furtim peperisse sub Idâ

Fertur Alexirhoë Granico nata bicorni.

The antient Arcadians were said to have been the offspring of [447]Typhon, and
by some the children of Atlas; by which was meant, that they were people of
the Typhonian, and Atlantian religion. What they called his tombs were
certainly mounds of earth, raised very high, like those which have been
mentioned before: only with this difference, that some of these had lofty
towers adorned with pinnacles, and battlements. They had also carved upon
them various symbols; and particularly serpentine hieroglyphics, in memorial
of the God to whom they were sacred. In their upper story was a perpetual fire,
which was plainly seen in the night. I have mentioned, that the poets formed
their notions about Otus and Ephialtes from towers: and the idea of Orion's
stupendous bulk taken from the Pelorian edifice in Sicily. The gigantic stature
of Typhon was borrowed from a like object: and his character was formed
from the hieroglyphical representations in the temples styled Typhonian. This
may be inferred from the allegorical description of Typhœus, given by Hesiod.
Typhon and Typhœus, were the same personage: and the poet represents him
of a mixed form, being partly a man, and partly a monstrous dragon, whose
head consisted of an assemblage of smaller serpents.
[448]Εκ δε ὁι ωμων

Ην ἑκατον κεφαλαι οφιος, δεινοιο Δρακοντος.

As there was a perpetual fire kept up in the upper story, he describes it as
shining through the apertures in the building.
[449]Εκ δε ὁι οσσων

Θεσπεσιῃς κεφαλῃσιν ὑπ' οφρυσι πυρ αμαρυσσε·
Πασεων δ' εκ κεφαλεων πυρ καιετο δερκομενοιο.

But the noblest description of Typhon is given in some very fine poetry by
Nonnus. He has taken his ideas from some antient tower situated near the sea
upon the summit of an high mountain. It was probably the Typhonian temple
of Zeus upon mount Casius, near the famed Serbonian lake. He mentions sad
noises heard within, and describes the roaring of the surge below: and says that
all the monsters of the sea stabled in the cavities at the foot of the mountain,
which was washed by the ocean.

[450]Εν ιχθυοεντι δε ποντῳ

Ἱσταμενου Τυφωνος εσω βρυοεντος εναυλου
Βενθεϊ ταρσα πεπηκτο, και ηερι μιγνυτο γαστηρ
Θλιβομενη νεφεεσσι· Γιγαντειου δε καρηνου
Φρικτον αερσιλοφων αϊων βρυχημα λεοντων,
Ποντιος ειλυοεντι λεων εκαλυπτετο κολπῳ. κτλ.

We may perceive, that this is a mixed description, wherein, under the character
of a gigantic personage, a towering edifice is alluded to; which was situated
upon the summit of a mountain, and in the vicinity of the sea.

OB, OUB, PYTHO,
SIVE DE

OPHIOLATRIA.

Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων Οφις συμβολον
μεγα και μυστηριον αναγραφεται. Justin. Martyr. Apolog. l. 1. p.
60.

It may seem extraordinary, that the worship of the serpent should have ever
been introduced into the world: and it must appear still more remarkable, that
it should almost universally have prevailed. As mankind are said to have been
ruined through the influence of this being, we could little expect that it would,
of all other objects, have been adopted, as the most sacred and salutary
symbol; and rendered the chief object of [451]adoration. Yet so we find it to
have been. In most of the antient rites there is some allusion to the [452]serpent.
I have taken notice, that in the Orgies of Bacchus, the persons who partook of
the ceremony used to carry serpents in their hands, and with horrid screams
called upon Eva, Eva. They were often crowned with [453]serpents, and still
made the same frantic exclamation. One part of the mysterious rites of Jupiter
Sabazius was to let a snake slip down the bosom of the person to be initiated,
which was taken out below[454]. These ceremonies, and this symbolic worship,
began among the Magi, who were the sons of Chus: and by them they were
propagated in various parts. Epiphanius thinks, that the invocation, Eva, Eva,
related to the great [455]mother of mankind, who was deceived by the serpent:
and Clemens of Alexandria is of the same opinion. He supposes, that by this
term was meant [456]Ευαν εκεινην, δι' ἡν ἡ πλανη παρηκολουθησε. But I
should think, that Eva was the same as Eph, Epha, Opha, which the Greeks
rendered Οφις, Ophis, and by it denoted a serpent. Clemens acknowledges,
that the term Eva properly aspirated had such a signification. [457]Το ονομα το
Ευια δασυνομενον ἑρμηνευεται Οφις. Olympias, the mother of
[458]Alexander, was very fond of these Orgies, in which the serpent was

introduced. Plutarch mentions, that rites of this sort were practised by the
Edonian women near mount Hæmus in Thrace; and carried on to a degree of

madness. Olympias copied them closely in all their frantic manœuvres. She
used to be followed with many attendants, who had each a thyrsus with
[459]serpents twined round it. They had also snakes in their hair, and in the

chaplets, which they wore; so that they made a most fearful appearance. Their
cries were very shocking: and the whole was attended with a continual
repetition of the words, [460]Evoe, Saboe, Hues Attes, Attes Hues, which were
titles of the God Dionusus. He was peculiarly named Ὑης; and his priests were
the Hyades, and Hyantes. He was likewise styled Evas. [461]Ευας ὁ Διονυσος.
In Egypt was a serpent named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as very
sacred; and the natives are said to have made use of it as a royal tiara, with
which they ornamented the statues of [462]Isis. We learn from Diodorus
Siculus, that the kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, which terminated in a
round ball: and the whole was surrounded with figures of [463]asps. The priests
likewise upon their bonnets had the representation of serpents. The antients
had a notion, that when Saturn devoured his own children, his wife Ops
deceived him by substituting a large stone in lieu of one of his sons, which
stone was called Abadir. But Ops, and Opis, represented here as a feminine,
was the serpent Deity, and Abadir is the same personage under a different
denomination. [464]Abadir Deus est; et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus
dicitur devorâsse pro Jove, quem Græci βαιτυλον vocant.—Abdir quoque et
Abadir βαιτυλος. Abadir seems to be a variation of Ob-Adur, and signifies the
serpent God Orus. One of these stones, which Saturn was supposed to have
swallowed instead of a child, stood, according to [465]Pausanias, at Delphi. It
was esteemed very sacred, and used to have libations of wine poured upon it
daily; and upon festivals was otherwise honoured. The purport of the above
history I imagine to have been this. It was for a long time a custom to offer
children at the altar of Saturn: but in process of time they removed it, and in its
room erected a στυλος, or stone pillar; before which they made their vows,
and offered sacrifices of another nature. This stone, which they thus
substituted, was called Ab-Adar, from the Deity represented by it. The term Ab
generally signifies a [466]father: but, in this instance, it certainly relates to a
serpent, which was indifferently styled Ab, Aub, and [467]Ob. I take Abadon,
or, as it is mentioned in the Revelations, Abaddon, to have been the name of
the same Ophite God, with whose worship the world had been so long
infected. He is termed by the Evangelist [468]Αβαδδων, τον Αγγελον της
Αβυσσου, the angel of the bottomless pit; that is, the prince of darkness. In
another place he is described as the [469]dragon, that old serpent, which is the

devil, and Satan. Hence I think, that the learned Heinsius is very right in the
opinion, which he has given upon this passage; when he makes Abaddon the
same as the serpent Pytho. Non dubitandum est, quin Pythius Apollo, hoc est
spurcus ille spiritus, quem Hebræi Ob, et Abaddon, Hellenistæ ad verbum
Απολλυωνα, cæteri Απολλωνα, dixerunt, sub hâc formâ, quâ miseriam
humano generi invexit, primo cultus[470].

Ophis Thermuthis, sive Ob Basiliscus Ægyptiacus cum Sacerdote Supplicante.

Pl. VII.

It is said, that, in the ritual of Zoroaster, the great expanse of the heavens, and
even nature itself, was described under the symbol of a serpent[471]. The like
was mentioned in the Octateuch of Ostanes: and moreover, that in Persis and in
other parts of the east they erected temples to the serpent tribe, and held
festivals to their honour, esteeming them [472]Θεους τους μεγιστους, και
αρχηγους των ὁλων, the supreme of all Gods, and the superintendants of the
whole world. The worship began among the people of Chaldea. They built the
city Opis upon the [473]Tigris, and were greatly addicted to divination, and to
the worship of the serpent[474]. Inventi sunt ex iis (Chaldeis) augures, et magi,
divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob, et Ideoni. From Chaldea the
worship passed into Egypt, where the serpent Deity was called Can-oph, Can-
eph, and C'neph. It had also the name of Ob, or Oub, and was the same as the
Basiliscus, or Royal Serpent; the same also as the Thermuthis: and in like
manner was made use of by way of ornament to the statues of their [475]Gods.
The chief Deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, who was also styled
Opas, as we learn from [476]Cicero. He was the same as Osiris, the Sun; and
hence was often called Ob-El, sive Pytho Sol: and there were pillars sacred to
him with curious hieroglyphical inscriptions, which had the same name. They

were very lofty, and narrow in comparison of their length; hence among the
Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thing gradually tapering to a
point was styled Obelos, and Obeliscus. Ophel (Oph-El) was a name of the
same purport: and I have shewn, that many sacred mounds, or Tapha, were
thus denominated from the serpent Deity, to whom they were sacred.
Sanchoniathon makes mention of an history, which he once wrote upon the
worship of the serpent. The title of this work, according to Eusebius was,
[477]Ethothion, or Ethothia. Another treatise upon the same subject was written

by Pherecydes Syrus, which was probably a copy of the former; for he is said
to have composed it, [478]παρα Φοινικων λαβων τας αφορμας, from some
previous accounts of the Phenicians. The title of his book was the Theology of
Ophion, styled Ophioneus; and of his worshippers, called Ophionidæ. Thoth,
and Athoth, were certainly titles of the Deity in the Gentile world: and the
book of Sanchoniathon might very possibly have been from hence named
Ethothion, or more truly Athothion. But from the subject, upon which it was
written, as well as from the treatise of Pherecydes, I should think, that
Athothion, or Ethothion, was a mistake for Ath-ophion, a title which more
immediately related to that worship, of which the writer treated. Ath was a
sacred title, as I have shewn: and I imagine, that this dissertation did not barely
relate to the serpentine Deity; but contained accounts of his votaries, the
Ophitæ, the principal of which were the sons of Chus. The worship of the
Serpent began among them; and they were from thence denominated
Ethopians, and Aithopians, which the Greeks rendered Αιθιοπες. It was a
name, which they did not receive from their complexion, as has been
commonly surmised; for the branch of Phut, and the Lubim, were probably of
a deeper die: but they were so called from Ath-Ope, and Ath-Opis, the God
which they worshipped. This may be proved from Pliny. He says that the
country Æthiopia (and consequently the people) had the name of Æthiop from
a personage who was a Deity—ab [479]Æthiope Vulcani filio. The Æthiopes
brought these rites into Greece: and called the island, where they first
established them, [480]Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula. It was the same as
Eubœa, a name of the like purport; in which island was a region named
Æthiopium. Eubœa is properly Oub-Aia; and signifies the Serpent Island. The
same worship prevailed among the Hyperboreans, as we may judge from the
names of the sacred women, who used to come annually to Delos. They were
priestesses of the Tauric Goddess, and were denominated from her titles.

[481]Ουπις τε, Λοξω τε, και Ευαιων Ἑκαεργη.

Hercules was esteemed the chief God, the same as Chronus; and was said to
have produced the Mundane egg. He was represented in the Orphic Theology
under the mixed symbol of a [482]lion and serpent: and sometimes of a
[483]serpent only. I have before mentioned, that the Cuthites under the title of

Heliadæ settled at Rhodes: and, as they were Hivites or Ophites, that the island
in consequence of it was of old named Ophiusa. There was likewise a tradition,
that it had once swarmed with [484]serpents. The like notion prevailed almost in
every place, where they settled. They came under the more general titles of
Leleges and Pelasgi: but more particularly of Elopians, Europians, Oropians,
Asopians, Inopians, Ophionians, and Æthiopes, as appears from the names,
which they bequeathed; and in most places, where they resided, there were
handed down traditions, which alluded to their original title of Ophites. In
Phrygia, and upon the Hellespont, whither they sent out colonies very early,
was a people styled Οφιογενεις, or the serpent-breed; who were said to retain
an affinity and correspondence with [485]serpents. And a notion prevailed, that
some hero, who had conducted them, was changed from a serpent to a man. In
Colchis was a river Ophis; and there was another of the same name in Arcadia.
It was so named from a body of people, who settled upon its banks, and were
said to have been conducted by a serpent: [486]Τον ἡγεμονα γενεσθαι
δρακοντα. These reptiles are seldom found in islands, yet Tenos, one of the
Cyclades, was supposed to have once swarmed with them. [487]Εν τῃ Τηνῳ,
μιᾳ των Κυκλαδων νησῳ, οφεις και σκορπιοι δεινοι εγινοντο. Thucydides
mentions a people of Ætolia called [488]Ophionians: and the temple of Apollo
at Patara in Lycia seems to have had its first institution from a priestess of the
same [489]name. The island of Cyprus was styled Ophiusa, and Ophiodes, from
the serpents, with which it was supposed to have [490]abounded. Of what
species they were is no where mentioned; excepting only that about Paphos
there was said to have been a [491]kind of serpent with two legs. By this is
meant the Ophite race, who came from Egypt, and from Syria, and got footing
in this [492]island. They settled also in Crete, where they increased greatly in
numbers; so that Minos was said by an unseemly allegory, [493]οφεις ουρησαι,
serpentes minxisse. The island Seriphus was one vast rock, by the Romans
called [494]saxum seriphium; and made use of as a larger kind of prison for
banished persons. It is represented as having once abounded with serpents; and

it is styled by Virgil serpentifera, as the passage is happily corrected by
Scaliger.
[495]Æginamque simul, serpentiferamque Seriphon.

It had this epithet not on account of any real serpents, but according to the
Greeks from [496]Medusa's head, which was brought hither by Perseus. By this
is meant the serpent Deity, whose worship was here introduced by people
called Peresians. Medusa's head denoted divine wisdom: and the island was
sacred to the serpent as is apparent from its name[497]. The Athenians were
esteemed Serpentigenæ; and they had a tradition, that the chief guardian of
their Acropolis was a [498]serpent. It is reported of the Goddess Ceres, that she
placed a dragon for a guardian to her temple at [499]Eleusis; and appointed
another to attend upon Erectheus. Ægeus of Athens, according to Androtion,
was of the [500]serpent breed: and the first king of the country is said to have
been [501]Δρακων, a Dragon. Others make Cecrops the first who reigned. He
is said to have been [502]διφυης, of a twofold nature; συμφυες εχων σωμα
ανδρος και δρακοντος, being formed with the body of a man blended with
that of a serpent. Diodorus says, that this was a circumstance deemed by the
Athenians inexplicable: yet he labours to explain it, by representing Cecrops,
as half a man, and half a [503]brute; because he had been of two different
communities. Eustathius likewise tries to solve it nearly upon the same
principles, and with the like success. Some had mentioned of Cecrops, that he
underwent a metamorphosis, [504]απο οφεως εις ανθρωπον ελθειν, that he
was changed from a serpent to a man. By this was signified according to
Eustathius, that Cecrops, by coming into Hellas, divested himself of all the
rudeness and barbarity of his [505]country, and became more civilized and
humane. This is too high a compliment to be payed to Greece in its infant state,
and detracts greatly from the character of the Egyptians. The learned Marsham
therefore animadverts with great justice. [506]Est verisimilius ilium ex Ægypto
mores magis civiles in Græciam induxisse. It is more probable, that he
introduced into Greece, the urbanity of his own country, than that he was
beholden to Greece for any thing from thence. In respect to the mixed
character of this personage, we may, I think, easily account for it. Cecrops was
certainly a title of the Deity, who was worshipped under this [507]emblem.
Something of the like nature was mentioned of Triptolemus, and
[508]
Ericthonius: and the like has been said above of Hercules. The natives of

Thebes in Bœotia, like the Athenians above, esteemed themselves of the
serpent race. The Lacedæmonians likewise referred themselves to the same
original. Their city is said of old to have swarmed with [509]serpents. The same
is said of the city Amyclæ in Italy, which was of Spartan original. They came
hither in such abundance, that it was abandoned by the [510]inhabitants. Argos
was infested in the same manner, till Apis came from Egypt, and settled in that
city. He was a prophet, the reputed son of Apollo, and a person of great skill
and sagacity. To him they attributed the blessing of having their country freed
from this evil.
[511]Απις γαρ ελθων εκ περας Ναυπακτιας,

Ιατρομαντις, παις Απολλωνος, χθονα
Την δ' εκκαθαιρει κνωδαλον βροτοφθορων.

Thus the Argives gave the credit to this imaginary personage of clearing their
land of this grievance: but the brood came from the very quarter from whence
Apis was supposed to have arrived. They were certainly Hivites from Egypt:
and the same story is told of that country. It is represented as having been of
old over-run with serpents; and almost depopulated through their numbers.
Diodorus Siculus seems to understand this [512]literally: but a region, which
was annually overflowed, and that too for so long a season, could not well be
liable to such a calamity. They were serpents of another nature, with which it
was thus infested: and the history relates to the Cuthites, the original Ophitæ,
who for a long time possessed that country. They passed from Egypt to Syria,
and to the Euphrates: and mention is made of a particular breed of serpents
upon that river, which were harmless to the natives, but fatal to every body
else. [513]This, I think, cannot be understood literally. The wisdom of the
serpent may be great; but not sufficient to make these distinctions. These
serpents were of the same nature as the [514]birds of Diomedes, and the dogs in
the temple of Vulcan: and these histories relate to Ophite priests, who used to
spare their own people, and sacrifice strangers, a custom which prevailed at
one time in most parts of the world. I have mentioned that the Cuthite priests
were very learned: and as they were Ophites, whoever had the advantage of
their information, was said to have been instructed by serpents. Hence there
was a tradition, that Melampus was rendered prophetic from a communication
with these [515]animals. Something similar is said of Tiresias.

As the worship of the serpent was of old so prevalent, many places, as well as
people from thence, received their names. Those who settled in Campania
were called Opici; which some would have changed to Ophici; because they
were denominated from serpents. [516]Οι δε (φασιν) ὁτι Οφικοι απο των
οφιων. But they are, in reality, both names of the same purport, and denote the
origin of the people. We meet with places called Opis, Ophis, Ophitæa,
Ophionia, Ophioëssa, Ophiodes, and Ophiusa. This last was an antient name,
by which, according to Stephanus, the islands Rhodes, Cythnus, Besbicus,
Tenos, and the whole continent of Africa, were distinguished. There were also
cities so called. Add to these places denominated Oboth, Obona, and reversed
Onoba, from Ob, which was of the same purport. Clemens Alexandrinus says,
that the term Eva signified a serpent, if pronounced with a proper [517]aspirate.
We find that there were places of this name. There was a city Eva in
[518]Arcadia: and another in [519]Macedonia. There was also a mountain Eva, or

Evan, taken notice of by [520]Pausanias, between which and Ithome lay the city
Messene. He mentions also an Eva in [521]Argolis, and speaks of it as a large
town. Another name for a serpent, of which I have as yet taken no notice, was
Patan, or Pitan. Many places in different parts were denominated from this
term. Among others was a city in [522]Laconia; and another in [523]Mysia,
which Stephanus styles a city of Æolia. They were undoubtedly so named from
the worship of the serpent, Pitan: and had probably Dracontia, where were
figures and devices relative to the religion which prevailed. Ovid mentions the
latter city, and has some allusions to its antient history, when he describes
Medea as flying through the air from Attica to Colchis.
[524]Æoliam Pitanem lævâ de parte relinquit,

Factaque de saxo longi simulacra Draconis.

Pl. VIII.

The city was situated upon the river Eva or Evan, which the Greeks rendered
[525]Evenus. It is remarkable, that the Opici, who are said to have been

denominated from serpents, had also the name of Pitanatæ: at least one part of
that family were so called. [526]Τινας δε και Πιτανατας λεγεσθαι. Pitanatæ is
a term of the same purport as Opici, and relates to the votaries of Pitan, the
serpent Deity, which was adored by that people.

Menelaus was of old styled [527]Pitanates, as we learn from Hesychius: and the
reason of it may be known from his being a Spartan, by which was intimated
one of the serpentigenæ, or Ophites. Hence he was represented with a serpent
for a device upon his shield. It is said that a brigade, or portion of infantry, was
among some of the Greeks named [528]Pitanates; and the soldiers, in
consequence of it, must have been termed Pitanatæ: undoubtedly, because they
had the Pitan, or serpent, for their [529]standard. Analogous to this, among other
nations, there were soldiers called [530]Draconarii. I believe, that in most
countries the military standard was an emblem of the Deity there worshipped.
From what has been said, I hope, that I have thrown some light upon the
history of this primitive idolatry: and have moreover shewn, that wherever any
of these Ophite colonies settled they left behind from their rites and institutes,
as well as from the names, which they bequeathed to places, ample memorials,
by which they may be clearly traced out. It may seem strange, that in the first
ages there should have been such an universal defection from the truth; and
above all things such a propensity to this particular mode of worship, this
mysterious attachment to the serpent. What is scarce credible, it obtained
among Christians; and one of the most early heresies in the church was of this
sort, introduced by a sect, called by [531]Epiphanius Ophitæ, by [532]Clemens of
Alexandria Ophiani. They are particularly described by Tertullian, whose
account of them is well worth our notice. [533]Accesserunt his Hæretici etiam
illi, qui Ophitæ nuncupantur: nam serpentem magnificant in tantum, ut illum
etiam ipsi Christo præferant. Ipse enim, inquiunt, scientiæ nobis boni et mali
originem dedit. Hujus animadvertens potentiam et majestatem Moyses æreum
posuit serpentem: et quicunque in eum aspexerunt, sanitatem consecuti sunt.
Ipse, aiunt, præterea in Evangelio imitatur serpentis ipsius sacram potestatem,
dicendo, et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet

filium hominis. Ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda Eucharistia sua. In the
above we see plainly the perverseness of human wit, which deviates so
industriously; and is ever after employed in finding expedients to countenance
error, and render apostasy plausible. It would be a noble undertaking, and very
edifying in its consequences, if some person of true learning, and a deep
insight into antiquity, would go through with the history of the [534]serpent. I
have adopted it, as far as it relates to my system, which is, in some degree,
illustrated by it.

CUCLOPES or CYCLOPES.

Παλαιοτατοι μεν λεγονται εν μερει τινι της χωρας (της Σικελιας)
Κυκλωπες, και Λαιστρυγονες οικησαι· ὡν εγω ουτε γενος εχω
ειπειν, ουτε ὁποθεν εισηλθον, η ὁποι απεχωρησαν.
Thucydides. l. 6. p. 378.

Thucydides acquaints us concerning the Cyclopes and Læstrygones, that they
were the most antient inhabitants of Sicily, but that he could not find out their
race: nor did he know from what part of the world they originally came, nor to
what country they afterwards betook themselves. I may appear presumptuous
in pretending to determine a history so remote and obscure; and which was a
secret to this learned Grecian two thousand years ago. Yet this is my present
purpose: and I undertake it with a greater confidence, as I can plainly shew,
that we have many lights, with which the natives of Hellas were unacquainted;
besides many advantages, of which they would not avail themselves.
The gigantic Cyclopes were originally Ophitæ, who worshipped the
symbolical serpent. They have been represented by the poets, as persons of an
enormous [535]stature, rude and savage in their demeanour, and differing from
the rest of mankind in countenance. They are described as having only one
large eye; which is said to have been placed, contrary to the usual situation of
that organ, in the middle of their foreheads. Their place of residence was upon
mount Ætna, and in the adjacent district at the foot of that [536]mountain, which
was the original region styled Trinacia. This is the common account, as it has
been transmitted by the Poets, as well as by the principal mythologists of
Greece: and in this we have been taught to acquiesce. But the real history is

not so obvious and superficial. There are accounts of them to be obtained, that
differ much from the representations which are commonly exhibited. The
Poets have given a mixed description: and in lieu of the Deity of the place
have introduced these strange personages, the ideas of whose size were
borrowed from sacred edifices, where the Deity was worshipped. They were
Petra, or temples of Cœlus; of the same nature and form as the tower of Orion,
which was at no great distance from them. Some of them had the name of
[537]Charon, and Tarchon: and they were esteemed Pelorian, from the God

Alorus, the same as Cœlus and Python. The Grecians confounded the people,
who raised these buildings, with the structures themselves. Strabo places them
near [538]Ætna, and Leontina: and supposes, that they once ruled over that part
of the island. And it is certain that a people styled Cyclopians did possess that
[539]province. Polyphemus is imagined to have been the chief of this people:

and Euripides describes the place of his residence as towards the foot of the
mountain: [540]Οικεις ὑπ' Αιτνῃ τῃ πυροστακτῳ Πετρᾳ. They are
represented as a people savage, and lawless, and delighting in human flesh.
Hence it is prophesied by Cassandra, as a curse upon Ulysses, that he would
one day be forced to seek for refuge in a Cyclopian [541]mansion. And when he
arrives under the roof of Polyphemus, and makes inquiry about his host, and
particularly upon what he fed; he is told, that the Cyclops above all things
esteemed the flesh of strangers. [542]Chance never throws any body upon this
coast, says Silenus, but he is made a meal of; and it is looked upon as a
delicious repast. This character of the Cyclopians arose from the cruel custom
of sacrificing strangers, whom fortune brought upon their coast. This was
practised in many parts of the world, but especially here, and upon the coast of
the Lamii in Italy; and among all the Scythic nations upon the Euxine sea: into
all which regions it was introduced from Egypt and Canaan.
But we must not consider the Cyclopians in this partial light: nor look for them
only in the island of Sicily, to which they have been by the Poets confined.
Memorials of them are to be found in many parts of Greece, where they were
recorded as far superior to the natives in science and ingenuity. The Grecians,
by not distinguishing between the Deity, and the people, who were called by
his titles, have brought great confusion upon this history. The Cyclopians were
denominated from Κυκλωψ, Cyclops, the same as Cœlus. According to
Parmeno Byzantinus, he was the God [543]Nilus of Egypt, who was the same as
[544]
Zeus, and Osiris. The history both of the Deity, and of the people, became

in time obsolete: and it has been rendered more obscure by the mixed manner
in which it has been represented by the Poets.
It is generally agreed by writers upon the subject, that the Cyclopians were of a
size superior to the common race of mankind. Among the many tribes of the
Amonians, which went abroad, were to be found people, who were styled
[545]Anakim, and were descended from the sons of Anac: so that this history,

though carried to a great excess, was probably founded in truth. They were
particularly famous for architecture; which they introduced into Greece, as we
are told by [546]Herodotus: and in all parts, whither they came, they erected
noble structures, which were remarkable for their height and beauty: and were
often dedicated to the chief Deity, the Sun, under the name of Elorus, and
P'elorus. People were so struck with their grandeur, that they called every thing
great and stupendous, Pelorian. And when they described the Cyclopians as a
lofty towering race, they came at last to borrow their ideas of this people from
the towers, to which they alluded. They supposed them in height to reach to
the clouds; and in bulk to equal the promontories, on which they were
founded. Homer says of Polyphemus,
[547]Και γαρ θαυμ' ετετυκτο πελωριον, ουδε εῳκει

Ανδρι γε σιτοφαγῳ, αλλα ῥιῳ ὑληεντι.

Virgil says of the same person,
[548]Ipse arduus, altaque pulsat sidera.

As these buildings were oftentimes light-houses, and had in their upper story
one round casement, Argolici clypeï, aut Phœbeæ lampadis instar, by which
they afforded light in the night-season; the Greeks made this a characteristic of
the people. They supposed this aperture to have been an eye, which was fiery,
and glaring, and placed in the middle of their foreheads. Hence Callimachus
describes them as a monstrous race:
[549]
αινα Πελωρα,
Πρηοσιν Οσσειοισιν εοικοτα· πασι δ' ὑπ' οφρυν
Φαεα μουνογληνα σακει ισα τετραβοειῳ.

The Grecians have so confounded the Cyclopian Deity with his votaries, that it
is difficult to speak precisely of either. They sometimes mention him as a

single person; the same as Nilus of Egypt, who was esteemed the father of the
Gods. At other times they introduce a plurality, whom they still represent as of
the highest antiquity, and make the brethren of Cronus: [550]Κυκλωπες—ὁι
αδελφοι ησαν του Κρονου, του πατρος του Διος. Proclus in Photius
informs us, that, according to the antient mythology of the Auctores Cyclici,
the giants with an hundred hands, and the Cyclopes, were the first born of the
[551]
Earth and Cœlus. But in these histories every degree of relation has been
founded upon idle surmises: and is uniformly to be set aside. The Cyclopian
Deity was [552]Ouranus, and the Cyclopians were his priests and votaries: some
of whom had divine honours paid to them, and were esteemed as Gods. Upon
the Isthmus of Corinth was an antient temple; which seems to have been little
more than a ταφος or high altar, where offerings were made to the Cyclopian
[553]Deities. People of this family settled upon the southern coast of Sicily at

Camarina; which some have supposed to have been the Hupereia of Homer,
where the Pheacians once resided.
[554]
Ὁι πριν μεν ποτ' εναιον εν ευρυχορῳ Ὑπερειᾳ,
Αγχου Κυκλωπων ανδρων ὑπερηνορεοντων.

But there is no reason to think, that the city Hupereia was in Sicily; or that the
Pheacians came from that country. The notion arose from a common mistake.
All the Greek and Roman Poets, and even Strabo, with other respectable
writers, have taken it for granted, that the Cyclopians of Homer were near
Ætna in Sicily. Others except to their being near Ætna; and insist, that they
were in the vicinity of Eryx upon the opposite part of the island. But Homer
does not once mention the island during his whole account of the Cyclopes:
nor does Ulysses arrive in Sicily, till after many subsequent adventures. That
there were Cyclopians near Ætna is certain: but those mentioned by Homer
were of another country, and are represented as natives of the continent though
his account is very indeterminate and obscure. There were probably people of
this family in many parts of Sicily, especially about the city Camarina. They
seem to have been of the Anakim race, and worshippers of the Sun. Hence they
were styled Camarin, and their chief city Camarina, which was so called from
a city of the same name in [555]Chaldea, the Ur of the Scriptures. Polyphemus
is mentioned as a musician and a shepherd; but of a savage and brutal
disposition: which character arose from the cruel rites practised by the
Cyclopians. According to [556]Bacchylides it was said, that Galatus, Illyrius,
and Celtus were the sons of Polyphemus. By this was certainly signified, that

the Galatæ, Illyrii, and Celtæ, were of Cyclopian original, and of the Anakim
race; all equally Amonians. Lycophron mentions the cave of this personage, by
which was meant an antient temple; and he calls it [557]μονογληνου στεγας
Χαρωνος: the habitation of Charon, a personage with one eye. But here, as I
have often observed, the place is mistaken for a person; the temple for the
Deity. Charon was the very place; the antient temple of the Sun. It was
therefore styled Char-On from the God, who was there worshipped; and after
the Egyptian custom an eye was engraved over its portal. These temples were
sometimes called Charis, [558]Χαρις; which is a compound of Char-Is, and
signifies a prutaneion, or place sacred to Hephastus. As the rites of fire were
once almost universally practised, there were many places of this name,
especially in [559]Parthia, Babylonia, and Phrygia. The Grecians rendered
Char-Is by Χαρις, a term in their own language, which signified grace and
elegance. And nothing witnesses their attachment to antient terms more than
their continually introducing them, though they were strangers to their true
meaning. The Arimaspians were Hyperborean Cyclopians; and had temples
named Charis, or Charisia, in the top of which were preserved a perpetual fire.
They were of the same family as those of [560]Sicily, and had the same rites;
and particularly worshipped the Ophite Deity under the name of [561]Opis.
Aristeas Proconnesius wrote their history; and among other things mentioned
that they had but one eye, which was placed in their graceful forehead.
[562]Οφθαλμον δ' ἑν' ἑκαστος εχει χαριεντι μετωπῳ.

How could the front of a Cyclopian, one of the most hideous monsters that
ever poetic fancy framed, be styled graceful? The whole is a mistake of terms:
and what this writer had misapplied, related to Charis, a tower; and the eye
was the casement in the top of the edifice, where a light, and fire were kept up.
What confirmed the mistake was the representation of an eye, which, as I have
mentioned, was often engraved over the entrance of these temples. The chief
Deity of Egypt was frequently represented under the symbol of an eye, [563]and
a sceptre. I have observed, that Orion was supposed to have had three fathers,
merely because a tower, sacred to him in Sicily, and called Tor-Pator, was
altered to Τριπατωρ; which change seemed to countenance such an opinion.
The Cyclopians were of the same region in that island; and their towers had
undoubtedly the same name: for the Cyclopians were styled
[564]
Τριτοπατερες, and were supposed to have been three in number. Some
such mistake was made about the towers styled Charis: whence the Grecians

formed their notion of the Graces. As Charis was a tower sacred to fire; some
of the Poets have supposed a nymph of that name, who was beloved by
Vulcan. Homer speaks of her as his wife: [565]Χαρις—Καλη, ἡν ωπυιε
περικλυτος Αμφιγυνεις. But Nonnus makes her his mistress; and says, that he
turned her out of doors for her jealousy.
[566]
Εκ δε δομων εδιωκε Χαριν ζηλημονα νυμφην.

The Graces were said to be related to the Sun who was in reality the same as
Vulcan. The Sun among the people of the east was called Hares, and with a
guttural, Chares: and his temple was styled Tor-Chares. But as Tor-Pator was
changed to Tripator; so Tor-Chares was rendered Trichares, which the Greeks
expressed Τριχαρις; and from thence formed a notion of three Graces. Cicero
says, that they were the daughters of night, and Erebus: but Antimachus, more
agreeably to this etymology, maintained, that they were the offspring of the
Sun and light; [567]Αιγλης και Ἡλιου θυγατερας. These seeming
contradictions are not difficult to be reconciled.
The Amonians, wherever they settled, were celebrated for their superiority in
science; and particularly for their skill in building. Of this family were
Trophonius, and his brother Agamedes, who are represented as very great in
the profession. They were truly wonderful, says [568]Pausanias, for the temples,
which they erected to the Gods; and for the stately edifices, which they built
for men. They were the architects, who contrived the temple of Apollo at
Delphi, and the treasury constructed to Urius. They were, I make no doubt,
some of those, who were styled Cyclopians; as the people under this
appellation were far the most eminent in this way. When the Sibyl in Virgil
shews Æneas the place of torment in the shades below, and leads him through
many melancholy recesses, we find that the whole was separated from the
regions of bliss by a wall built by the Cyclopians. The Sibyl accordingly at
their exit tells him,
[569]
Cyclopum educta caminis
Mœnia conspicio.

From hence we find that they were the reputed builders of the infernal
mansions; which notion arose from the real buildings, which they erected. For
all the ideas of the antients about the infernal regions, and the torments of hell,
were taken from the temples in each country; and from the rites and inquisition

practised in them. But the Cyclopians were not merely imaginary operators.
They founded several cities in Greece; and constructed many temples to the
Gods, which were of old in high repute. They were so much esteemed for their
skill, that, as the Scholiast upon Statius observes, every thing great and noble
was looked upon as Cyclopian: [570]quicquid magnitudine suâ nobile est,
Cyclopum manu dicitur fabricatum. Nor was this a fiction, as may be
surmised; for they were in great measure the real architects. And if, in the
room of those portentous beings the Cyclopes, Κυκλωπες, we substitute a
colony of people called Cyclopians, we shall find the whole to be true, which
is attributed to them; and a new field of history will be opened, that was before
unknown. They were, undoubtedly, a part of the people styled Academians,
who resided in Attica; where they founded the Academia, and Ceramicus, and
introduced human sacrifices. Hence we are informed, that the Athenians, in the
time of a plague, sacrificed three virgin daughters of Hyacinthus at the tomb
Geræstus, the [571]Cyclops. But Geræstus was not a person, but a place.
Γεραιστος is a small variation for Ker-Astus; and signifies the temple of Astus
the God of fire. It was certainly the antient name of the place where these
sacrifices were exhibited: and the Taphos was a Cyclopian altar, upon which
they were performed. The Cyclopians are said to have built the antient city
Mycene, which Hercules in Seneca threatens to ruin.

——[572]quid moror? majus mihi
Bellum Mycenis restat, ut Cyclopea
Eversa manibus mœnia nostris concidant.

Nonnus speaks of the city in the same light:
[573]Στεμματι τειχιοεντι περιζωσθεντα Μυκηνη,

Κυκλωπων κανονεσσι.

The gate of the city, and the chief tower were particularly ascribed to them:
[574]
Κυκλωπων δε και ταυτα εργα ειναι λεγουσιν. These too are
represented as the work of the Cyclopians. They likewise built Argos; which is
mentioned by Thyestes in Seneca as a wonderful performance.
[575]Cyclopum sacras

Turres, labore majus humano decus.

All these poetical histories were founded in original truths. Some of them built
Hermione, one of the most antient cities in Greece. The tradition was, that it
was built by [576]Hermion the son of Europs, or Europis, a descendant of
Phoroneus, and Niobe; and was inhabited by Dorians, who came from Argos:
in which history is more than at first appears. The city stood near a stagnant
lake, and a deep cavern; where was supposed to be the most compendious
passage to the shades below: [577]την εις ἁδου καταβασιν συντομον. The
lake was called the pool of Acherusia; near to which and the yawning cavern
the Cyclopians chose to take up their habitation. They are said to have built
[578]Tiryns; the walls of which were esteemed no less a wonder than the
[579]pyramids of Egypt. They must have resided at Nauplia in Argolis; a place

in situation not unlike Hermione above-mentioned. Near this city were caverns
in the earth, and subterraneous passages, consisting of [580]labyrinths cut in the
rock, like the syringes in Upper Egypt, and the maze at the lake Mæris: and
these too were reputed the work of Cyclopians. Pausanias thinks very truly,
that the Nauplians were from Egypt. [581]Ησαν δε ὁι Ναυπλιεις, εμοι δοκειν,
Αιγυπτιοι τα παλαιοτερα. The Nauplians seem to me to have been a colony
from Egypt in the more early times. He supposes that they were some of those
emigrants, who came over with Danaüs. The nature of the works, which the
Cyclopians executed, and the lake, which they named Acherusia, shew plainly
the part of the world from whence they came. The next city to Nauplia was
Trœzen, where Orus was said to have once reigned, from whom the country
was called Oraia: but Pausanias very justly thinks, that it was an Egyptian
history; and that the region was denominated from [582]Orus of Egypt, whose
worship undoubtedly had been here introduced. So that every circumstance
witnesses the country, from whence the Cyclopians came. Hence when
[583]
Euripides speaks of the walls of antient Mycene, as built by the Cyclopians
after the Phenician rule and method: the Phenicians alluded to were the
Φοινικες of Egypt, to which country they are primarily to be referred. Those
who built Tiryns are represented as seven in number; and the whole is
described by Strabo in the following manner. [584]Τιρυνθι ὁρμητηριῳ
χρησασθαι δοκει Προιτος, και τειχισαι δια Κυκλωπων· ὁυς ἑπτα μεν
ειναι, καλεισθαι δε Γαστεροχειρας, τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. Prœtus
seems to have been the first who made use of Tiryns as an harbour; which
place he walled round by the assistance of the Cyclopians. They were seven in
number, styled Gastrocheirs; and lived by their labour. Hesychius in some
degree reverses this strange name, and says, that they were called

Εγχειρογαστερες. The Grecians continually mistook places for persons, as I
have shewn. These seven Cyclopes were, I make no doubt, seven Cyclopian
towers built by the people, of whom I have been treating. Some of them stood
towards the harbour to afford light to ships, when they approached in the night.
They were sacred to Aster, or [585]Astarte; and styled Astro-caer, and Caer-
Aster; out of which the Greeks formed Γαστροχειρ, and Εγχειρογαστηρ; a
strange medley made up of hands, and bellies. Strabo in particular having
converted these building's into so many masons, adds, [586]Γαστεροχειρας,
τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. They were honest bellyhanded men, industrious
people, who got their livelihood by their art. These towers were erected
likewise for Purait, or Puratheia, where the rites of fire were performed: but
Purait, or Puraitus, the Greeks changed to Προιτος; and gave out that the
towers were built for [587]Prœtus, whom they made a king of that country.
I imagine, that not only the common idea of the Cyclopians was taken from
towers and edifices; but that the term Κυκλωψ, and Κυκλωπις, Cuclops, and
Cuclopis, signified a building or temple; and from thence the people had their
name. They were of the same family as the Cadmians, and Phœnices; and as
the Hivites, or Ophites who came from Egypt, and settled near Libanus and
Baal Hermon, upon the confines of Canaan. They worshipped the Sun under
the symbol of a serpent: hence they were styled in different parts, where they
in time settled, Europians, Oropians, Anopians, Inopians, Asopians, Elopians;
all which names relate to the worship of the Pytho Ops, or Opis. What may be
the precise etymology of the term Κυκλωψ, Cuclops, I cannot presume to
determine. Cuclops, as a personage, was said to have been the son of
[588]Ouranus and the earth: which Ouranus among the Amonians was often

styled Cœl, or Cœlus; and was worshipped under the forementioned emblem
of a serpent. Hence the temple of the Deity may have been originally called
Cu-Cœl-Ops, Domus Cœli Pythonis; and the priests and people Cucelopians.
But whatever may have been the purport of the name, the history of these
personages is sufficiently determinate.

There was a place in Thrace called [589]Cuclops, where some of the Cyclopian
race had settled; for many of the Amonians came hither. Hence Thrace seems
at one time to have been the seat of science: and the Athenians acknowledged,
that they borrowed largely from them. The natives were very famous;
particularly the Pierians for their music, the Peonians for pharmacy, and the
Edonians for their rites and worship. Those, who went under the name of
Cyclopes, probably introduced architecture; for which art they seem to have

been every where noted. There was a fountain in these parts, of which Aristotle
takes notice, as of a wonderful nature. [590]Εν δε Κυκλωψι τοις Θραξι
κρηνιδιον εστιν, ὑδωρ εχων, ὁ τῃ μεν οψει καθαρον, και διαφανες, και
τοις αλλοις ὁμοιον· ὁταν δε πιῃ τι ζωον εξ αυτου, παραχρημα
διαφθειρεται. In the region of the Cyclopians of Thrace is a fountain, clear to
the eye, and pure, and in no wise differing from common water: of which,
however, if an animal drinks, it is immediately poisoned. There is another
account given by Theopompus; who speaks of the people by the name of the
Chropes, which is a contraction for Charopes. He says, that even going into the
water was fatal. [591]Θεοπομπος ἱστορει κρηνην εν Χρωψι της Θρακης, εξ
ἡς τους λουσαμενους παραχρημα μεταλλασσειν. Theopompus mentions a
fountain among the Charopes of Thrace, in which, if a person attempts to
bathe, he immediately loses his life. I have taken notice of this history, because
we find, that the persons who are called [592]Cuclopes by one writer, are styled
Char-opes by another, and very justly: for the terms are nearly of the same
purport. The Charopes were denominated from a temple, and place called
Char-Ops, or Char-Opis, locus Dei Pythonis: and the Cyclopes were, as I have
before supposed, denominated from Cu-Coel-Ops, or Cu-Coel-Opis, the
temple of the same Deity. They were both equally named from the Ophite God,
the great object of their adoration, and from the temple where he was
worshipped.
The head of Medusa in Argolis is said to have been the work of the
[593]Cyclopians. This seems to have been an antient hieroglyphical

representation upon the temple of Caphisus. It was usual with the Egyptians,
and other Amonians, to describe, upon the Architrave of their temples, some
emblem of the Deity, who there presided. This representation was often an
eagle, or vulture; a wolf, or a lion; also an heart, or an eye. The last, as I have
shewn, was common to the temples of [594]Osiris, and was intended to signify
the superintendency of Providence, from whom nothing was hid. Among
others the serpent was esteemed a most salutary emblem: and they made use of
it to signify superior skill and knowledge. A beautiful female countenance,
surrounded with an assemblage of serpents, was made to denote divine
wisdom, which they styled Meed, and Meet, the Μητις of the Greeks. Under
this characteristic they represented an heavenly personage, and joined her with
Eros, or divine love: and by these two they supposed that the present mundane
system was produced. Orpheus speaks of this Deity in the masculine gender:

[595]Και Μητις, πρωτος γενετωρ, και Ερως πολυτερπης.

On this account many antient temples were ornamented with this curious
hieroglyphic: and among others the temple of Caphisus [596]in Argolis.
Caphisus is a compound of Caph-Isis, which signifies Petra Isidis, and relates
to the same Deity as Metis. For we must not regard sexes, nor difference of
appellations, when we treat of antient Deities.
[597]Αρσην μεν και θηλυς εφυς, πολεματοκε Μητι.
[598]Παντοφυης, γενετωρ παντων, πολυωνυμε Δαιμον.

I have taken notice that the Cyclopians of Thrace were styled Charopes; which
name they must have received from their rites, and place of worship. Char-
Opis signifies the temple of the Python, or serpent: and we find that it was
situated near a poisonous pool. It was sacred to the Sun: and there were many
temples of this name in [599]Egypt, and other countries. The Sun was called
Arez; and the lion, which was an emblem of the Sun, had the same
denomination: and there is reason to think, that the device upon Charopian
temples was sometimes a lion. Homer, undoubtedly, had seen the fierce figure
of this animal upon some sacred portal in Egypt; to which he often alludes,
when he speaks of a Charopian lion.
[600]Αρκτοιτ', αγροτεροι τε Συες, χαροποι τε Λεοντες.

Pl. IX. MEDUSA.

From a Gem in the Collection of His Grace the Duke of Marlborough

The devices upon temples were often esteemed as talismans, and supposed to
have an hidden and salutary influence, by which the building was preserved. In
the temple of Minerva, at Tegea, was some sculpture of Medusa, which the
Goddess was said to have given, [601]αναλωτον ες τον παντα κρονον ειναι
(την πολιν); to preserve the city from ever being taken in war. It was probably
from this opinion, that the [602]Athenians had the head of Medusa represented
upon the walls of their acropolis: and it was the insigne of many cities, as we
may find from antient coins. The notion of the Cyclopes framing the thunder
and lightning for Jupiter arose chiefly from the Cyclopians engraving
hieroglyphics of this sort upon the temples of the Deity. Hence they were
represented as persons,
[603]Ὁι Ζηνι βροντην τ' εδοσαν, τευξαν τε κεραυνον.

The Poets considered them merely in the capacity of blacksmiths, and
condemned them to the anvil. This arose from the chief Cyclopian Deity being
called Acmon, and Pyracmon. He was worshipped under the former title in
Phrygia; where was a city and district called Acmonia, mentioned by
Alexander [604]Polyhistor. The Amazonians paid the like reverence: and there
was a sacred grove called Acmonium upon the [605]Thermodon, which was
held in great repute. He was by some looked upon as the offspring of heaven;
by others worshipped as Ouranus, and Cœlus, the heaven itself; and
Acmonides was supposed to have been his [606]son, whom some of the
mythologists made the ruling spirit of the earth. Hence Simmias Rhodius
introduces Divine Love displaying his influence, and saying, that he produced
Acmonides, that mighty monarch of the earth, and at the same time founded
the sea. [607]Λευσσε με τον Γας τε βαρυστερνου Ανακτ' Ακμονιδαν, ταν
ἁλα θ' ἑδρασαντα.
Acmon seems to have been worshipped of old at Tiryns, that antient city of
Greece, whose towers were said to have been built by the Cyclopians. For
Acmon was the Cyclopian Deity; and is represented by Callimachus as the
tutelary God of the place, though the passage has been otherwise interpreted.
[608]
Τοιος γαρ αει Τιρυνθιος Ακμων

Ἑστηκε προ πυλεων.

The term has commonly been looked upon as an adjective; and the passage has
been rendered Talis Tirynthius indefessus, which is scarce sense. Callimachus
was very knowing in mythology, and is here speaking of the Cyclopian God
Acmon, whom he makes the θεος προπυλαιος, or guardian Deity of the
place. It was the same God, that was afterwards called Hercules, and
particularly styled Tirynthius, to whom Callimachus here alludes, under a more
antient name.
As the Cyclopians were great artists, they probably were famous for works in
brass, and iron: and that circumstance in their history may have been founded
in truth. The Idæi Dactyli were Cyclopians: and they are said to have first
forged metals, and to have reduced them to common [609]use; the knowledge of
which art they obtained from the fusion of minerals at the burning of mount
[610]
Ida. Whether this was an eruption of fire from the internal part of the
mountain, or only a fire kindled among the forests, which crowned its summit,
cannot be determined. It was an event of antient date; and admitted, as a
remarkable epocha, in the most early series of chronology. From this event the
Curetes, and Corybantes, who were the same as the [611]Idæi Dactyli, are
supposed to have learned the mystery of fusing and forging metals. From them
it was propagated to many countries westward, particularly to the Pangæan
mountains, and the region Curetis, where the Cyclopians dwelt in Thrace: also
to the region Trinacia and Leontina, near Ætna, which they occupied in Sicily.

Thus have I endeavoured to shew the true history [612]and antiquity of this
people: and we may learn from their works, [613]that there was a time, when
they were held in high estimation. They were denominated from their worship:
and their chief Deity among other titles was styled Acmon, and Pyracmon.
They seem to have been great in many sciences: but the term Acmon
signifying among the Greeks an anvil, the Poets have limited them to one base
department, and considered them as so many blacksmiths. And as they resided
near Ætna, they have made the burning mountain their forge:
[614]Ferrum exercebant vasto Cyclopes in antro,

Brontesque, Steropesque, et nudus membra Pyracmon.

Pl. X

OF

TEMPLE RITES
IN THE

FIRST AGES.

I must continually put the reader in mind how common it was among the
Greeks, not only out of the titles of the Deities, but out of the names of towers,
and other edifices, to form personages, and then to invent histories to support
what they had done. When they had created a number of such ideal beings,
they tried to find out some relation: and thence proceeded to determine the
parentage, and filiation of each, just as fancy directed. Some colonies from
Egypt, and Canaan, settled in Thrace; as appears from numberless memorials.
The parts which they occupied were upon the Hebrus, about Edonia, Sithonia,
and Mount Hæmus. They also held Pieria, and Peonia, and all the sea coast
region. It was their custom, as I have before mentioned, in all their settlements
to form puratheia; and to introduce the rites of fire, and worship of the Sun.
Upon the coast, of which I have been speaking, a temple of this sort was
founded, which is called Torone. The name is a compound of Tor-On, as I have
before taken notice. The words purathus, and puratheia, were, in the language
of Egypt, Pur-Ath, and Por-Ait, formed from two titles of the God of fire. Out
of one of these the Grecians made a personage, which they expressed Προιτος,
Prœtus, whose daughters, or rather priestesses, were the Prœtides. And as they
followed the Egyptian rites, and held a Cow sacred, they were, in consequence
of it, supposed to have been turned into [615]cows; just as the priestesses of
Hippa were said to have been changed into mares; the Œnotropæ and Peleiadæ
into pigeons. Proteus of Egypt, whom Menelaus was supposed to have
consulted about his passage homeward, was a tower of this sort with a purait.
It was an edifice, where both priests and pilots resided to give information; and
where a light was continually burning to direct the ships in the night. The
tower of Torone likewise was a Pharos, and therefore styled by Lycophron
φλεγραια Τορωνη, the flaming Torone. The country about it was, in like
manner, called [616]Φλεγρα, Phlegra, both from these flaming Towers, and
from the worship there introduced. There seems to have been a fire-tower in
this region named Proteus; for, according to the antient accounts, Proteus is

mentioned as having resided in these parts, and is said to have been married to
Torone. He is accordingly styled by the Poet,
[617]φλεγραιας ποσις

Στυγνος Τορωνης, ᾡ γελως απεχθεται,
Και δακρυ.

The epithet στυγνος, gloomy, and sad, implies a bad character, which arose
from the cruel rites practised in these places. In all these temples they made it a
rule to sacrifice strangers, whom fortune brought in their way. Torone stood
near [618]Pallene, which was styled [619]Γηγενων τροφος, the nurse of the
earth-born, or giant brood. Under this character both the sons of Chus, and the
Anakim of Canaan are included. Lycophron takes off from Proteus the
imputation of being accessary to the vile practices, for which the place was
notorious; and makes only his sons guilty of murdering strangers. He says, that
their father left them out of disgust,
[620]Τεκνων αλυξας τας ξενοκτονας παλας.

In this he alludes to a custom, of which I shall take notice hereafter. According
to Eustathius, the notion was, that Proteus fled by a subterraneous passage to
Egypt, in company with his daughter Eidothea. [621]Αποκατεστη εις Φαρον
μετα της θυγατρος Ειδοθεας. He went, it seems, from one Pharos to
another; from Pallene to the mouth of the Nile. The Pharos of Egypt was both
a watch-tower, and a temple, where people went to inquire about the success of
their voyage; and to obtain the assistance of pilots. Proteus was an Egyptian
title of the Deity, under which he was worshipped, both in the Pharos, and at
[622]
Memphis. He was the same as Osiris, and Canobus: and particularly the
God of mariners, who confined his department to the [623]sea. From hence, I
think, we may unravel the mystery about the pilot of Menelaus, who is said to
have been named Canobus, and to have given name to the principal seaport in
Egypt. The priests of the country laughed at the idle [624]story; and they had
good reason: for the place was far prior to the people spoken of, and the name
not of Grecian original. It is observable, that Stephanus of Byzantium gives the
pilot another name, calling him, instead of Canobus, Φαρος, Pharus. His
words are Φαρος ὁ Πρωρευς Μεναλαου, which are scarce sense. I make no
doubt, from the history of Proteus above, but that in the original, whence
Stephanus copied, or at least whence the story was first taken, the reading was

Φαρος ὁ Πρωτευς Μενελαου; that is, the Proteus of Menelaus, so celebrated
by Homer, who is represented, as so wise, and so experienced in navigation,
whom they esteemed a great prophet, and a Deity of the sea, was nothing else
but a Pharos. In other words, it was a temple of Proteus upon the Canobic
branch of the Nile, to which the Poet makes Menelaus have recourse. Such
was the original history: but Πρωτευς Μενελαου has been changed to
πρωρευς; and the God Canobus turned into a Grecian pilot. As these were
Ophite temples, a story has been added about this person having been stung by
a serpent. [625]Πρωρευς εν τῃ νησῳ δηχθεις ὑπο οφεως εταφη. This Pilot
was bitten by a serpent, and buried in the island. Conformable to my opinion
is the account given by Tzetzes, who says, that Proteus resided in the
[626]
Pharos: by which is signified, that he was the Deity of the place. He is
represented in the Orphic poetry as the first-born of the world, the chief God of
the sea, and at the same time a mighty [627]prophet.
The history then of Menelaus in Egypt, if such a person ever existed, amounts
to this. In a state of uncertainty he applied to a temple near Canobus, which
was sacred to Proteus. This was one title out of many, by which the chief Deity
of the country was worshipped, and was equivalent to On, Orus, Osiris, and
Canobus. From this place Menelaus obtained proper advice, by which he
directed his voyage. Hence some say, that he had Φροντις, Phrontis, for his
pilot. [628]Κυβερνητης αριστος Μενελαου ὁ Φροντις, ὑιος Ονητορος.
Menelaus had an excellent pilot, one Phrontis, the son of Onetor. This, I think,
confirms all that I have been saying: for what is Phrontis, but advice and
experience? and what is Onetor, but the Pharos, from whence it was obtained?
Onetor is the same as Torone, Τορωνη, only reversed. They were both temples
of Proteus, the same as On, and Orus: both Φλεγραιαι, by which is meant
temples of fire, or light-houses. Hence we may be pretty certain, that the three
pilots, Canobus, Phrontis, Pharos, together with Onetor, were only poetical
personages: and that the terms properly related to towers, and sanctuaries,
which were of Egyptian original.
These places were courts of justice, where the priests seem to have practised a
strict inquisition; and where pains and penalties were very severe. The notion
of the Furies was taken from these temples: for the term Furia is from Ph'ur,
ignis, and signifies a priest of fire. It was on account of the cruelties here
practised, that most of the antient judges are represented as inexorable; and are
therefore made judges in hell. Of what nature their department was esteemed
may be learned from Virgil,

[629]Gnossius hæc Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna:

Castigatque, auditque dolos, subigitque fateri, &c.

The temple at Phlegya in Bœotia was probably one of these courts; where
justice was partially administered, and where great cruelties were exercised by
the priests. Hence a person, named Phlegyas, is represented in the shades
below, crying out in continual agony, and exhorting people to justice.
[630]
—Phlegyasque miserrimus omnes
Admonet, et tristi testatur voce per umbras,
Discite justitiam moniti, et non temnere Divos.

Excellent counsel, but introduced rather too late. Phlegyas was in reality the
Sun; so denominated by the Æthiopes, or Cuthites, and esteemed the same as
Mithras of Persis. They looked up to him as their great benefactor, and
lawgiver: for they held their laws as of divine original. His worship was
introduced among the natives of Greece by the Cuthites, styled Ethiopians,
who came from Egypt. That this was the true history of Phlegyas we may be
assured from Stephanus, and Phavorinus. They mention both Phlegyas, and
Mithras, as men deified; and specify, that they were of Ethiopian original.
[631]Μιθραν, και Φλεγυαν, ανδρας Αιθιοπας το γενος. Minos indeed is

spoken of, as an upright judge: and the person alluded to under that character
was eminently distinguished for his piety, and justice. But his priests were
esteemed far otherwise, for they were guilty of great cruelties. Hence we find,
that Minos was looked upon as a judge of hell, and styled Quæsitor Minos. He
was in reality a Deity, the same as Menes, and Menon of Egypt: and as Manes
of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. And though his history be not
consistently exhibited, yet, so much light may be gained from the Cretans, as
to certify us, that there was in their island a temple called Men-Tor, the tower
of Men, or Menes. The Deity, from a particular [632]hieroglyphic, under which
the natives worshipped him, was styled Minotaurus. To this temple the
Athenians were obliged annually to send some of their prime youth to be
sacrificed; just as the people of Carthage used to send their children to be
victims at [633]Tyre. The Athenians were obliged for some time to pay this
tribute, as appears from the festival in commemoration of their deliverance.
The places most infamous for these customs were those, which were situated
upon the seacoast: and especially those dangerous passes, where sailors were
obliged to go on shore for assistance, to be directed in their way. Scylla upon

the coast of Rhegium was one of these: and appears to have been particularly
dreaded by mariners. Ulysses in Homer says, that he was afraid to mention her
name to his companions, lest they should through astonishment have lost all
sense of preservation.
[634]Σκυλλην δ' ουκετ' εμυθεομην απρηκτον ανιην,

Μηπως μοι δεισαντες απολληξειαν ἑταιροι,
Ειρεσιης, εντος δε πυκαζοιεν σφεας αυτους.

Some suppose Scylla to have been a dangerous rock; and that it was
abominated on account of the frequent shipwrecks. There was a rock of that
name, but attended with no such peril. We are informed by Seneca,
[635]
Scyllam saxum esse, et quidem non terribile navigantibus. It was the
temple, built of old upon that [636]eminence, and the customs which prevailed
within, that made it so detested. This temple was a Petra: hence Scylla is by
Homer styled Σκυλλη Πετραιη; and the dogs, with which she was supposed to
have been surrounded, were Cahen, or priests.
As there was a Men-tor in Crete, so there was a place of the same name, only
reversed, in Sicily, called Tor-men, and Tauromenium. There is reason to think,
that the same cruel practices prevailed here. It stood in the country of the
Lamiæ, Lestrygons, and Cyclopes, upon the river On-Baal, which the Greeks
rendered Onoballus. From hence we may conclude, that it was one of the
Cyclopian buildings. Homer has presented us with something of truth, though
we receive it sadly mixed with fable. We find from him, that when Ulysses
entered the dangerous pass of Rhegium, he had six of his comrades seized by
Scylla: and he loses the same number in the cavern of the Cyclops, which that
monster devoured. Silenus, in a passage before taken notice of, is by Euripides
made to say, that the most agreeable repast to the Cyclops was the flesh of
strangers: nobody came within his reach, that he did not feed upon.
[637]Γλυκυτατα, φησι, τα κρεα τους ξενους φερειν·

Ουδεις μολων δευρ', ὁστις ου κατεσφαγη.

From these accounts some have been led to think, that the priests in these
temples really fed upon the flesh of the persons sacrificed: and that these
stories at bottom allude to a shocking depravity; such, as one would hope, that
human nature could not be brought to. Nothing can be more horrid, than the
cruel process of the Cyclops, as it is represented by Homer. And though it be

veiled under the shades of poetry, we may still learn the detestation, in which
these places were held.
[638]Συν δε δυω μαρψας ὡστε σκυλακας ποτι γαιῃ

Κοπτ', εκ δ' εγκεφαλος χαμαδις ῥεε, δευε δε γαιαν.
Τους τε διαμελεϊστι ταμων ὡπλισσατο δορπον·
Ησθιε δ' ωστε λεων ορεσιτροφος, ουδ' απελειπεν
Εγκατα τε, σαρκας τε, και οστεα μυελοεντα.
Ἡμεις δε κλαιοντες ανεσχεθομεν Διι χειρας,
Σκετλια εργ' ὁροωντες, αμηχανιη δ' εχε θυμον.
[639]
He answered with his deed: his bloody hand
Snatch'd two unhappy of my martial band,
And dash'd like dogs against the rocky floor:
The pavement swims with brains, and mingled gore.
Torn limb from limb, he spreads the horrid feast,
And fierce devours it like a mountain beast.
He sucks the marrow, and the blood he drains;
Nor entrails, flesh, nor solid bone remains.
We see the death, from which we cannot move,
And humbled groan beneath the hand of Jove.

One would not be very forward to strengthen an imputation, which disgraces
human nature: yet there must certainly have been something highly brutal and
depraved in the character of this people, to have given rise to this description
of foul and unnatural feeding. What must not be concealed, Euhemerus, an
antient writer, who was a native of these parts, did aver, that this bestial
practice once prevailed. Saturn's devouring his own children is supposed to
allude to this custom. And we learn from this writer, as the passage has been
transmitted by [640]Ennius, that not only Saturn, but Ops, and the rest of
mankind in their days, used to feed upon human flesh.—[641]Saturnum, et
Opem, cæterosque tum homines humanam carnem solitos esitare. He speaks of
Saturn, and Ops, as of persons, who once lived in the world, and were thus
guilty. But the priests of their temples were the people to be really accused; the
Cyclopians, Lamiæ, and Lestrygons, who officiated at their altars. He speaks
of the custom, as well known: and it had undoubtedly been practised in those
parts, where in aftertimes hie was born. For he was a native [642]of Zancle, and
lived in the very country, of which we have been speaking, in the land of the

Lestrygons, and Cyclopians. The promontory of Scylla was within his sight.
He was therefore well qualified to give an account of these parts; and his
evidence must necessarily have weight. Without doubt these cruel practices
left lasting impressions; and the memorials were not effaced for ages.
It is said of Orpheus by Horace, Cædibus, et victu fœdo deterruit: by which
one should be led to think, that the putting a stop to this unnatural gratification
was owing to him. Others think, that he only discountenanced the eating of
raw flesh, which before had been usual. But this could not be true of Orpheus:
for it was a circumstance, which made one part of his institutes. If there were
ever such a man, as Orpheus, he enjoined the very thing, which he is supposed
to have prohibited. For both in the [643]orgies of Bacchus and in the rites of
Ceres, as well as of other Deities, one part of the mysteries consisted in a
ceremony styled ωμοφαγια; at which time they eat the flesh quite crude with
the blood. In Crete at the [644]Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their
teeth from the animal, when alive. This they did in commemoration of
Dionusus. [645]Festos funeris dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trietericâ
consecratione componunt, omnia per ordinem facientes, quæ puer moriens aut
fecit, aut passus est. Vivum laniant dentibus Taurum, crudeles epulas annuis
commemorationibus excitantes. Apollonius Rhodius speaking of persons like
to Bacchanalians, represents them [646]Θυασιν ωμοβοροις ικελαι, as savage
as the Thyades, who delighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast
observes, that the Mænadas, and Bacchæ, used to devour the raw limbs of
animals, which they had cut or torn asunder. [647]Πολλακις τῃ μανιᾳ
κατασχισθεντα, και ωμοσπαρακτα, εσθιουσιν. In the island of Chios it was
a religious custom to tear a man limb from limb by way of sacrifice to
Dionusus. The same obtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry, who gives the
account. He was a staunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account is of
consequence. He quotes for the rites of Tenedos Euelpis the Carystian.
[648]Εθυοντο δε και εν Χιω τῳ Ωμαδιῳ Διονυσῳ ανθρωπον διεσπωντες·

και εν Τενεδῳ, φησιν Ευελπις ὁ Καρυστιος. From all which we may learn
one sad truth, that there is scarce any thing so impious and unnatural, as not at
times to have prevailed.
We need not then wonder at the character given of the Lestiygones, Lamiæ,
and Cyclopians, who were inhabitants of Sicily, and lived nearly in the same
part of the island. They seem to have been the priests, and priestesses, of the
Leontini, who resided at Pelorus, and in the Cyclopian towers: on which

account the Lamiæ are by Lucilius termed [649]Turricolæ. They are supposed to
have delighted in human blood, like the Cyclopians, but with this difference,
that their chief repast was the flesh of young persons and children; of which
they are represented as very greedy. They were priests of Ham, called El Ham;
from whence was formed ’Lamus and ’Lamia. Their chief city, the same
probably, which was named Tauromenium, is mentioned by Homer, as the city
of Lamus.
[650]
Ἑβδοματῃ δ' ἱκομεσθα Λαμου αιπυ πτολιεθρον.

And the inhabitants are represented as of the giant race.
[651]Φοιτων δ' ιφθιμοι Λαιστρυγονες, αλλοθεν αλλος,

Μυριοι, ουκ ανδρεσσιν εοικοτες, αλλα Γιγασι.

Many give an account of the Lestrygons, and Lamiæ, upon the Liris in Italy;
and also upon other parts of that coast: and some of them did settle there. But
they were more particularly to be found in [652]Sicily near Leontium, as the
Scholiast upon Lycophron observes. [653]Λαιστρυγονες, ὁι νυν Λεοντινοι.
The antient Lestrygons were the people, whose posterity are now called
Leontini. The same writer takes notice of their incivility to strangers: [654]Ουκ
ησαν ειθισμενοι ξενους ὑποδεχεσθαι. That they were Amonians, and came
originally from Babylonia, is pretty evident from the history of the Erythrean
Sibyl; who was no other than a Lamian priestess. She is said to have been the
daughter of Lamia, who was the daughter of Poseidon. [655]Σιβυλλαν—
Λαμιας ουσαν θυγατερα του Ποσειδωνος. Under the character of one
person is to be understood a priesthood: of which community each man was
called Lamus, and each priestess Lamia. By the Sibyl being the daughter of
Lamia, the daughter of Poseidon, is meant, that she was of Lamian original,
and ultimately descended from the great Deity of the sea. Who is alluded to
under that character, will hereafter be shewn. The countries, to which the Sibyl
is referred, point out her extraction: for she is said to have come from Egypt,
and Babylonia. [656]Ὁι δε αυτην Βαβυλωνιαν, ἑτεροι δε Σιβυλλαν
καλουσιν Αιγυπτιαν. If the Sibyl came from Babylonia and Egypt, her
supposed parent, Lamia, must have been of the same original.
The Lamiæ were not only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece, Pontus,
and [657]Libya. And however widely they may have been separated, they are

still represented in the same unfavourable light. Euripides says, that their very
name was detestable.
[658]Τις τ' ουνομα τοδ' επονειδιστον βροτοις

Ουκ οιδε Λαμιας της Λιβυστικης γενος.

Philostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural gluttony.
[659]
Λαμιας σαρκων, και μαλιστα ανθρωπειων ερᾳν. And Aristotle alludes
to practices still more shocking: as if they tore open the bodies big with child,
that they might get at the infant to devour it. I speak, says he, of people, who
have brutal appetites. [660]Λεγω δε τας θηριωδεις, ὁιον την ανθρωπον,
την λεγουσι τας κυουσας ανασχιζουσαν τα παιδια κατεσθεειν. These
descriptions are perhaps carried to a great excess; yet the history was founded
in truth: and shews plainly what fearful impressions were left upon the minds
of men from the barbarity of the first ages.
One of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamia seated themselves, was
about Formiæ; of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to Ælius Lamia.
[661]Æli, vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, &c.

Authore ab illo ducis originem,
Qui Formiarum mœnia dicitur
Princeps, et innantem Maricæ
Littoribus tenuisse Lirim.

The chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete. It is said to
have had its name from a woman, who died here: and whom some make the
nurse of Æneas, others of Ascanius, others still of [662]Creusa. The truth is this:
it stood near a cavern, sacred to the God Ait, called Ate, Atis, and Attis; and it
was hence called Caieta, and Caiatta. Strabo says, that it was denominated
from a cave, though he did not know the precise [663]etymology. There were
also in the rock some wonderful subterranes, which branched out into various
apartments. Here the antient Lamii, the priests of Ham, [664]resided: whence
Silius Italicus, when he speaks of the place, styles it [665]Regnata Lamo Caieta.
They undoubtedly sacrificed children here; and probably the same custom was
common among the Lamii, as prevailed among the Lacedæmonians, who used
to whip their children round the altar of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are
assured by Fulgentius, and others, that the usual term among the antient

Latines for the whipping of children was Caiatio. [666]Apud Antiquos Caiatio
dicebatur puerilis cædes.
The coast of Campania seems to have been equally infamous: and as much
dreaded by mariners, as that of Rhegium, and Sicily. Here the Sirens inhabited,
who are represented, as the bane of all, who navigated those seas. They like the
Lamii were Cuthite, and Canaanitish priests, who had founded temples in these
parts; and particularly near three small islands, to which they gave name.
These temples were rendered more than ordinary famous on account of the
women, who officiated. They were much addicted to the cruel rites, of which I
have been speaking; so that the shores, upon which they resided, are described,
as covered with the bones of men, destroyed by their artifice.
[667]
Jamque adeo scopulos Sirenum advecta subibat,
Difficiles quondam, multorumque ossibus albos.

They used hymns in their temples, accompanied with the music of their
country: which must have been very enchanting, as we may judge from the
traditions handed down of its efficacy. I have mentioned, that the songs of the
Canaanites and Cretans were particularly plaintive, and pleasing:
[668]They sang in sweet but melancholy strains;

Such as were warbled by the Delian God,
When in the groves of Ida he bewail'd
The lovely lost Atymnius.

But nothing can shew more fully the power of antient harmony than the
character given of the Sirens. Their cruelty the antients held in detestation; yet
always speak feelingly of their music. They represent their songs as so fatally
winning, that nobody could withstand their sweetness. All were soothed with
it; though their life was the purchase of the gratification. The Scholiast upon
Lycophron makes them the children of the muse [669]Terpsichore. Nicander
supposes their mother to have been Melpomene: others make her Calliope. The
whole of this is merely an allegory; and means only that they were the
daughters of harmony. Their efficacy is mentioned by [670]Apollonius Rhodius:
and by the Author of the Orphic [671]Argonautica: but the account given by
Homer is by far the most affecting.
[672]Σειρηνας μεν πρωτον αφιξεαι, ἁι ῥα τε παντας

Ανθρωπους θελγουσιν, ὁτις σφεας εισαφικανει.
Ὁστις αϊδρειῃ πελασει, και φθογγον ακουσει
Σειρηνων, τῳ δ' ουτι γυνη, και νηπια τεκνα
Οικαδε νοστησαντι παρισταται, ουδε γανυνται·
Αλλα τε Σειρηνες λιγυρῃ θελγουσιν αοιδῃ,
Ἡμενοι εν λειμωνι· πολυς τ' αμφ' οστεοφιν θις
Ανδρων πυθομενων, περι δε ῥινοι φθινυθουσιν.

They are the words of Circe to Ulysses, giving him an account of the dangers
which he was to encounter.
[673]Next where the Sirens dwell, you plough the seas.

Their song is death, and makes destruction please.
Unblest the man, whom music makes to stray
Near the curst coast, and listen to their lay.
No more that wretch shall view the joys of life,
His blooming offspring, or his pleasing wife.

In verdant meads they sport, and wide around
Lie human bones, that whiten all the ground:
The ground polluted floats with human gore,
And human carnage taints the dreadful shore.
Fly, fly the dangerous coast.

The story at bottom relates to the people above-mentioned; who with their
music used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their temples, and then put
them to death. Nor was it music only, with which persons were seduced to
follow them. The female part of their choirs were maintained for a twofold
purpose, both on account of their voices and their beauty. They were
accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by these means enticed seafaring
persons, who paid dearly for their entertainment. Scylla was a personage of
this sort: and among the fragments of Callimachus we have a short, but a most
perfect, description of her character.
[674]
Σκυλλα, γυνη κατακασα, και ου ψυθος ουνομ'
εχουσα.

Κατακασα is by some interpreted malefica: upon which the learned
Hemsterhusius remarks very justly—κατακασα cur Latine vertatur malefica

non video. Si Grammaticis obtemperes, meretricem interpretabere: erat enim
revera Νησιωτις καλη ἑταιρα, ut Heraclitus περι απις: c. 2. Scylla then,
under which character we are here to understand the chief priestess of the
place, was no other than a handsome island strumpet. Her name it seems
betokened as much, and she did not belie it: ου ψυθος ουνομ' εχουσα. We
may from these data decipher the history of Scylla, as given by Tzetzes. Ην δε
πρωτον Σκυλλα γυνη ευπρεπης· Ποσειδωνι δε συνουσα απεθηριωθη.
Scylla was originally a handsome wench: but being too free with seafaring
people she made herself a beast. She was, like the Sibyl of Campania, said by
Stesichorus to have been the daughter of [675]Lamia. Hence we may learn, that
all, who resided in the places, which I have been describing, were of the same
religion, and of the same family; being the descendants of Ham, and chiefly by
the collateral branches of Chus, and Canaan.
The like rites prevailed in Cyprus, which had in great measure been peopled by
persons of these [676]families. One of their principal cities was Curium, which
was denominated from [677]Curos, the Sun, the Deity, to whom it was sacred.
In the perilous voyages of the antients nothing was more common than for
strangers, whether shipwrecked, or otherwise distressed, to fly to the altar of
the chief Deity, Θεου φιλιου, και ξενιου, the God of charity and hospitality,
for his protection. This was fatal to those who were driven upon the western
coast of Cyprus. The natives of Curium made it a rule to destroy all such,
under an appearance of a religious rite. Whoever laid their hands upon the altar
of Apollo, were cast down the precipice, upon which it stood. [678]Ευθυς εστιν
ακρα, αφ' ἡς ῥιπτουσι τους ἁψαμενους του βωμου του Απολλωνος.
Strabo speaks of the practice, as if it subsisted in his time. A like custom
prevailed at the Tauric Chersonesus, as we are informed by Herodotus.
[679]
Θυουσι μεν τῃ Παρθενῳ τους τε ναυηγους, και τους αν λαβωσι
Ἑλληνων επαναχθεντας, τροπῳ τοιῳδε. Καταρξαμενοι ῥοπαλῳ παιουσι
την κεφαλην. Ὁι μεν δη λεγουσι, ὡς το σωμα απο του κρημνου
διωθεουσι κατω· επι γαρ κρημνου ἱδρυται το Ἱρον. κτλ. The people of this
place worship the virgin Goddess Artemis: at whose shrine they sacrifice all
persons, who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked upon their coast: and all
the Grecians, that they can lay hold of, when they are at any time thither
driven. All these they without any ceremony brain with a club. Though others
say, that they shove them off headlong from a high precipice: for their temple
is founded upon a cliff.

The den of Cacus was properly Ca-Chus, the cavern or temple of Chus, out of
which the poets, and later historians have formed a strange personage, whom
they represent as a shepherd, and the son of Vulcan. Many antient Divinities,
whose rites and history had any relation to Ur in Chaldea, are said to have been
the children of Vulcan; and oftentimes to have been born in fire. There
certainly stood a temple of old upon the Aventine mountain in Latium, which
was the terror of the neighbourhood. The cruelties of the priests, and their
continual depredations, may be inferred from the history of Cacus. Virgil
makes Evander describe the place to Æneas; though it is supposed in his time
to have been in ruins.
[680]Jam primum saxis suspensam hanc aspice rupem,

Disjectæ procul ut moles, desertaque montis
Stat domus, et scopuli ingentem traxere ruinam.
Hic spelunca fuit, vasto submota recessu,
Semihominis Caci, facies quam dira tegebat,
Solis inaccessum radiis: semperque recenti
Cæde tepebat humus; foribusque affixa superbis
Ora virûm tristi pendebant pallida tabo.
Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater.

Livy mentions Cacus as a shepherd, and a person of great strength, and
violence. [681]Pastor, accola ejus loci, Cacus, ferox viribus. He is mentioned
also by Plutarch, who styles him Caccus, Κακκος. [682]Τον μεν γαρ
Ἡφαιστου παιδα Ρωμαιοι Κακκον ἱστορουσι πυρ και φλογας αφιεναι δια
του στοματος εξω ῥεουσας. As there were both priests, and priestesses, in
temples of this sort, persons styled both Lami, and Lamiæ; so we read both of
a Cacus, and a Caca. The latter was supposed to have been a Goddess, who
was made a Deity for having betrayed her brother to Hercules. [683]Colitur et
Caca, quæ Herculi fecit indicium boum; divinitatem consecuta, quia perdidit
fratrem. In short, under the characters of Caca, and Cacus, we have a history of
Cacusian priests, who seem to have been a set of people devoted to rapine and
murder.
What we express Cocytus, and suppose to have been merely a river, was
originally a temple in Egypt called Co-Cutus: for rivers were generally
denominated from some town, or temple, near which they ran. Co-Cutus
means the Cuthite temple, the house of Cuth. It was certainly a place of
inquisition, where great cruelties were exercised. Hence the river, which was

denominated from it, was esteemed a river of hell; and was supposed to have
continual cries, and lamentations resounding upon its waters.
[684]Cocytus, named of lamentation loud

Heard on its banks.

Milton supposes the river to have been named from the Greek word κωκυτος:
but the reverse is the truth. From the baleful river and temple Co-cutus came
the Greek terms κωκυτος, and κωκυω. Acheron, another infernal river, was
properly a temple of Achor, the θεος απομυιος of Egypt, Palestine, and
Cyrene. It was a temple of the Sun, called Achor-On: and it gave name to the
river, on whose banks it stood. Hence like Cocutus it was looked upon as a
melancholy stream, and by the Poet Theocritus styled [685]Αχεροντα
πολυστονον, the river of lamentations. Aristophanes speaks of an eminence
of this name, and calls it [686]Αχεροντιος σκοπελος ἁιματοσταγης, the rock
of Acheron, dropping blood.

OF

MEED or ΜΗΤΙΣ,

AND THE

Goddess HIPPA.
One of the most antient Deities of the Amonians was named Meed, or Meet;
by which was signified divine wisdom. It was rendered by the Grecians Μητις
in the masculine: but seems to have been a feminine Deity; and represented
under the symbol of a beautiful female countenance surrounded with serpents.
The author of the Orphic Poetry makes Metis the origin of all [687]things:
which Proclus expresses [688]την δημιουργικην αιτιαν: and supposes this
personage to be the same as Phanes, and Dionusus, from whom all things
proceeded. By Timotheus Chronographus, in his account of the creation, this
divinity was described as that vivifying light, which first broke forth upon the
infant world, and produced life and motion. His notion is said to have been
borrowed from Orpheus: Εφρασε δε (ὁ [689] Ορφευς) ὁτι το φως ῥηξαν τον
αιθερα εφωτισε πασαν την κτισιν· ειπων, εκεινο ειναι το φως το ῥηξαν
τον αιθερα το προειρημενον, το ὑπερτατον παντων, ὁυ ονομα ὁ αυτος
Ορφευς ακουσας εκ Μαντειας εξειπε ΜΗΤΙΣ, ὁπερ ἑρμηνευεται
ΒΟΥΛΗ, ΦΩΣ, ΖΩΟΔΟΤΗΡ. Ειπεν εν τῃ αυτου εκθεσει ταυτας τας τρεις
θειας των ονοματων δυναμεις μιαν ειναι δυναμιν, και ἑν κρατος τουτων
Θεον, ὁν ουδεις ὁρᾳ. The account is remarkable. Hippa was another
Goddess, of the like antiquity, and equally obsolete. Some traces however are
to be still found in the Orphic verses above-mentioned, by which we may
discover her original character and department. She is there represented as the
nurse of [690]Dionusus, and seems to have been the same as Cybele, who was
worshipped in the mountains of [691]Phrygia, and by the Lydians upon Tmolus.
She is said to have been the soul of the [692]world: and the person who received
and fostered Dionusus, when he came from the thigh of his father. This history
relates to his second birth, when he returned to a second state of childhood.
Dionusus was the chief God of the Gentile world, and worshipped under
various titles; which at length came to be looked upon as different Deities.
Most of these secondary Divinities had the title of Hippius, and Hippia: and as
they had female attendants in their temples, these too had the name of Hippai.
What may have been the original of the term Hippa, and Hippus, will be matter
of future disquisition. Thus much is certain, that the Greeks, who were but
little acquainted with the purport of their antient theology, uniformly referred it
to [693]horses. Hence it was often prefixed to the names of Gods, and of

Goddesses, when it had no relation to their department; and seemed
inconsistent with their character. We have not only an account of Αρης
Ἱππιος, Mars the horseman; but of Poseidon Hippius, though a God of the sea.
He is accordingly complimented upon this title by the Poet Aristophanes.

[694]Ἱππι' Αναξ Ποσειδον, ᾡ

Χαλκοκροτων ἱππων κτυπος
Και χρεμετισμος ἁνδανει.

Ceres had the title of Hippia: and the Goddess of wisdom, Minerva, had the
same. We read also of Juno Hippia, who at Olympia partook of joint rites
and worship, with those equestrian Deities Neptune, and Mars. Pausanias
mentions [695]Ποσειδωνος Ἱππιου, μαι Ἡρας Ἱππιου βωμοι: and hard-
by τῃ μεν Αρεως Ἱππιου, τῃ δε Αθηνας Ἱππιου βωμος. In Arcadia, and
Elis, the most antient rites were preserved: and the Grecians might have
known, that the terms Hippa and Hippia were of foreign purport from the
other titles given to Juno at Olympia. For they sacrificed here to
[696]Amonian Juno, and to Juno Paramonian; which were also titles of

Hermes. Hippa was a sacred Egyptian term, and as such was conferred
upon Arsinoë, the wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus: for the princes of Egypt
always assumed to themselves sacred appellations. [697]Ἱππια Αρσινοη, ἡ
του Φιλαδελφου γυνη. As the Grecians did not inquire into the hidden
purport of antient names, they have continually misrepresented the histories
of which they treated. As Ceres was styled Hippa, they have imagined her
to have been turned into a [698]mare: and Hippius Poseidon was in like
manner changed to a horse, and supposed in that shape to have had an
intimate acquaintance with the Goddess. Of this Ovid takes notice.
[699]Et te, flava comas, frugum mitissima mater

Sensit equum: te sensit avem crinita colubris
Mater equi volucris.

The like is mentioned of the nymph [700]Ocuroë: also of Philyra, who was
so changed by Saturn. He is said to have taken upon himself the same
shape, and to have followed her neighing over the mountains of Thessaly.
[701]
Talis et ipse jubam cervice effudit equinâ
Conjugis adventu pernix Saturnus, et altum
Pelion hinnitu fugiens implevit acuto.

All these legendary stories arose from this antient term being obsolete, and
misapplied. Homer makes mention of the mares of Apollo, which the God
was supposed to have bred in Pieria:
[702]Τας εν Πιεριῃ θρεψ' αργυροτοξος Απολλων.

And he has accordingly put them in harness, and given them to the hero
Eumelus. Callimachus takes notice of the same mares in his hymn to the
Shepherd God Apollo.
[703]
Φοιβον και Νομιον κικλησκομεν, εξετ' εκεινου,
Εξετ' επ' Αμφρυσῳ ζευγητιδας ετρεφεν ἱππας,
Ηιθεου ὑπ' ερωτι κεκαυμενος Αδμητοιο.

These Hippai, misconstrued mares, were priestesses of the Goddess Hippa,
who was of old worshipped in Thessaly, and Thrace, and in many different
regions. They chanted hymns in her temples, and performed the rites of fire:
but the worship growing obsolete, the very terms were at last mistaken.
How far this worship once prevailed may be known from the many places
denominated from Hippa. It was a title of Apollo, or the Sun, and often
compounded Hippa On, and contracted Hippon: of which name places
occur in Africa near Carthage[704]. Ἡτε δη Κιρτα πολις ενταυθα και ὁι
δυο Ἱππωνες. Argos was of old called Hippeion; not from the animal
Ἱππος, but [705]απο Ἱππης του Δαναου, from Hippa the daughter of
Danaus. That is from a priestess, who founded there a temple, and
introduced the rites of the Goddess whom she served. As it was a title of the
Sun, it was sometimes expressed in the masculine gender Hippos: and
Pausanias takes notice of a most curious, and remarkable piece of antiquity,
though he almost ruins the purport of it by referring it to an horse. It stood
near mount Taygetus in Laconia, and was called the monument of Hippos.
The author tells us, [706]that at particular intervals from this monument
stood seven pillars, κατα τροπον οιμαι αρχαιον, placed, says he, as I
imagine, according to some antient rule and method; which pillars were
supposed to represent the seven planets. If then these exterior stones related
to the [707]seven erratic bodies in our sphere, the central monument of
Hippos must necessarily have been designed for the Sun. And however rude

the whole may possibly have appeared, it is the most antient representation
upon record, and consequently the most curious, of the planetary system.
It is from hence, I think, manifest, that the titles Hippa, and Hippos, related
to the luminary Osiris; and betokened some particular department of that
Deity, who was the same as Dionusus. He was undoubtedly worshipped
under this appellation in various regions: hence we read of Hippici Montes
in Colchis: Ἱππου κωμη in Lycia: Ἱππου ακρα in Libya: Ἱππου ορος in
Egypt: and a town Hippos in Arabia Felix. There occur also in
composition[708], Hippon, Hipporum, Hippouris, Hippana, Hipponesus,
Hippocrene. This last was a sacred fountain, denominated from the God of
light, who was the patron of verse, and science: but by the Greeks it was
referred to an animal, and supposed to have been produced by the hoof of
an horse. The rites of Dionusus Hippius were carried into Thrace, where the
horses of Diomedes were said to have been fed with human flesh. Deianira
is introduced by Ovid, as asking Hercules, if he did not well remember this
practice.
[709]
Non tibi succurrit crudi Diomedis imago,
Efferus humanâ qui dape pavit equos?

Abderus, the founder of Abdera, is supposed to have been a victim to these
animals: of which Scymnus Chius gives the following account.
[710]Των δ' επι θαλαττῃ κειμενων εστιν πολις

Αβδηρ', απ' Αβδηρου μεν ωνομασμενη,
Του και κτισαντος προτερον αυτην· ὁς δοκει
Ὑπο των Διομηδους ὑστερον ξενοκτονων
Ἱππων φθαρηναι.

These horses, ξενοκτονοι, which fed upon the flesh of strangers, were the
priests of Hippa, and of Dionusus, styled Hippus, or more properly Hippius.
They seem to have resided in an island, and probably in the Thracian
Chersonese: which they denominated [711]Diu-Medes, or the island of the
Egyptian Deity Medes. From hence the Grecian Poets have formed a
personage Diomedes, whom they have made king of the country. There
were opposite to Apulia islands of the same name, where similar rites

prevailed. The priests were here Cycneans, and described as a species of
swans, who were kind to people of their own race, but cruel to
[712]strangers. A Diomedes is supposed to have been a king in these parts,

and to have given name to these islands. It is said by Scymnus Chios above,
that Abderus, who was devoured by the horses of Diomedes in Thrace, built
the city, which bore his name. The Grecians continually supposed the
personage, in whose honour a city was built, to have been the founder. I
have mentioned, that Abderus signifies the place of Abdir, which is a
contraction of Abadir, the serpent Deity Ad-Ur, or Adorus. And it is plain
from many passages in antient writers, that human sacrifices were common
at his shrine; and particularly those of infants. By Abdera being a victim to
the horses of Diomedes is meant that the natives of that place, which stood
in the vicinity of the Chersonesus, were obliged to submit to the cruel rites
of the Diomedean [713]priests. The very name must have come from them;
for they worshipped the Deity under the titles of Meed, Hippa, and Abadir;
and various other appellations.

There is an account given by [714]Palæphatus of one Metra, who in the more
authentic manuscripts is called Μηστρα, Meestra. It is said of her, that she
could change herself into various forms, particularly εκ κορης γενεσθαι
βουν, και αυθις κυνα, και ορνεον, that she would instead of a young
woman appear an ox, or a cow; or else be in the shape of a dog, or of a
bird. She is represented as the daughter of Eresicthon: and these uncommon
properties are mentioned by Ovid[715], who sets them off with much
embellishment. The story at bottom is very plain. Egypt, the land of the
Mizraim, was by the Greeks often styled [716]Mestra and [717]Mestraia: and
by the person here called Mestra we are certainly to understand a woman of
that country. She was sometimes mentioned simply as a Cahen, or priestess,
which the Grecians have rendered κυνα, a dog. Women in this sacred
capacity attended at the shrine of Apis, and Mneuis; and of the sacred heifer
at Onuphis. Some of them in different countries were styled Cygneans, and
also Peleiadæ, of whom the principal were the women at [718]Dodona. Many
of them were priestesses of Hippa, and upon that account styled Hippai, as I
have shewn. Hence the mythologists under the character of Meestra have
represented an Egyptian priestess, who could assume many departments,
which were misconstrued different shapes. She could become, if we may
credit Ovid,

Nunc equa, nunc ales, modo bos.

or according to Palæphatus, βουν, κυνα, και ορνεον: a cow, a dog, and a
bird. The whole of this related to the particular service of the priestess; and
to the emblem under which the Deity was worshipped.

RITES
OF

DAMATER, or CERES.
I shall now proceed to the rites of Ceres: and the general character of this
Goddess is so innocent, and rural, that one would imagine nothing cruel
could proceed from her shrine. But there was a time, when some of her
temples were as much dreaded, as those of Scylla, and the Cyclops. They
were courts of justice; whence she is often spoken of as a lawgiver.
[719]Prima Ceres unco terram dimovit aratro,

Prima dedit leges.

She is joined by Cicero with Libera, and they are styled the Deities, [720]a
quibus initia vitæ, atque victus, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis,
exempla hominibus, et civitatibus data, ac dispertita esse dicantur. The
Deity, to whom she was a substitute, was El, the Sun. He was primarily
worshipped in these temples: and I have shewn, that they were from Achor
denominated Acherontian; also temples of Ops, and Oupis, the great serpent
God. Hence it is said by Hesychius, that Acheron, and Ops, and Helle, and
[721]
Gerys, and Terra, and Demeter, were the same. Ἡ [722]Αχερω, και
Ωπις, και Ἑλλη, και Γηρυς, και Γη, και Δημητηρ, [723]το αυτο. Ceres
was the Deity of fire: hence at Cnidus she was called Κυρα, [724]Cura, a
title of the Sun. Her Roman name Ceres, expressed by Hesychius Gerys,
was by the Dorians more properly rendered [725]Garys. It was originally a
name of a city, called Χαρις: for many of the Deities were erroneously
called by the names of the places where they were worshipped. Charis is
Char-Is, the [726]city of fire; the place where Orus and Hephastus were
worshipped. Hence as a personage she is made the wife of [727]Vulcan, on
account of her relation to fire. Her title of Damater was equally foreign to
Greece; and came from Babylonia, and the east. It may after this seem
extraordinary, that she should ever be esteemed the Goddess of corn. This
notion arose in part from the Grecians not understanding their own
theology: which bad originally, became continually more depraved, through
their ignorance. The towers of Ceres were P'urtain, or Πρυτανεια; so called
from the fires, which were perpetually there preserved. The Grecians

interpreted this πυρου ταμειον; and rendered, what was a temple of Orus,
a granary of corn. In consequence of this, though they did not abolish the
antient usage of the place, they made it a repository of grain, from whence
they gave largesses to the people upon any act of merit. [728]Τοπος ην παρ'
Αθηναιοις, εν ᾡ κοιναι σιτησεις τοις δημοσιοις ευεργεταις εδιδοντο·
ὁθεν και Πρυτανειον εκαλειτο, ὁιονει πυροταμειον· πυρος γαρ ὁ
σιτος· In early times the corn there deposited seems to have been for the
priests and [729]diviners. But this was only a secondary use, to which these
places were adapted. They were properly sacred towers, where a perpetual
fire was preserved. Pausanias takes notice of such a one in Arcadia.
[730]Δημητρος, και Κορης ἱερον, πυρ δε ενταυθα καιουσι, ποιουμενοι

φροντιδα, μη λαθῃ σφισιν αποσβεσθεν. He mentions a like
circumstance at the Prutaneion in Elis[731]: Εστι δε ᾑ Ἑστια τεφρας και
αυτη πεποιημενη, και επ' αυτης πυρ ανα πασαν τε ἡμεραν, και εν
πασῃ νυκτι ὡσαυτως καιεται. Attica at first was divided into separate and
independent hamlets: each of which had its own Prutaneion, and Archon.
These Archons were priests of the [732]Prutaneia; and were denominated
from their office. Archon is the same as Orchon, and like Chon-Or signifies
the God of light, and fire; from which title the priests had their name. In
Babylonia, and Chaldea, they were called Urchani.

As in these temples there was always a [733]light, and a fire burning on the
hearth, some of the Grecians have varied in their etymology, and have
derived the name from πυρ, Pur. Suidas supposes it to have been originally
called Πυρος ταμειον. [734]Πρυτανειον, πυρος ταμειον, ενθα ην
ασβεστον πυρ. The Scholiast upon Thucydides speaks to the same
purpose. [735]Αλλοι δε φασιν, ὁτι το Πρυτανειον πυρος ην ταμειον,
ενθα ην ασβεστον πυρ. Others tell us, that the Prutaneion was of old
called Puros Tameion, from πυρ, pur: because it was the repository of a
perpetual fire. It was sacred to Hestia, the Vesta of the Romans; which was
only another title for Damater: and the sacred hearth had the same name.
[736]Ἑστιαν δ' αν κυριωτατα καλοιης την εν Πρυτανειῳ, εφ' ἡς το πυρ

το ασβεστον αναπτεται. I have mentioned, that these places were temples,
and at the same time courts of justice: hence we find, that in the Prutaneion
at Athens, the laws of Solon were [737]engraved. These laws were described

upon wooden cylinders: some of which remained to the time of
[738]Plutarch.

Many of these temples were dedicated to the Deity under the name of
Persephone, or Proserpine, the supposed daughter of Ceres. They were in
reality the same personage. Persephone was styled Κορα, Cora; which the
Greeks misinterpreted Παρθενος, the virgin, or damsel. How could a
person, who according to the received accounts had been ravished by Pluto,
and been his consort for ages; who was the reputed queen of hell, be styled
by way of eminence Παρθενος? Κορα, Cora, which they understood was
the same as Cura, a feminine title of the sun: by which Ceres also was
called at Cnidos. However mild and gentle Proserpine may have been
represented in her virgin state by the Poets; yet her tribunal seems in many
places to have been very formidable. In consequence of this we find her
with Minos, and Rhadamanthus, condemned to the shades below, as an
infernal inquisitor. Nonnus says,
[739]
Περσεφονη θωρηξεν Εριννυας.

Proserpine armed the furies. The notion of which Furies arose from the
cruelties practised in these Prutaneia. They were called by the Latines,
Furiæ; and were originally only priests of fire: but were at last ranked
among the hellish tormentors. Ceres the benefactress, and lawgiver, was
sometimes enrolled in the list of these dæmons. This is manifest from a
passage in Antimachus, quoted by Pausanias, where her temple is spoken of
as the shrine of a Fury.
[740]Δημητρος, τοθι φασιν Εριννυος ειναι εδεθλον.

The like is mentioned by the Scholiast upon Lycophron, [741]Εριννυς ἡ
Δημητηρ εν Ογκαις πολει της Αρκαδιας τιμᾳται. Her temple stood upon
the river Ladon, and she had this name given to her by the people of the
place. Καλουσι δε Εριννυν ὁι Θελπουσιοι την Θεον. The Thelpusians
call the Goddess Demeter a Fury. Herodotus speaks of a Prutaneion in
Achaia Pthiotic, called Leïtus; of which he gives a fearful account. No
person, he says, ever entered the precincts, who returned. Whatever person
ever strayed that way, was immediately seized upon by the priests, and

sacrificed. The custom so far prevailed, that many, who thought they were
liable to suffer, fled away to foreign parts. And he adds, that after a long
time, when any of them ventured to return, if they were caught, they were
immediately led to the Prutaneion. Here they were crowned with garlands.
and in great parade conducted to the altar. I shall quote the author's words.
[742]Ληιτον δε καλεουσι το Πρυτανηιον ὁι Αχαιοι· ην δε εσελθῃ, ουκ

εστι, ὁκως εξεισι, πριν η θυσεσθαι μελλῃ· ὡστε τι προς τουτοισι
πολλοι ηδε των μελλοντων τουτεων θυσεσθαι, δεισαντες οιχοντο
αποδραντες ες αλλην χωρην. Χρονου δε προϊοντος, οπισω
κατελθοντες, ην αλισκωνται, εστελλοντο ες το Πρυτανηιον, ὡς θυεται
τε εξηγεοντο, στεμμασι πας πυκασθεις, και ὡς συν πομπῃ εξαχθεις.
The people of Leïtus are said to have been the sons of Cutissorus.
Herodotus speaks of the temple, as remaining in his time: and of the custom
still subsisting. He farther mentions, that when Xerxes was informed of the
history of this place, as he passed through Thessaly, he withheld himself
from being guilty of any violation. And he moreover ordered his army to
pay due regard to its sanctity; so very awful, it seems, was mysterious
cruelty.
I imagine, that the story of the Harpies relates to priests of the Sun. They
were denominated from their seat of residence, which was an oracular
temple called Harpi, and Hirpi, analogous to Orphi, and Urphi in other
places. I have shewn, that the antient name of a priest was Cahen, rendered
mistakenly κυν, and canis. Hence the Harpies, who were priests of Ur, are
styled by Apollonius, the Dogs of Jove. His accosting Calais, and Zethus,
tells them, that it would be a profanation to offer any injury to those
personages.
[743]
Ου θεμις, ω ὑιεις Βορεου ξιφεεσιν ελασσαν
Ἁρπυιας, μεγαλοιο Διος ΚYΝΑΣ.

This term in the common acceptation is not applicable to the Harpies, either
as birds, for so they are represented; or as winged animals. But this
representation was only the insigne of the people, as the vulture, and eagle
were of the Egyptians: a lion of the Persians. The Harpies were certainly a
[744]college of priests in Bithynia; and on that account called Cahen. They

seem to have been a set of rapacious persons, who, for their repeated acts of

violence, and cruelty, were driven out of the country. Their temple was
styled Arpi; and the environs Arpi-ai: hence the Grecians formed
[745]Ἁρπυιαι. There was a region in Apulia named Arpi; and in its

neighbourhood were the islands of Diomedes, and the birds, which were
fabled to have been like swans. I have before shewn, that they were
Amonian priests: so likewise were the Hirpi near Soracte in Latium. They
were priests of fire: of whose customs I have taken notice.
The persons who resided in these temples are represented as persons of
great strength and stature: for many of them were of the race of Anac. There
is reason to think, that a custom prevailed in these places of making
strangers engage in fight with some of the priests trained up for that
purpose. The manner of contention was either with the cæstus, or by
wrestling. And as the priest appointed for the trial was pretty sure of coming
off the conqueror, the whole was looked upon as a more specious kind of
sacrifice. Amycus, who was king of Bithynia, is represented as of a
[746]
gigantic size, and a great proficient with the cæstus. He was in
consequence of it the terror of all strangers who came upon the coast.
Cercyon of [747]Megara was equally famed for wrestling; by which art he
slew many, whom he forced to the unequal contention. But Cercyon was the
name of the [748]place; and they were the Cercyonians, the priests of the
temple, who were noted for these achievements. Pausanias gives an account
of them under the character of one person. [749]Ειναι δε ὁ Κερκυων
λεγεται και τα αλλα αδικος εις τους ξενους, και παλαιειν ου
βουλομενοις. Cercyon was in other respects lawless in his behaviour
towards strangers; but especially towards those who would not contend
with him in wrestling. These Cercyonians were undoubtedly priests of
Ceres, or Damater: who seems to have been tired of their service, and glad
to get rid of them, as we are informed by the poet.
[750]Quæque Ceres læto vidit pereuntia vultu

Corpora Theseâ Cercyonea manu.

Before most temples of old were areas, which were designed for Gumnasia,
where these feats of exercise were performed. Lucian speaks of one before
the temple of [751]Apollo Lucius. And Pausanias mentions that particular
[752]
parade, where Cercyon was supposed to have exhibited his art. It stood

before the tomb of Alope, and was called the Palæstra of Cercyon even in
the time of this writer, who takes notice of many others. He styles it ταφος
Αλοπης, as if it were a tomb. But it was a Taph, or high altar, sacred to Al-
Ope, Sol Pytho, who was the Deity of the place called Cer-Cuon. Before
this altar was the palæstra; where the Cercyonian priests obliged people to
contend with them. I have taken notice of a Pharos at [753]Torone, which
Proteus is said to have quitted, that he might not be witness to the cruelties
of his sons. He fled, it seems, to Egypt, Τεκνων αλυξας τας ξενοκτονας
παλας, to shun their wicked practices: for they were so skilled in the
Palæstric art, that they slew all strangers whom they forced to engage with
them. Taurus, called Minotaurus, was a temple in Crete: but by the Grecians
is spoken of as a person. Under this character Taurus is represented as a
[754]
renowned wrestler, and many persons are said to have been sent from
Athens to be victims to his prowess. Eusebius styles him, [755]ωμος και
ανημερος, a man of a cruel and sour disposition. After he had done much
mischief, Theseus at length Ταυρον κατεπαλαισε, foiled him in his own
art, and slew him. He is supposed to have done the like by Cercyon.
[756]Λεγεται δε ὁ Κερκυων τους διασταντας παντας ες παλην
[757]
διαφθειραι πλην Θησεως. For it is said of Cercyon, that he slew
every person who ventured to cope with him in wrestling, except Theseus. In
all these instances the place is put for the persons who resided in it: of
which mistake I have been obliged often to take notice.
Antient history affords numberless instances of this ungenerous and cruel
practice. The stranger, who stood most in need of courtesy, was treated as a
profest enemy: and the rites of hospitality were evaded under the undue
sanction of a sacrifice to the Gods. In the history of Busiris we have an
account of this custom prevailing in Egypt. [758]Βουσιριν δε κατα την
Αιγυπτον τῳ Διι καλλιερειν σφαγιαζοντα τους παρεπιδημουντας
ΞΕΝΟΥΣ. It is said of Busiris, that he used to offer to Jupiter, as the most
acceptable sacrifice, all the strangers, whom chance brought into his
country. There was a tradition concerning Antæus, that he covered the roof
of a temple, sacred to Poseidon, with the sculls of foreigners, whom he
forced to engage with him. The manner of the engagement was by
[759]wrestling. Eryx in Sicily was a proficient in this art, and did much

mischief to strangers: till he was in his turn slain. The Deity was the same in
these parts, as was alluded to under the name of Taurus, and Minotaurus, in

Crete; and the rites were the same. Hence Lycophron speaks of Eryx by the
name of Taurus; and calls the place of exercise before the temple,
[760]Ταυρου γυμναδας κακοξενου

Παλης κονιστρας.

This the Scholiast interprets παλαιστραν του Ερυκος του ξενοκτονου,
The Gymnasium of Eryx, who used to murder strangers. Androgeos the son
of Minos came to the [761]like end, who had been superior to every body in
this art. Euripides styles the hero Cycnus [762]ξενοδαικταν, on account of
his cruelty to strangers. He resided it seems near the sea-coast; used to
oblige every person, who travelled that way, or whom ill fortune brought on
shore to contend with him. And his ambition was to be able with the skulls
of the victims, which he slew, to build a temple to Apollo. [763]Κακοξενος
ὁ Κυκνος, και εν παροδῳ της θαλασσης οικων, επεκερτομει τους
παριοντας, ναον τῳ Απολλωνι βουλομενος εκ των κεφαλων
οικοδομησαι. Mention is made of Lycaon, qui advenas et hospites
trucidavit. He is said to have founded the temple of Jupiter [764]Lycæus, and
to have first introduced human sacrifices, particularly those of infants.
Λυκαων δε επι τον βωμον τον [765]Λυκαιου Διος βρεφος ηνεγκεν
ανθρωπου, και εθυσε το βρεφος, και εσπεισεν επι του βωμου το
ἁιμα. Lycaon was the person, who brought an infant, the offspring of a
man, to the altar of Zeus Lucaios: and he slew the infant, and he sprinkled
the altar with the blood which issued from it. Antinous in Homer threatens
to send Irus to one Echetus, a king in Epirus, who was the dread of that
country. The same threat is uttered against [766]Ulysses, if he should
presume to bend the bow, which Penelope had laid before the suitors. Under
the character of Lycaon, Cycnus, &c. we are to understand Lycaonian and
Cycnean priests; which latter were from Canaan: and this method of
interpretation is to be observed all through these histories. Echetus, Εχετος,
was a title of Apollo, rendered more commonly [767]Ἑκατος by the Greeks,
as if it came from the word ἑκας. It was an Amonian title by which Orus,
and Osiris, were called: and this king Echetus was a priest of that family,
who was named from the Deity, whom he served. The Poet styles him
βροτων δηλημονα, from his cruelty to strangers.

[768]Πεμψω σ' Ηπειρονδε βαλων εν νηι μελαινῃ

Εις Εχετον βασιληα, βροτων δηλημονα παντων.
Ὁς κ' απο ῥινα ταμῃσι, και ουατα νηλεϊ χαλκῳ,
Μηδεα τ' εξερυσας δωῃ κυσιν ωμα δασασθαι.

I'll send thee, caitiff, far beyond the seas,
To the grim tyrant Echetus, who mars
All he encounters; bane of human kind.
Thine ears he'll lop, and pare the nose away
From thy pale ghastly visage: dire to tell!
The very parts, which modesty conceals,
He'll tear relentless from the seat of life,
To feed his hungry hounds.

When the Spaniards got access to the western world, there were to be
observed many rites, and many terms, similar to those, which were so
common among the sons of Ham. Among others was this particular custom
of making the person, who was designed for a victim, engage in fight with a
priest of the temple. In this manner he was slaughtered: and this procedure
was esteemed a proper method of [769]sacrifice.
The histories of which I have been speaking were founded in truth, though
the personages are not real. Such customs did prevail in the first ages: and
in consequence of these customs we find those beggarly attributes of
wrestling and boxing conferred upon some of the chief Divinities. Hercules
and Pollux were of that number, who were as imaginary beings, as any
mentioned above: yet represented upon earth as sturdy fellows, who righted
some, and [770]wronged many. They were in short a kind of honourable
Banditti, who would suffer nobody to do any mischief, but themselves.
From these customs were derived the Isthmian, Nemean, Pythic, and
Olympic games, together with those at Delos. Of these last Homer gives a
fine description in his Hymn to Apollo.
[771]Αλλα συ Δηλῳ, Φοιβε, μαλιστ' επιτερπεαι ητορ.

Ενθα τοι ἑλκεχιτωνες Ιαονες ηγερεθονται,
Αυτοις συν παιδεσσι, και αιδοιῃς αλοχοισι.
Ὁιδε σε ΠYΓΜΑΧΙΗι τε, και ορχηθμῳ, και αοιδῃ

Μνησαμενοι τερπουσιν, ὁταν στησωνται αγωνα.

These contentions had always in them something cruel, and savage: but in
later times they were conducted with an appearance of equity. Of old the
whole ceremony was a most unfair and barbarous process.

CAMPE and CAMPI.
Another name for those Amonian temples was Campi, of the same analogy,
and nearly of the same purport, as Arpi above-mentioned. It was in after
times made to signify the parade before the temples, where they wrestled,
and otherwise celebrated their sacred games; and was expressed Campus.
When chariots came in fashion, these too were admitted within the
precincts; and races of this sort introduced. Among the Latines the word
Campus came to mean any open and level space; but among the Sicilians
the true meaning was in some degree preserved. Καμπος—Ιπποδρομος,
Σικυλοι. Hesychius. It was properly a place of exercise in general, and not
confined to races. Hence a combatant was styled [772]Campio, and the chief
persons, who presided, [773]Campigeni. The exercise itself was by the
Greeks styled αγων, αεθλος, ἁμιλλα; all Amonian terms, taken from the
titles of the Deity, in whose honour the games were instituted. These
temples partly from their symbols, and partly from their history, being
misinterpreted, were by the antient mythologists represented as so many
dragons and monsters. Nonnus mentions both Arpe, and Campe in this
light, and says that the latter had fifty heads, each of some different beast,
[774]
Ης απο δειρης
Ηνθεε πεντηκοντα καρηατα ποικιλα θηρων.

But Campe was an oracular temple and inclosure, sacred to Ham or Cham:
where people used to exercise. The fifty heads related to the number of the
priests, who there resided; and who were esteemed as so many wild beasts
for their cruelty. Nonnus makes Jupiter kill Campe: but Diodorus Siculus
gives the honour to Dionusus; who is supposed to have slain this monster at
Zaborna in Libya; and to have raised over her, χωμα παμμεγεθες, a vast
mound of earth. This heap of soil was in reality a high place or altar; which
in after times was taken for a place of burial. These inclosures grew by
degrees into disrepute; and the history of them obsolete. In consequence of
which the ταφοι, or mounds, were supposed to be the tombs of heroes. The
Grecians, who took every history to themselves, imagined, that their Jupiter

and Dionusus, and their Hercules had slain them. But what they took for
tombs of enemies were in reality altars to these very Gods; who were not
confined to Greece, nor of Grecian original. The Campanians in Italy were
an antient Amonian colony; and they were denominated from Campe or
Campus, which was probably the first temple, they erected. Stephanus
Byzantinus shews, that there was of old such a place: Καμπος—κτισμα
Καμπανου: but would insinuate that it took its name from a person the
head of the colony. Eustathius more truly makes it give name to the people:
though he is not sufficiently determinate. [775]Καμπανοι απο των
ὑποκαθημενων εκει Καμπων ωνομασθησαν, η απο Καμπου πολεως.
There were many of these Campi in Greece, which are styled by Pausanias
ὑπαιθρα, in contradistinction to the temples, which were covered. They are
to be found in many parts of the world, where the Amonian religion
obtained, which was propagated much farther than we are aware. In our
island the exhibition of those manly sports in vogue among country people
is called Camping: and the inclosures for that purpose, where they wrestle
and contend, are called Camping closes. There are many of them in
Cambridgeshire, as well as in other parts of the kingdom. In Germany we
meet with the name of Kæmpenfelt; in which word there is no part derived
from the Latin language: for the terms would then be synonymous, and one
of them redundant. Kæmpenfelt was, I imagine, an antient name for a field
of sports, and exercise, like the gymnasium of the Greeks: and a Camping
place in Britain is of the like purport.

ANTIENT HEROES.
Καθολου δε φασιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι) τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιαζεσθαι
τους επιφανεστατους Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους, ετι δε και
αποικιας τας παρ' ἑαυτων. Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 21.

It has been my uniform purpose, during the whole process, which I have
made in my system, to shew, that the Grecians formed Deities out of titles;
and that they often attributed to one person, what belonged to a people. And
when they had completed the history, they generally took the merit of it to
themselves. By means of this clue we may obtain an insight into some of
the most remote, and the most obscure parts of antiquity. For many and
great achievements have been attributed to heroes of the first ages, which it
was not possible for them singly to have performed. And these actions,
though in some degree diversified, and given to different personages, yet
upon examination will be found to relate to one people or family; and to be
at bottom one and the same history.

OSIRIS.

If we consider the history of Osiris, he will appear a wonderful conqueror,
who travelled over the face of the whole [776]earth, winning new territories,
wherever he came; yet always to the advantage of those whom he subdued.
He is said to have been the son of Rhea: and his chief attendants in his
peregrinations were Pan, Anubis, Macedo, with Maro, a great planter of
vines; also Triptolemus much skilled in husbandry. The people of India
claimed Osiris, as their own; and maintained, that he was born at Nusa in
their [777]country. Others supposed his birth-place to have been at Nusa in
[778]
Arabia, where he first planted the vine. Many make him a native of
Egypt: and mention the rout of his travels as commencing from that country
through Arabia, and Ethiopia; and then to India, and the regions of the east.
When he was arrived at the extremities of the ocean, he turned back, and
passed through the upper provinces of Asia, till he came to the Hellespont,
which he crossed. He then entered [779]Thrace, with the King of which he

had a severe encounter: yet he is said to have persevered in his rout
westward, till he arrived at the fountains of the Ister. He was also in Italy,
and Greece: from the former of which he expelled the giants near Phlegra in
Campania. He visited many places upon the ocean: and though he is
represented as at the head of an army; and his travels were attended with
military operations; yet he is at the same time described with the Muses,
and Sciences in his retinue. His march likewise was conducted with songs,
and dances, and the sound of every instrument of music. He built cities in
various parts; particularly [780]Hecatompulos, which he denominated Theba,
after the name of his mother. In every region, whither he came, he is said to
have instructed the people in [781]planting, and sowing, and other useful
arts. He particularly introduced the vine: and where that was not adapted to
the soil, he taught the natives the use of ferment, and shewed them the way
to make [782]wine of barley, little inferior to the juice of the grape. He was
esteemed a great blessing to the Egyptians both as a [783]Lawgiver, and a
King. He first built temples to the Gods: and was reputed a general
benefactor of [784]mankind. After many years travel they represent him as
returning to Egypt in great triumph, where after his death he was enshrined
as a Deity. His Taphos, or high altar, was shewn in many places: in all
which he in aftertimes was supposed to have been buried. The people of
Memphis shewed one of them; whereon was a sacred pillar, containing a
detail of his life, and great actions, to the following purport. [785]My father
was Cronus, the youngest of all the Gods. I am the king Osiris, who carried
my arms over the face of the whole earth, till I arrived at the uninhabited
parts of India. From thence I passed through the regions of the north to the
fountain-head of the Ister. I visited also other remote countries; nor stopped
till I came to the western ocean. I am the eldest son of Cronus; sprung from
the genuine and respectable race of (Σωος) Sous, and am related to the
fountain of day. There is not a nation upon earth, where I have not been;
and to whose good I have not contributed.
This is a very curious piece of antient history: and it will be found to be in
great measure true, if taken with this allowance, that what is here said to
have been achieved by one person, was the work of many. Osiris was a title
conferred upon more persons than one; by which means the history of the
first ages has been in some degree confounded. In this description the
Cuthites are alluded to, who carried on the expeditions here mentioned.

They were one branch of the posterity of Ham; who is here spoken of as the
eldest son of Cronus. How justly they conferred upon him this rank of
primogeniture, I will not determine. By [786]Cronus we are here to
understand the same person, as is also represented under the name of Soüs.
This would be more truly expressed Σωον, Soön; by which is meant the
Sun: All the Amonian families affected to be styled Heliadæ, or the
offspring of the Sun: and under this title they alluded to their great ancestor
the father of all: as by Osiris they generally meant Ham. Σωον, Soön, is the
same as [787]Zoon, and Zoan, the fountain of day. The land of Zoan in Egypt
was the nome of Heliopolis: and the city Zoan the place of the Sun. The
person then styled here Soüs can be no other than the great Patriarch under
a title of the Sun. He is accordingly by Philo Biblius called Ousoüs in an
extract from Sanchoniathon. He makes him indeed reside, where Tyre was
afterwards built; but supposes him to have lived at a time, when there were
great rains and storms; and to have been the first constructor of a ship, and
the first who ventured upon the [788]seas. In respect to the travels of Osiris
we shall find that the posterity of Ham did traverse at different times the
regions above-mentioned: and in many of them took up their abode. They
built the city Memphis in Egypt; also Hecatompulos, which they
denominated Theba, after the name of their reputed mother. They also built
Zoan, the city of the Sun.
Osiris is a title often conferred upon the great patriarch himself: and there is
no way to find out the person meant but by observing the history, which is
subjoined. When we read of Osiris being exposed in an ark, and being
afterward restored to day; of his planting the vine, and teaching mankind
agriculture; and inculcating religion, and justice; the person alluded to
stands too manifest to need any farther elucidation. And when it is said of
Osiris, that he went over most parts of the habitable globe, and built cities
in various regions; this too may be easily understood. It can allude to
nothing else, but a people called Osirians, who traversed the regions
mentioned. They were principally the Cuthites, who went abroad under
various denominations: and the histories of all the great heroes, and
heroïnes of the first ages will be found of the same purport, as the
foregoing. Osiris is supposed to have been succeeded in Egypt by Orus.
After Orus came Thoules; who was succeeded by [789]Sesostris.

PERSEUS.

Perseus was one of the most antient heroes in the mythology of Greece: the
merit of whose supposed achievements the Helladians took to themselves;
and gave out that he was a native of Argos. He travelled to the temple of
[790]
Ammon; and from thence traversed the whole extent of Africa. He
subdued the [791]Gorgons, who lived in Mauritania, and at Tartessus in
Bœtica; and defeated the Ethiopians upon the western ocean, and the
nations about mount Atlas: which [792]mountain he only and Hercules are
said to have passed. Being arrived at the extremity of the continent, he
found means to pass over, and to get possession of all the western islands.
He warred in the East; where he freed [793]Andromeda, the daughter of
Cepheus king of the eastern Ethiopia, who was exposed to a sea-monster.
Some imagine this to have happened at [794]Joppa in Palestine, where the
[795]
bones of this monster of an extraordinary size are supposed to have
been for a long time preserved. He is said to have built [796]Tarsus in
Cilicia, reputed the most antient city in the world; and to have planted the
peach tree at [797]Memphis. The Persians were supposed to have been his
descendants. He travelled through Asia Minor, to the country of the
[798]
Hyperboreans upon the Ister, and the lake Mæotis; and from thence
descended to Greece. Here he built Mycene, and Tiryns, said by many to
have been the work of the Cyclopians. He established a seminary at
Helicon: and was the founder of those families, which were styled Dorian,
and Herculean. It is a doubt among writers, whether he came into Italy.
Some of his family were there; who defeated the giant race in Campania,
and who afterwards built Argiletum, and Ardea in Latium. Virgil supposes it
to have been effected by Danae, the mother of this Hero:
[799]Ardea —— quam dicitur olim

Acrisioneïs Danäe fundâsse colonis.

But [800]Servius says, that Perseus himself in his childhood was driven to
the coast of Daunia. He is represented as the ancestor of the Grecian
Hercules, supposed to have been born at Thebes in Bœotia. In reality
neither [801]Hercules, nor Perseus, was of Grecian original; notwithstanding
the genealogies framed in that country. The history of the latter came

apparently from Egypt, as we may learn from Diodorus[802]: Φασι δε και
τον Περσεα γεγονεναι κατ' Αιγυπτον. Herodotus more truly represents
him as an [803]Assyrian; by which is meant a Babylonian: and agreeably to
this he is said to have married [804]Asterie, the daughter of Belus, the same
as Astaroth and Astarte of Canaan; by whom he had a daughter Hecate.
This, though taken from an idle system of theology, yet plainly shews, that
the history of Perseus had been greatly misapplied and lowered, by being
inserted among the fables of Greece. Writers speak of him as a great
[805]Astronomer, and a person of uncommon knowledge. He instructed

mariners to direct their way in the sea by the lights of heaven; and
particularly by the polar constellation. This he first observed, and gave it the
name of Helice. Though he was represented as a Babylonian; yet he resided
in Egypt, and is said to have reigned at Memphis. To say the truth, he was
worshipped at that place: for Perseus was a title of the Deity; [806]Περσευς,
ὁ Ἡλιος; Perseus was no other than the Sun, the chief God of the Gentile
world. On this account he had a temple of great repute at [807]Chemmis, as
well as at Memphis, and in other parts of Egypt. Upon the Heracleotic
branch of the Nile, near the sea, was a celebrated watch-tower, denominated
from him. His true name was Perez, or Parez, rendered Peresis, Perses, and
Perseus: and in the account given of this personage we have the history of
the Peresians, Parrhasians, and Perezites, in their several peregrinations;
who were no other than the Heliadæ, and Osirians abovementioned. It is a
mixed history, in which their forefathers are alluded to; particularly their
great progenitor, the father of mankind. He was supposed to have had a
renewal of life: they therefore described Perseus as inclosed in an [808]ark,
and exposed in a state of childhood upon the waters, after having been
conceived in a shower of gold.
Bochart thinks that the name both of Persis and Perseus was from ‫פרס‬,
Paras, an Horse: because the Persians were celebrated horsemen, and took
great delight in that animal. But it must be considered that the name is very
antient, and prior to this use of horses. P'aras, P'arez, and P'erez, however
diversified, signify the Sun; and are of the same analogy as P'ur, P'urrhos,
P'oros, which betoken fire. Every animal, which was in any degree
appropriated to a Deity, was called by some sacred [809]title. Hence an horse
was called P'arez: and the same name, but without the prefix, was given to a

lion by many nations in the east. It was at first only a mark of reference, and
betokened a solar animal, specifying the particular Deity to whom it was
sacred. There were many nations, which were distinguished in the same
manner; some of whom the Greeks styled Parrhasians. Hence the antient
Arcadians, those Selenitæ, who were undoubtedly an Amonian colony, had
this appellation. A people in Elis had the same. The Poets described the
constellation of Helice, or the Bear, by the title of Parrhasis, Arctos, and
Parrhasis Ursa. This asterism was confessedly first taken notice of by Perez
or Perseus, by which is meant the Persians.
[810] Versaque ab axe suo Parrhasis Arctos erat.

In the east, where the worship of Arez greatly prevailed, there were to be
found many nations called after this manner. Part of Media, according to
[811]
Polybius, had the name of Parrhasia. There were also Parrhasii and
Parrhasini in [812]Sogdiana; and [813]the like near Caucasus: also a town
named [814]Parasinum in the Tauric Chersonesus. The people styled
[815]
Parrhasians in Greece were the same as the Dorians and Heraclidæ; all
alike Cuthites, as were the antient Persians. Hence it is truly said by Plato,
that the Heraclidæ in Greece, and the Achæmenidæ among the Persians
were of the same stock: [816]Το δε Ἡρακλεους τε γενος και το
Αχαιμενεους εις Περσεα τον Διος αναφερεται. On this account
[817]Herodotus makes Xerxes claim kindred with the Argives of Greece, as

being equally of the posterity of Perses, the same as Perseus, the Sun: under
which character the Persians described the patriarch, from whom they were
descended. Perseus was the same as Mithras, whose sacred cavern was
styled Perseüm.
[818]
Phœbe parens—seu te roseum Titana vocari
Gentis Achæmeniæ ritu; seu præstat Osirin
Frugiferum; seu Persëi sub rupibus antri
Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithram.

OF MYRINA,

AND THE

AMAZONIANS OF LIBYA.

From a notion that the Amazons were a community of women, historians
have represented the chief personage of their nation as a [819]female. She is
mentioned by some as having flourished long before the æra of [820]Troy:
and it is by others said more precisely, that she lived in the time of Orus, the
son of Isis and Osiris. This removes her history far back; so as to make it
coeval with the first annals of time. Her dominions lay in the most western
parts of [821]Africa, at the extremity of Atlas; where the mountain
terminated in the ocean, to which it gave name. This country was called
Mauritania; and was supposed to have been possessed by the Atlantes and
Gorgons. The Grecian writers, who did not know that the same family went
under different titles, have often made the same nation at variance with
itself. And as they imagined every migration to have been a warlike
expedition, they have represented Myrina as making great conquests; and
what is extraordinary, going over the same ground, only in a retrograde
direction, which Osiris had just passed before. Her first engagement was
with the Atlantes of Cercene: against whom she marched with an army of
30,000 foot, and 2,000 horse; whom she completely armed with the skins of
serpents. Having defeated the Atlantes, she marched against the Gorgons,
whom she likewise [822]conquered; and proceeding forward, subdued the
greater part of Africa, till she arrived at the borders of Egypt. Having
entered into an alliance with Orus, she passed the Nile, and invaded the
Arabians, whom she defeated. She then conquered the Syrians, and
Cilicians, and all the nations about Mount Taurus; till she arrived at
Phrygia, and the regions about the river Caïcus. Here she built many cities,
particularly Cuma, Pitane, and Priene. She also got possession of several
islands; and among others, of Lesbos and Samothracia, in which last she
founded an asylum. After these transactions, Myrina, accompanied with
Mopsus the diviner, made an expedition into Thrace, which was the
ultimate of her progress; for she was supposed to have been here slain.
According to Homer she died in Phrygia: for he takes notice of her tomb in
the plains of Troas; and represents it as a notable performance.
[823]Εστι δε τις προπαροιθε πολεως
αιπεια κολωνη,
Εν πεδιῳ απανευθε, περιδρομος ενθα και ενθα·

Την ητοι ανδρες Βατιειαν κικλησκουσιν,
Αθανατοι δε τε σημα πολυσκαρθμοιο Μυρινης.

The tomb of this heroïne was in reality a sacred mound, or high altar; and
Myrina a Gentile divinity. In her supposed conquests we may in great
measure see the history of Osiris, and Perseus, reversed, and in some degree
abridged; yet not so far varied, but that the purport may be plainly
discerned. Indeed there is no other way to obtain the hidden meaning, but
by collating the different histories, and bringing them in one view under the
eye of the reader.

HERCULES.

Similar to the foregoing are the expeditions of Hercules, and the conquests
which he is supposed to have performed. After many exploits in Greece, the
reputed place of his nativity, he travelled as far as mount Caucasus near
Colchis, to free Prometheus, who was there exposed to an eagle or vulture.
Upon the Thermodon he engaged with the Amazons, whom he utterly
defeated; and then passed over into Thrace. Upon his return into Greece he
was ordered to make an expedition into Iberia, a region in the farthest part
of Spain; where Chrusaor, a prince of great wealth, resided. Hercules
accepts of the commission; but, I know not for what reason, goes first to
Crete, and from thence to [824]Libya; and what is extraordinary, proceeds to
Egypt. This makes the plan of his supposed rout somewhat irregular and
unaccountable. After some time spent in these parts, he builds the city
Hecatompulos, said before to have been built by Osiris: and then traverses
the whole of Africa westward, till he arrives at the Fretum Gaditanum. Here
he erects two pillars; which being finished, he at last enters Iberia. He
defeats the sons of Chrusaor, who were in arms to oppose him; and bestows
their kingdom upon others. He likewise seizes upon the oxen of Geryon. He
then marches into the country of the Celtæ, and [825]founds the city
Corunna, and likewise [826]Alesia in Gaul. He afterwards fights with the
giants Albion and Bergion near Arelate, in the plain styled Campus
Lapideus; where are the salt waters of Salona. He then passes the [827]Alpes;
and upon the banks of the Eridanus encounters a person of shepherd race;
whom he kills, and seizes his [828]golden flocks. In his way homeward he

visits Hetruria, and arrives at the mountain Palatinus upon the Tiber. From
thence he goes to the maritime part of Campania, about Cuma, Heraclea,
and the lake Aornon. Not far from hence was an adust and fiery region;
supposed to have been the celebrated Phlegra, where the giants warred
against heaven: in which war Hercules is said to have [829]assisted. Here
was an antient oracular temple; and hard by the mountain Vesuvius, which
in those days flamed violently, though it did not for many ages afterwards.
During his residence here he visited the hot fountains near Misenus and
Dicæarchea; and made a large causeway, called in aftertimes Via
Herculanea, and Agger Puteolanus. After having visited the Locrians, and
the people of Rhegium, he crossed the sea to Sicily; which sea he swam
over, holding by the horn of an ox. At his arrival some warm springs burst
forth miraculously, to give him an opportunity of bathing. Here he boxed
with Eryx; defeated the Sicani; and performed many other exploits. What is
remarkable, having in Spain seized upon the cattle of Geryon, he is said to
have made them travel over the Pyrenean mountains, and afterwards over
the Alpes, into Italy; and from thence cross the sea into Sicily; and being
now about to leave that island, he swims with them again to Rhegium: and
ranging up the coast of the Adriatic, passes round to Illyria, from thence to
Epirus; and so descends to Greece. The whole of these travels is said to
have been completed in ten years.

He was also reported, according to [830]Megasthenes and others, to have
made an expedition into [831]India, and to have left many memorials of his
transactions in those parts. He travelled likewise into the region called
afterwards Scythia; the natives of which country were his [832]descendants.
He also visited the Hyperboreans. In all these peregrinations he is generally
described as proceeding alone: at least we have no intimation of any army
to assist in the performance of these great enterprises. He is indeed
supposed to have sailed with six ships to [833]Phrygia: but how he came by
them is not said; nor whence he raised the men, who went with him. At
other times he is represented with a club in his hand, and the skin of an
animal upon his shoulders. When he passed over the ocean, he is said to
have been wafted in a golden [834]bowl. In Phrygia he freed Hesione from a
Cetus, or sea monster, just as Perseus delivered Andromeda. He is
mentioned as founding many cities in parts very remote: the sea-coast of
Bœtica, and Cantabria, was, according to some writers, peopled by [835]him.

By Syncellus he is said to have resided in Italy, and to have reigned in
[836]Latium. The Grecians supposed that he was burnt upon Mount Œta: but

the people of Gades shewed his Taphos in their [837]city, just as the
Egyptians shewed the Taphos of Osiris at Memphis, and elsewhere. Hence
it was imagined by many, that Hercules was buried at Gades. The
philosopher Megaclides could not be brought to give the least assent to the
histories of this [838]hero: and Strabo seems to have thought a great part of
them to have been a [839]fable. In short, the whole account of this personage
is very inconsistent: and though writers have tried to compromise matters
by supposing more persons than one of this name, yet the whole is still
incredible, and can never be so adjusted as to merit the least belief. How
they multiplied the same Deity, in order to remedy their faulty mythology,
may be seen in the following extract from Cicero. [840]Quanquam, quem
potissimum Herculem colamus, scire velim: plures enim nobis tradunt ii,
qui interiores scrutantur et reconditas literas. Antiquissimum Jove natum,
sed item Jove antiquissimo: nam Joves quoque plures in priscis Græcorum
literis invenimus. Ex eo igitur et Lysito est is Hercules, quem concertâsse
cum Apolline de tripode accepimus. Alter traditur Nilo natus, Ægyptius;
quem aiunt Phrygias literas conscripsisse. Tertius est ex Idæis Dactylis, cui
inferias afferunt. Quartus Jovis est, et Asteriæ, Latonæ sororis, quem Tyrii
maxime colunt; cujus Carthaginem filium ferunt. Quintus in [841]Indiâ, qui
Belus dicitur. Sextus hic, ex Alcumenâ quem Jupiter genuit; sed tertius
Jupiter: quoniam, ut docebo, plures Joves accepimus.
Hercules was a title given to the chief deity of the Gentiles, who have been
multiplied into almost as many personages, as there were countries, where
he was worshipped. What has been attributed to this god singly, was the
work of Herculeans; a people who went under this title among the many
which they assumed; and who were the same as the Osirians, Peresians, and
Cuthites. They built Tartessus in Bœtica, and occupied great part of Iberia.
They likewise founded [842]Corunna in Cantabria, and [843]Alesia in Gaul:
of which there are traditions to this day. Some of them settled near
[844]
Arelate; others among the [845]Alpes: also at Cuma, and Heraclea in
Campania. They were also to be found at Tyre, and in Egypt; and even in
the remotest parts of [846]India. In short, wherever there were Heraclidæ, or
Herculeans, an Hercules has been supposed. Hence his character has been

variously represented. One, while he appears little better than a sturdy
vagrant; at other times he is mentioned as a great benefactor; also as the
patron of science, the [847]God of eloquence, with the Muses in his train. On
this account he had the title of [848]Musagetes; and the Roman general
Fulvius dedicated a temple which he had erected to his honour, and
inscribed it [849]Herculi Musarum. There are gems, upon which he is
represented as presiding among the Deities of [850]Science. He is said to
have been swallowed by a Cetus, or large fish, from which he was after
some time delivered. This history will hereafter be easily decyphered. He
was the chief deity of the [851]Gentile world; the same as Hermes, Osiris,
and Dionusus; and his rites were introduced into various parts by the
Cuthites. In the detail of his peregrinations is contained, in great measure,
an history of that people, and of their settlements. Each of these the Greeks
have described as a warlike expedition; and have taken the glory of it to
themselves. He is said to have had many sons. One of these was
[852]Archemagoras; by which is meant the father or chief of the Magi. There

are many others enumerated: the principal of whom are said to have been;
[853]Sardus, or Sardon; Cyrnus, Gelonus, Olynthus, Scythus, Galathus,

Lydus, Iberus, Celtus, Poimen. As these are all manifestly the names of
nations, we may perceive by the purport of this history, that the Sardinians,
Corsicans, Iberians, Celtæ, Galatæ, Scythæ, &c. &c. together with those
styled Shepherds, were Herculeans; all descended from that [854]Hercules,
who was the father of Archemagoras the chief of the Magi.

DIONUSUS.

The history of Dionusus is closely connected with that of Bacchus, though
they were two distinct persons. It is said of the former, that he was born at
[855]Nusa in Arabia: but the people upon the Indus insisted, that he was a

native of their [856]country; and that the city Nusa, near mount Meru, was
the true place of his birth. There were, however, some among them, who
allowed, that he came into their parts from the west; and that his arrival was
in the most antient times. He taught the nations, whither he came, to build
and to plant, and to enter into societies. To effect this, he collected the
various families out of the villages in which they dwelt, and made them
incorporate in towns and cities, which he built in the most commodious

situations. After they were thus established, he gave them laws, and
instructed them in the worship of the Gods. He also taught them to plant the
Vine, and to extract the juice of the grape; together with much other
salutary knowledge. This he did throughout all his [857]travels, till he had
conquered every region in the East. Nor was it in these parts only, that he
shewed himself so beneficent a conqueror; but over all the habitable
[858]
world. The account given by the Egyptians is consonant to that of the
Indians: only they suppose him to have been of their own country; and to
have set out by the way of Arabia and the Red Sea, till he arrived at the
extremities of the East. He travelled also into [859]Lybia, quite to the
Atlantic; of which performance Thymætes is said to have given an account
in an antient Phrygian poem. After his Indian expedition, which took him
up three years, he passed from Asia by the Hellespont into Thrace, where
Lycurgus withstood him, and at last put him to flight. He came into Greece;
and was there adopted by the people, and represented as a native of their
country. He visited many places upon the Mediterranean; especially
Campania, and the coast of Italy, where he was taken prisoner by the
Hetrurian pirates. Others say, that he conquered all [860]Hetruria. He had
many attendants; among whom were the Tityri, Satyri, Thyades, and
Amazons. The whole of his history is very inconsistent in respect both to
time and place. Writers therefore have tried to remedy this by introducing
different people of the same name. Hence Dionusus is multiplied into as
many [861]personages as Hercules. His history was looked upon as very
interesting; and therefore was the chief theme of all the antient [862]bards.
His flight, styled φυγη Διονυσου, was particularly [863]recorded. He was
the same as Osiris; and many of the later mythologists acknowledged this
truth. Αιγυπτιοι μεν γαρ τον παρ' αυτοις θεον Οσιριν ονομαζομενον
φασιν ειναι τον παρ' Ἑλλησι Διονυσον τουτον δε μυθολογουσιν
επελθειν πασαν την οικουμενην—Ὁμοιως δε και τους Ινδους τον
θεον τουτον παρ' ἑαυτοις αποφανεσθαι γεγονεναι. The Egyptians, says
[864]
Diodorus, maintain that their God Osiris is no other than the Dionusus
of Greece: And they farther mention, that he travelled over the face of the
whole earth—In like manner the Indi assure us, that it is the same Deity,
who wan conversant in their [865]country.

Dionusus, according to the Grecian mythology, is represented as having
been twice born: and is said to have had two fathers and two mothers. He
was also exposed in an [866]ark, and wonderfully preserved. The purport of
which histories is plain. We must however for the most part consider the
account given of Dionusus, as the history of the Dionusians. This is
twofold. Part relates to their rites and religion; in which the great events of
the infant world, and the preservation of mankind in general, were recorded.
In the other part, which contains the expeditions and conquests of this
personage, are enumerated the various colonies of the people, who were
denominated from him. They were the same as the Osirians and Herculeans;
all of one family, though under different appellations. I have shewn, that
there were many places which claimed his birth; and as many, where was
shewn the spot of his interment. Of these we may find samples in Egypt,
Arabia, and India; as well as in Africa, Greece, and its islands. For the
Grecians, wherever they met with a grot or a cavern sacred to him, took it
for granted that he was born there: and wherever he had a taphos, or high
altar, supposed that he was there [867]buried. The same is also observable in
the history of all the Gods.
From what has been said we may perceive that the same history has been
appropriated to different personages: and if we look farther into the annals
of the first ages, we shall find more instances to the same purpose. It is said
of [868]Cronus, and Astarte, that they went over the whole earth; disposing
of the countries at their pleasure, and doing good wherever they came.
Cronus in consequence of it is represented as an universal [869]benefactor;
who reclaimed men from their savage way of life, and taught them to pass
their days in innocence and truth. A like account is given of Ouranus, the
great king of the [870]Atlantians, who observing mankind in an unsettled and
barbarous state, set about building cities for their reception; and rendered
them more humane and civilized by his institutions and laws. His influence
was very extensive; as he is supposed to have had the greater part of the
world under his rule. All this, and what was above done by Cronus and
Astarte, the Grecians attributed to Apollo and Themis. Strabo mentions
from the historian, Ephorus, that the oracle at Delphi was founded by these
two [871]deities at the time, when Apollo was going over the world doing
good to all mankind. He taught the nations, where he came, to be more
[872]gentle and humane in their manners; and to abstain from their wild

fruits, and foul banquets: affording them instructions how to improve
themselves by cultivation.
Some of these persons are mentioned as proceeding in a pacific manner: but
these peregrinations in general are represented as a process of war; and all
that was effected, was supposed to have been by conquest. Thus Osiris,
Hercules, Perseus, Dionusus, displayed their benevolence sword in hand:
and laid every country under an obligation to the limits of the earth. The
like is said of Zeuth, the Zeus of Greece, who was an universal conqueror
and benefactor: [873]Τον Δια κυριον γενομενον τον ὁλων επελθειν
ἁπασαν την οικουμενην, ευεργετουντα το γενος των ανθρωπων·
διενεγκειν δε αυτον και σωματος ῥωμῃ και ταις αλλαις ἁπασαις
αρεταις, και δια τουτο ταχυ κυριον γενεσθαι του συμπαντος κοσμου.
Zeus (or Jupiter) having got the entire supremacy marched over the whole
earth, benefiting mankind wherever he came. And as he was a person of
great bodily strength, and at the same time had every princely quality, he
very soon subdued the whole world.
No mention is made of any conquests achieved by Orus: and tho reason is,
because he was the same as Osiris. Indeed they were all the same
personage: but Orus was more particularly Osiris in his second state; and
therefore represented by the antient Egyptians as a child. What is omitted
by him, was made up by his immediate successor Thoules; who like those,
who preceded, conquered every country which was inhabited. [874]Ειτα
Οσιρις, μεθ' ὁν Ωρος, και μετα αυτον Θουλης, ὁς και ἑως του
ωκεανου πασαν την γην παρειληφεν. After him (that is, Söus, or Sosis,)
came Osiris; and then Orus: to whom succeeded Thoules, who conquered
the whole earth quite to the ocean. The like history is given of him by
[875]Suidas, and by the author of the [876]Chronicon Paschale.

These accounts I have collated, and brought in succession to one another;
that we may at a view see the absurdity of the history, if taken in the
common acceptation. And however numerous my instances may have been,
I shall introduce other examples before I quit the subject. I must particularly
speak of an Egyptian hero, equally ideal with those abovementioned; whose
history, though the most romantic and improbable of any, has been admitted
as credible and true. The person to whom I allude, is the celebrated
Sesostris. Most of the antient historians speak of his great achievements;

and the most learned of the modern chronologists have endeavoured to
determine his æra, and point out the time of his reign. But their endeavours
have been fruitless; and they vary about the time when he lived not less
than a thousand years: nay, some differ even more than this in the æra,
which they assign to him.

SESOSTRIS.

Among the writers who have written concerning this extraordinary
personage, Diodorus Siculus is the most uniform and full; and with his
evidence I will begin my account. He[877] informs us, that, when this prince
was a youth, he was entrusted by his father with a great army. He upon this
invaded Arabia: and though he was obliged to encounter hunger and thirst
in the wilds, which he traversed; yet he subdued the whole of that large tract
of country. He was afterwards sent far into the west; where he conquered all
the legions of Lybia, and annexed great part of that country to the kingdom
of Egypt. After the death of his father he formed a resolution to subdue all
the nations upon earth. Accordingly, having settled everything at home, and
appointed governors to each province, he set out with an army of six
hundred thousand foot, and twenty-four thousand horse, and twenty-seven
thousand armed chariots. With these he invaded the Ethiopians to the south;
whom he defeated, and made tributaries to Egypt. He then built a fleet of
ships upon the Red sea: and he is recorded as the first person who
constructed vessels fit for distant navigation. With these, by means of his
generals, he subdued all the sea-coast of Arabia, and all the coast upon the
ocean as far as India. In the mean time he marched in person, with a
puissant army, by land, and conquered the whole continent of Asia. He not
only overran the countries, which Alexander afterwards invaded; but
crossed both the Indus and the Ganges; and from thence penetrated to the
eastern ocean. He then turned to the north, and attacked the nations of
Scythia; till he at last arrived at the Tanäis, which divides Europe and Asia.
Here he founded a colony; leaving behind him some of his people, as he
had just before done at [878]Colchis. These nations are said to the last to
have retained memorials of their original from Egypt. About the same time
Asia Minor, and most of the islands near it, fell into his hands. He at last
passed into [879]Thrace, where he is said to have been brought into some
difficulties. He however persisted, and subdued all the regions of Europe. In

most of these countries he erected pillars with hieroglyphical inscriptions;
denoting that these parts of the world had been subdued by the great
Sesostris, or, as [880]Diodorus expresses his name, Sesoosis. He likewise
erected statues of himself, formed of stone, with a bow and a lance: which
statues were in length four cubits and four palms, according to the
dimensions of his own height and stature. Having thus finished his career of
[881]
victory, he returned laden with spoils to Egypt, after an absence of
[882]nine years; which is one year less than was attributed to the expeditions

of Hercules.
The detail given by this historian is very plain and precise: and we proceed
very regularly and minutely in a geographical series from one conquest to
another: so that the story is rendered in some degree plausible. But we may
learn from Diodorus himself, that little credit is to be paid to this narration,
after all the pains he may have taken to win upon our credulity. He
ingenuously owns, that not only the Grecian writers, but even the priests of
Egypt, and the bards of the same country varied in the accounts which they
gave of this hero; and were guilty of great inconsistence. It was therefore
his chief labour to collect what he thought most credible, and what appeared
most consonant to the memorials in Egypt, which time had spared: [883]Τα
πιθανωτατα, και τοις υπαρχουσιν ετι κατα την χωραν σημειοις τα
μαλιστα συμφωνουντα διελθειν. But, as these memorials consisted
chiefly in hieroglyphics, I do not see how it was possible for Diodorus to
understand what the bards and priests could not decypher. The adjustment
of this history, had it been practicable, should have been the work of a
native Egyptian, and not of a person either from Greece or Sicily. This
writer afterwards mentions the mighty [884]works of Sesostris upon his
return into Egypt: the temples which he built, and the great entrenchments
which he made to the east, to guard the country from the Arabians: and
having enumerated the whole of his actions, he concludes with an
ingenuous confession, that [885]little could be obtained that was precisely
true. He has, without doubt, culled the most probable achievements of this
hero; and coloured and arranged them to the best advantage: yet they still
exceed belief. And if, after this care and disposition, they seem incredible,
how would they appear in the garb, in which he found them? Yet the history
of this personage has been admitted as credible by the most learned
[886]writers and chronologists: though, as I before mentioned, they cannot

determine the æra of his reign within a thousand years. Sir John Marsham
and Sir Isaac Newton suppose him to have been the Sesac of the scriptures;
and consequently bring his reign down to the time of Rehoboam king of
Judah. But the only reason for this, as far as I can perceive, seems to be,
that Sesostris is represented as a great conqueror; and Sesac is presumed,
from his large [887]army, to have been so likewise. But there is nothing more
said of Sesac, than that he formed a plan of conquering the king of Judah;
and accordingly came with the army before mentioned, to put his design in
execution. But the [888]capital being delivered into his hands without the
least resistance, and the king intirely submitting himself to his will; he
contented himself with the rich plunder, which he found, and which he
carried away at his departure. We may also infer from the servitude, to
which the people of Judah were reduced, that he imposed upon them some
future contributions.
This is the whole of the history of Sesac, or Shishak; by whom no other
expedition was undertaken that we know of: nor is there mention made
upon record of a single battle which he fought. Yet from a notion that Sesac
was a great warrior, he is made the same as Sesostris: and the age of the
latter is brought down very many centuries beneath the æra, to which the
best writers have adjudged it. When we differ from received tradition, we
should not pass over in silence what is said on the contrary part; but give it
at large, and then shew our reasons for our departure from it. I have taken
notice of the supposed conquerors of the earth: and among them of the
reputed deities of Egypt, who came under the names of Osiris, Perseus,
Thoules, &c. These are supposed, if they ever existed, to have lived in the
first ages of the world, when Egypt was in its infant state; and Sesostris is
made one of their number. He is by some placed after Orus; by others after
Thoules; but still referred to the first ages. He is represented under the name
of Sethos, [889]Sethosis, Sesoosis, Sesonchosis, Sesostris; but the history,
with which these names are accompanied, shews plainly the identity of the
personage. Eusebius in reckoning up the dynasty of kings, who reigned
after Hephaistus or Vulcan, mentions them in the following order: [890]Then
succeeded his son Helius; after him Sosis, then Osiris, then Orus, then
Thoules, who conquered the whole earth to the ocean; and last of all
Sesostris. The [891]Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius calls him
Sesonchosis; and places him immediately after Orus, and the third in

succession from Osiris: giving at the same time an account of his conquests.
He adds that he was the person whom Theopompus called Sesostris. The
same Scholiast quotes a curious passage from Dicæarchus, in which
Sesonchosis maintains the same rank, and was consequently of the highest
antiquity. [892]Dicæarchus in the first book of his history mentions, that
immediately after the reign of Orus, the son of Isis and Osiris, in Egypt, the
government devolved to Sesonchosis: so that from the time of Sesonchosis
to Nilus were two thousand years. Cedrenus [893]calls him Sesostris; and
mentions him after Osiris, and Orus, and Thoules; which last was by the
above writer omitted. Οσιρις. Ωρος. Θουλης. μετα δε τουτον
Σεσωστρις. The author of the Chronicon Paschale makes Orus to have
been succeeded by the same personage, as is mentioned above, whom he
calls Thoulis; and next to him introduces Sesostris. He relates all his great
conquests; and gives us this farther information, that this prince was the
first of the line of Ham, who reigned in Egypt; in other words, he was the
first king of the country. [894]Εν τουτοις μετα ταυτα χρονοις εβασιλευε
των Αιγυπτιων πρωτος εκ τες φυλης ΤΟΥ ΧΑΜ [895]Σεσωστρις.
Aristotle speaks of Sesostris; but does not determine the time of his reign on
account of its great antiquity. He only says that it was long before the age of
[896]
Minos, who was supposed to have reigned in Crete. Apollonius
Rhodius, who is thought to have been a native of Egypt, speaks of the great
actions of this prince; but mentions no name: not knowing, I imagine, by
which properly to distinguish him, as he was represented under so many. He
however attributes to him every thing which is said of [897]Sesostris;
particularly the settling a Colony at Colchis, and building innumerable
cities in the countries which he traversed:

μυρια δ' αστη
Νασσατ' εποιχομενος.

He represents him as conquering all Asia and Europe; and this in times so
remote, that many of the cities which he built, were in ruins before the æra
of the Argonauts.
From what has been said, we may perceive that if such a person as Sesostris
had existed, his reign must have been of the earliest date. He is by some
represented as succeeding Thoules: according to others he comes one

degree higher, being introduced after [898]Orus, who in the catalogue of
Panodorus is placed first of the Demigods, that reigned in Egypt; but by
[899]
Herodotus is ranked among the deities. According to Dicæarchus the
reign of Sesostris was two thousand five hundred years before Nilus: and
the reign of the latter was four hundred and thirty-six years before the first
Olympiad. I do not place the least confidence in these computations; but
would only shew from them that the person spoken of must be referred to
the mythic age, to the æra of the Demigods of Egypt. Some of these
evidences are taken notice of by Sir John [900]Marsham; who cannot
extricate himself from the difficulties with which his system is attended. He
has taken for granted, that Sesostris and Sesonchosis are the Sesac of the
Scriptures; though every circumstance of their history is repugnant to that
notion. [901]I know not, says he, what to make of this Sesonchosis; who is
represented as five thousand years before Menes, and who is referred to the
time of the Demigods. In another place: Sesostris, who is in the twelfth
Dynasty of Africanus, and whose æra extends higher, than the Canon of
Eusebius reaches, reigned according to Scaliger's computation in the 1392d
year of the Julian Period. By this calculation Sesostris is made prior to
Sesostris; and this too by no less than 2355 years: for it is manifest, as I
will shew from Scripture, that Sesostris undertook his expedition into Asia,
and got possession of Jerusalem in the 3747th year of the Period
abovementioned. What is said in the sacred writings, I have taken notice of
before. Not a word occurs about Sesostris, nor of any such Asiatic
expedition. I am obliged to say, that through the whole of this learned
writer's process, instead of a proof, we find nothing else but the question
begged, and some inferences of his own in consequence of this assumption.
He indeed quotes the authority of Manethon from Josephus to prove that the
great actions of Sesostris were the same as were performed by Sesac. But
Manethon says no such thing: nor does Josephus attribute any such exploits
to Sesac: but expressly says more than once, that Sesac, and Sesostris were
two different [902]persons. It is no where said of Sesac, that he made an
expedition into Asia; much less that he conquered it, as is supposed of
Sesostris. Sesac went up against Jerusalem, and took it, αμαχητι, without
meeting with any opposition. Upon this he departed, and carried with him
the treasures which he had there seized: in other words, he went home
again. There is not the least mention made of his invading [903]Samaria, or

the country about Libanus, and Sidon; or of his marching to Syria: all which
made but a small part of the great Continent, called in aftertimes Asia:
much less did he visit the countries of the Assyrians, and Babylonians; or
the regions of Elam and the Medes. All this, and much more he must have
done, to have come up to the character, to which they would fain entitle
him.
I will not enter into any farther discussion of the great conquests attributed
to this supposed monarch Sesostris. They are as ideal as those of Sesac, and
sufficiently confute themselves. First Osiris is said to have conquered the
whole earth: then Zeus, then Perseus, then [904]Hercules, all nearly of the
same degree of antiquity, if we may believe the best Mythologists. Myrina
comes in for a share of conquest in the time of Orus. After her Thoules
subdues the whole from the Eastern Ocean, to the great Atlantic: and as if
nothing had been performed before, Sesostris immediately succeeds, and
conquers it over again. [905]Herodotus informs us, as a token of these
victories, that Sesostris erected pillars and obelisks with emblematical
inscriptions: and that he saw some of them in Phrygia, and in other
countries, which had been conquered. He without doubt saw pillars: but
how did he know for certain, by whom they were erected? and who taught
him to interpret the symbols? Pausanias takes [906]notice of a colossal statue
in the Thebäis, and says that the history given of it was not satisfactory. He
tells us, that it stood near the Syringes, in upper Egypt; and he viewed it
with great admiration. It was the figure of a man in a sitting posture; which
some said was the representation of Memnon the Ethiopian: others
maintained, that it was the statue of Phamenophis: and others again, that it
related to Sesostris. There were here emblems, and symbols; yet a diversity
of opinions. I want therefore to know, how Herodotus could interpret in
Phrygia, what a native could not decypher in Egypt. The same question may
be asked about the people of Syria, among whom were obelisks attributed
to the same person. How came they to be so determinate about an Egyptian
work; when people of that country in the same circumstances were so
utterly at a loss? the whole undoubtedly was matter of surmise. I shall not
therefore say any thing more of Sesostris; as I must again speak of him,
when I come to the kings of Egypt.

If we compare the above histories, we may perceive that they bear a
manifest similitude to one another; though they are attributed to different
persons. They contain accounts of great achievements in the first ages: in
effecting which these antient heroes are represented as traversing immense
regions, and carrying their arms to the very limits of the known world: the
great Tartarian ocean to the east, and the Atlantic westward, being the
boundaries of their travel. Some of them seem to have been of the same
age; and to have carried on these conquests at nearly the same time: and
those, whose æra may possibly differ, have this in common with the others;
that they visit the same countries, march for the most part by the same rout;
and are often joined by the same allies, and are followed by the like
attendants. They are in general esteemed benefactors, wherever they go: and
carry the sciences with them, as well as their religious rites; in which they
instruct the natives in different parts of the world. These are to be sure
noble occurrences; which however could not possibly have happened, as
they are represented above. It is not to be supposed, that any person in those
early ages, or in any age, could go over such a tract of country; much less
that he should subdue it. It is still more improbable, that such extensive
conquests should be so immediately repeated: and that they should in some
instances be carried on by different people at nearly the same time. They,
who speak of mighty empires being founded in those early days, know little
of true history; and have formed a very wrong judgment of the politics,
which then universally prevailed. The whole earth, as far as we can learn,
was divided into little coördinate states: every city seems to have been
subservient to its own Judge and Ruler, and independent of all others. In the
land of [907]Canaan thirty-one kings were subdued by Joshua, between
Jordan and the sea: and some were still left by him unconquered. In those
days, says the learned Marsham, quot urbes, tot regna. The like was for
many ages after observable in Greece, as well as in Latham, Samnium, and
Hetruria. A powerful enemy made Egypt unite under one head: and the
necessities of the people in a time of dearth served to complete that system.
The Israelites too, when settled in Canaan, formed a large kingdom.
Excepting these two nations we know of none of any considerable extent,
that were thus united. The [908]Syrians and the Philistim were in separate
states, and under different governors. The kingdoms of Nineve and
Babylonia consisted each of one mighty city, with its environs; in which
were perhaps included some subordinate villages. They were properly

walled [909]Provinces; and the inhabitants were in a state of rest for ages.
The Assyrian did not till about seven hundred years before Christ, begin to
contend for dominion, and make acquisition of territory: and we may form a
judgment, from what he then [910]gained, of what he was possessed before.
The cities Hala, Habor, Haran in Mesopotamia, with Carchemish upon the
Euphrates, were his first conquests: to these he added the puny states Ina,
Iva, and Sepharvaim upon the same river. He then proceeded to Hamath,
Damascus, and other cities of Syria; and at last came to Samaria. The line of
conquest points out the route, which he took; and shews that there were in
Mesopotamia numberless little states, independent of Babylon and Nineve,
though in their immediate vicinity. Consequently the notion of the extent,
dominion, and antiquity of those Monarchies, as delivered by Ctesias and
others, is entirely void of truth. The conquests likewise of those Heroes and
Demigods, who are made coeval with the supposed foundations of those
Monarchies, must be equally groundless. To say the truth, the very
personages are ideal, and have been formed out of the titles of the Deity:
and the history, with which they are attended, related not to conquest, but to
peregrinations of another nature; to Colonies which went abroad, and
settled in the countries mentioned. The antients, as I have repeatedly said,
have given to a person, what related to a people: and if we make this small
allowance, the history will be found in great measure true.

NINUS and SEMIRAMIS.

Having given an account of the mythic heroes of Egypt, I think it necessary
to subjoin an history of two others of the like stamp, who have made no less
figure in the annals of Babylon and Assyria. The persons, to whom I allude,
are Ninus and Semiramis; whose conquests, though they did not extend so
far as those above, are yet alike wonderful, and equally groundless. It is
said of Ninus, that he was the first king of [911]Assyria: and being a prince
of great power, he made war on his neighbours the Babylonians, whom he
conquered. He afterwards invaded the Armenians; whose king Barsanes,
finding himself much inferior to his adversary, diverted his anger by great
presents, and a voluntary [912]submission. The next object of his ambition
was Media, which he soon subdued; and getting Phanius, the king of the
country, into his hands, together with his wife and seven children, he

condemned them all to be crucified. His hopes being greatly raised by this
success, he proceeded to reduce all the nations to his obedience between the
Tanaïs and the Nile: and in seventeen years he made so great a progress,
that, excepting Bactria, all Asia submitted to him as far as the river Indus. In
the series of conquered countries Ctesias enumerates Egypt, Phenicia, Coile
Syria, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, Lydia, Cappadocia,
and the nations in Pontus, and those near the Tanaïs. To these are added the
Dacians, Hyrcanians, Derbicians, Carmanians, Parthians, with all Persis and
Susiana, and the numerous nations upon the Caspian sea. After these
notable actions he laid the foundation of the great city Nineve: which by
mistake is said to have been built upon the banks of the [913]Euphrates. His
last expedition was against the Bactrians: at which time he first saw
Semiramis, a woman of uncommon endowments, and great personal
charms. He had an army which amounted to seven millions of foot, and two
millions of horse, with two hundred thousand chariots with scythes. For the
possibility of which circumstances Diodorus tries to account in favour of
the historian, from whom he borrows. By the conduct of Semiramis the
Bactrians are subdued; and Ninus takes the capital of the country: upon
which, in return for her services, he makes Semiramis his queen. Not long
after he dies, leaving only one son by this princess, who was called Ninyas.
The history of Semiramis is variously related by different authors. Some
make her a native of Ascalon; and say that she was exposed in the desert,
and nourished by pigeons. She was in this situation discovered by a
shepherd named Simma. He bred her up, and married her to Menon; whom
she deserted for Ninus. During her son's minority she assumed the regal
state: and the first work which she undertook was the interment of her
husband. She accordingly buried him with great splendor; and raised over
him a mound of earth, no less than a mile and a quarter high, and
proportionally wide at bottom: after which she built Babylon. This being
finished, she made an expedition into Media; and wherever she came left
memorials of her power and munificence. This was effected by erecting
vast structures, forming lakes, and laying out gardens of great extent;
particularly in Chaonia and Ecbatana. In short, she levelled hills, and raised
[914]
mounds of an immense height, which retained her name for ages. After
this she invaded Egypt, and conquered Ethiopia, with the greater part of
Lybia: and having accomplished her wish, and there being no enemy to

cope with her, excepting the people of India, she resolved to direct her
forces towards that quarter. She had an army of three millions of foot, five
hundred thousand horse, and one hundred thousand chariots. For the
passing of rivers, and engaging with the enemy by water, she had procured
two thousand ships, to be so constructed as to be taken to pieces for the
advantage of carriage: which ships were built in Bactria by experienced
persons from Phenicia, Syria, and Cyprus. With these she entered into a
naval engagement with Strabrobates king of India; and at the first encounter
sunk a thousand of his ships. Upon this she built a bridge over the river
Indus, and penetrated into the heart of the country. Here Strabrobates
engaged her; but being deceived by the numerous appearance of her
elephants, at first gave way. For being deficient in those animals, she had
procured the hides of three thousand black oxen; which being properly
sewed, and stuffed with straw, formed an appearance of so many elephants.
All this was done so naturally, that the real animals could not stand the
sight. But this stratagem being at last discovered, Semiramis was obliged to
retreat, after having lost a great part of her [915]army. Soon after this she
resigned the government to her son Ninyas, and died. According to some
writers, she was slain by his hand.
The history of Ninus and Semiramis, as here represented, is in great
measure founded upon terms, which have been misconstrued; and these
fictions have been invented in consequence of the mistakes. Under the
character of Semiramis we are certainly to understand a people styled
Semarim, a title assumed by the antient Babylonians. They were called
Semarim from their insigne, which was a dove, expressed Semaramas, of
which I shall speak hereafter more at large. It was used as an object of
worship; and esteemed the same as Rhea, the mother of the gods:
[916]
Σεμιραμιν και την Ῥεαν καλουμενην παρ' Ασσυριοις.
If we take the history of Semiramis, as it is given us by Ctesias and others;
nothing can be more inconsistent. Some make her the wife of Ninus: others
say that she was his [917]daughter: and about the time of her birth they vary
beyond measure. She is sometimes made cöeval with the city Nineve: at
other times she is brought down within a few centuries of [918]Herodotus.
She invades the Babylonians before the city was [919]built, from whence
they were denominated: and makes sumptuous gardens at Ecbatana. Hence

that city is introduced as coëval with Nineve: though, if the least credit may
be given to [920]Herodotus, it was built many ages after by Deïoces the
Mede. The city Nineve itself is by Ctesias placed upon the [921]Euphrates;
though every other writer agrees, that it lay far to the east, and was situated
upon the Tigris. This shews how little credit is to be paid to Ctesias. The
whole account of the fleet of ships built in Bactria, and carried upon camels
to the Indus, is a childish forgery. How can we suppose, that there were no
woods to construct such vessels, but in the most inland regions of Asia? The
story of the fictitious elephants, made out of the hides of black oxen, which
put to flight the real elephants, is another silly fable. Megasthenes, who
wrote of India, would not allow that Semiramis was ever in those [922]parts.
Arrian seems to speak of it as a groundless [923]surmise. Her building of
Babylon was by [924]Berosus treated as a fable. Herennius Philo maintained,
that it was built by a son of Belus the wise, two thousand years before her
[925]birth. Suidas says, that she called Nineve [926]Babylon: so uncertain is

every circumstance about this Heroine. She is supposed to have sent to
Cyprus, and Phenicia, for artists to construct and manage the ships
abovementioned; as if there had been people in those parts famous for
navigation before the foundation of Nineve. They sometimes give to
Semiramis herself the merit of building the [927]first ship; and likewise the
invention of weaving cotton: and another invention more extraordinary,
which was that of emasculating [928]men, that they might be guardians, and
overseers in her service. Yet, it is said of her, that she took a man to her bed
every night, whom she put to death in the morning. How can it be imagined,
if she was a woman of such unbridled [929]lust, that she would admit such
spies upon her actions? We may as well suppose, that a felon would forge
his own gyves, and construct his own prison. Claudian thinks, that she did it
to conceal her own sex, by having a set of beardless people about her.
[930]Seu prima Semiramis astu

Assyriis mentita virum, ne vocis acutæ
Mollities, levesque genæ se prodere possent,
Hos sibi junxisset socios: seu Parthica ferro
Luxuries nasci vetuit lanuginis umbram;
Servatosque diu puerili flore coegit
Arte retardatam Veneri servire juventam.

In respect to Semiramis I do not see how this expedient could avail. She
might just as well have dressed up her maids in mens clothes, and with less
trouble. In short the whole of these histories in their common acceptation is
to the last degree absurd, and improbable: but if we make use of an
expedient, which I have often recommended, and for a person substitute a
people, we shall find, when it is stripped of its false colouring, that there is
much truth in the narration.
It was a common mode of expression to call a tribe or family by the name
of its founder: and a nation by the head of the line. People are often spoken
of collectively in the singular under such a patronymic. Hence we read in
Scripture, that Israel abode in tents; that Judah was put to the worst in
battle; that Dan abode in ships; and Asher remained on the sea-coast. The
same manner of speaking undoubtedly prevailed both in Egypt, and in other
countries: and Chus must have been often put for the Cuthites, or Cuseans;
Amon for the Amonians; and Asur, or the Assyrian, for the people of
Assyria. Hence, when it was said, that the Ninevite performed any great
action, it has been ascribed to a person Ninus, the supposed founder of
Nineve. And as none of the Assyrian conquests were antecedent to Pul, and
Assur Adon, writers have been guilty of an unpardonable anticipation, in
ascribing those conquests to the first king of the country. A like anticipation,
amounting to a great many centuries, is to be found in the annals of the
Babylonians. Every thing that was done in later times, has been attributed to
Belus, Semiramis, and other, imaginary princes, who are represented as the
founders of the kingdom. We may, I think, be assured, that under the
character of Ninus, and Ninyas, we are to understand the Ninevites; as by
Semiramis is meant a people called Samarim: and the great actions of these
two nations are in the histories of these personages recorded. But writers
have rendered the account inconsistent by limiting, what was an historical
series of many ages, to the life of a single person. The Ninevites and
Samarim did perform all that is attributed to Semiramis, and Ninus. They
did conquer the Medes, and Bactrians; and extended their dominions
westward as far as Phrygia, and the river Tanais, and to the Southward as
far as Arabia, and Egypt. But these events were many ages after the
foundation of the two kingdoms. They began under Pul of Nineve; and were
carried on by Assur Adon, Salmanassur, Sennacherib, and other of his
successors. Nineve was at last ruined, and the kingdom of Assyria was

united with that of [931]Babylonia. This is probably alluded to in the
supposed marriage of Semiramis and Ninus. Then it was, that the Samarim
performed the great works attributed to them. For, exclusive of what was
performed at Babylon; There are, says [932]Strabo, almost over the face of
the whole earth, vast [933]mounds of earth, and walls, and ramparts,
attributed to Semiramis; and in these are subterraneous passages of
communication, and tanks for water, with staircases of stone. There are also
vast canals to divert the course of rivers, and lakes to receive them;
together with highways and bridges of a wonderful structure. They built the
famous terraces at [934]Babylon; and those beautiful gardens at Egbatana,
after that city had fallen into their hands. To them was owing that cruel
device of emasculating their slaves, that their numerous wives, and
concubines might be more securely guarded: an invention, which cannot
consistently be attributed to a woman. They found out the art of weaving
cotton: which discovery has by some been assigned to those of their family,
who went into Egypt: for there were Samarim here too. In consequence of
this, the invention has been attributed to a Semiramis, who is here
represented as a man, and a king of the country: at least it is referred to his
reign. [935]Επι τε Σεμιραμεως βασιλεως Αιγυπτιων τα βυσσινα ἱματια
ἑυρησθαι ἱστορουσιν. The Samarim of Egypt and Babylonia, were of the
same family, the sons of Chus. They came and settled among the Mizraim,
under the name of the shepherds, of whose history I have often spoken. The
reason of their being called Semarim, and Samarim, I shall hereafter
disclose, together with the purport of the name, and the history, with which
it is attended.

ZOROASTER.

The celebrated Zoroaster seems to have been a personage as much
mistaken, as any, who have preceded. The antients, who treated of him,
have described him in the same foreign light, as they have represented
Perseus, Dionusus, and Osiris. They have formed a character, which by
length of time has been separated, and estranged, from the person, to whom
it originally belonged. And as among the antients, there was not a proper
uniformity observed in the appropriation of terms, we shall find more
persons than one spoken of under the character of Zoroaster: though there

was one principal, to whom it more truly related. It will be found, that not
only the person originally recorded, and reverenced; but others, by whom
the rites were instituted and propagated, and by whom they were in
aftertimes renewed, have been mentioned under this title: Priests being
often denominated from the Deity, whom they served.
Of men, styled Zoroaster, the first was a deified personage, reverenced by
some of his posterity, whose worship was styled Magia, and the professors
of it Magi. His history is therefore to be looked for among the accounts
transmitted by the antient Babylonians, and Chaldeans. They were the first
people styled Magi; and the institutors of those rites, which related to
Zoroaster. From them this worship was imparted to the Persians, who
likewise had their Magi. And when the Babylonians sunk into a more
complicated idolatry, the Persians, who succeeded to the sovereignty of
Asia, renewed under their Princes, and particularly under Darius, the son of
Hystaspes, these rites, which had been, in a great degree, effaced, and
forgotten. That king was devoted to the religion styled Magia[936]; and
looked upon it as one of his most honourable titles, to be called a professor
of those doctrines. The Persians were originally named Peresians, from the
Deity Perez, or Parez the Sun; whom they also worshipped under the title of
[937]
Zor-Aster. They were at different æras greatly distressed and
persecuted, especially upon the death of their last king Yesdegerd. Upon
this account they retired into Gedrosia and India; where people of the same
family had for ages resided. They carried with them some shattered
memorials of their religion in writing, from whence the Sadder, Shaster,
Vedam, and Zandavasta were compiled. These memorials seem to have
been taken from antient symbols ill understood; and all that remains of
them consists of extravagant allegories and fables, of which but little now
can be decyphered. Upon these traditions the religion of the Brahmins and
Persees is founded.
The person who is supposed to have first formed a code of institutes for this
people, is said to have been one of the Magi, named Zerdusht. I mention
this, because Hyde, and other learned men, have imagined this Zerdusht to
have been the antient Zoroaster. They have gone so far as to suppose the
two names to have been the [938]same; between which I can scarce descry
any resemblance. There seem to have been many persons styled Zoroaster:

so that if the name had casually retained any affinity, or if it had been
literally the same, yet it would not follow, that this Persic and Indian
Theologist was the person of whom antiquity speaks so loudly. We read of
persons of this name in different parts of the world, who were all of them
Magi, or Priests, and denominated from the rites of Zoroaster, which they
followed. Suidas mentions a Zoroaster, whom he styles an Assyrian; and
another whom he calls Περσο-Μηδης, Perso-Medes: and describes them
both as great in science. There was a Zoroaster Proconnesius, in the time of
Xerxes, spoken of by [939]Pliny. Arnobius mentions Zoroastres Bactrianus:
and Zoroastres Zostriani nepos [940]Armenius. Clemens Alexandrinus takes
notice of Zoroaster [941]Medus, who is probably the same as the Perso-
Medes of Suidas. Zoroastres Armenius is likewise mentioned by him, but is
styled the son of [942]Armenius, and a Pamphylian. It is said of him that he
had a renewal of life: and that during the term that he was in a state of
death, he learned many things of the Gods. This was a piece of mythology,
which I imagine did not relate to the Pamphylian Magus, but to the head of
all the Magi, who was reverenced and worshipped by them. There was
another styled a Persian, whom Pythagoras is said to have [943]visited.
Justin takes notice of the Bactrian [944]Zoroaster, whom he places in the
time of Ninus. He is also mentioned by [945]Cephalion, who speaks of his
birth, and the birth of Semiramis (γενεσιν Σεμιραμεως και Ζωροαστρου
Μαγου) as of the same date. The natives of India have a notion of a
Zoroaster, who was of Chinese original, as we are informed by [946]Hyde.
This learned man supposes all these personages, the Mede, the Medo-
Persic, the Proconnesian, the Bactrian, the Pamphylian, &c. to have been
one and the same. This is very wonderful; as they are by their history
apparently different. He moreover adds, that however people may differ
about the origin of this person, yet all are unanimous about the time when
he [947]lived. To see that these could not all be the same person, we need
only to cast our eye back upon the evidence which has been collected
above: and it will be equally certain, that they could not be all of the same
æra. There are many specified in history; but we may perceive, that there
was one person more antient and celebrated than the rest; whose history has
been confounded with that of others who came after him. This is a
circumstance which has been observed by [948]many: but this ingenious
writer unfortunately opposes all who have written upon the subject,

however determinately they may have expressed themselves. [949]At
quicquid dixerint, ille (Zoroaster) fuit tantum unus, isque tempore Darii
Hystaspis: nec ejus nomine plures unquam extitere. It is to be observed, that
the person, whom he styles Zoroaster, was one Zerdusht. He lived, it seems,
in the reign of Darius, the father of Xerxes; which was about the time of the
battle of Marathon: consequently not a century before the birth of Eudoxus,
Xenophon, and Plato. We have therefore no authority to suppose [950]this
Zerdusht to have been the famous Zoroaster. He was apparently the renewer
of the Sabian rites: and we may be assured, that he could not be the person
so celebrated by the antients, who was referred to the first ages. Hyde
asserts, that all writers agree about the time, when Zoroaster made his
appearance: and he places him, as we have seen above, in the reign of
Darius. But Xanthus Lydius made him above [951]six hundred years prior.
And [952]Suidas from some anonymous author places him five hundred
years before the war of Troy. Hermodorus Platonicus went much farther,
and made him five thousand years before that [953]æra. Hermippus, who
professedly wrote of his doctrines, supposed him to have been of the same
[954]antiquity. Plutarch also [955]concurs, and allows him five thousand years

before that war. Eudoxus, who was a consummate philosopher, and a great
traveller, supposed him to have flourished six thousand years before the
death of [956]Plato. Moses [957]Chorenensis, and [958]Cephalion, make him
only contemporary with Ninus, and Semiramis: but even this removes him
very far from the reign of Darius. Pliny goes beyond them all; and places
him many thousand years before Moses. [959]Est et alia Magices factio, a
Mose, et Jamne, et Lotapea Judæis pendens: sed multis millibus annorum
post Zoroastrem. The numbers in all these authors, are extravagant: but so
much we may learn from them, that they relate to a person of the highest
antiquity. And the purport of the original writers, from whence the Grecians
borrowed their evidence, was undoubtedly to shew, that the person spoken
of lived at the extent of time; at the commencement of all historical data.
No fact, no memorial upon record, is placed so high as they have carried
this personage. Had Zoroaster been no earlier than Darius, Eudoxus would
never have advanced him to this degree of antiquity. This writer was at the
same distance from Darius, as Plato, of whom he speaks: and it is not to be
believed, that he could be so ignorant, as not to distinguish between a
century, and six thousand years. Agathias indeed mentions, that some of the

Persians had a notion, that he flourished in the time of one Hystaspes; but
he confesses, that who the Hystaspes was, and at what time he lived, was
[960]uncertain. Aristotle wrote not long after Eudoxus, when the history of

the Persians was more known to the Grecians, and he allots the same
number of years between Zoroaster and Plato, as had been [961]before given.
These accounts are for the most part carried too far; but at the same time,
they fully ascertain the high antiquity of this person, whose æra is in
question. It is plain that these writers in general extend the time of his life to
the æra of the world, according to their estimation; and make it prior to
Inachus, and Phoroneus, and Ægialeus of Sicyon.
Huetius takes notice of the various accounts in respect to his country.
[962]Zoroastrem nunc Persam, nunc Medum ponit Clemens Alexandrinus;

Persomedum Suidas; plerique Bactrianuni; alii Æthiopem, quos inter ait
Arnobius ex Æthiopiâ interiore per igneam Zonam venisse Zoroastrem. In
short, they have supposed a Zoroaster, wherever there was a Zoroastrian:
that is, wherever the religion of the Magi was adopted, or revived. Many
were called after him: but who among men was the Prototype can only be
found out by diligently collating the histories, which have been transmitted.
I mention among men; for the title originally belonged to the Sun; but was
metaphorically bestowed upon sacred and enlightened personages. Some
have thought that the person alluded to was Ham. He has by others been
taken for Chus, also for Mizraim, and [963]Nimrod: and by Huetius for
Moses. It may be worth while to consider the primitive character, as given
by different writers. He was esteemed the first observer of the heavens; and
it is said that the antient Babylonians received their knowledge in
Astronomy from him: which was afterwards revived under Ostanes; and
from them it was derived to the [964]Egyptians, and to the Greeks. Zoroaster
was looked upon as the head of all those, who are supposed to have
followed his [965]institutes: consequently he must have been prior to the
Magi, and Magia, the priests, and worship, which were derived from him.
Of what antiquity they were, may be learned from Aristotle.
[966]Αριστοτελης δ' εν πρωτῳ περι φιλοσοφιας (τους Μαγους) και

πρεσβυτερους ειναι των Αιγυπτιων. The Magi, according to Aristotle,
were prior even to the Egyptians: and with the antiquity of the Egyptians,
we are well acquainted. Plato styles him the son of [967]Oromazes, who was

the chief Deity of the Persians: and it is said of him, that he laughed upon
the day on which he was [968]born. By this I imagine, that something
fortunate was supposed to be portended: some indication, that the child
would prove a blessing to the world. In his childhood he is said to have
been under the care of [969]Azonaces: which I should imagine was a name
of the chief Deity Oromazes, his reputed father. He was in process of time
greatly enriched with knowledge, and became in high repute for his
[970]piety, and justice. He first sacrificed to the Gods, and taught men to do

the [971]same. He likewise instructed them in science, for which he was
greatly [972]famed: and was the first who gave them laws. The Babylonians
seem to have referred to him every thing, which by the Egyptians was
attributed to Thoth and Hermes. He had the title of [973]Zarades, which
signifies the Lord of light, and is equivalent to Orus, Oromanes, and Osiris,
It was sometimes expressed [974]Zar-Atis, and supposed to belong to a
feminine Deity of the Persians. Moses Chorenensis styles him
[975]
Zarovanus, and speaks of him as the father of the Gods. Plutarch would
insinuate, that he was author of the doctrine, embraced afterwards by the
Manicheans, concerning two prevailing principles, the one good, and the
other evil[976]: the former of these was named Oromazes, the latter
Areimanius. But these notions were of late [977]date, in comparison of the
antiquity which is attributed to [978]Zoroaster. If we might credit what was
delivered in the writings transmitted under his name, which were probably
composed by some of the later Magi, they would afford us a much higher
notion of his doctrines. Or if the account given by Ostanes were genuine, it
would prove, that there had been a true notion of the Deity transmitted from
[979]Zoroaster, and kept up by the Magi, when the rest of the gentile world

was in darkness. But this was by no means true. It is said of Zoroaster, that
he had a renewal of [980]life: for I apply to the original person of the name,
what was attributed to the Magus of Pamphylia: and it is related of him, that
while he was in the intermediate state of death, he was instructed by the
[981]
Gods. Some speak of his retiring to a mountain of Armenia, where he
had an intercourse with the [982]Deity: and when the mountain burned with
fire, he was preserved unhurt. The place to which he retired, according to
the Persic writers, was in the region called [983]Adarbain; where in
aftertimes was the greatest Puratheion in Asia. This region was in Armenia:

and some make him to have been born in the same country, upon one of the
Gordiæan [984]mountains. Here it was, that he first instituted sacrifices, and
gave laws to his followers; which laws are supposed to be contained in the
sacred book named Zandavasta. To him has been attributed the invention of
Magic; which notion has arisen from a misapplication of terms. The Magi
Were priests, and they called religion in general Magia. They, and their
rites, grew into disrepute; in consequence of which they were by the Greeks
called απατεωνες, φαρμακευται: jugglers, and conjurers. But the
Persians of old esteemed them very highly. [985]Μαγον, τον θεοσεβη, και
θεολογον, και ἱερεα, ὁι Περσαι ὁυτως λεγουσιν. By a Magus, the
Persians understand a sacred person, a professor of theology, and a Priest.
Παρα Περσαις [986]Μαγοι ὁι φιλοσοφοι, και θεοφιλοι. Among the
Persians, the Magi are persons addicted to philosophy, and to the worship
of the Deity. [987]Dion. Chrysostom, and Porphyry speak to the same
purpose. By Zoroaster being the author of Magia, is meant, that he was the
first promoter of religious rites, and the instructor of men in their duty to
God. The war of Ninus with Zoroaster of Bactria relates probably to some
hostilities carried on between the Ninevites of Assyria, and the Bactrians,
who had embraced the Zoroastrian rites. Their priest, or prince, for they
were of old the same, was named [988]Oxuartes; but from his office had the
title of Zoroaster; which was properly the name of the Sun, whom he
adored. This religion began in Chaldea; and it is expressly said of this
Bactrian king, that he borrowed the knowledge of it from that country, and
added to it largely. [989]Cujus scientiæ sæculis priscis multa ex Chaldæorum
arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres. When the Persians gained the empire
in Asia, they renewed these rites, and doctrines. [990]Multa deinde (addidit)
Hystaspes Rex prudentissimus, Darii pater. These rites were idolatrous; yet
not so totally depraved, and gross, as those of other nations. They were
introduced by Chus; at least by the Cuthites: one branch of whom were the
Peresians, or Persians. The Cuthites of Chaldea were the original Magi, and
they gave to Chus the title of Zoroaster Magus, as being the first of the
order. Hence the account given by Gregorius Turonensis is in a great degree
true. [991]Primogeniti Cham filii Noë fuit Chus. Hic ad Persas transiit, quem
Persæ vocitavere Zoroastrem. Chus, we find, was called by this title; and
from him the religion styled Magia passed to the Persians. But titles, as I
have shewn, were not always determinately appropriated: nor was Chus the

original person, who was called Zoroaster. There was another beyond him,
who was the first deified mortal, and the prototype in this worship. To
whom I allude, may, I think, be known from the history given above. It will
not fail of being rendered very clear in the course of my procedure.

The purport of the term Zoroaster is said, by [992]the author of the
Recognitions, and by others, to be the living star: and they speak of it as if
it were of Grecian etymology, and from the words ζωον and αστηρ. It is
certainly compounded of Aster, which, among many nations, signified a
star. But, in respect to the former term, as the object of the Persic and
Chaldaic worship was the Sun, and most of their titles were derived from
thence; we may be pretty certain, that by Zoro-Aster was meant Sol
Asterius. Zor, Sor, Sur, Sehor, among the Amonians, always related to the
Sun. Eusebius says, that Osiris was esteemed the same as Dionusus, and the
Sun: and that he was called [993]Surius. The region of Syria was hence
denominated Συρια; and is at this day called Souria, from Sur, and Sehor,
the Sun. The Dea Syria at Hierapolis was properly Dea Solaris. In
consequence of the Sun's being called Sor, and Sur, we find that his temple
is often mentioned under the name of [994]Beth-Sur, and [995]Beth-Sura,
which Josephus renders [996]Βηθ-Σουρ. It was also called Beth-Sor, and
Beth-Soron, as we learn from [997]Eusebius, and [998]Jerome. That Suria was
not merely a provincial title is plain, from the Suria Dea being worshipped
at Erix in [999]Sicily; and from an inscription to her at [1000]Rome. She was
worshipped under the same title in Britain, as we may infer from an
Inscription at Sir Robert Cotton's, of Connington, in Cambridgeshire.

[1001]
DEÆ SURIÆ
SUB CALPURNIO
LEG. AUG. &c.

Syria is called Sour, and Souristan, at this day.

Pl. XI. Deus Azon Persicus.

The Grecians therefore were wrong in their etymology; and we may trace the
origin of their mistake, when they supposed the meaning of Zoroaster to have
been vivens astrum. I have mentioned, that both Zon and [1002]Zoan signified
the Sun: and the term Zor had the same meaning. In consequence of this, when
the Grecians were told that Zor-Aster was the same as Zoan-Aster, they, by an
uniform mode of mistake, expressed the latter ζωον; and interpreted Zoroaster
αστερα ζωον. But Zoan signified the Sun. The city Zoan in Egypt was
Heliopolis; and the land of Zoan the Heliopolitan nome. Both Zoan-Aster, and
Zor-Aster, signified Sol Asterius. The God Menes was worshipped under the
symbol of a bull; and oftentimes under the symbol of a bull and a man. Hence
we read of Meno-Taur, and of Taur-Men, in Crete, Sicily, and other places. The
same person was also styled simply [1003]Taurus, from the emblem under
which he was represented. This Taurus was also called Aster, and Asterius, as
we learn from [1004]Lycophron, and his Scholiast. Ὁ Αστηριος ὁυτος εστιν ὁ
και Μινοταυρος. By Asterius is signified the same person as the Minotaur.
This Taur-Aster is exactly analogous to [1005]Zor-Aster above. It was the same
emblem as the Mneuis, or sacred bull of Egypt; which was described with a
star between his horns. Upon some of the [1006]entablatures at Naki Rustan,
supposed to have been the antient Persepolis, we find the Sun to be described
under the appearance of a bright [1007]star: and nothing can better explain the
history there represented, than the account given of Zoroaster. He was the
reputed son of Oromazes, the chief Deity; and his principal instructor was
Azonaces, the same person under a different title. He is spoken of as one
greatly beloved by heaven: and it is mentioned of him, that he longed very
much to see the Deity, which at his importunity was granted to him. This
interview, however, was not effected by his own corporeal eyes, but by the
mediation of an [1008]angel. Through this medium the vision was performed:
and he obtained a view of the Deity surrounded with light. The angel, through
whose intervention this favour was imparted, seems to have been one of those
styled Zoni, and [1009]Azoni. All the vestments of the priests, and those in
which they used to apparel their Deities, had sacred names, taken from terms
in their worship. Such were Camise, Candys, Camia, Cidaris, Mitra, Zona, and
the like. The last was a sacred fillet, or girdle, which they esteemed an emblem
of the orbit described by Zon, the Sun. They either represented their Gods as
girded round with a serpent, which was an emblem of the same meaning; or

else with this bandage, denominated [1010]Zona. They seem to have been
secondary Deities, who were called Zoni and [1011]Azoni. The term signifies
Heliadæ: and they were looked upon as æthereal essences, a kind of emanation
from the Sun. They were exhibited under different representations; and
oftentimes like Cneph of Egypt. The fillet, with which the Azoni were girded,
is described as of a fiery nature: and they were supposed to have been wafted
through the air. Arnobius speaks of it in this light. [1012]Age, nunc, veniat,
quæso, per igneam zonam Magus ab interiore orbe Zoroastres. I imagine, that
by Azonaces, Αζωνακης, beforementioned, the reputed teacher of Zoroaster,
was meant the chief Deity, the same as Oromanes, and Oromasdes. He seems
to have been the supreme of those æthereal spirits described above; and to
have been named Azon-Nakis, which signifies the great Lord, [1013]Azon.
Naki, Nakis, Nachis, Nachus, Negus, all in different parts of the world betoken
a king. The temple at Istachar, near which these representations were found, is
at this day called the palace of Naki Rustan, whoever that personage may have
been.

Pl. XII. Apud Kæmpferum in Amœnitat. Exot. p. 312

Zor-Aster, sive Taurus Solaris Ægyptiacus

ORPHEUS.

The character of Orpheus is in some respects not unlike that of Zoroaster, as
will appear in the sequel. He went over many regions of the earth; and in all
places, whither he came, was esteemed both as a priest, and a prophet. There
seems to be more in his history than at first sight appears: all which will by
degrees be unfolded. His skill in harmony is represented as very wonderful:
insomuch that he is said to have tamed the wild beasts of the forest, and made
the trees follow him. He likewise could calm the winds, and appease the raging
of the sea. These last circumstances are taken notice of by a poet in some fine
verses, wherein he laments his death.
[1014]
Ὁυκ ετι κοιμασεις ανεμων βρομον, ουχι χαλαζαν,
Ου νιφετων συρμους, ου παταγευσαν ἁλα.

Ωλεο γαρ. κλ.

He is mentioned, as having been twice in a state of [1015]death; which is
represented as a twofold descent to the shades below. There is also an obscure
piece of mythology about his wife, and a serpent; also of the Rhoia or
Pomegranate: which seems to have been taken from some symbolical
representation at a time, when the purport was no longer understood. The
Orpheans dealt particularly in symbols, as we learn from Proclus.
[1016]
Ορφικοι δια συμβολον, Πυθαγορειοι δια εικονων, τα θεια μηνυειν
εφιεμενοι. His character for science was very great; and Euripides takes
particular notice of some antient tablets, containing much salutary knowledge,
which were bequeathed to the Thracians by Orpheus: [1017]ἁς Ορφειη
κατεγραψε γηρυς. Plato styles his works [1018]βιβλων ὁμαδον, a vast
lumber of learning, from the quantity, which people pretended had been
transmitted from him. He one while resided in Greece; and particularly at
Thebes in Bœotia. Here he introduced the rites of Dionusus, and celebrated his
Orgies upon mount [1019]Cithæron. He is said to have been the first who
instituted those rites: and was the author of all mysterious worship.
[1020]Πρωτος Ορφευς μυστηρια Θεων παρεδωκεν. All these were

accompanied with science of another nature: for he is reputed to have been
skilled in many arts.
From Thebes he travelled towards the sea-coast of Chaonia, in order to recover
his lost Eurydice; who had been killed by a serpent. According to
[1021]Agatharchides Cnidius it was at Aorthon in Epirus, that he descended for

this purpose to the shades below. The same account is given by [1022]Pausanias,
who calls the place more truly Aornon. In the Orphic Argonauts it is said to
have been performed at Tænarus in [1023]Laconia. He likewise resided in
Egypt, and travelled over the regions of Libya; and every where instructed
people in the rites, and religion, which he professed. In the same manner he
went over a great part of the world.
[1024]Ως ἱκομην επι γαιαν απειρετον, ηδε ποληας,

Αιγυπτῳ, Λιβυῃ τε, βροτοις ανα θεσφατα φαινων.

Some make Orpheus by birth a Thracian; some an Arcadian: others a Theban.
Pausanias mentions it as an opinion among the [1025]Egyptians, that both
Orpheus, and Amphion, were from their country. There is great uncertainty

about his parents. He is generally supposed to have been the son of Œagrus,
and Calliope: but Asclepiades made him the son of Apollo, by that
[1026]Goddess. By some his mother was said to have been Menippe; by others
[1027]
Polymnia. He is also mentioned as the son of [1028]Thamyras. Plato differs
from them all, and styles both Orpheus, and Musæus, [1029]Σεληνης και
Μουσων εγγονοι, the offspring of the Moon, and the Muses: in which account
is contained some curious mythology. The principal place of his residence is
thought to have been in Pieria near mount Hæmus. He is also said to have
resided among the Edonians; and in Sithonia, at the foot of mount Pangæus;
also upon the sea-coast at Zona. In all these places he displayed his superiority
in science; for he was not only a Poet, and skilled in harmony, but a great
Theologist and Prophet; also very knowing in medicine, and in the history of
the [1030]heavens. According to Antipater Sidonius, he was the author of Heroic
verse. And some go so far as to ascribe to him the invention of letters; and
deduce all knowledge from [1031]him.
Many of the things, reported to have been done by Orpheus, are attributed to
other persons, such as [1032]Eetion, Musæus, Melampus, Linus, Cadmus, and
Philammon. Some of these are said to have had the same [1033]parents. Authors
in their accounts of Orpheus, do not agree about the manner of his [1034]death.
The common notion is, that he was torn to pieces by the Thracian women. But,
according to Leonides, in Laërtius, he was slain by lightning: and there is an
[1035]epitaph to that purpose. The name of Orpheus is to be found in the lists of

the Argonauts: and he is mentioned in the two principal poems upon that
subject. Yet there were writers who placed him eleven generations before the
war of Troy, consequently ten generations before that expedition. [1036]Γεγονε
προ ια γενεων των Τρωικων—βιωναι δε γενεας θ· ὁι δε ια φησιν. He
was born eleven ages before the siege of Troy, and he is said to have lived nine
ages; and according to some eleven. This extent of [1037]life has been given
him in order to bring him down as low as the aera of the Argonauts: though, if
we may believe Pherecydes Syrus, he had no share in that expedition.
To remedy the inconsistences, which arise in the history of Orpheus, writers
have supposed many persons of this name. Suidas takes notice of no less than
four in [1038]Thrace. But all these will not make the history consistent. Vossius
therefore, with good reason, doubts whether such a person ever existed. Nay,
he asserts, [1039]Triumviros istos Poeseos, Orphea, Musæum, Linum, non
fuisse: sed esse nomina ab antiquâ Phœnicum linguâ, quâ usi Cadmus, et

aliquamdiu posteri. There is great truth in what Vossius here advances: and in
respect to Orpheus, the testimony of Aristotle, quoted by him from Cicero, is
very decisive. [1040]Orpheum poetam docet Aristoteles nunquam fuisse.
Dionysius, as we learn from Suidas, affirmed the same thing. Palæphatus
indeed admits the man; but sets aside the history. [1041]Ψευδης και ὁ περι του
Θρφεως μυθος. The history too of Orpheus is nothing else but a fable. From
what has been said, I think it is plain, that under the character of this personage
we are to understand a people named [1042]Orpheans; who, as Vossius rightly
intimates, were the same as the Cadmians. In consequence of this, there will
sometimes be found a great similarity between the characters of these two
persons.

I have shewn, that Colonies from [1043]Egypt settled in the region of Sethon,
called afterwards Sethonia, upon the river Palæstinus. They were likewise to
be found in the countries of Edonia, Pieria, and Peonia: in one of which they
founded a city and temple. The Grecians called this city Orpheus:
[1044]
Ορφευς εστι πολις υπο τῃ Πιεριῃ. Orpheus is a city of Thrace, below
Pieria. But the place was originally expressed Orphi, by which is meant the
oracular temple of Orus. From hence, and from the worship here instituted, the
people were styled Orphites, and Orpheans. They were noted for the Cabiritic
mysteries; and for the Dionusiaca, and worship of Damater. They were
likewise very famous for the medicinal arts; and for their skill in astronomy
and music. But the Grecians have comprehended, under the character of one
person, the history of a people. When they settled in Thrace, they introduced
their arts, and their worship, among the barbarous [1045]natives, by whom they
were revered for their superior knowledge. They likewise bequeathed many
memorials of themselves, and of their forefathers, which were probably some
emblematical sculptures upon wood or stone: hence we read of the tablets of
Orpheus preserved in Thrace, and particularly upon mount [1046]Hæmus. The
temple which they built upon this mountain seems to have been a college, and
to have consisted of a society of priests. They were much addicted to celibacy,
as we may judge from their history; and were, in great measure, recluses after
the mode of Egypt and Canaan. Hence it is said of Orpheus, that he secreted
himself from the world, and led the life of a [1047]Swan: and it is moreover
mentioned of Aristæus, when he made a visit to Dionusus upon mount Hæmus,
that he disappeared from the sight of men, and was never after [1048]seen.
According to the most common accounts concerning the death of Orpheus, it
was owing to his principles, and manner of life. He was a solitary, and refused

all commerce with womankind: hence the Mænades, and other women of
Thrace, rose upon him, and tore him to pieces. It is said, that his head, and lyre
were thrown into the Hebrus; down which they were wafted to Lemnos. What
is here mentioned of Orpheus, undoubtedly relates to the Orpheans, and to
their temple upon mount Hæmus. This temple was in process of time ruined:
and there is great reason to think, that it was demolished upon account of the
cruelties practised by the priests, and probably from a detestation of their
unnatural crimes, to which there are frequent allusions. Ovid having given a
character of Orpheus, concludes with an accusation to this purpose.
[1049]Ille etiam Thracum populis fuit auctor amores

In teneros transferre mares: citraque juventam
Ætatis breve ver, et primos carpere flores.

Those of the community, who survived the disaster, fled down the Hebrus to
Lesbos; where they either found, or erected, a temple similar to that which
they had quitted. Here the same worship was instituted; and the place grew
into great reputation. They likewise settled at Lenmos. This island lay at no
great distance from the former; and was particularly devoted to the Deity of
fire. It is said by Hecatæus, that it received the name of Lemnos from the
Magna Dea, Cybele. She was styled by the natives Λημνος, and at her shrine
they used to sacrifice young persons. [1050]Απο μεγαλης λεγομενης Θεου·
ταυτῃ δε και παρθενους εθυον. They seem to have named the temple at
Lesbos Orphi, and Orpheï caput: and it appears to have been very famous on
account of its oracle. Philostratus says, that the Ionians, and Æolians, of old
universally consulted it: and, what is extraordinary, that it was held in high
estimation by the people of [1051]Babylonia. He calls the place the head of
Orpheus: and mentions, that the oracle proceeded from a cavity in the earth;
and that it was consulted by Cyrus, the Persian. That the Babylonians had a
great veneration for a temple named Orphi, I make no doubt: but it certainly
could not be the temple at Lesbos. During the Babylonish empire, Greece, and
its islands, were scarcely known to people of that country. And when the
Persians succeeded, it is not credible, that they should apply to an oracle at
Lesbos, or to an oracle of Greece. They were too refined in their religious
notions to make any such application. It is notorious, that, when Cambyses,
and Ochus, invaded Egypt, and when Xerxes made his inroad into Greece,
they burnt and ruined the temples in each nation, out of abomination to the
worship. It was another place of this name, an oracle of their own, to which the

Babylonians, and Persians, applied. For it cannot be supposed, in the times
spoken of, that they had a correspondence with the western world. It was Ur, in
Chaldea, the seat of the antient Magi, which was styled Urphi, and Orphi, on
account of its being the seat of an oracle. That there was such a temple is plain
from Stephanus Byzantinus, who tells us, [1052]Μαντειον εχειν αυτους
(Χαλδαιους) παρα βαρβαροις, ὡς Δελφοι παρ' Ἑλλησι. The Chaldeans
had an oracle as famous among the people of those parts, as Delphi was
among the Grecians. This temple was undoubtedly styled Urphi. I do not
mean, that this was necessarily a proper name; but an appellative, by which
oracular places were in general distinguished. The city Edessa in Mesopotamia
seems likewise to have had the name of Urphi, which was given on account of
the like rites, and worship. That it was so named, we may fairly presume from
its being by the natives called [1053]Urpha, at this day. It was the former temple,
to which the Babylonians, and Persians had recourse: and it was from the Magi
of these parts, that the Orphic rites and mysteries were originally derived. They
came from Babylonia to Egypt, and from thence to Greece. We accordingly
find this particular in the character of Orpheus, [1054]ειναι δε τον Ορφεα
μαγευσαι δεινον, that he was great in all the mysteries of the Magi. We
moreover learn from Stephanus Monachius, that Orphon, a term of the same
purport as Orpheus, was one of the appellations, by which the Magi were
called. [1055]Orphon, quod Arabibus Magum sonat. In short, under the
character of Orpheus, we have the history both of the Deity, and of his
votaries. The head of Orpheus was said to have been carried to Lemnos, just as
the head of Osiris used to be wafted to Byblus. He is described as going to the
shades below, and afterwards returning to upper air. This is similar to the
history of Osiris, who was supposed to have been in a state of death, and after
a time to have come to life. There was moreover something mysterious in the
death of Orpheus; for it seems to have been celebrated with the same frantic
acts of grief, as people practised in their lamentations for Thamuz and Osiris,
and at the rites of Baal. The Bistonian women, who were the same as the
Thyades, and Mænades, used to gash their arms with knives, and besmear
themselves with [1056]blood, and cover their heads with ashes. By this display
of sorrow we are to understand a religious rite; for Orpheus was a title, under
which the Deity of the place was worshipped. He was the same as Orus of
Egypt, whom the Greeks esteemed both as Apollo, and Hephaistus. That he
was a deity is plain from his temple and oracle abovementioned: which, we
find, were of great repute, and resorted to by various people from the opposite
coast.

As there was an Orpheus in Thrace, so there appears to have been an Orpha in
[1057]Laconia, of whose history we have but few remains. They represent her as

a Nymph, the daughter of Dion, and greatly beloved by Dionusus. She was
said, at the close of her life, to have been changed to a tree. The fable probably
relates to the Dionusiaca, and other Orphic rites, which had been in early times
introduced into the part of the world abovementioned, where they were
celebrated at a place called Orpha. But the rites grew into disuse, and the
history of the place became obsolete: hence Orpha has been converted to a
nymph, favoured of the God there worshipped; and was afterwards supposed
to have been changed to one of the trees, which grew within its precincts.
Many undertook to write the history of Orpheus; the principal of whom were
Zopurus of Heraclea, Prodicus Chius, Epigenes, and Herodorus. They seem all
to have run into that general mistake of forming a new personage from a title,
and making the Deity a native, where he was inshrined. The writings, which
were transmitted under the name of Orpheus, were innumerable: and are justly
ridiculed by Lucian, both for their quantity, and matter. There were however
some curious hymns, which used to be of old sung in Pieria, and Samothracia;
and which Onomacritus copied. They contain indeed little more than a list of
titles, by which the Deity in different places was addressed. But these titles are
of great antiquity: and though the hymns are transmitted in a modern garb, the
person, through whom we receive them, being as late as [1058]Pisistratus, yet
they deserve our notice. They must necessarily be of consequence, as they
refer to the worship of the first ages, and afford us a great insight into the
Theology of the antients. Those specimens also, which have been preserved by
Proclus, in his dissertations upon Plato, afford matter of great curiosity. They
are all imitations, rather than translations of the antient Orphic poetry,
accompanied with a short comment. This poetry was in the original Amonian
language, which grew obsolete among the Helladians, and was no longer
intelligible: but was for a long time preserved in [1059]Samothracia, and used in
their sacred rites.

CADMUS.

Although I have said so much about Dionusus, Sesostris, and other great
travellers, I cannot quit the subject till I have taken notice of Cadmus: for his
expeditions, though not so extensive as some, which I have been mentioning,
are yet esteemed of great consequence in the histories of antient nations. The

time of his arrival in Greece is looked up to as a fixed æra: and many
circumstances in chronology are thereby determined. He is commonly reputed
to have been a Phenician by birth; the son of Agenor, who was the king of that
country. He was sent by his father's order in quest of his sister Europa; and
after wandering about a long time to little purpose, he at last settled in Greece.
In this country were many traditions concerning him; especially in Attica, and
Bœotia. The particular spot, where he is supposed to have taken up his
residence, was in the latter province at Tanagra upon the river Ismenus. He
afterwards built Thebes: and wherever he came, he introduced the religion of
his country. This consisted in the worship of [1060]Dionusus; and in the rites,
which by the later Greeks were termed the Dionusiaca. They seem to have
been much the same as the Cabyritic mysteries, which he is said to have
established in Samothracia. He fought with a mighty dragon; whose teeth he
afterwards sowed, and produced an army of men. To him Greece is supposed
to have been indebted for the first introduction of [1061]letters; which are said
to have been the letters of his country Phenicia, and in number sixteen. He
married Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus: and his nuptials were
graced with the presence of all the Gods, and Goddesses; each of whom
conferred some gift upon the bride. He had several children; among whom was
a daughter Semele, esteemed the mother of Bacchus. After having experienced
great vicissitudes in life, he is said to have retired with his wife Harmonia to
the coast of Illyria, where they were both changed to serpents. He was
succeeded at Thebes by his son Polydorus, the father of Labdacus, the father of
Laius. This last was the husband of Jocasta, by whom he had Œdipus.
Bochart with wonderful ingenuity, and equal learning, tries to solve the
ænigmas, under which this history is represented. He supposes Cadmus to
have been a fugitive Canaanite, who fled from the face of Joshua: and that he
was called Cadmus from being a Cadmonite, which is a family mentioned by
Moses. In like manner he imagines, that Harmonia had her name from mount
Hermon, which was probably in the district of the Cadmonites. The story of
the dragon he deduces from the Hevæi, or Hivites; the same people as the
Cadmonites. He proceeds afterwards with great address to explain the rest of
the fable, concerning the teeth of the dragon, which were sown; and the armed
men, which from thence arose: and what he says is in many particulars
attended with a great shew of probability. Yet after all his ingenious
conjectures, I am obliged to dissent from him in some points; and particularly
in one, which is of the greatest moment. I cannot be induced to think, that
Cadmus was, as Bochart represents him, a Phenician. Indeed I am persuaded,

that no such person existed. If Cadmus brought letters from Phenicia, how
came he to bring but sixteen; when the people, from whom he imported them,
had undoubtedly more, as we may infer from their neighbours? And if they
were the current letters of Greece, as Herodotus intimates; how came it to pass,
that the tablet of Alcmena, the wife of Amphitryon, the third in descent from
Cadmus, could not be understood, as we are assured by [1062]Plutarch? He
says, that in the reign of Agesilaus of Sparta, a written tablet was found in the
tomb of Alcmena, to whom it was inscribed: that the characters were obsolete,
and unintelligible; on which account they sent it to Conuphis of Memphis in
Egypt, to be decyphered. If these characters were Phenician, why were they
sent to a priest of a different country for interpretation? and why is their date
and antiquity defined by the reign of a king in Egypt? [1063]Τους τυπους ειναι
της επι Πρωτει βασιλευοντι γραμματικης. The form of the letters was the
same as was in use when Proteus reigned in that country. Herodotus, indeed,
to prove that the Cadmians brought letters into Greece, assures us, that he saw
specimens of their writing at Thebes, in the temple of Apollo [1064]Ismenius:
that there was a tripod as antient as the reign of Laius, the son of Labdacus;
with an inscription, which imported, that it had been there dedicated by
Amphitryon upon his victory over the Teleboæ. I make no doubt, but that
Herodotus saw tripods with antient inscriptions: and there might be one with
the name of Amphitryon: but how could he be sure that it was the writing of
that person, and of those times? We know what a pleasure there is in enhancing
the antiquity of things; and how often inscriptions are forged for that purpose.
Is it credible that the characters of Amphitryon should be so easy to be
apprehended, when those of his wife Alcmena could not be understood? and
which of the two are we in this case to believe, Herodotus or Plutarch? I do not
mean that I give any credence to the story of Alcmena and her tablet: nor do I
believe that there was a tripod with characters as antient as Amphitryon. I only
argue from the principles of the Greeks to prove their inconsistency. The
Pheneatæ in Arcadia shewed to Pausanias an inscription upon the basis of a
brazen statue, which was dedicated to [1065]Poseidon Hippius. It was said to
have been written by Ulysses, and contained a treaty made between him and
some shepherds. But Pausanias acknowledges that it was an imposition; for
neither statues of brass, nor statues of any sort, were in use at the time alluded
to.

It is said of Cadmus, that he introduced the rites of [1066]Bacchus into Greece.
But how is this possible, if Bacchus was his descendant, the son of his

daughter Semele? To remedy this, the latter mythologists suppose, that there
was a prior Bacchus, who was worshipped by Cadmus. This is their usual
recourse, when they are hard pressed with inconsistencies. They then create
other personages, to help them out of their difficulties. They form, with great
facility, a new Semiramis, or Ninus; another Belus, Perseus, Minos, Hermes,
Phoroneus, Apis, though to little purpose: for the mistake being fundamental,
the inconveniencies cannot be remedied by such substitutes. We are told that
Cadmus was a Phenician: but Diodorus Siculus speaks of him as assuredly of
Egypt; and mentions moreover, that he was a native of the Thebaïs:
[1067]Καδμον εκ Θηβων οντα των Αιγυπτιων. Pherecydes Syrus also, from

whom most of the mythology of Greece was borrowed, makes Cadmus an
[1068]
Egyptian, the son of Agenor and Argiope, who was the daughter of Nilus.
By others he is said to have been the son of Antiope, the daughter of Belus:
consequently he must originally have been of Babylonish extraction. His father
Agenor, from whom he is supposed to have been instructed in the sciences, is
represented by Nonnus as residing at Thebes.
[1069]Πατρια θεσπεσιης δεδαημενος οργια τεχνης,

Αιγυπτιης σοφιης μεταναστιος, ημος Αγηνωρ
Μεμφιδος ενναετης ἑκατομπυλον ῳκεε Θηβην.

We learn the same from the Scholiast upon Lycophron, who styles the king
Ogugus. [1070]Και ὁ Ωγυγος Θηβων Αιγυπτιων ην Βασιλευς, ὁθεν ὁ
Καδμος ὑπαρχων, ελθων εν Ἑλλαδι τας Ἑπταπυλους εκτισε. Moreover
Ogugus was king of Thebes in Egypt: of which country was Cadmus, who
came into Greece, and built the city styled Heptapulæ. It was from the same
part of the world, that the mysteries were imported, in which Cadmus is
represented as so knowing: and here it was, that he was taught hieroglyphics,
and the other characters, which are attributed to him. For he is said to have
been expert [1071]Χειρος οπισθοποροιο χαραγματα λοξα χαρασσων.
These arts he carried first to the coast of Sidon, and Syria; and from thence he
is supposed to have brought them to Greece: for, before he came to Hellas, he
is said to have reigned in conjunction with Phœnix, both at Sidon and Tyre.
[1072]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την

Συριαν Τυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευσαν. Phœnix and Cadmus came from
Thebes in Egypt, and reigned at Tyre and Sidon.

Thus I have taken pains to shew, that Cadmus was not, as has been generally
thought, a Phenician. My next endeavour will be to prove that no such person
existed. If we consider the whole history of this celebrated hero, we shall find,
that it was impossible for one person to have effected what he is supposed to
have performed. His expeditions were various and wonderful; and such as in
those early times would not have been attempted, nor could ever have been
completed. The Helladians say little more, than that he built Thebes, and
brought letters into Greece: that he slew a dragon, from the teeth of which
being sowed in the ground there arose an army of earthborn men. The writers
of other countries afford us a more extensive account: among the principal of
which are to be esteemed Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias. Some
of them had their [1073]doubts about the reality of this adventurer: and from the
history which they have transmitted, we may safely infer, that no such person
existed, as has been described under the character of Cadmus.

He is said to have sailed first to [1074]Phenicia and Cyprus; and afterwards to
[1075]Rhodes. Here he instructed the people in the religion which he professed;

and founded a temple at Lindus, where he appointed an order of priests. He did
the same [1076]at Thera, and afterwards was at [1077]Thasus: and proceeding in
his travels partook of the Cabiritic mysteries in [1078]Samothracia. He visited
[1079]Ionia, and all the coast upwards to the Hellespont and Propontis. He was

at Lesbos, which he named [1080]Issa: where some of his posterity were to be
found long after. He was also at Anaphe, one of the Sporades; which island
was denominated Membliaros from one of his [1081]followers. Mention is made
of his being upon the [1082]Hellespont, and in Thrace. Here he resided, and
found out a mine of [1083]gold, having before found one of copper in
[1084]
Cyprus. Hence he is said to have procured great wealth. [1085]Ὁδε
Καδμου πλουτος περι Θρακην, και το Παγγαιον ορος. We hear of him
afterwards in [1086]Eubœa; where there are to be found innumerable traces of
him, and his followers. He was likewise at [1087]Sparta, as we may infer from
the Heroüm erected to him by Eurotas, and his brethren, the sons of Huræus.
He must have resided a great while in [1088]Attica; for there were many
edifices about Athens attributed to him. He settled at Tanagra in Bœotia; where
he lost all his companions, who were slain by a dragon. He afterwards built
Thebes. Here he was king; and is said to have reigned sixty-two [1089]years.
But as if his wanderings were never to be terminated, he leaves his newly
founded city, and goes to Illyria. Here we find him again in regal state.

[1090]Βασιλευει Καδμος των Ιλλυριων. He reigns over the country which

receives its name from his son. [1091]Ιλλυρια—απο Ιλλυριου του Καδμονος
παιδος. Now whoever is truly acquainted with antiquity, must know, that, in
the times here spoken of, little correspondence was maintained between nation
and nation. Depredations were very frequent; and every little maritime power
was in a state of [1092]piracy: so that navigation was attended with great peril.
It is not therefore to be believed, that a person should so often rove upon the
seas amid such variety of nations, and reside among them at his pleasure:
much less that he should build temples, found cities, and introduce his religion,
wherever he listed; and this too in such transient visits. Besides, according to
the Egyptian accounts, the chief of his adventures were in Libya. He married
Harmonia at the lake [1093]Tritonis; and is said to have founded in that part of
the world no less. than an hundred cities:
[1094]
Λιβυστιδι Καδμος αρουρᾳ
Δωμησας πολιων ἑκατονταδα.

Some of these cities seem to have been situated far west in the remoter parts of
Africa.
[1095]Και Λιβυες στρατοωντο παρ' Ἑσπεριον κλιμα γαιης,

Αγχινεφη ναιοντες Αλημονος αστεα Καδμου.

Carthage itself was of old called [1096]Cadmeia: so that he may be ranked
among the founders of that city. Καρχηδων, Μητροπολις Λιβυης—εκαλειτο
δε Καινη πολις, και Καδμεια. He is mentioned by Moses Chorenensis to
have settled in [1097]Armenia, where there was a regio Cadmeia not far from
Colchis. He reigned here; and is said to have been of the giant race, and to
have come from [1098]Babylonia. And as the city Carthage in Libya was called
Cadmeia, so in this region Cadmeia, there was a city Carthage:
[1099]Καρχηδων πολις Αρμενιας.

Such are the expeditions of Cadmus. But is it credible that any person could
have penetrated into the various regions, whither he is supposed to have gone?
to have founded colonies in Phenicia, Cyprus, Rhodes, Thera, Thasus, Anaphe,
Samothracia? to have twice visited the Hellespont? to have worked the mines
in the Pangean mountains, and in other places? to have made settlements in
Eubœa, Attica, Bœotia, and Illyria? and, above all, to have had such territories

in Afric? He is represented as heir to the kingdom of Egypt: this he quitted,
and obtained a kingdom in Phenicia. He leaves this too; and after much
wandering arrives in Greece; where he founds several cities, and reigns sixty-
two years. After this, hard to conceive! he is made king in Illyria. He must also
have reigned in Afric: and his dominions seem to have been considerable, as
he founded an hundred cities. He is represented as a king in Armenia; and had
there too no small territory. Sure kingdoms in those times must have been very
cheap, if they were so easily attainable. But the whole is certainly a mistake; at
least in respect to [1100]Cadmus. No person could possibly have effected what
is attributed to him. They were not the achievements of one person, nor of one
age. And place Cadmus at any given æra, and arrange his history, as may
appear most plausible; yet there will arise numberless inconsistencies from the
connexions he must have in respect to time, place, and people; such as no art
nor disposition can remedy.
It may be asked, if there were no such man as Cadmus, what did the antients
allude to under this character? and what is the true purport of these histories?
The travels of Cadmus, like the expeditions of Perseus, Sesostris, and Osiris,
relate to colonies, which at different times went abroad, and were distinguished
by this title. But what was the work of many, and performed at various
seasons, has been attributed to one person. Cadmus was one of the names of
Osiris, the chief Deity of Egypt. Both Europa, and Harmonia are of the like
nature. They were titles of the Deity: but assumed by colonies, who went out,
and settled under these denominations. The native Egyptians seldom left their
country, but by force. This necessity however did occur: for Egypt at times
underwent great [1101]revolutions. It was likewise in some parts inhabited by
people of a different cast; particularly by the sons of Chus. These were obliged
to retire: in consequence of which they spread themselves over various parts of
the earth. All, who embarked under the same name, or title, were in aftertimes
supposed to have been under the same leader: and to him was attributed the
honour of every thing performed. And as colonies of the same denomination
went to parts of the world widely distant; their ideal chieftain, whether
Cadmus, or Bacchus, or Hercules, was supposed to have traversed the same
ground: and the achievements of different ages were conferred upon a fancied
hero of a day. This has been the cause of great inconsistency throughout the
mythology of the antients. To this they added largely, by being so lavish of
titles, out of reverence to their gods. Wherever they came they built temples to
them, and cities, under various denominations; all which were taken from
some supposed attribute. These titles and attributes, though they belonged

originally to one God, the Sun; yet being [1102]manifold, and misapplied, gave
rise to a multitude of Deities, whose æra never could be settled, nor their
history rendered consistent. Cadmus was one of these. He was the same as
Hermes of Egypt, called also Thoth, Athoth, and Canathoth: and was supposed
to have been the inventor of letters. He was sometimes styled Cadmilus,
another name for Hermes; under which he was worshipped in Samothracia,
and Hetruria. Lycophron speaking of the prophet Prulis, in Lesbos, tells us,
that he was the son of Cadmus, and of the race of Atlas. And he was the
person, who was supposed to give information to the Greeks, when they were
upon their expedition towards Troy.
[1103]
Ὡς μη σε Καδμος ωφελ' εν περιῤῥυτῳ
Ισσῃ φυτευσαι δυσμενων ποδηγετην.

These are the words of Cassandra: upon which the Scholiast observes; Πρυλις,
ὑιος του Καδμιλου, και Καδμου, ητοι Ἑρμου: Prulis of Lesbos was the son
of Cadmilus, or Cadmus, the same as Hermes. And afterwards he mentions,
[1104]ὁ Καδμος, ητοι Ἑρμης, Cadmus, who is the same as Hermes. In another

place he takes notice, that the name of Hermes among the Hetrurians was
[1105]Cadmilus: and it has been shewn, that Cadmilus, and Cadmus, are the

same. To close the whole, we have this further evidence from Phavorinus, that
Cadmus was certainly an epithet or title of Hermes. [1106]Καδμος, ου κυριον
μονον, αλλα και Ἑρμου επιθετον.
Harmonia, the wife of Cadmus, who has been esteemed a mere woman, seems
to have been an emblem of nature, and the fostering nurse of all things. She is
from hence styled [1107]παντροφος Ἁρμονια. And when Venus is represented
in the allegory as making her a visit, she is said to go [1108]εις δομον
Ἁρμονιας παμμητορος, to the house of the all-productive parent. In some of
the Orphic verses she is represented not only as a Deity, but as the light of the
world.
[1109]
Ἁρμονιη, κοσμοιο φαεσφορε, και σοφε Δαιμον.

Harmonia was supposed to have been a personage, from whom all knowledge
was derived. On this account the books of science were styled [1110]κυρβιας
Ἁρμονιας, the books of Harmonia, as well as the books of Hermes. These

were four in number, of which Nonnus gives a curious account, and says, that
they contained matter of wonderful antiquity.
[1111]Ειν ἑνι θεσφατα παντα, ταπερ πεπρωμενα κοσμῳ

Πρωτογονοιο Φανητος επιγραφε μαντιπολος χειρ.

The first of them is said to have been coeval with the world.
[1112]
Πρωτην κυρβιν οπωπεν ατερμονος ἡλικα κοσμου,
Ειν ἑνι παντα φερουσαν, ὁσα σκηπτουχος Οφιων
Ηνυσεν.

From hence we find, that Hermon, or Harmonia, was a Deity, to whom the first
writing is ascribed. The same is said of Hermes. [1113]Ἑρμης λεγεται Θεων εν
Αιγυπτῳ γραμματα πρωτος ἑυρειν. The invention is also attributed to Taut,
or Thoth. [1114]Πρωτος εστι Τααυτος, ὁ των γραμματων την ἑυρεσιν
επινοησας,—ὁν Αιγυπτιοι μεν εκαλεσαν Θωυθ, Αλεξανδρεις δε Θωθ,
Ἑρμην δε Ἑλληνες μετεφρασαν. Cadmus is said not only to have brought
letters into Greece, but to have been the inventor of them: from whence we
may fairly conclude, that under the characters of Hermon, Hermes, Taut,
Thoth, and Cadmus, one person is alluded to. The Deity called by the Greeks
Harmonia, was introduced among the Canaanites very early by people from
Egypt: and was worshipped in Sidon, and the adjacent country, by the name of
[1115]
Baal Hermon.
Europa likewise was a Deity; according to Lucian the same as Astarte, who
was worshipped at Hierapolis in Syria. He visited the temple, and had this
information from the priests: [1116]ὡς δε μοι τις των Ἱρεων απηγετο,
Ευρωπης εστι (το αγαλμα) της Καδμου αδελφεης. He is speaking of the
statue in the temple, which the priests told him belonged to a Goddess, the
same as Europa, the sister of Cadmus. She was also esteemed the same as
Rhea; which Rhea we know was the reputed mother of the gods, and
particularly the mother of Jupiter.
[1117]Εστ' αν Ῥεια τεκοι παιδα Κρονῳ εν φιλοτητι.

Pindar speaks of Europa, as the [1118]daughter of Tityus: and by Herodotus she
is made the mother of [1119]Sarpedon and Minos.

I have mentioned, that Cadmus was the same as the Egyptian Thoth; and it is
manifest from his being Hermes, and from the invention of letters being
attributed to him. Similar to the account given of Cadmus is the history of a
personage called by the Greeks Caanthus; this history contains an epitome of
the voyage undertaken by Cadmus, though with some small variation.
Caanthus is said to have been the son of Oceanus; which in the language of
Egypt is the same as the son of Ogus, and Oguges; a different name for the
same [1120]person. Ogus, and with the reduplication Ogugus, was the same as
Ogyges, in whose time the flood was supposed to have happened. Ogyges is
represented both as a king of Thebes in Egypt, and of Thebes in Bœotia: and in
his time Cadmus is said to have left the former country, and to have come to
the latter, being sent in quest of his sister Europa by his father. Caanthus was
sent by his father with a like commission. His sister Melia had been stolen
away; and he was ordered to search every country, till he found her. He
accordingly traversed many seas, and at last lauded in Greece, and passed into
Bœotia. Here he found, that his sister was detained by Apollo in the grove of
Ismenus. There was a fountain [1121]of the same name near the grove, which
was guarded by a dragon. Caanthus is said to have cast fire into this sacred
recess; on which account he was slain by Apollo. His ταφος, or tomb, was in
aftertimes shewn by the Thebans. We may perceive, that the main part of this
relation agrees with that of Cadmus. Melie, the sister of Caanthus, is by some
spoken of as the mother of [1122]Europa: which shews, that there is a
correspondence between the two histories. The person also, who sent these two
adventurers, the sister, of whom they went in quest, and the precise place, to
which they both came, exhibit a series of circumstances so similar, that we
need not doubt, but that it is one and the same history. It is said, that Caanthus
threw fire into the sacred [1123]grove: which legend, however misconstrued,
relates to the first establishment of fire-worship at Thebes in the grove of
Apollo Ismenius. The term Ismenius is compounded of Is-Men, ignis Menis.
Meen, Menes, Manes, was one of the most antient titles of the Egyptian God
Osiris, the same as Apollo, and Caanthus. What has been mentioned about
Cadmus and Caanthus, is repeated under the character of a person named
Curnus; who is said to have been sent by his father Inachus in search of his
sister [1124]Io. Inachus, Oceanus, Ogugus, and Agenor, are all the same
personages under different names; and the histories are all the same.
That Cadmus was of old esteemed a Deity may be farther proved from his
being worshipped at Gortyna in Crete, as we learn from [1125]Solinus. Iidem

Gortynii et Cadmum colunt, Europæ fratrem. He had moreover an Heroum at
Sparta, which was erected by people styled the sons of [1126]Huræus. We learn
from Palæphatus, that according to some of the antient mythologists, Cadmus
was the person, who slew the serpent [1127]at Lerna. And according to Nonnus
he contended with the giant Typhasus, and restored to Jupiter his lost
[1128]thunder. By this is meant, that he renewed the rites, and worship of the

Deity, which had been abolished. These are circumstances, which sufficiently
shew, that Cadmus was a different personage, from what he is generally
imagined. There was a hill in Phrygia of his name, and probably sacred to him;
in which were the fountains of the river [1129]Lycus. There was also a river
Cadmus, which rose in the same mountain, and was lost underground. It soon
afterwards burst forth again, and joined the principal stream. Mountains and
rivers were not denominated from ordinary personages. In short Cadmus was
the same as Hermes, Thoth, and Osiris: under which characters more than one
person is alluded to, for all theology of the antients is of a mixed nature. He
may principally be esteemed Ham, who by his posterity was looked up to as
the Sun, and worshipped under his titles: a circumstance, however, which was
common to all, who were styled Baalim. That he was the same as Ham, will
appear from the etymology of his name. I have before shewn, that the Sun was
styled [1130]Achad, Achon, and Achor: and the name, of which we are treating,
is a compound of [1131]Achad-Ham, rendered by the Greeks Acadamus and
Academus, and contracted Cadmus. Many learned men have thought, that the
place at Athens called Academia was founded by Cadmus, and denominated
from him: and of the latter circumstance I make no doubt. [1132]Ab hoc Cadmo
Eruditi Academiam, quasi Cadmiam deducunt: quo nomine indigitari locum
musis studiisque sacratum notissimum est. The true name of Cadmus,
according to this supposition, must have been, as I have represented,
Acadamus; or, as the Ionians expressed it, Academus, to have Academia
formed from it. Herodotus informs us, that, when the Cadmians came to Attica,
they introduced a new system of [1133]Architecture; and built temples in a style
different from that to which the natives had been used. And he describes these
buildings as erected at some distance from those of the country. This was the
situation of the place called Academia, which stood at the distance of a few
furlongs from [1134]Athens. It was a place of exercise and science; and by all
accounts finely disposed: being planted with a variety of trees, but particularly
Olives, called here (Μοριαι) Moriæ. There were likewise springs, and baths for
the convenience of those who here took their exercise. The tradition among the

Athenians was, that one Ecademus, or Academus, founded it in antient times;
from whom it received its name. Laërtius styles him the hero Ecademus:
[1135]Απο τινος Ἡρωος ωνομασθη Εκαδημου. And Suidas to the same

purpose; Απο Εκαδημου τινος Ἡρωος ονομασθεν. But Eupolis, the comic
writer, who was far prior, speaks of him as a Deity: [1136]Εν ευσκιοις
δρυμοισιν Ακαδημου Θεου. The trees, which grew within the precincts, were
looked upon as very sacred, [1137]οντως ἱεραι, and the place itself in antient
times was of so great sanctity, that it was a profanation to laugh there;
[1138]προτερον εν Ακαδημιᾳ μηδε γελασαι εξουσιαν ειναι.

The Ceramicus at Athens had the same name; and it was undoubtedly given
from the same personage. Ακαδημια. καλειται δε ὁυτως ὁ Κεραμικος.
Hesych. The common notion was, that it was denominated from the hero
[1139]
Ceramus, the son of Dionusus. This arose from the common mistake; by
which the place was put for the person, to whom it was sacred, and whose
name it bore. Ham was the supposed hero: and Ceramus was Cer-Ham, the
tower or temple of Ham, which gave name to the inclosure. This abuse of
terms is no where more apparent than in an inscription mentioned by Gruter;
where there is a mixed title of the Deity formed from his place of worship.

[1140]Malacæ Hispaniæ.

MARTI CIRADINO
TEMPLUM COMMUNI VOTO
ERECTUM.

Cir-Adon was the temple of Adon, or Adonis; the Amonian title of the chief
God. In like manner near mount Laphystium in Bœotia, the God [1141]Charops
was worshipped, and styled Hercules Charops. But Char-Ops, or Char-Opis,
signified the temple of the serpent Deity: and was undoubtedly built of old by
the people named Charopians, and Cyclopians; who were no other than the
antient Cadmians. Ceramicus was an Egyptian name; and one of the gates or
towers of the gates at [1142]Naucratis in that country was so called. It was also
the name of an harbour in Caria, probably denominated from some building at
the [1143]entrance.
I may possibly be thought to proceed too far in abridging history of so many
heroic personages, upon whose names antiquity has impressed a reverence;
and whose mighty actions have never been disputed. For though the dress and

colouring may have been thought the work of fancy, yet the substance of their
history has been looked upon as undeniably true. To which I answer, that it
was undoubtedly founded in truth: and the only way to ascertain what is
genuine, must be by stripping history of this unnatural veil, with which it has
been obscured; and to reduce the whole to its original appearance. This may be
effected upon the principles which I have laid down; for if instead of Perseus,
or Hercules, we substitute bodies of men, who went under such titles, the
history will be rendered very probable, and consistent. If instead of one person,
Cadmus traversing so much ground, and introducing the rites of his country at
Rhodes, Samos, Thera, Thasus, Samothrace, and building so many cities in
Libya, we suppose these things to have been done by colonies, who were
styled Cadmians, all will be very right, and the credibility of the history not
disputed. Many difficulties may by these means be solved, which cannot
otherwise be explained: and great light will be thrown upon the mythology of
the antients.
The story then of Cadmus, and Europa, relates to people from Egypt, and
Syria, who went abroad at different times, and settled in various parts. They
are said to have been determined in their place of residence by an ox, or cow:
by which this only is meant, that they were directed by an oracle: for without
such previous inquiry no colonies went abroad. An oracle by the Amonians
was termed Alphi, and Alpha, the voice of God. In Egypt the principal oracular
temples were those of the sacred animals Apis and Mneuis. These animals
were highly reverenced at Heliopolis, and Memphis, and in other cities of that
country. They were of the male kind; but the honours were not confined to
them; for the cow and heifer were held in the like veneration, and they were
esteemed equally prophetic. Hence it was, that they were in common with the
Apis and Mneuis styled Alphi, and Alpha: which name was likewise current
among the Tyrians, and Sidonians. In consequence of this, Plutarch, speaking
of the letter Alpha, says, [1144]Φοινικας ὁυτω καλειν τον Βουν. The
Phenicians call an ox Alpha. And Hesychius speaks to the same purpose.
Αλφα, βους. Thus we find that Alpha was both an oracle, and an oracular
animal. The Grecians took it in the latter acceptation; and instead of saying
that the Cadmians acted in obedience to an oracle, they gave out, that Cadmus
followed a cow. What is alluded to in the animal, which was supposed to have
been his guide, may be known by the description given of it by Pausanias:
[1145]
Επι δε ἑκατερας της βοος πλευρας σημειον επειναι λευκον,
εικασμενον κυκλῳ της Σεληνης. There was a white mark on each side of the
cow like the figure of the moon. The poet quoted by the Scholiast upon

Aristophanes speaks to the same purpose. [1146]Λευκον σχημ' ἑκατερθε
περιπλοκον, ηυτε Μηνης. This is an exact description of the [1147]Apis, and
other sacred kine in Egypt: and the history relates to an oracle given to the
Cadmians in that country. This the Grecians have represented, as if Cadmus
had been conducted by a cow: the term Alphi, and Alpha, being liable to be
taken in either of these acceptations. Nonnus speaks of Cadmus as bringing the
rites of [1148]Dionusus, and Osiris, from Egypt to Greece: and describes him
according to the common notion as going in quest of a bull, and as being
determined in his place of residence by a [1149]cow. Yet he afterwards seems to
allude to the true purport of the history; and says, that the animal spoken of
was of a nature very different from that, which was imagined: that it was not
one of the herd, but of divine original.
[1150]
Καδμε ματην περιφοιτε, πολυπλανον ιχνος ἑλισσεις·
Μαστευεις τινα Ταυρον, ὁν ου βοεη τεκε γαστηρ.

Under the character of Europa are to be understood people styled Europians
from their particular mode of worship. The first variation from the purer
Zabaism consisted in the Ophiolatria, or worship of the serpent. This
innovation spread wonderfully; so that the chief Deity of the Gentile world
was almost universally worshipped under this symbolical representation. The
serpent among the Amonians was styled Oph, Eph, and Ope: by the Greeks
expressed Οφις, Οπις, Ουπις: which terms were continually combined with
the different titles of the Deity. This worship prevailed in Babylonia, Egypt,
and Syria: from which countries it was brought by the Cadmians into Greece.
Serpentis eam venerationem acceperunt Græci a Cadmo. [1151]Vossius. It made
a part in all their [1152]mysteries; and was attended with some wonderful
circumstances: of which I have before made some mention in the treatise de
Ophiolatriâ. Colonies, which went abroad, not only went under the patronage,
but under some title of their God: and this Deity was in aftertimes supposed to
have been the real conductor. As the Cadmians, and Europians, were Ophitæ,
both their temples, and cities, also the hills, and rivers, where they settled,
were often denominated from this circumstance. We read of Anopus Asopus,
Oropus, Europus, Charopus, Ellopis, Ellopia; all nearly of the same purport,
and named from the same object of worship. Europa was a [1153]Deity: and the
name is a compound Eur-Ope, analogous to Canope, Canophis, and Cnuphis of
Egypt; and signifies Orus Pytho. It is rendered by the Greeks as a feminine,
upon a supposition, that it was the name of a woman; but it related properly to

a country; and we find many places of the like etymology in Media, Syria, and
Babylonia: which were expressed in the masculine Europos, and Oropus. The
same also is observable in Greece.
I have shewn, that Cadmus was Taut, or Thoth; the Taautes of Sanchoniathon.
It is said of this person, that he first introduced the worship of the serpent: and
this so early, that not only the Tyrians and Sidonians, but the Egyptians
received it from him. From hence we may infer, that it came from
[1154]Babylonia, [1155]Την μεν ουν του Δρακοντος φυσιν, και των οφεων,

αυτος εξεθειασεν ὁ Τααυτος, και μετ' αυτον αυθις Φοινικες τε, και
Αιγυπτιοι.
The learned writers, who have treated of the Cadmians, have failed in nothing
more, than in not considering, that they were a twofold colony, which came
both from Egypt, and Syria: from Egypt first; and then from Syria, and
Canaan. In their progress westward they settled in Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes,
Samos, Lesbos, Thrace: also in Eubœa, Attica, and Bœotia. In process of time
they were enabled to make settlements in other parts, particularly in Epirus and
Illyria: and to occupy some considerable provinces in Italy as high up as the
Padus. Wherever they passed they left behind them numberless memorials: but
they are to be traced by none more plainly than by their rites, and worship. As
they occupied the greatest part of Syria, that country was particularly addicted
to this species of idolatry. Many temples were erected to the Ophite God: and
many cities were denominated from him. Both [1156]Appian and Stephanus
Byzantinus mention places in Syrophenicia called Oropus. Upon the Euphrates
also in Mesopotamia were the cities [1157]Amphipolis, and [1158]Dura, both
called of old Oropus. The chief Syrian God had the title of Bel, Baal, and
Belial: which last the Greeks rendered Βελιαρ. Hence Clemens instead of
saying, what agreement can there be between Christ and Belial, says [1159]Τις
δε συμφωνησις Χριστου προς ΒΕΛΙΑΡ. This Belial, or Beliar, was the
same as Belorus, and Osiris, who were worshipped under the symbol of a
serpent. Hence Hesychius explains the term Beliar by a serpent. Βελιαρ—
δρακων. Beliar is the same as a dragon or serpent. The Cadmians are said to
have betaken themselves to Sidon, and Biblus: and the country between these
cities is called Chous at this day. To the north is the city, and province of
Hama: and a town, and castle, called by D'Anville Cadmus; by the natives
expressed Quadamus, or [1160]Chadamus. The Cadmians probably founded the
temple of Baal Hermon in Mount Libanus, and formed one of the Hivite
nations in those parts. Bochart has very justly observed, that an Hivite is the

same as an [1161]Ophite: and many of this denomination resided under Mount
Libanus, and Anti-Libanus; part of which was called Baal Hermon, as we learn
from the sacred writings. [1162]Now these are the nations, which the Lord left to
prove Israel, namely, five Lords of the Philistines, and all the Canaanites, and
the Sidonians; and the Hivites that dwell in Mount Lebanon from Mount Baal
Hermon unto the entering in of Hamath. There were other Hivites, who are
mentioned by Moses among the children of [1163]Canaan. But the Cadmonites,
and many of the people about Mount Libanus were of another family. The
Hivites of Canaan Proper were those, who by a stratagem obtained a treaty
with [1164]Joshua. Their chief cities were Gibeon, Cephirah, Beeroth, and
Kirjath Jearim. These lay within the the tribe of [1165]Judah, and of Benjamin,
who possessed the southern parts of Canaan. But the other Hivites, among
whom were the Cadmonites, lay far to the north under Libanus, at the very
extremities of the country. The sacred writer distinguishes them from the
Canaanites, as well as from the other Hivites, by saying, the Hivites of Baal
Hermon. And he seems to distinguish the Sidonians from the genuine
Canaanites, and justly: for if we may credit prophane history, the Cadmians
had obtained the sovereignty in that city: and the people were of a mixed race.
[1166]Καδμος—Τυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευεν. The Cadmians extended

themselves in these parts quite to the Euphrates, and westward to the coast of
Greece, and Ausonia; and still farther to the great Atlantic. They went under
the name of Ellopians, Oropians, [1167]Cadmonites, Hermonians, Ophitæ, and
wherever they settled there will be always found some reference to their
antient history, and religion. As they were particularly styled Ophitæ, or
Hivites, many places whither they came, were said to swarm with
[1168]
serpents. Rhodes was under this predicament, and had the name of
Ophiusa: which name was given on account of the Hivites, who there settled,
and of the serpent-worship, which they introduced. But the common notion
was, that it was so called from real serpents, with which it was infested. The
natives were said to have been of the giant race, and the [1169]Heliadæ or
offspring of the Sun; under which characters the antients particularly referred
to the sons of Chus, and Canaan. Their coming to the island is alluded to under
the arrival both of Danaus and Cadmus, by whom the rites, and [1170]religion of
the Rhodians are supposed to have been introduced. In Greece were several
cities named Oropus, by which is signified Ori Serpentis civitas. One of these
was near [1171]Tanagia upon the border of Attica, and Bœotia. This is the very
spot where the Cadmians first resided: and the city was undoubtedly built by

them. It stood near the warm baths of Amphiaraus, whose temple belonged to
the Oropians; and who was particularly worshipped by them. We are informed
by Strabo, that the temple of Amphiaraus was built either in imitation, or in
memory, of one called Cnopia at [1172]Thebes. Cnopia is a contraction for Can-
Opia; and the temple was certainly founded by people from Egypt. It took its
name from Can-ope, or Can-opus, the Ophite God of that country; and of the
people likewise, by whom the building was erected. The natives of Bœotia had
many memorials of their having been originally Ophites. The history of their
country had continual references to serpents and dragons. They seem to have
been the national insigne: at least they were esteemed so by the people of
Thebes. Hence we find, that upon the tomb of Epaminondas there was figured
a shield with a serpent for a device, to signify that he was an Ophite, or
[1173]
Theban. The Spartans were of the same race: and there is said to have
been the same device upon the shield of [1174]Menelaus, and of
[1175]Agamemnon. The story of Cadmus, and of the serpent, with which he

engaged upon his arrival in Bœotia, relates to the Ophite worship, which was
there instituted by the Cadmians. So Jason in Colchis, Apollo in Phocis,
Hercules at Lerna, engaged with serpents, all which are histories of the same
purport; but mistaken by the later Grecians.
It will not, I think, be amiss to take notice of some of those countries
westward, to which Cadmus is said to have betaken himself. From Bœotia he
is supposed to have passed to Epirus and Illyria; and it is certain, that the
Cadmians settled in many places upon that coast. In Thesprotia was a province
of the Athamanes; who were denominated from their Deity Ath-Man, or Ath-
Manes. Here were the rivers Acheron, and Cocytus, the lake Acherusia, and the
pestiferous pool [1176]Aornon Here was the city Acanthus similar to one of the
same name about forty miles above [1177]Memphis: and a nation of people
called [1178]Oreitæ: all which have a reference to Egypt. The oracle at Dodona
was founded by people from the same country, as we are assured by
[1179]
Herodotus and others. And not only colonies from that country, but people
from Canaan must have betaken themselves to these parts, as is evident from
names of places. This will appear from the city [1180]Phœnice: and from
another near Oricum, called Palæste; and from the coast and region styled
Palæstina. This was the spot where Cæsar landed, before he marched to
Pharsalia. [1181]Postridie terram attigit Cerauniorum saxa inter, et alia loca
periculosa, quietam nactus stationem. At portus omnes timens, quod teneri ab
adversariis arbitrabatur, ad eundem locum, qui adpellatur Palæste, omnibus

navibus incolumibus, milites exposuit. Lucan takes notice of the same
circumstance, and the coast Palæstina.
[1182]Inde rapi cœpere rates, atque æquora classem

Curva sequi; quæ jam, vento fluctuque secundo
Lapsa, Palæstinas uncis confixit arenas.

Here was the haven Comar, or [1183]Comarus, near the pool Aornus: and a city
[1184]Oropus, similar to the Oropus of Syria, and Bœotia. And higher up was a

region Europa, styled Europa Scythica by Festus Rufus. It is observable that
there was a city in Epirus called [1185]Tecmon, similar to one in Canaan, as we
may infer from the chief of David's captains being styled the [1186]Tecmonite.
Some of this family proceeded to the western part of the Adriatic gulf, and
settled upon the Eridanus, or Po. Here were the Orobians, the same as the
Oropians, whose chief city was Comus: near which the consul Marcellus
overthrew the [1187]Galli Insubres. The story of Phaethon, who was supposed
to have fallen into the Eridanus, is manifestly of Egyptian original; as the fable
of Cycnus is from Canaan. Phaethon is by some represented as the first king,
who reigned in [1188]Chaonia, and Epirus. He was in reality the same as Osiris,
the Sun; whose worship was in there very early, as well as upon the Padus. The
names of the Deities in every country are generally prefixed to the list of
kings, and mistaken accordingly. Cycnus is supposed to have resided not only
in Liguria, but in Ætolia, and Phocis. There was in these parts a lake
[1189]
Conope, from Cycnus called also [1190]Cycnëa; which names undoubtedly
came from Egypt, and Canaan. The colonies upon the Padus left many
memorials of their original; especially those, who were from the Caphtorim of
Palestina. Some of them had carried on a great work upon the part of the river,
where they settled; which from them was called [1191]Fossa Philistina; and
Fossiones Philistinæ. Of this I have made mention [1192]before.
It is said of Cadmus, that at the close of his life, he was, together with his wife
Harmonia, changed to a serpent of stone. This wonderful metamorphosis is
supposed to have happened at Encheliæ, a town in Illyria, which circumstance
is taken notice of by Lucan.
[1193]
Tunc qui Dardaniam tenet Oricon, et vagus altis
Dispersus sylvis Athamas, et nomine prisco

Encheliæ, versi testantes funera Cadmi.

The true history is this. These two personages were here enshrined in a temple,
or Petra: and worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Scylax Caryandensis,
speaking of this part of Illyria, says, [1194]Καδμου και Ἁρμονιας ὁι λιθοι
εισιν ενταυθα, και ἱερον. In this region are two stones sacred to Cadmus, and
Harmonia: and there is likewise a temple dedicated to them. Lucan, who calls
the place Encheliæ, speaks of the name as of great antiquity. It undoubtedly
was of long standing, and a term from the Amonian language. Encheliæ,
Εγχελιαι, is the place of En-Chel, by which is signified the fountain of heaven;
similar to Hanes, Anorus, Anopus in other parts. The temple was an Ophite
Petra: which terms induced people to believe, that there were in these temples
serpents petrified. It is possible, that in later times the Deity may have been
worshipped under this form: whence it might truly be said of Cadmus, and
Harmonia, that they would one day be exhibited in stone.
[1195]
Λαϊνεην ημελλον εχειν οφιωδεα μορφην.

But the notion in general arose from a mistake; and was owing to a
misinterpretation of the word Petra. On this account many personages were
said to have undergone this change. Pollux, who was of a character superior to
what is generally imagined, was said to have been turned to a stone.
[1196]Εις λιθον αυτοτελεστον εμορφωθη Πολυδευκης.

Ariadne underwent the like [1197]change. Also Battus, Atlas, [1198]Alcmena, and
others. All these histories relate to personages, enshrined in temples styled
Petra, who had a στυλος or rude pillar erected to their honour. This was the
usage in all parts, before the introduction of images. There are allusions to
these Ophite temples, and to these pillars, upon the coins of Syria, and Tyre.
Upon these the Deity is represented between two rough stones, with two
[1199]
serpents on each side of him. A temple of this sort, which betrayed great
antiquity, stood in the vicinity of Thebes, and was called the serpent's head.
Pausanius speaks of it as remaining in his [1200]time. The same author affords
another instance in his account of Achaia; which is attended with some
remarkable circumstances. He tells us, [1201]that at Pheræ, a city of that region,
was a fountain sacred to Hermes; and the name of it was Hama. Near this
fountain were thirty large stones, which had been erected in antient times.

Each of these was looked upon as a representative of some Deity. And
Pausanias remarks, that instead of images, the Greeks in times of old
universally paid their adoration to rude unwrought [1202]stones.
That the Cadmians were the people, whom I suppose them, may I think be
proved from many other circumstances. There are some particulars in the
history of these emigrants, by which they may be as effectually distinguished,
as by any national mark of feature, or complexion. I have taken notice in a
former treatise of the Cuthites, who came from Babylonia and settled in Egypt;
and who were afterwards expelled the country. They came under different
titles; and were styled Phenicians, Arabians, and Ethiopians; but they were
more particularly distinguished by the name of Oritæ, and of shepherds. These
appellations must be carefully kept in remembrance, for they will be found to
occur in almost every part of the world, wherever any of this family settled. In
the histories above given of Osiris, Dionusus, and others, we find, that the sons
of Chus are represented as great travellers, and at the same time general
benefactors: and it is to be observed, that the same characters occur in every
history: the great outlines are the same in all. They appear to have been zealous
worshippers of the Sun; and addicted to the rites of fire: which mode of
worship they propagated, wherever they came. They are described as of
superior stature, and were reputed the sons of Anac, and Urius, from Canaan,
and Babylonia. In respect to science, they seem to have been very eminent, if
we consider the times when they lived. They were particularly famed for their
knowledge in astronomy, architecture, and music. They had great sagacity in
finding [1203]mines, and consequently were very rich. Lastly, there continually
occurs in their history some allusion to shepherds. Every one of these
particulars may be met with in the accounts given of the Cadmians: but it was
the turn of the times to make every thing centre in their imaginary leader,
Cadmus. He is supposed to have found out mines in Cyprus, and Thrace: and
to have been the inventor of letters, and the introducer of science. To him are
ascribed the temples at Rhodes; and the buildings in Attica and Bœotia. We
find him celebrated as a great [1204]theologist and astronomer: and it is reported
of Cadmus, as it was also of Orpheus, that he left behind him many valuable
remains, which [1205]Bion Proconnesius is said to have translated. But all these
gifts, so lavishly bestowed upon one person, should be transferred to a people,
who went under the name of Cadmians: and in whom all these requisites are to
be found. If we make this allowance, the history will be found to be true. This
people, in their migrations westward, were accompanied by others from

Canaan, and Syria. I have shewn that they settled at Rhodes, where they were
called Ophites, or Hivites. Another of their titles was Heliadæ, or children of
the [1206]Sun. They were looked upon as adepts in every branch of science, and
particularly famed for their skill in astronomy. They were the first navigators
of the seas; and the division of time, with the notification of seasons, is
ascribed to them. [1207]Ὁι δε Ἡλιαδαι διαφοροι γεγονοτες των αλλων εν
παιδειᾳ διηνεγκαν, και μαλιστα εν Αστρολογιᾳ· εισηγησαντο δε και περι
της ναυτιλιας πολλα, πολλα δε και περι τας ὡρας διεταξαν. All these arts,
if we may believe Herodotus, took their rise in [1208]Babylonia: from whence
they were carried by the Oritæ into Egypt: and from Egypt westward to
Rhodes, and to various parts besides. The Oritæ, or Auritæ, were the same as
the Heliadæ, denominated from the great object of their worship, the Sun. He
was among other titles styled [1209]Orites: as we learn from Lycophron: which
is by his Scholiast interpreted the Sun. [1210]Ωριτην θεον, τον αυτον Ἡλιον.
The Deity, which is termed Orites, is no other than the Sun. These Heliadæ
were Ophitæ; and introduced at Rhodes, and in other places, the worship of the
serpent. Hence they occur in Greece under various titles, such as Ellopians,
Europians, Oropians, Asopians, and the like, being so denominated from
places which they consecrated to Ops, and Opis, the serpent. The Cadmians
settled in Eubœa, which was called Ellopia from Ellops, a supposed brother of
[1211]Cothus. Plutarch gives an account of Cothus himself coming to Eubœa in

company with another named Arclus. [1212]Κοθος, και Αρκλος, ὁι Ξουθου
παιδες εις Ευβοιαν ἡκον οικησαντες. By Cothus and Arclus are meant
Cuthites and Herculeans, people of the same family, who settled in this island.
The Oritæ of Egypt were also styled Arabians; and the Arabian nome was
denominated from them. The Cadmians, who settled in Eubœa, may be traced
under the same names. Strabo calls the people, who were supposed to attend
Cadmus, Arabians, [1213]Αραβες, ὁι συν Καδμῳ. One district in the island
was denominated from them, Æthiopium: [1214]Αιθιοπιον, ονομα χωριου εν
Ευβοιᾳ. This is more particularly described by Stephanus, as the passage is
happily corrected by Salmasius. Αιθιοπιον, χωριον Ευβοιας παρα Δηλιου,
πλησιον του Ευριπου. There is a part of Eubœa hard by Delium, and near to
the Euripus, called Ethiopium. But the most critical mark, by which any of
these islands were distinguished, was that of [1215]Oritæ. This is the express
title of the shepherds in Egypt; which they assumed both on account of the
Deity, whom they worshipped, and in reference to the city Ur in Chaldea, from
whence they were in part derived. They founded a city of the same name in

Eubœa, which the Greeks expressed [1216]Oria: whence came the provincial
title of Oritæ. Here Orion was supposed to have been [1217]nursed, whose
history we know was from Babylonia. The natives had a tradition, that he was
the son of [1218]Urieus, and of the gigantic race: the purport of which, I think,
cannot be mistaken. They passed, as I have shewn, from Eubœa to Attica, and
Bœotia. Here also was a city [1219]Ur, like that in Chaldea, and a tradition
about Orion being born in these parts. They likewise pretended to shew his
[1220]
tomb. This city Ur, or Uria, was in the district of Tanagra, and stood
directly opposite to the province of Ethiopia in Eubœa, being separated only
by the narrow frith of the [1221]Euripus. They settled also at Træzen, where
Orus is said to have resided: by which we are to understand his worshippers,
the Oritæ. [1222]Φασι δε Ωρον γενεσθαι σφισιν εν γῃ πρωτον· εμοι μεν
ουν Αιγυπτιον φαινεται, και ουδαμως Ἑλληνικον ονομα Ωρος ειναι.
Βασιλευσαι δ' ουν φασιν αυτον, και Ωραιαν απ' αυτου καλεισθαι την
γην. The people of Træzen, says Pausanias, give out, that one Orus was the
first in their country. But the name Orus to me seems to have been of Egyptian
original. They farther relate, that this Orus was a king, and that the province
was from him called Oraia. Uria above, and Oraia here, however differently
expressed, signify literally the land of Ur. In all these places the Cuthites went
under various appellations, but particularly of Cyclopians, Ellopians, and
[1223]
Europians from their worship. Agreeably to the account which has been
above given, we find, that the Heroum of Cadmus at Sparta was built by
Europus, and his brethren: and they likewise are represented as the sons of
[1224]Uræus. As we are acquainted with the eastern manner of speaking; and

know that by the daughter of Tyre, the daughter of Jerusalem, the children of
Moab, the children of Kedar, the children of Seir, the children of the east, are
meant the inhabitants of those places: may we not be assured that by Europus
and the sons of Urius and Uræus, are pointed out a people styled Europians of
Babylonish extraction, who were ab origine from Ur in Chaldea? And is it not
plain, that the history of Cadmus is founded upon terms ill understood, and
greatly misapplied? Yet the truth is not totally defaced, as I hope, that I have
made appear. By Moses Chorenensis Cadmus is represented as of the giant
race; and he is said to have come from [1225]Babylonia. Nonnus mentions his
planting in Greece a colony of giants.
[1226]
Και σταχυς αυτολοχευτος ανηεξητο Γιγαντων.

Hence the Cadmians were styled Ανακες, and [1227]Ανακτες; and the temples
of their Gods, Ανακτορια, Anactoria. These terms were imported from the
Anakim of Egypt and Canaan: but as the people, who brought them, were
Oritæ, and the sons of Urius, they must ultimately have come from Babylonia.
Here astronomy, and the other sciences first commenced; and the worship of
the Sun was first instituted: where the priests, and professors were styled
Oritæ, and [1228]Orchani. Lucian indeed says, that astronomy was not derived
to the Greeks either from the Egyptians, or the Ethiopians; but from
[1229]Orpheus. This however intimates, that the Ethiopians, under which name

the sons of Chus are mentioned by the [1230]Greeks, were supposed to have
introduced science into this country; otherwise this caveat had been
unnecessary. But we shall in the end shew, that Orpheus was from the same
quarter. And to put the matter out of all doubt, we find Herodotus maintaining
very determinately, that the knowledge of the heavens, and every thing relating
to the distribution of time, was imported from [1231]Babylonia. As these
Babylonians, these sons of Urius, manifestly came to Greece by the way of
Egypt, it appears pretty evident, that they were the sons of Chus, of the
shepherd race, who so long held the sovereignty in that kingdom. Hence it is,
that throughout the whole mythology of the Grecians there are continual
allusions to shepherds; a title, which we know was peculiar to the Auritæ of
Egypt. Nonnus, in his allegorical poem, describes Cadmus in a pastoral habit,
playing upon an instrument, and reclining himself under the shade of an oak.
[1232]Κλινας γειτονι νωτον ὑπο δρυι φορβαδος ὑλης,

Και φορεων αγραυλον αηθεος ἑιμα Νομηος.

He gives to him the same powers in harmony which were attributed to
Orpheus. Hence Cadmus is made to say that he could charm the woods upon
the mountains, and sooth the wild beasts of the forest: that he could even calm
the ocean, and stop the course of its turbulent waters.
[1233]Θελξω δενδρεα παντα, και ουρεα, και φρενα θηρων·

Ωκεανον σπευδοντα παλινδινητον ερυξω.

Almost all the principal persons, whose names occur in the mythology of
Greece and Italy, are represented as shepherds. Not only the Gods Faunus,
Apollo, Pan, Sylvanus, Pales, Adonis, but Eumelus, Triptolemus, Ericthonius,
Eumolpus, Aristæus, Battus, Daphnis, Terambus of Egypt, and Osiris, are

represented of that profession. Hence it is, that we find altars, and inscriptions
to the shepherd [1234]Gods. Apollo was styled Νομευς, and Ποιμνιος; and was
said to have been educated in [1235]Arabia. When Rhea produced to the world
Poseidon, she gave him to the care of a [1236]shepherd to bring him up among
the flocks. Atlas, the great astronomer, is represented as a shepherd.
[1237]Ατλας
μαθηματικος ην Λιβυς ανηρ.—Πολυειδος δε ὁ
διθυραμβοποιος τον Ατλαντα τουτον ΠΟΙΜΕΝΑ Λιβυν φησιν. Atlas the
great mathematician, was a person of Libya. The Dithyrambic poet Polueidos
says, that Atlas was a Libyan shepherd. There was a tradition that the temple
of Ammon in Libya was built by a shepherd, from whom it received its name;
[1238]
απο του ἱδρυσαμενου ποιμενος. It is reported of the Muses, that they
were of shepherd extraction, and tended flocks, which they entrusted to their
favourite Aristæus.
[1239]Και μιν ἑων μηλων θεσαν ηρανον, ὁσσ' ενεμοντο

Αμπεδιον Φθιαν Αθαμαντιον, αμφι τ' ερυμνην
Οθρυν, και ποταμου ἱερον ῥοον Απιδανοιο.

This is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Aristæus. Zethus and Amphion are
described as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240]Ζηθος δε
και Αμφιων αδελφοι ησαν ποιμενες. Even the monster Polyphemus is taken
notice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions, that among
the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral [1242]character, with a
pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is by Hyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri
filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Eurii filius, [1243]Pastor. This was also one
of the titles out of many conferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they
attributed the invention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham,
and Orus, the God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in the
Dionusiaca of Nonnus.
[1244]
Αστροχιτων Ἡρακλες, αναξ πυρος, Ορχαμε κοσμου,
Ηελιε, βροτεοιο βιου δολιχοσκιε ΠΟΙΜΗΝ.

Some of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd
[1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom the Egyptians

held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of the persons, by
whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places of reputed sanctity
were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinity of Colchis, had its

name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus a shepherd. [1246]Το ορος
εις τιμην του Ποιμενος Καυκασον μετονομασας. Mount Cithæron in
Bœotia was called Asterius; but received the former name from one Cithæron,
a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been there slain. I have mentioned from
Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the temple of [1248]Damater, or Ceres, in
Attica, where they introduced her worship. And there is a remarkable
circumstance mentioned in consequence of this by Hesychius, who tells us,
that the priests of this Goddess were of a particular family, called Ποιμενιδαι,
or the Shepherd race. Ποιμενιδαι, γενος, εξ ὁυ ὁ Δημητρος ἱερευς. The
Cadmians therefore, from whom this priesthood came, must have been in a
peculiar manner shepherds. The mountain Apæsantus in Argolis is said to have
been named from [1249]Apæsantus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace
near Hæmus, in Sethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable
history: εκαλουντο προτερον Νομαιοι. The author does not say, that they
were shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it was not so
much the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in Hetruria, and
Latium; in which last province stood the city Præneste, of which I have before
spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and was founded by
Cœculus,
[1250]
Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,
Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit ætas.

We find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, and the
reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he was,
inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by which is
meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the character of
Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a shepherd.
[1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He likewise is said

to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic monstro Vulcanus erat
pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in Bœotia was named
[1253]
Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria, [1254]Ποιμανδρια; the
same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It is said to have been so
denominated from one Poimander. This name is by interpretation a shepherd,
or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the title of Ποιμην λαου, so
frequently to be met with in Homer. That excellent Poet was wonderfully fond
of every thing, which savoured of antiquity: and has continual references to the
antient history of Egypt, and to the rites of that country. He sometimes seems

to adhere superstitiously to obsolete terms, thinking probably, that they
enriched his verse, and gave a venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one
occurs more frequently than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he bestows
on many of his leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the sons of Chus,
as well as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their kings. Hence the
writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the Shepherd Prince, as we
may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was written in imitation of the
former, and called [1255]Poimandras.
Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their
different appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took in
their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians and
Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre and Sidon:
from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts of Syria;
where they built Antioch. [1256]Κασος, και Βηλος, Ιναχου παιδες, προς τῳ
Οροντῃ ποταμῳ την νυν Αντιοχειαν της Συριας πολιν εκτισαν. Casus,
and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria, which is now called
Antioch upon the river Orontes. By Casus is meant Chus; and Belus is a
Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate descendants, who are
here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the Euphrates, and from thence
to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of Amonians, and particularly of
the Cuthites, may be known from the history of Cadmus: but more especially
from the similitude of language, person, and manners, which subsisted among
these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very explicit upon this head. He mentions the
incroachments of the sons of Ham in these parts, and shews the extent of the
trespass, of which they were guilty. [1258]Ὁιδε γε παιδες του Χαμ την απο
Συριας και Αβανου και Λιβανου των ορων γην κατεσχον, και ὁσα προς
θαλασσαν αυτων ετετραπτο, μεχρις ωκεανου, κατειληφασι. In respect to
the sons of Ham, they seized upon all the inland country, which reaches from
Syria, and particularly from the mountains Albanus, and Libanus: and all the
region, which from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean.
Of these emigrants Tacitus has given a curious account, which has never been
sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those who settled in Canaan, as well as
those who passed higher towards the north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant Assyrios
convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte Ægypti potitos, ac mox
[1260]proprias urbes, Hebræasque terras, et propiora Syriæ coluisse. As the

Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it to
have been a religious correspondence kept up between this colony and Egypt.

It is said according to the enigmatical turn of the times, that the head of Osiris
was annually wafted by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was reported to have been
just seven days in its passage; and the whole was performed θειῃ ναυτιλιῃ, by
a voyage truly miraculous. There are many proofs that the religion of Syria
came in great measure from Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations
upon his account at Sidon, and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris,
and represented in the same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the
pompous temple at Hierapolis, says, that there was another in the
neighbourhood, not of Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which were
received by the natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he did not
see: but speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.
These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to
disclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove the
great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from whence
they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some particular
race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among numberless
nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others, that they were
Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and Canaan. What they
have said upon the subject, however they may seem to differ from one another,
may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that the true account is that
which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with great pains, to sift the
history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest, that they were for the most part
the Auritæ, those shepherds of Egypt. This people had spread themselves over
that country like a deluge: but were in time forced to retreat, and to betake
themselves to other parts. In consequence of this they were dissipated over
regions far remote. They were probably joined by others of their family, as
well as by the Canaanites, and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met
with in Persis, and Gedrosia, under the name of Oritæ. They are to be found in
Bœtica upon the Atlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis,
Thrace, Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the
Mediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per æquora vecti.

These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote in a
curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed περι των Αιγυπτιων
αποικιας. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus Siculus, who
mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the Egyptians sent out many
colonies, which were scattered over the face of the earth. [1266]Ὁ δε ουν
Αιγυπτιοι φασι και μετα ταυτα αποικιας πλειστας εξ Αιγυπτου κατα

πασαν διασπαρηναι την οικουμενην. Of these migrations there were two
remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of Chus, concerning whom I
have been treating; the other of the Israelites, which was somewhat later than
the former. The author above takes notice of both these occurrences, in a most
valuable extract preserved by Photius; wherein he does not sufficiently
distinguish the particular families of these emigrants, nor the different times of
the migration: yet the account is very curious; and the history of each
transaction plainly delineated. [1267]Ευθυς ουν ὁι ξενολατουμενων των
αλλοεθνων ὁι επιφανεστατοι, και δραστικωτατοι συστραφεντες
εξεῤῥιφησαν, ὡς τινες φασιν, εις την Ἑλλαδα, και τινας ἑτερους τοπους,
εχοντες αξιολογους ἡγεμονας· ὡν ἡγουντο Δαναος, και Καδμος, των
αλλων επιφανεστατοι. Ὁδε πολυς λεως εξεπεσεν εις την νυν
καλουμενην Ιουδαιαν. Upon this, as some writers tell us, the most eminent
and enterprising of those foreigners, who were in Egypt, and obliged to leave
the country, betook themselves to the coast of Greece, and also to other
regions, having put themselves under the command of proper leaders for that
purpose. Some of them were conducted by Danaus, and Cadmus, who were the
most illustrious of the whole. There were beside these a large, but less noble,
body of people, who retired into the province called now [1268]Judea.
When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can carry
it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we may accede to
the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269]Εκ Χαλδαιων γαρ λεγεται
φοιτησαι ταυτα προς Αιγυπτον κακειθεν προς Ἑλληνας. All these things
came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence were derived to the Greeks. The
same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What preceded the arrival of the Cadmians,
and other Cuthites, in these parts, is utterly unknown. With them commences
the history of the country. It is true, there are accounts concerning Erectheus,
Ericthonius, Cecrops, and other antient kings: but they were superadded to the
history of Attica, just as the names of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of
Argos. It was therefore matter of great surprise to Solon, when he was
informed by the Egyptian priests of the antient occurrences of their country,
and of the wars of the Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of
their histories, as were observable in those of Greece: [1271]Κεκροπος τε, και
Ερεχθεως, και Εριχθονιου, και Ερισιχθονος, των τε αλλων. For instance,
the names of Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius, Erisicthon, and others. Και τα
των Γυναικων και ταυτα. The names also of their women were the same. In
reality, they were all titles of the Deity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for

instance was the God of the sea, and as such worshipped by the very people
who enlisted him among their kings. This may be proved from Athenagoras.
[1272]Αθηναιος Ερεχθει Ποσειδωνι θυει. The Athenian sacrifices to

Erectheus the same as Poseidon. Strabo seems to think, that most of the antient
names were foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and
Cothus: and he is certainly right in his opinion.
What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of
Greece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges,
and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument can
possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long obscured, be
done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the first principles, upon
which we are to proceed, be made out, and these great truths determined.
This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the principal
personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a foundation for
a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be previously
determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand foremost in the lists
of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little consideration. Many of the
first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing the high pretensions of the
Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by shewing that all their antient heroes
were subsequent to Moses. This was the repeated labour of Clemens of
Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius, Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by
them continually in their recommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of
time were necessarily a mark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit
these personages in their computations; and great pains have been used to
reconcile the contradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the æra when
they flourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but
failed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken notice,
the question should not have been about the time when these persons lived, but
whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very precarious
grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed state things
very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance. But the traditions of
the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile writer, instead of carrying the
æra of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of Dionusus and Perseus, towards the time
of Moses, had extended it to the times of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see
what they could have done; for this person, in his turn, could have produced
authorities. They might indeed have disputed the point, and have opposed
evidence to evidence, but nothing certain could have ensued.

END OF VOL. II.

W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed
Poini, and Poinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti
suos sacrificare puellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was
changed to Pœnus, and Punicus.
[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of
Canaan. Matthew. c. 15. v. 22.
[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.
[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.
[5] Zachlas adest Ægyptius, propheta primarius,—et cum dicto
juvenem quempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis
baxeis indutum, et adusque deraso capite, producit in medium.
Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.
[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleæ, palmæ victricis foliis
intextæ. Ibid. l. 11. p. 241.
[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.
[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.
[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.
[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit.
Gellius. l. 3. c. 6.
[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. Ἱερον Ἑλιου το φυτον, αγηρων
τε ον. Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.
[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. Περιβεβλημενοι στολας λευκας, και
Φοινικες εν ταις χερσιν αυτων.
[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.
[14] Ἑκκαιδεκατη δυναστεια Ποιμενες Ἑλληνες Βασιλεις.
Syncellus. p. 61.

[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the
Philistines. 1 Samuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.
[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.
[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.
Ezekiel. c. 28. v. 2.
[18] Herodotus brings the Phœnicians from the Mare Erythræum;
by which he means the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.
[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red
Sea, and the Amalekites, adds: νεμονται δ' αυτην Φοινικες. De
V. Mosis. vol. 2. p. 115.
Φοινικων κωμη, in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.
[20] Phœnicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.
[21] Αφροι Φοινικες. Glossæ.
[22] Κατα Βουθρωτον Φοινικη. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.
Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence,
Phoinic. Ολυμπος πολις μεγαλη και ορος ὁμωνυμον, ὁ και
Φοινικους καλειται. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982. Bochart supposes
Phœnic and Phœnices (Φοινικες) to be derived from Beni Anac,
changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the sons of Anac: but how can this be
applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm tree? I am happy,
however, that in a part of my etymology, and that a principal part,
I am countenanced by that learned man.
Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.
[23] Hesychius.
[24] A city and mountain in Bœotia, called Phœnice: the natives,
Phœnicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.
[25] Chron. p. 27.