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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 33, 1519-1522

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Author: Antonio Pigafetta

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Translator: James Alexander Robertson

Release date: June 5, 2013 [eBook #42884]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898, VOLUME 33, 1519-1522 ***

The Philippine Islands,
1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators,

descriptions of the islands and

their peoples, their history and

records of the catholic missions, as

related in contemporaneous books

and manuscripts, showing the

political, economic, commercial

and religious conditions of those

islands from their earliest relations

with European nations to the close

of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXIII, 1519–1522

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen
Blair and James Alexander
Robertson with historical introduction and
additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio

MCMVI

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIII
Preface 11
Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (to be concluded). Antonio Pigafetta.
Italian text with English translation. MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1519–
1522 26
Notes 273
Bibliographical Data 367

ILLUSTRATIONS
Magalhães’s ship “Victoria;” photographic reproduction of cut facing
p. 102 of Henry Stevens’s Johann Schoner (edited by C. H. Coote,
London, 1888): from the copy in Lenox Library.
(Probably the ideal conception of some early artist, and perhaps of the type of the “Victoria.”
Frontispiece
Its source is not mentioned in the above book.)
Pigafetta’s Chart of the Straits of Magellan 86
Pigafetta’s Charts of the Unfortunate Isles and the Ladrones 92
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Samar, etc. 102
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Bohol, etc. 112
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Cebú, Mactan, and Bohol 136
Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Panglao and Cagayan Sulu 202
Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Paragua and Borneo 210
Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Mindanao and of Jolo, etc. 230
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Sarangani, etc. 238
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Sanguir, etc. 242
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Paghinzara, etc. 246
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Ternate, etc. 250
Map showing discoveries of Magalhães; photographic facsimile from
Mappamundo (Goa, 1571) of Fernão Vas Dourado, a MS.
hydrographical atlas preserved in Archivo Nacional da Torre do
Tombo, Lisbon 270, 271

PREFACE
In this and the succeeding volume, we present various documents (notably
the Relation of Antonio Pigafetta) which could not be obtained in season for
publication in regular chronological order, and which it has seemed
advisable to insert as addenda at this point.

With the present volume is begun the publication of Antonio Pigafetta’s
relation of the first circumnavigation of the world—the greatest single
achievement in all the history of sea exploration and discovery. Written by a
participant of the expedition, Pigafetta’s relation has a greater value than
any other narrative of the voyage. Its great value and the fact that it has
never been adequately presented to the English-speaking public have
induced the editors to insert this relation in the present series both in the
original Italian (rigidly adhering to and preserving all the peculiarities of the
original manuscript) and in English translation. This relation is especially
valuable for its descriptions of the various peoples, countries, and products,
of Oriental seas, and for its vocabularies, as well as for its account of the
first circumnavigation. From its very nature, the relation has called for an
unusual amount of annotation, which has been drawn freely from various
sources: chiefly Mosto’s annotations in his publication of Pigafetta’s
relation in Part V, volume iii, of the Raccolta di documenti e studi,
published by the Royal Columbian Commission of the fourth centenary of
the discovery of America under the auspices of the Minister of Public
Instruction (Roma, 1894); Navarrete’s Col. de viages, iv (Madrid, 1837);
various publications of the Hakluyt Society; and F. H. H. Guillemard’s Life
of Ferdinand Magellan (New York, 1891). The publication of the original
Italian and the English, page for page, renders it necessary to place the
annotations at the end of the volume instead of in footnote as hitherto. The
various charts of the Italian manuscript are all presented in facsimile in the
course of the work. In order that the various peculiarities of the manuscript

might be preserved, it has been necessary to specially design and cast
certain characters that appear in Pigafetta’s narrative. None of these
characters have been reproduced by Mosto, who also writes out all
abbreviations. Throughout we have aimed to present the document as it
exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana (even to the spacing of words) with the
exception that paragraphs in the manuscript begin with a hanging indention
and usually end with a series of dots and dashes. A brief synopsis of the
relation follows.

After a brief dedication to the grand master of the Hospitaler knights of
Rhodes or Malta, as they were called later, and of which order he is a
member, Pigafetta relates that, being at Barcelona in 1519 with the papal
legate, he first hears of the expedition about to set out under Magalhães.
Being desirous of seeing the world, he gains permission to accompany the
expedition, and soon joins the fleet at Seville, whence it is to depart.
Magalhães, as a wise commander, issues his instructions to the various
commanders of the vessels ere port is left, so that they may keep together in
the unknown seas before them, and that they may act in harmony.

Setting sail from Seville on August 10, 1519, the fleet of five small vessels
starts on its long journey amid salvos of artillery. At the mouth of the
Guadalquivir, San Lucar de Barrameda, they anchor until September 20,
when setting sail once more, they make for the Canaries, which are reached
September 26. There they reprovision and taking their departure on October
3, coast southward along Africa amid alternating calms and violent storms
(cheered however by the welcome apparition of St. Elmo’s fire, which
promises them safety), until they cross the line. Thereupon taking a general
westerly course, the cape of St. Augustine on the Brazilian coast is soon
sighted. The fresh provisions, so essential to sea voyages, are procured on
the coast of Brazil, where occurs the first communication with the natives,
with whom wonderful bargains are made. Those Indians, cannibals though
they be, and whom Pigafetta describes briefly (not failing to inscribe some
of their language) receive the mariners hospitably, and thinking that the
latter are come to remain among them, build them a house. But after a stay
of eighteen days, the sails are again trimmed toward the south, and
descending the coast, Magalhães anchors next at the Rio de la Plata which

had formerly proved so disastrous to Juan de Solis and his men. Unable
here to hold converse with the anthropophagous natives, who flee at their
approach, the fleet retakes its course, anchoring at two islands where many
sea-wolves and penguins are taken, and thus fresh food obtained. The next
anchorage is at the famous Bay of St. Julian along the desolate Patagonian
coast, where for five months they winter. For two months not an individual
is seen, but one day they gain their first sight of the Patagonians, whose
huge bulk strikes all with surprise, and who are held as giants. Amicable
relations are entered into with various of these wandering Indians, and
finally Magalhães, with the taste for the wonderful that characterized his
period, as strongly, or more strongly than our own, determines to capture
two of them to take back to Spain as novelties. His ruse is successful, but an
attempt to induce the wife of one of the Indians to go to the ship fails. Very
interesting are these giants to the curious Pigafetta, and to him is due the
earliest description of their manners and customs and the earliest specimens
of their language. The two captured giants are placed in separate vessels,
but unfortunately both die ere reaching the end of the journey, one in the
deserting ship “San Antonio,” and the other in Magalhães’s own ship, the
“Trinidad.”

During the five months at that port “many things happened there.” Shortly
after entering the port, the most critical moment of all Magalhães’s life
comes, and one which he has perhaps, dreaded from the beginning of the
expedition. This is the mutiny headed by Juan de Cartagena, captain of one
of the vessels, and other malcontents, who hate Magalhães because he is a
Portuguese. The latter, however, proves equal to the emergency, and by his
prompt action and the punishments tempered by mercy that he inflicts,
quiets the trouble. João Serrão, captain of the “Santiago” is sent to explore
the coast, but is shipwrecked, although all the crew are saved. Their rescue
(not well told by Pigafetta) is a thrilling and arduous matter, and calls into
play the endurance of men already tried by misfortune and buffetings with
Nature.

With the fleet reduced to four vessels, the mariners leave port St. Julian and
proceeding along the coast, anchor at the river of Sardines, where stormy
weather threatens a disastrous end to the expedition. A stay of two months

is made, during which the ships are enabled to lay in a good supply of
provisions, wood, and water. Before leaving that river, the crews (for
Magalhães looks after the spiritual welfare of his men) confess and take
communion. Then resuming the voyage, the great object of the first half of
the expedition is attained, namely, the discovery of the strait, which occurs
October 21, 1520. “That strait is one hundred and ten leguas ... long, and it
is one-half legua broad, more or less.” Its discovery is due to the
indomitable energy and endurance of Magalhães, and his certain knowledge
(probably overstated by Pigafetta) of its existence. Continuing, Pigafetta
briefly narrates the passage through the strait, and the desertion of the “San
Antonio,” which returns to Spain, after putting the captain, Alvaro de
Mesquita, a relative of Magalhães, in irons; for the pilot, a Portuguese
named Esteban Gomez, is jealous of Magalhães, as the latter’s expedition
has destroyed ambitious plans of his own. The other three ships, leaving
letters and signals in the strait, in case the “San Antonio” tries to regain
them, proceeds on its way, debouching from the strait November 28. Then
begins a long voyage over the trackless Pacific “in truth ... very pacific;”
and the three ships sail on steadily for three and two-thirds months without
being able to reprovision. To the horrors of famine are added the sufferings
of the dread scurvy. Pigafetta, whose curiosity is always alert and active,
and who remains well, diverts himself with talking to the Patagonian, who
is finally baptized, but who is one of those to die. In the vast stretch from
the strait to the Ladrones (first seen by them of all Europeans), only two
islands, both desert, are sighted, and those, since they are unable to find
anchorage there, are called the “Unfortunate Isles.” Pigafetta mentions the
southern constellation Crux and the star clouds since called after
Magalhães. His geographical information, as one might expect, is not
always accurate, for he places Cipangu (Japan) in the open Pacific.
Thoughts of relief that come upon sighting various islands (which they
called the Ladrones because of the thievishness of the inhabitants) are
quickly dissipated by the hostility there encountered. So bold are these
natives (whose appearance, life, and customs, Pigafetta describes briefly),
that they even steal the ship’s boat from the stern of the “Trinidad,” thus
necessitating a raid into one of the islands, where some of the natives are
killed, and some houses burned, but the boat recovered.

On March 16, 1521, the first of the Philippines (by them called the
archipelago of San Lazaro) to be seen by Europeans, is sighted. Anchor is
cast at a small desert island called Humunu, (but which the mariners call
“The watering-place of good signs” because the first traces of gold are
found there), near Samar, where two tents are quickly set up for the sick,
whom Magalhães himself tends with solicitude. March 18, they gain their
first acquaintance with the natives, who prove hospitable, and promise fresh
provisions. These are brought on the twenty-second of March, and the
Europeans have their first sight of a tattooed Visayan chief, who, as well as
his men, is decked out in gold ornaments. After a week’s stay, the ships
again set sail, Pigafetta almost coming to an untimely end by slipping over
the side of the vessel while fishing, but happily saved by the aid of “that
fount of mercy,” the Virgin.

March 28, anchor is cast at the island of Limasaua (Mazava), where
Enrique, the Malaccan slave of Magalhães, serves as interpreter. Amicable
relations are speedily entered into and confirmed by the Malayan rite of
blood brotherhood. The king of Limasaua, and his brother, the king of
certain districts in Mindanao, prove most helpful, and are completely won
over by a judicious presentation of gifts. Greatly are the natives impressed
by the power of the new comers, as seen in the artillery and armor, and their
astonishment is increased when Magalhães relates his course to their islands
and the discovery of the strait.

On Good Friday, Pigafetta and a companion visit the natives ashore, where
they spend the night in the king’s palace, a typical Visayan house raised
aloft on supports and thatched with nipa. Here the various ceremonies that
he witnesses impress Pigafetta, and his companion, cast in coarser mould
than he, becomes intoxicated. Pigafetta, always interested in the language of
the new peoples whom he meets, writes down certain of their words,
whereat they are greatly astonished. He records that he “ate meat on Holy
Friday, for I could not help myself.” On Easter Sunday, the natives are
deeply impressed by the mass that is celebrated ashore, and the cross which
is planted in the highest part of the island, and which they promise to adore.

The limited amount of food in Limasaua, which is used only as a place of
recreation by the two kings, who go there to visit one another and hunt,
leads Magalhães to seek a more abundant harbor. Among the places pointed
out where food is abundant is the island of Cebú, and there Magalhães
determines to go, “for so did his unhappy fate will.” After a seven days’ stay
at Limasaua, the course is laid to Cebú under the pilotage of the king of
Limasaua, who is finally taken aboard the “Trinidad” as his vessel is unable
to keep up with the swifter-moving European vessels. Entering the port of
Cebú on April 7, amid the thunder of their guns, the settlement is thrown
into consternation, but the Malaccan being sent ashore reassures them of his
master’s good intentions, whom he proclaims to be a “captain of the
greatest king and prince in the world,” who “was going to discover
Malucho,” but hearing of the great fame of the king of Cebú, wishes trade
with him. The king of Cebú is willing to accord friendship to the
Europeans, but asks a tribute, as it is the custom for all visitors to pay it to
him. But no tribute will be paid him, asserts Enrique, and the king, at the
advice of a Moro merchant who has heard of the deeds of the Portuguese
along Malacca and the Indian coast, and confuses the strangers with them,
until undeceived by Enrique (who declares them to be much greater than
the Portuguese), expresses his willingness to make friendship with
Magalhães. With the help of the friendly king of Limasaua, peace is made
according to Malay rites, and gifts exchanged. Magalhães, deeply religious,
in common with many of his age, early seeks to lure the natives of Cebú to
holy baptism, by presenting to them its most attractive side, and promising
the king if he becomes a Christian, a suit of armor; but they must become
willing converts, and not for the hope of gain or for fear. The peace is more
firmly cemented by the visit of Pigafetta and a companion to the king,
where they witness ceremonies similar to those of Limasaua, and where
gifts are bestowed upon the king and some others. They also visit the house
of the prince apparent, where they hear their first concert of Visayan music
and see a native dance. On the following Wednesday two of the crew are
buried ashore on consecrated ground with as much pomp as possible.

Trading is instituted by carrying a quantity of merchandise ashore, the
safety of which is assured by the king. Those people are found to have
weights and measures for their trading; and besides their gongs, a flute-like

instrument. Their houses are entered by ladders. On Friday begins the
trading, gold being given for metals and large articles, and food for the
smaller wares. The good bargains obtained by the Europeans, would have
been materially less and the trade spoiled forever had it not been for
Magalhães’s watchfulness, for so eager are the men at the sight of the gold,
that they would have given almost anything for it. On the following Sunday,
the king and his chief men, and the queen and many women, are baptized
and given European names, and ere the week closes all the Cebuans have
become Christians, as well as some from neighboring islands. The queen at
her earnest request, is given a small image of the Christ child, the same
afterward recovered by Legazpi, and still held in the greatest of reverence at
Cebú. The opposition of certain chiefs to the king of Cebú is satisfactorily
ended by the inducements and threats of Magalhães. The latter swears to be
faithful in his friendship with the natives, who likewise swear allegiance to
the king of Spain. However, the natives are loath to destroy their idols,
according to their promise, and Magalhães finds them still sacrificing to
them for the cure of sickness. Substituting therefore the assurance that the
new faith will work a cure, in lieu of which he offers his head, the sick man
(who is the prince’s brother and the bravest and wisest man in the island) is
miraculously cured. Thereupon many idols are burned amid great
demonstrations. Vivid descriptions are given of the people and their
customs and ceremonies, especially those of sacrifice and mourning.

April 20, a chief from the neighboring island of Mactan sends a small
present to Magalhães, with the request to aid him with a boat load of men
against the chief Cilapulapu, who refuses allegiance to Spain. Magalhães in
his ardor, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of his friends, leads three
boat loads of men (sixty in all) to the island, where having ordered the king
of Cebú to be a witness of the battle only, he engages the natives.
Disastrous indeed does that day prove, for beset by multitudes of foes, the
Europeans are compelled to retreat, and the retreat becomes a rout, the
personal bravery of Magalhães and a few of his closest friends only saving
the men from almost complete massacre. Recognizing the leader, the
natives make their greatest efforts against him, and finally he is killed while
knee deep in the water, but after all the others are saved. Pigafetta’s lament
is tragic and sorrowful; they “killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and

our true guide.” Insolent in their victory, the natives refuse to give up the
body of the slain leader at the request of the king of Cebú. The Europeans
stunned by the loss of their leader, withdraw their merchandise and guards
to the ship, and make preparations for departure. Duarte Barbosa and João
de Serrão are chosen leaders. The second act in the drama follows speedily.
The slave Enrique, enraged at a severe reprimand and threats by Barbosa,
conspires with the king of Cebú; with the result that twenty-six men,
including both of the leaders, are murdered at a banquet on May 1, to which
the king invites them. João Carvalho, deaf to the entreaties of João Serrão,
his comrade, and anxious to become leader, sails away leaving him to his
death. Pigafetta names the products of Cebú, and gives a valuable
vocabulary of Visayan words, most of which are still in use by those people.

By mutual consent, the three vessels proceed to Bohol, where the
“Concepcion” is burned, as there are too few men left to work all three
ships; although its supplies and all else possible are transferred to the
“Victoria” and “Trinidad.” Then, cruising along, they put in at Mindanao
where Pigafetta goes ashore alone, after the king has made blood friendship
at the ships. There they hear of Luzón, where the Chinese trade annually.
Departing from Mindanao, they anchor at Cagayan Sulu, a penal settlement
for Borneo, where the blowpipe and poisoned arrows are used, and the
daggers adorned with gold. The next anchorage is at Paragua, although
before reaching that island, the men have been tempted to abandon the ships
because of hunger. There the rice is cooked under the fire in bamboos and is
better than that cooked in earthen pots. Those people raise fighting cocks
and bet on their favorite birds. Ten leagues from Paragua is the great island
of Borneo, whither the ships next go, and anchor at the city of Brunei,
which is built over the water, and contains twenty-five thousand fires.
Hospitably received by eight chiefs who visit the ships, they enter into
relations with the Borneans. Seven men go as ambassadors to visit the king,
and bear presents to him and the chief men. Here some of the grandeurs of
an oriental court are spread before their eyes, which Pigafetta briefly
describes. The strangers are graciously given permission to take on fresh
supplies of food, water, and wood, and to trade at pleasure. Later actions of
the Borneans cause the men of the ships to fear treachery, and forestalling
any action by that people, they attack a number of junks near them, and

capture four. Among the captives is the son of the king of Luzón, who is the
chief captain in Borneo, and whom Carvalho allows to escape, without
consulting the others, for a large sum of gold. His action in so doing reacts
on himself, for the king refuses to allow two men who were ashore and
Carvalho’s own son (born of a native woman in Brazil) to return to the
ships, and they are left behind. The Borneans and their junks are described.
They use porcelain dishes which are made from a fine white clay that is
buried under ground for fifty years in order to refine it, and inherited from
father to son. Camphor is obtained there, and the island is so large that it
can be circumnavigated by a prau only in three months’ time.

On leaving Borneo, a number of prisoners from the captured junks are kept,
among them three women whom Carvalho ostensibly retains as presents for
the queen of Spain, but in reality for himself. Happily escaping from the
point on which one of the ships has become grounded, and the fear of
explosion from a candle which is snuffed into a barrel of powder, the ships
anchor at a point of Borneo, where for forty-two days, the men are busied in
repairing, calking, and furnishing the vessels. The journey is resumed back
toward Paragua, the governor of a district of that island being captured on
the way; with whom, however, they enter into friendly relations. Thence the
ships cruise along between Cagayan, Joló, and Mindanao, capturing a
native boat from Maingdanao of the latter island, from the captive
occupants of which they learn news of the Moluccas. Pushing on amid
stormy weather, they anchor at the island of Sarangani, just south of
Mindanao; and thence proceed in a generally southerly direction amid many
islands until the Moluccas are reached, and they enter the harbor of Tidore
on Friday, November 8, 1521, after twenty-seven months, less two days,
since their departure from Spain.

At Tidore a warm welcome awaits them from the king, who is a powerful
astrologer and has been expecting their arrival. He promises them as many
cloves as they wish, even offering to go outside his island, contrary to the
practice of kings, to provide them the sooner; in return for his services
hoping for their aid in his designs for power in the Moluccas, especially
against the king of Ternate. There they learn that Francisco Serrão, the great
friend of Magalhães, has perished some eight months previously from

poison administered by the king of Tidore, whom he had visited, because he
had aided the king of Ternate against Tidore. This Serrão, says Pigafetta,
was the cause of Magalhães undertaking his expedition, and he had been in
the Moluccas for ten years, for so long ago had Portugal discovered those
islands. The efforts of the Ternatans to gain the new strangers fail, for they
are already pledged to the king of Tidore. On November 12, a house is built
ashore and on the thirteenth the merchandise is carried there, among it
being that captured with the various junks at and near Borneo. The sailors
are somewhat careless of their bargains for they are in haste to return to
Spain. The king continues his kindness, and to humor him, as he is a
Mahometan, all the swine in the boats are killed. This relation will be
concluded in Vol. XXXIV.

The Editors

December, 1905.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO
By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document which exists in the Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

[PRIMO VIAGGIO [FIRST VOYAGE
INTORNO AL AROUND THE
MONDO] WORLD]

Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino Antonio Pigafeta,1 patrician of
et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e.,
Exellmo. S. philipo de villers Rhodes],2 to the most illustrious and
lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſto de excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers
Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo. Lisleadam,3 renowned grand master
of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.4

Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmo et Inasmuch as, most illustrious and
exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe excellent Lord, there are many
contentano de ſapere et Intendere li curious persons who not only take
grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio pleasure in knowing and hearing the
me a conceſſo de vedere et patire great and wonderful things which
nela infraſcripta mia longa et God has permitted me to see and
pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora suffer during my long and
vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et dangerous voyage, hereto appended,
vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non but who also wish to know the
preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito means and manners and paths that I
ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL have taken in making that voyage
[literally: “in going thither”]; and
initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che
who do not lend that entire faith to
ritrouandomi neL anno de La
the end unless they have a perfect
natiuita deL nr̃ o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix
assurance of the beginning:
in ſpagnia in la corte deL
therefore, your most illustrious
sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdo Lordship must know that, finding
monsor. franco chieregato alhora myself, in the year of the nativity of

prot̃ ho apco. et oratore de La sta. our Savior MCCCCCXIX in
memoria de papa Leone xo. che per Spagnia, in the court of the most
ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL episto serene king of the Romans,5 with
di aprutino et principato de teramo. the reverend Monsignor, Francesco
Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ Chieregato, then apostolic
molti libri letti et per diuerſe protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo
perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. X of holy memory (and who has
de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL since become bishop of Aprutino
mare occeanno deliberay con bonna and prince of Teramo),6 and having
gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL learned many things from many
prefacto S. mio far experientia di me books that I had read, as well as
et andare a vedere qelle coſe che from various persons,7 who
poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me discussed the great and marvelous
medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi things of the Ocean Sea with his
qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita Lordship, I determined, by the good
hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and
preparata vna armata in la cita de of his Lordship abovesaid, to
Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per experience and to go to see those
andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele things for myself, so that I might be
able thereby to satisfy myself
yſolle de maluco de la qalle era
somewhat, and so that I might be
capitanio generalle ferando de
able to gain some renown for later
magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe
posterity.8 Having heard that a fleet
et era comre de sto. Jacobo de la
composed of five vessels had been
ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude
haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo fitted out in the city of Siviglia for
mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte the purpose of going to discover the
letere di fauore dela cita de spicery in the islands of Maluco,
barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua under command of Captain-general
mageſta et ſopa vna naue paſſay ſino Fernando de Magaglianes,9 a
Portuguese gentleman, comendador
amalega onde pigliando eL Camino
of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la
ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo
Spada [i.e., “St. James of the
ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando
que La dicta armata se poneſe in Sword”],10 [who] had many times
hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente traversed the Ocean Sea in various
directions, whence he had acquired

como qi de ſoto intendera v exa sa. great praise, I set out from the city
con feliciſſimi auſpitij in of Barsalonna, where his Majesty
comenſiamo la nr̃ a nauigatiōe Et was then residing, bearing many
ꝓch̃ e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando letters in my favor. I went by ship as
andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente far as Malega, where, taking the
qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo highroad, I went overland to
dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et Siviglia. Having been there about
humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe three full months, waiting for the
grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe said fleet to be set in order for the
haueua viſte et paſſate nella departure,11 finally, as your most
nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia excellent Lordship will learn below,
hauuta pocha Como dita niente we commenced our voyage under
dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere most happy auspices. And inasmuch
li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li as when I was in Ytalia and going to
oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le see his Holiness, Pope Clement,12
vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie you by your grace showed yourself
pregandola quando la vachera dalle very kind and good to me at
aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni Monteroso, and told me that you
tranſcorerle peril que me potera would be greatly pleased if I would
eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. write down for you all those things
s. a la cui bonna graca mi donno et which I had seen and suffered
recomando. during my voyage; and although I
have had little opportunity, yet I
have tried to satisfy your desire
according to my poor ability;
therefore, I offer you, in this little
book of mine, all my vigils,
hardships, and wanderings, begging
you, although you are busied with
continual Rhodian cares, to deign to
skim through it, by which I shall be
enabled to receive a not slight
remuneration from your most
illustrious Lordship, to whose good

favor I consign and commend
myself.13

Hauendo deliberato il capitanio The captain-general having resolved
generalle difare coſi longa to make so long a voyage through
nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue the Ocean Sea, where furious winds
ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et and great storms are always
fortune grandi et nõ volendo reigning, but not desiring to make
manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el known to any of his men the voyage
viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe that he was about to make, so that
ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto they might not be cast down at the
grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece thought of doing so great and
cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui extraordinary a deed, as he did
che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo accomplish with the aid of God (the
odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon captains who accompanied him,
ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi hated him exceedingly, I know not
ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto why, unless because he was a
que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo Portuguese, and they Spaniards),
inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia with the desire to conclude what he
açio le naue nele fortune et nela promised under oath to the emperor,
nocte non se separeſſeno vna de Don Carlo, king of Spagnia,
lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo prescribed the following orders and
dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue gave them to all the pilots and
naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre masters of his ships, so that the
voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui ships might not become separated
et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna from one another during the storms
facela grande de legnio che la and night.14 These were [to the
quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua effect] that he would always precede
pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue the other ships at night, and they
queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo were to follow his ship which would
lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno alto have a large torch of wood, which
fuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno they call farol.15 He always carried
pezo de corda de iuncho che la that farol set at the poop of his ship
chiamã strengue di Sparto molto as a signal so that they might always

batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al follow him. Another light was made
ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per by means of a lantern or by means
simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio of a piece of wicking made from a
ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute rush and called sparto rope16 which
veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqi is well beaten in the water, and then
ſenza lo farolo viraſseno o dried in the sun or in the smoke—a
voltasenno in altra banda quando eL most excellent material for such use.
vento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ They were to answer him so that he
andar al nr̃ o camino ho q̃ do voleua might know by that signal whether
far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi all of the ships were coming
toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna together. If he showed two lights
parte de uela che se ataca da baſso besides that of the farol, they were
dela vela magiore quando fa bon to veer or take another tack, [doing
tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio this] when the wind was not
ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela favorable or suitable for us to
magior quando se amayna in preſsa continue on our way, or when he
in vno tempo subito: Si faceua wished to sail slowly. If he showed
quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele three lights, they were to lower
facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di away the bonnet-sail, which is a part
fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua of the sail that is fastened below the
piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ mainsail, when the weather is
barda fose segniale de tera o de suitable for making better time. It is
bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi lowered so that it may be easier to
quando voleua far alsare le vele in furl the mainsail when it is struck
alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo hastily during a sudden squall.17 If
ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa he showed four lights, they were to
Quando voleua far metere la boneta strike all the sails;18 after which he
faceua tre fuochi Quando voleua showed a signal by one light, [which
voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj meant] that he was standing still. If
Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo he showed a greater number of
seguitavão et veniuão inſieme lights, or fired a mortar, it was a
faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue signal of land or of shoals.19 Then
faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe he showed four lights when he
faceua tre gardie la pa nel principio wished to have the sails set full, so
de la nocte La ſeconda Que la that they might always sail in his

chiamano modora neL meſo La ta wake by the torch on the poop.
nel fine tuta la gente dele naue se When he desired to set the bonnet-
partiua in tre Coloneli el po era del sail, he showed three lights.20 When
capo. houero del contra maistro he desired to alter his course, he
mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo showed two;21 and then if he wished
deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo to del to ascertain whether all the ships
maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capo genneral were following and whether they
Comando che tute le naue were coming together, he showed
obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et one light, so that each one of the
guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri. ships might do the same and reply to
him. Three watches were set
nightly: the first at the beginning of
the night; the second, which is
called the midnight,22 and the third
at the end [of the night]. All of the
men in the ships were divided into
three parts: the first was the division
of the captain or boatswain, those
two alternating nightly; the second,
of either the pilot or boatswain’s
mate; and the third, of the master.23
Thus did the captain-general order
that all the ships observe the above
signals and watches, so that their
voyage might be more propitious.24

Luni a x d̃ agusto go de ſancto On Monday morning, August x, St.
laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la Lawrence’s day, in the year
armata fornita de tute le cose abovesaid, the fleet, having been
necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de supplied with all the things
gente eramo ducente et trentaſete necessary for the sea,25 (and
homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ ſte counting those of every nationality,
per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et we were two hundred and thirty-
tirando molta artegliaria deteno il seven men), made ready to leave the

trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso harbor of Siviglia.26 Discharging
del fiume betis al pñte detto many pieces of artillery, the ships
gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho held their forestaysails to the wind,
chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia and descended the river Betis, at
grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo present called Gadalcavir, passing
lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el by a village called Gioan dal Farax,
dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia once a large Moorish settlement. In
dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel the midst of it was once a bridge
fondo del acqua due colonne que that crossed the said river, and led to
quando paſſano le naui año biſognio Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge
de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho have remained even to this day at
delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in the bottom of the water, and when
eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el ships sail by there, they need men
fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ who know the location of the
molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a columns thoroughly, so that the
tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le ships may not strike against them.
naui cargate et qelle non ſianno They must also be passed when the
tropo grandi Poi venirono ad un river is highest with the tide; as
alto q̃ ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ must also many other villages along
molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume the river, which has not sufficient
tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL depth [of itself] for ships that are
duca de medina cidonia il qalle ſe laden and which are not very large
chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ to pass. Then the ships reached
entrare nel mare occeanno leuante another village called Coria, and
ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent passed by many other villages along
che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et the river, until they came to a castle
longui dal deto porto x leghe da of the duke of Medina Cidonia,
called San Lucar, which is a port by
Siuiglia fin aqi ꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno
17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni which to enter the Ocean Sea.27 It is
vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt in an east and west direction with
the cape of Sanct Vincent, which
capi ꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de
lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x
le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni
per finire la armata de alcune coſe li leguas from the said port.28 From
manchauão et ogni di andauamo in Siviglia to this point [i.e., San
tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by

chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa river.29 Some days after, the captain-
S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capo general, with his other captains,
genneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno descended the river in the small
et nõ conſentite ninguna dona boats belonging to their ships. We
veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior remained there for a considerable
riſpecto. number of days in order to finish30
[providing] the fleet with some
things that it needed. Every day we
went ashore to hear mass in a
village called Nostra Dona de
Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda],
near San Lucar. Before the
departure, the captain-general
wished all the men to confess, and
would not allow any31 woman to
sail in the fleet for the best of
considerations.

Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL We left that village, by name San
medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx
queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar of the same year, and took a
pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 southwest course.32 On the 26th33 of
deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna the said month, we reached an
Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe island of the Great Canaria, called
teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of
per pigliar carne acha et legnia 28 degrees, [landing there] in order
ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per to get flesh, water, and wood.34 We
fornire Larmata de le decte cose stayed there for three and one-half
poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La days in order to furnish the fleet
medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ with the said supplies. Then we
pegolla tardando dui giorni Sapera went to a port of the same island
vr̃ a IlLma sa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela called Monte Rosso35 to get pitch,36
grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne staying [there] two days. Your most
laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de illustrious Lordship must know that

hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di there is a particular one of the
deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et islands of the Great Canaria, where
circunda vno grande arbore che e ne one can not find a single drop of
la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie water which gushes up [from a
et ramy molta hacqua et al piede spring];37 but that at noontide a
deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza cloud descends from the sky and
de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta encircles a large tree which grows in
la acqua de La qalle li homini the said island, the leaves and
habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici branches of which distil a quantity
como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta of water. At the foot of the said tree
hacqua et nõ de alta runs a trench which resembles a
habondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano. spring, where all the water falls, and
from which the people living there,
and the animals, both domestic and
wild, fully satisfy themselves daily
with this water and no other.38

Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe At midnight of Monday, October
dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro three, the sails were trimmed toward
in golfandone neL mare occeanno the south,39 and we took to the open
paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue Ocean Sea, passing between Cape
yſolle in 14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi Verde and its islands in 14 and one-
molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta half degrees. Thus for many days
de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela did we sail along the coast of
qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a
leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con mountain called Siera Leona, which
venti contrari calme et piogie senza lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with
venti fin a la lignea equinotialle contrary winds, calms, and rains
piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo without wind, until we reached the
contra la opignione de li anticqi equinoctial line, having sixty days
Jnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 of continual rain.40 Contrary to the
gradi molte gropade de venti opinion of the ancients,41 before we
inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne reached the line many furious
aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ squalls of wind, and currents of

poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le water struck us head on in 14
naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano degrees. As we could not advance,
tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte and in order that the ships might not
andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ be wrecked,42 all the sails were
paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua struck; and in this manner did we
molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ wander hither and yon on the sea,
era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era waiting for the tempest to cease, for
bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le it was very furious.43 When it rained
naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano there was no wind. When the sun
tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe shone, it was calm. Certain large
trouano hominj neL mare li fishes called tiburoni [i.e., sharks]
mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ came to the side of the ships. They
hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni have terrible teeth, and whenever
da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche they find men in the sea they devour
loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune them. We caught many of them with
molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto iron hooks,44 although they are not
cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre good to eat unless they are small,
in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL and even then they are not very
ſplendore come e vna facella ardente good. During those storms the holy
in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte body, that is to say St. Elmo,
circa due hore et piu cõ noi appeared to us many times, in light
conſolandone q̃ piangevão quanto —among other times on an
queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire
exceedingly dark night,45 with the
da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore
brightness of a blazing torch, on the
dete ne li hocqi noſti q̃ ſteſemo piu maintop, where he stayed for about
de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqi two hours or more, to our
chiamando miſericordia et veramẽte consolation, for we were weeping.
credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito When that blessed light was about
ſe aquieto. to leave us, so dazzling was the
brightness that it cast into our eyes,
that we all remained for more than
an eighth of an hour46 blinded and
calling for mercy. And truly when
we thought that we were dead men,
the sea suddenly grew calm.47

Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle I saw many kinds of birds, among
vna q̃ nõ haueua culo. vn altra them one that had no anus; and
quando la femina vol far li oui li fa another, [which] when the female
soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on
creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre the back of the male and there they
Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ are hatched. The latter bird has no
viueno deL ſtercho de li alti vcelli et feet, and always lives in the sea.
nõ de alto Si como viti molte volte [There is] another kind which live
on the ordure of the other birds, and
queſto vcello qaL chiamamo
in no other manner; for I often saw
Cagaſſela corer dietro ad alti vcelli
this bird, which is called Cagassela,
fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti fly behind the other birds, until they
mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo are constrained to drop their ordure,
piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello which the former seizes
anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano immediately and abandons the latter
et molti alti congregadi inſieme q̃ bird. I also saw many flying fish,
pareuano vna yſola. and many others collected together,
so that they resembled an island.48

Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea After we had passed the equinoctial
equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ line going south, we lost the north
deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe star, and hence we sailed south
nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin south-west49 until [we reached] a
fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera land called the land of Verzin50
deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo which lies in 23½ degrees of the
antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Sto Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude].
auguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL It is the land extending from the
medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo cape of Santo Augustino, which lies
grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne in 8 degrees of the same pole. There
molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL we got a plentiful refreshment of
que ſia carne de anta como vaca fowls, potatoes [batate], many
canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ sweet pine-apples—in truth the
Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno most delicious fruit that can be
amo da peſcare o vno cortello

dauano 5. ho 6. galinne ꝓ vno found—the flesh of the anta,51
petine vno paro de occati ꝓ vno which resembles beef, sugarcane,
ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ and innumerable other things, which
hauerebe baſtato a x homini ꝓ vno I shall not mention in order not to be
ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de prolix. For one fishhook or one
batate. qʒſte batate ſonno aL knife, those people gave 5 or 6
mangiare como caſtagnie et longo chickens; for one comb, a brace of
como napi et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ geese; for one mirror or one pair of
e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. scissors, as many fish as would be
galine et penſauano anchora hauernj sufficient for x men; for a bell or
inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto one leather lace, one basketful of
iL giorno de ſancta lucia et in qeL di potatoes [batate]. These potatoes
haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et resemble chestnuts in taste, and are
patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li as long as turnips.52 For a king of
alti quãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit diamonds [danari],53 which is a
che Quando eramo ſoto la linea playing card, they gave me 654
equinotialle. fowls and thought that they had
even cheated me. We entered that
port on St. Lucy’s day, and on that
day had the sun on the zenith;55 and
we were subjected to greater heat on
that day and on the other days when
we had the sun on the zenith, than
when we were under the equinoctial
line.56

Queſta tera deL verzin e That land of Verzin is wealthier and
abondantissa et piu grande q̃ ſpagnia larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and
franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme. e deL Italia,57 put together, and belongs to
re de portugalo li populi de queſta the king of Portugalo. The people of
tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ that land are not Christians, and
adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo have no manner of worship. They
Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento live according to the dictates of
vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. nature,58 and reach an age of one

Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine hundred and twenty-five and one
habitano in certe caſe longue che le hundred and forty years.59 They go
chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de naked, both men and women. They
bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne live in certain long houses which
le medeme caſe da vno capo et da they call boii60 and sleep in cotton
Lalto a legni groſſi fanno foco hammocks called amache, which
infra eſſi in tera in ogni vno de are fastened in those houses by each
queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le end to large beams. A fire is built on
ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã the ground under those hammocks.
romore anno barche duno ſolo In each one of those boii, there are
arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe one hundred men with their wives
cauate cõ menare de pietra queſti and children,61 and they make a
populi adoperão le pietre Como nui great racket. They have boats called
el fero ꝓ nõ hauere ſtanno trenta canoes made of one single huge
et quaranta homini in vna de queſte. tree,62 hollowed out by the use of
vogano cõ palle como da forno et stone hatchets. Those people
cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano employ stones as we do iron, as they
quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie have no iron. Thirty or forty men
palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et occupy one of those boats. They
femine como noi Mangiano carne paddle with blades like the shovels
humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ of a furnace, and thus, black, naked,
bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta and shaven, they resemble, when
vzanſa Lo vno con laltro. fu paddling, the inhabitants of the
principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua Stygian marsh.63 Men and women
ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato are as well proportioned as we.
dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati They eat the human flesh of their
alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de enemies, not because it is good, but
la Compagnia q̃ haueua morto Suo because it is a certain established
figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua custom. That custom, which is
queſta vequia ela vedendo et mutual, was begun by an old
ricordandoſe deL ſuo figliolo como woman,64 who had but one son who
cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo was killed by his enemies. In return
mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a some days later, that old woman’s
pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo friends captured one of the company
volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL who had killed her son, and brought

ſegnialle de La ſpala. qñ queſti him to the place of her abode. She
pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono seeing him, and remembering her
et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he son, ran upon him like an infuriated
venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano bitch, and bit him on one shoulder.
ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo Shortly afterward he escaped to his
et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo own people, whom he told that they
poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto had tried to eat him, showing them
mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre [in proof] the marks on his shoulder.
cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Whomever the latter captured
Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio afterward at any time from the
piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era former they ate, and the former did
ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny the same to the latter, so that such a
Queſta gente ſe depingeno custom has sprung up in this way.
marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL They do not eat the bodies all at
volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere once, but every one cuts off a piece,
ancho le done ſono [sono: doublet in and carries it to his house, where he
original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba smokes it. Then every week,65 he
perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de cuts off a small bit, which he eats
veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ thus smoked with his other food to
rode grande aL cullo de Le penne remind him of his enemies. The
magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li above was told me by the pilot,
homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli Johane Carnagio,66 who came with
hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue us, and who had lived in that land
portano pietre rotonde et Longue for four years. Those people paint
vno dito et piu et meno de fora the whole body and the face in a
pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma wonderful manner with fire in
oliuaſtri portano deſcoperte le various fashions, as do the women
parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e also. The men are [are: doublet in
ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne original manuscript] smooth shaven
Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e and have no beard, for they pull it
chiamato cacich anno infinitiſſimi out. They clothe themselves in a
papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno dress made of parrot feathers, with
ſpecho et gati maimoni picoli fati large round arrangements at their
como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima buttocks made from the largest
fano panne rotondo biancho de feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight.

medola de arbore non molto bonno Almost all the people, except the
q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he women and children,67 have three
como recotta. hanno porci q̃ ſopa holes pierced in the lower lip, where
La ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico they carry round stones, one finger
et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho or thereabouts in length and hanging
como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga ne down outside. Those people are not
dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello entirely black, but of a dark brown
grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole color. They keep the privies
giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere uncovered, and the body is without
nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna Elle nõ hair,68 while both men and women
farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ always go naked. Their king is
ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They
de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro have an infinite number of parrots,
mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror:
Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ and little monkeys that look like
suo da li monti in zerli ho vero lions, only [they are] yellow, and
caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo very beautiful.69 They make round
pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti white [loaves of] bread from the
ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o marrowy substance of trees, which
de palma negra et vno mazo de freze is not very good, and is found
di canna et queſto fano per che between the wood and the bark and
ſonno geloſi le femine portano ſui resembles buttermilk curds.70 They
figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de have swine which have their navels
banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ
[lombelico] on their backs,71 and
eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte large birds with beaks like spoons
meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano
and no tongues.72 The men gave us
cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj
one or two of their young daughters
aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era
as slaves for one hatchet or one
grandisso piacere vederli
large knife, but they would not give
Edificareno vna caſa per nui
us their wives in exchange for
penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun
anything at all. The women will not
tempo et taglia rono molto verſin
shame their husbands under any
per darnela a la noſtra partida era
considerations whatever, and as was
ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua
told us, refuse to consent to their
pioueſto in queſta terra et Quando
husbands by day, but only by

ajongeſemo aL porto per caſo night.73 The women cultivate the
piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi fields, and carry all their food from
vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato the mountains in panniers or baskets
noſco la piogia queſti populi on the head or fastened to the
facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la head.74 But they are always
fede de Jeſu xpõ. accompanied by their husbands,
who are armed only with a bow of
brazil-wood or of black palm-wood,
and a bundle of cane arrows, doing
this because they are jealous [of
their wives]. The women carry their
children hanging in a cotton net
from their necks. I omit other
particulars, in order not to be
tedious. Mass was said twice on
shore, during which those people
remained on their knees with so
great contrition and with clasped
hands raised aloft, that it was an
exceeding great pleasure75 to behold
them. They built us a house as they
thought that we were going to stay
with them for some time, and at our
departure they cut a great quantity
of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76
It had been about two months since
it had rained in that land, and when
we reached that port, it happened to
rain, whereupon they said that we
came from the sky and that we had
brought the rain with us.77 Those
people could be converted easily to
the faith of Jesus Christ.

Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli At first those people thought that the
foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle small boats were the children of the
li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano ships, and that the latter gave birth
fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi to them when they were lowered
aL coſta do como he vzanſa into the sea from the ships, and
credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno when they were lying so alongside
Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela the ships (as is the custom), they
naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ believed that the ships were nursing
alto ſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito them.78 One day a beautiful young
ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo woman came to the flagship, where
ochio supa la camera deL maiſto et I was, for no other purpose than to
victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn seek what chance might offer. While
dito il que pigliando cõ grande there and waiting, she cast her eyes
gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico upon the master’s room, and saw a
aparte aparte de li labri della ſua nail longer than one’s finger.
natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se Picking it up very delightedly and
partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. neatly, she thrust it through the lips
generale et yo. of her vagina [natura], and bending
down low immediately departed, the
captain-general and I having seen
that action.79

Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL Some words of those people of
verzin. Verzin80

AL miglio. Maiz For Millet maiz
Alla farina. hui for Flour hui
AL hamo. pinda for Fishhook pinda
AL cortello tacse for Knife tacse
Al petine chigap for Comb chigap
Alla forfice pirame for Scissors pirame
AL ſonaglio Jtanmaracz for Bell itanmaraca

Buono piu q̃ tum maragathum Good, better tum maragathum
bono

Steſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera We remained in that land for 13
ſeguendo poi il nr̃ o camino days. Then proceeding, on our way,
andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo we went as far as 34 and one-third
aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo degrees81 toward the Antarctic Pole,
in vno fiume de acqua dolce homini where we found people at a
q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano freshwater river, called Canibali
la carne humana vene vno de la [i.e., cannibals], who eat human
ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella flesh. One of them, in stature almost
ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li alti a giant, came to the flagship in order
suoi haueua vna voce ſimille a vno to assure [the safety of] the others
toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la his friends.82 He had a voice like a
naue li alti portoronno via Le ſue bull. While he was in the ship, the
robe daL loco doue habitauão dento others carried away their
nella terra ꝓ paura de noi Vedendo possessions from the place where
queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento they were living into the interior, for
homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare fear of us. Seeing that, we landed
ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne one hundred men in order to have
alguno fugiteno et fugẽdo face speech and converse with them, or
uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando to capture one of them by force.
nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi. They fled, and in fleeing they took
in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle. so large a step that we although
ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre running could not gain on their
precioſe Qui se chiama capo de sta steps. There are seven islands in that
maria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe river, in the largest of which
paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di precious gems are found. That place
ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo is called the cape of Santa Maria,
nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La and it was formerly thought that one
boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto passed thence to the sea of Sur, that
fiume fu mangiado da questi is to say the South Sea, but nothing
Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno further was ever discovered. Now
Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua the name is not [given to] a cape,
Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ but [to] a river, with a mouth 17

andauano a diſcourire terra como leguas in width.83 A Spanish
nui. captain, called Johan de Solis and
sixty men, who were going to
discover lands like us, were
formerly eaten at that river by those
cannibals because of too great
confidence.84

Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino Then proceeding on the same course
ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting
terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle along the land, we came to anchor at
pienni de occati et loui marini two islands full of geese and sea-
veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã wolves.85 Truly, the great number of
numero de queſti occati in vna hora those geese cannot be reckoned; in
cargaſſimo le cinque naue Queſti one hour we loaded the five ships
occati ſenno negri et anno tute le [with them]. Those geese are black
penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo and have all their feathers alike both
como nelle ale. nõ volano et on body and wings. They do not fly,
viueno de peſe eranno tanti graſſi q̃ and live on fish. They were so fat
non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor that it was not necessary to pluck
tiglarli anno lo beco como vno them but to skin them. Their beak is
coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de like that of a crow. Those sea-
diuerſi colori et groſſi como viteli et wolves are of various colors, and as
eL capo como loro cõ le orechie large as a calf, with a head like that
picole et tõde et denti grandi nõ of a calf, ears small and round, and
anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL large teeth. They have no legs but
corpo ſimille a le nr̃ e mani cõ only feet with small nails attached
onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella to the body, which resemble our
pele. le ochie ſarebenno fe hands, and between their fingers the
rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano same kind of skin as the geese. They
et viueno de peſcie Qui hebenno li would be very fierce if they could
naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne run. They swim, and live on fish. At
aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi that place the ships suffered a very
great storm, during which the three

ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et sta holy bodies appeared to us many
chiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna. times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St.
Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon
the storm quickly ceased.

Partendone de qi ariuaſſemo fin a 49 Leaving that place, we finally
gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo reached 49 and one-half degrees
linuerno le naui introrono in vno toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was
bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe quiui winter, the ships entered a safe port
ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere to winter.86 We passed two months
ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo in that place without seeing anyone.
vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de One day we suddenly saw a naked
gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL man of giant stature on the shore of
porto balando cantando et butandoſe the port, dancing,87 singing, and
poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio throwing dust on his head. The
gñale mando vno deli nr̃ i a lui acio captain-general sent one of our men
faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de to the giant so that he might perform
pace et fati lo conduce in vna the same, actions as a sign of peace.
Jzolleta dinanzi aL capo gñalle Having done that, the man led the
Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃ a preſentia giant to an islet into the presence of
molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni the captain-general. When the giant
cõ vno dito alzato credendo was in the captain-general’s and our
veniſſemo daL ciello Queſto erra presence, he marveled greatly,88 and
tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La made signs with one finger raised
cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La upward, believing that we had come
faza grande et depinta intorno de from the sky. He was so tall that we
roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ reached only to his waist, and he
dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. was well proportioned. His face was
li pocqi capili q̃ haueua erano tinti large and painted red all over while
de biancho. era veſtito de pelle de about his eyes he was painted
animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme yellow; and he had two hearts
el qualle animalle a eL capo et painted on the middle of his cheeks.
orechie grande como vna mula iL His scanty hair was painted white.89
colo et iL corpo como vno camello, He was dressed in the skins of

le gambe de ceruo et La coda de animals skilfully sewn together.
caualo et nitriſſe como lui ge ne That animal has a head and ears as
ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua large as those of a mule, a neck and
a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme body like those of a camel, the legs
pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like
ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto which it neighs, and that land has
et groſſo. La corda alquando piu very many of them.90 His feet were
groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le shod with the same kind of skins
budelle deL medemo animale cõ which covered his feet in the
vno mazo de frece de canna non manner of shoes.91 In his hand he
molto longue inpenade como le carried a short, heavy bow, with a
noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca cord somewhat thicker than those of
biancha et negra amodo de freze the lute,92 and made from the
turqueſque facendole cõ vn alta intestines of the same animal, and a
pietra. Lo capo genneralle li fece bundle of rather short cane arrows
dare da mangiare et bere et fra le feathered like ours, and with points
altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno of white and black flint stones in the
ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL manner of Turkish arrows, instead
vide ſua figura grandamente ſe of iron. Those points were fashioned
ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre by means of another stone.93 The
o quato de li noſti homini ꝓ terra captain-general had the giant given
da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio something to eat and drink, and
vno petine et certi pater noſti et among other things which were
mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati shown to him was a large steel
Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe mirror. When he saw his face, he
venire a le naue quando eL vite was greatly terrified, and jumped
venire coſtui cõ li noſti corſe doue back throwing three or four94 of our
ſtauano li alti Se miſſeno in fila men to the ground. After that he was
tuti nudi ariuando li noſti a eſſi given some bells, a mirror, a comb,
comenſorono abalare et cantare and certain Pater Nosters. The
leuando vno dito aL ciello et captain-general sent him ashore
moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice with 4 armed men. When one of his
de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la companions, who would never come
mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano to the ships, saw him coming with
our men, he ran to the place where
altra coſa li noſti li feceno ſegnio

doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li the others were, who came [down to
ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il the shore] all naked one after the
que Queſti homini subito pigliorono other. When our men reached them,
Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue they began to dance and to sing,
femine cargate como asine lifting one finger to the sky. They
portorono il tuto. queſte nõ ſonno showed our men some white powder
tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe made from the roots of an herb,
quando le vedeſſimo grandamẽte which they kept in earthen pots, and
ſteſſemo ſtupefati anno le tete which they ate because they had
longue mozo brazo. ſonno depinte nothing else. Our men made signs
et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon inviting them to the ships, and that
dinanzi a la natura anno vna they would help them carry their
peleſſina q̃ la copre menavano possessions. Thereupon, those men
quato de qʒſti animali picoli ligadi quickly took only their bows, while
cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta their women laden like asses carried
gente quanto voleno pigliare de everything. The latter are not so tall
queſti animale ligano vno de queſti as the men but are very much fatter.
picoli a vno ſpino poi veneno li When we saw them we were greatly
grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi surprised. Their breasts are one-half
ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le braza long, and they are painted and
freze. li noſti ne canduſſero a le clothed like their husbands, except
naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et that before their privies [natura]
foreno repartiti de due parte deL they have a small skin which covers
porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti them. They led four of those young
animalj. animals, fastened with thongs like a
halter. When those people wish to
catch some of those animals, they
tie one of these young ones to a
thornbush. Thereupon, the large
ones come to play with the little
ones; and those people kill them
with their arrows from their place of
concealment. Our men led eighteen
of those people, counting men and
women, to the ships, and they were
distributed on the two sides of the

port so that they might catch some
of the said animals.

Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante Six days after the above, a giant
depinto et veſtito de la mediſima painted95 and clothed in the same
ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia manner was seen by some [of our
haueua in mano vno archo et freze men] who were cutting wood. He
acoſtandoſe a li noſti pima ſe tocaua had a bow and arrows in his hand.
eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL When our men approached him, he
ſimile faceua ali noſti et dapoy first touched his head, face,96 and
leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL body, and then did the same to our
capo gñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore men, afterward lifting his hands
cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola toward the sky. When the captain-
che era neL porto doue haueuano general was informed of it, he
facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li ordered him to be brought in the
alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu small boat. He was taken to that
grande et meglio diſpoſti de li alti et island in the port where our men had
tanto trata bile et gratioſo. ſaltando built a house for the smiths97 and
balaua et quando balaua ogni volta for the storage of some things from
cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. the ships. That man was even taller
Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL and better built than the others and
batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj as tractable and amiable. Jumping
cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater up and down, he danced, and when
noſter aue maria et Jouani como nui he danced, at every leap, his feet
ſe non cõ voce grociſſima. poi eL sank a palmo into the earth. He
remained with us for a considerable
capo gñale li dono vna camiza vna
number of days, so long that we
camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano
baptized him, calling him Johanni.
vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine
He uttered [the words] “Jesu,”
ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li
“Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and
sui ge li ando molto alegro et
cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui “Jovani” [i.e., John97 as distinctly as
porto vno de quelli animali grandi we, but with an exceedingly loud
voice. Then the captain-general
aL capo gñale ꝓ il que li dete molte
gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin
coſe acio ne portaſſe de li alti ma piu

noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo [camisota de panno], cloth
haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb,
conuerſato cõ nuy. bells, and other things, and sent him
away like his companions. He left
us very joyous and happy. The
following day he brought one of
those large animals to the captain-
general, in return for which many
things were given to him, so that he
might bring some more to us; but
we did not see him again. We
thought that his companions had
killed him because he had conversed
with us.

Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quato de A fortnight later we saw four of
queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ those giants without their arms for
che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini they had hidden them in certain
poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li bushes as the two whom we
inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto captured showed us. Each one was
diferentiatamente JL capo painted differently. The captain-
genneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni general kept two of them—the
et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ youngest and best proportioned—by
condurli in ſpagnia Se alta mente means of a very cunning trick, in
haueſſe facto facilmente order to take them to Spagnia.98
hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. Had he used any other means [than
La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta those he employed], they could
ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqi easily have killed some of us.99 The
ſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti trick that he employed in keeping
dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL them was as follows. He gave them
capo gñale fece portare dui para de many knives, scissors, mirrors,
feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando bells, and glass beads; and those two
de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li having their hands filled with the
piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano said articles, the captain-general had
two pairs of iron manacles brought,

Como portarli et li rincreſceua such as are fastened on the feet.100
laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle He made motions that he would
merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le give them to the giants, whereat
mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li they were very pleased since those
alti duy voleuano ajutarli ma iL manacles were of iron, but they did
capo nõ volſe vedendo q̃ li not know how to carry them. They
rincreſciua laſsiare qelli feri li fece were grieved at leaving them
ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli behind, but they had no place to put
portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la those gifts; for they had to hold the
teſta de ſi Subito aduno medeſimo skin wrapped about them with their
tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et hands.101 The other two giants
quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ wished to help them, but the captain
trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli refused. Seeing that they were loth
iL capo pur ſteteno fermi a to leave those manacles behind, the
vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano captain made them a sign that he
como tori quiamando fortemente would put them on their feet, and
that they could carry them away.
setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli alti dui
They nodded assent with the head.
apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li
Immediately, the captain had the
mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine
manacles put on both of them at the
açio guidaſſeno li noſti doue ſtaua La
same time. When our men were
moglie de vno de qelli haueuano driving home the cross bolt, the
preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la giants began to suspect something,
lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. but the captain assuring them,
Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et however, they stood still. When they
corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃ i lo saw later that they were tricked,
perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La they raged like bulls, calling loudly
ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃
for Setebos102 to aid them. With
era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era
difficulty could we bind the hands
andato a la caza ſubito lo ando
of the other two, whom we sent
atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto
ashore with nine of our men, in
Lalto tanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ order that the giants might guide
li noſti lo ferirono vn pocho ſopa la them to the place where the wife of
teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃ i doue one of the two whom we had
ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio captured103 was; for the latter

piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la expressed his great grief at leaving
donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ her by signs so that we understood
che se faceua nocte li alti duy [that he meant] her. While they were
veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se on their way, one of the giants freed
dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora his hands, and took to his heels with
ma ne lalba parloro a le donne such swiftness that our men lost
ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li sight of him. He went to the place
picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue where his associates were, but he
robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do did not find [there] one of his
ali nr̃ i frece. lalto menaua via qelli companions, who had remained
ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba behind with the women, and who
had gone hunting. He immediately
tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ
went in search of the latter, and told
vna freza a vno deli nr̃ i il qalle
him all that had happened.104 The
ſubito mori quando viſteno queſto
other giant endeavored so hard to
ſubito corſeno via li nr̃ i haueuano
ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li free himself from his bonds, that our
men struck him, wounding him
poterono ferire quando queſti
combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma slightly on the head, whereat he
raging led them to where the women
ſaltando de qua et della. li noſti ſe
were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and
pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute
commander of those men, refused to
le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata
bring back the woman105 that night,
Certamente queſti giganti Coreno
but determined to sleep there, for
piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de
night was approaching. The other
loro mogliere.
two giants came, and seeing their
companion wounded, hesitated,106
but said nothing then. But with the
dawn, they spoke107 to the women,
[whereupon] they immediately ran
away (and the smaller ones ran
faster than the taller), leaving all
their possessions behind them. Two
of them turned aside to shoot their
arrows at our men. The other was
leading away those small animals of

theirs in order to hunt.108 Thus
fighting, one of them pierced the
thigh of one of our men with an
arrow, and the latter died
immediately. When the giants saw
that, they ran away quickly. Our
men had muskets and crossbows,
but they could never hit any of the
giants, [for] when the latter fought,
they never stood still, but leaped
hither and thither. Our men buried
their dead companion, and burned
all the possessions left behind by the
giants. Of a truth those giants run
swifter than horses and are
exceedingly jealous of their wives.

Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle When those people feel sick at the
aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se stomach, instead of purging
metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu themselves,109 they thrust an arrow
duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde down their throat for two palmos or
miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano more110 and vomit [substance of a]
certi cardi Quando li dole eL capo green color mixed with blood, for
Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura they eat a certain kind of thistle.
neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le When they have a headache, they
gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL cut themselves across the forehead;
corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno and they do the same on the arms or
de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela on the legs and in any part of the
nr̃ a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ body, letting a quantity of blood.
voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua One of those whom we had
paſſione anno li capeli tagliati cõ captured, and whom we kept in our
la quierega amodo de frati ma piu ship, said that the blood refused to
longui cõ vno cordonne di bambaso stay there [i.e., in the place of the
intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le pain], and consequently causes them

freze quando vano ala caza ligano suffering. They wear their hair cut
eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ with the tonsure, like friars, but it is
lo grandiſsimo fredo. Quando left longer;111 and they have a
more vno de queſti apareno x ho cotton cord wrapped about the head,
dudice demonj balando molto alegri to which they fasten their arrows
in torno deL morto tucti depinti ne when they go hunting. They bind
vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu their privies close to their bodies
grande gridando et facendo piu grã because of the exceeding great
feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare cold.112 When one of those people
de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno die, x or twelve demons all painted
quiamano eL demonio magior appear to them and dance very
ſetebos ali alti cheleulle anchora joyfully about the corpse. They
coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto notice that one of those demons is
li demonj con dui corni in teſta et much taller than the others, and he
peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi cries out and rejoices more.113 They
getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo paint themselves exactly in the same
JL capo gñale nomino queſti manner as the demon appears to
populi patagoni tutti ſe veſtino de them painted. They call the larger
la pelle de qello animale gia deto demon Setebos,114 and the others
nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la Cheleulle. That giant also told us by
pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ signs that he had seen the demons
qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como with two horns on their heads, and
fanno li cingani viueno de carne long hair which hung to the feet
cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la belching forth fire from mouth and
quiamão chapae ogni vno de li dui buttocks. The captain-general called
q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta those people Patagoni.115 They all
de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata clothe themselves in the skins of
mezo ſechio de hacqua et that animal above mentioned; and
mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli. they have no houses except those
made from the skin of the same
animal, and they wander hither and
thither with those houses just as the
Cingani116 do. They live on raw
flesh and on a sweet root which they
call chapae.117 Each of the two

whom we captured ate a basketful
of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful
of water at a gulp. They also ate rats
without skinning them.

Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL In that port which we called the port
chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno of Santo Julianno, we remained
cirqua de cinque mesi doue about five months.118 Many things
acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃ a happened there. In order that your
IlLma sa ne ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito most illustrious Lordship may know
entrati neL porto li capitani de le some of them, it happened that as
altre quato naue ordinorono vno soon as we had entered the port, the
captains of the other four ships
tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capo
plotted treason in order that they
genneralle et queſti erano eL
vehadore de Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua might kill the captain-general.
Those conspirators consisted of the
Johan de cartegena eL theſorero
overseer of the fleet, one Johan de
alouise de mendoſa eL contadore
Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de
anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada
Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio
et ſquartato eL veador de li homini
fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The
overseer of the men having been
eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento
de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada quartered, the treasurer was killed
by dagger blows, for the treason was
ꝓ voler fare vno alto tradimẽto fo
discovered. Some days after that,
ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera
Gaspar de Casada, was banished
patagonia. eL Capo generale nõ with a priest in that land of
volſe far lo amazare perche Lo Patagonia. The captain-general did
imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto not wish to have him killed, because
capo Vna naue chiamata ſancto the emperor, Don Carlo, had
Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la appointed him captain.119 A ship
coſta Se perſe tucti li homini Si called “Sancto Jacobo” was
ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ wrecked in an expedition made to
bagniandoſſe apenna dui de queſti explore the coast. All the men were
venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el saved as by a miracle, not even
tuto ꝓ il que eL capo gñale ge getting wet. Two of them came to

mando alguni homini cõ ſacqi the ships after suffering great
pienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu hardships, and reported the whole
forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni occurrence to us. Consequently, the
giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la captain-general sent some men with
naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo bags full of biscuits [sufficient to
24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via last] for two months. It was
aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano necessary for us to carry them the
4 giorni in viagio le nocte food, for daily pieces of the ship
dormiuano in machioni nõ [that was wrecked] were found. The
trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon way thither was long, [being] 24
giaçio il que ne era grandisima leguas,120 or one hundred millas,
fatiga. Jn queſto porto era and the path was very rough and full
aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le of thorns. The men were 4 days on
chiamano missiglioni haueuano the road, sleeping at night in the
perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le bushes. They found no drinking
poteuano mangiare ancho ſe water, but only ice, which caused
trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare them the greatest hardship.121 There
et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri were very many long shellfish
Qui in cima deL piu alto monte which are called missiglioni122 in
drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de that port [of Santo Julianno]. They
queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia have pearls, although small ones in
et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte the middle, but could not be eaten.
de xo. Incense, ostriches,123 foxes,
sparrows, and rabbits much smaller
than ours were also found. We
erected a cross on the top of the
highest summit there, as a sign in
that land that it belonged to the king
of Spagnia; and we called that
summit Monte de Christo [i.e.,
Mount of Christ].

Partendone de qui in 51 grado Leaving that place, we found, in 51
mancho vno terſo al antartico degrees less one-third124 degree,

trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of
dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno fresh water. There the ships almost
ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi perished because of the furious
ſancti le ajutarono Jn Queſto fiume winds; but God and the holy
tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne bodies125 aided them. We stayed
de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho about two months in that river in
vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame. era order to supply the ships with water,
molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe wood, and fish, [the latter being]
partiſſemo de qui eL capo genneralle one braccio in length and more, and
et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et covered with scales. They were very
Comunicaſsemo Como veri good although small.126 Before
chriſtianni. leaving that river, the captain-
general and all of us confessed and
received communion as true
Christians.127

Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi Then going to fifty-two degrees
aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL toward the same pole,128 we found a
giorno delle vndici millia vergine strait on the day of the [feast of
vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle the]129 eleven thousand virgins [i.e.
chiamão capo dele vndici millia October 21], whose head is called
vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine
Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand
legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu Virgins] because of that very great
et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a miracle. That strait is one hundred
referire in vno alto mare chiamato and ten leguas or 440 millas long,
mar pacificho circundato da and it is one-half legua broad, more
mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue or less.130 It leads to another sea
nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon called the Pacific Sea, and is
con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 surrounded by very lofty mountains
braza et ſe non era eL capitanio laden with snow. There it was
gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto impossible to find bottom [for
ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et anchoring], but [it was necessary to
diceuamo como era ſerato tuto fasten] the moorings131 on land 25

intorno. ma iL capitano gñale q̃ or 30 brazas away. Had it not been
ſapeua de douer fare la ſua for the captain-general, we would
nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo not have found that strait, for we all
como vite nela theſoraria deL re de thought and said that it was closed
portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella on all sides. But the captain-general
exelentiſſimo huomo martin de who knew where to sail to find a
boemia Mando due naui Sto. well-hidden strait, which he saw
anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le depicted on a map in the treasury of
quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo the king of Portugal, which was
de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la made by that excellent man, Martin
capitania Se chiamaua trinitade de Boemia, sent two ships, the
Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo ad “Santo Anthonio” and the
aſpectarle dento ne la baya La “Conceptione” (for thus they were
nocte ne souravenne vna grande called), to discover what was inside
the cape de la Baia [i.e., of the
fortuna q̃ duro fino al alto mezo
Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare Bay].132 We, with the other two
lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et ships, [namely], the flagship, called
dela per la baia a le altre due naui “Trinitade,” and the other the
li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to
caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya await them.133 A great storm struck
quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi us that night, which lasted until the
que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur middle of next day, which
acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya necessitated our lifting anchor, and
penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna letting ourselves drift hither and
boca picola q̃ no [paſaua: crossed thither about the bay. The other two
out in original MS.] pariua boca ma ships suffered a headwind and could
vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe not double a cape134 formed by the
cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza bay almost at its end, as they were
diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ trying to return to join us; so that
nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera they thought that they would have to
andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no run aground. But on approaching
vna baya. poi andando piu oltra the end of the bay, and thinking that
trouorono vno alto ſtretto et vnalta they were lost, they saw a small
baya piu grande q̃ le due pime opening which did not [exceed:
molto alegri subito voltor̃ o Jndrieto crossed out in original MS.] appear

ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi to be an opening, but a sharp turn
penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La [cantone].135 Like desperate men
fortuna grande. Lalta perche eranno they hauled into it, and thus they
paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et discovered the strait by chance.
ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy Seeing that it was not a sharp turn,
deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et but a strait with land, they
coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire proceeded farther, and found a
due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bay.136 And then farther on they
bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi. found another strait and another bay
eſſendo coſi vicine subito larger than the first two.137 Very
ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi joyful they immediately turned back
poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio to inform the captain-general. We
et la vergine maria anda ſemo thought that they had been wrecked,
acercare piu inanzi. first, by reason of the violent storm,
and second, because two days had
passed and they had not appeared,
and also because of certain [signals
with] smoke made by two of their
men who had been sent ashore to
advise us.138 And so, while in
suspense, we saw the two ships with
sails full and banners flying to the
wind, coming toward us. When they
neared us in this manner, they
suddenly discharged a number of
mortars, and burst into cheers.139
Then all together thanking God and
the Virgin Mary, we went to seek
[the strait] farther on.

Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto After entering that strait, we found
trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL two openings, one to the southeast,
Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio and the other to the southwest.140
gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio The captain-general sent the ship

insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe “Sancto Anthonio” together with the
qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua “Concitione” to ascertain whether
exito neL mare pacifico la naue that opening which was toward the
ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare southeast had an exit into the Pacific
la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio”
retornare in Spagnia como fece iL would not await the “Conceptione,”
piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua because it intended to flee and
ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto return to Spagnia—which it did.
lo Capo gennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se The pilot of that ship was one Stefan
faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era Gomes,141 and he hated the captain-
andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare general exceedingly, because before
algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra that fleet was fitted out, the emperor
ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capo gennerale had ordered that he be given some
ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe caravels with which to discover
acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella lands, but his Majesty did not give
them to him because of the coming
nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capo de
of the captain-general. On that
la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL
account he conspired with certain
capo gñale et haueua nome aluaro de Spaniards, and next night they
meſchita Lo ferirono et Lo captured the captain of their ship, a
meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero
cousin142 of the captain-general, one
in spagnia in queſto naue. era lalto Alvaro de Meschita, whom they
gigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma wounded and put in irons, and in
quanto entro neL caldo morse. La this condition took to Spagnia. The
Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire other giant whom we had captured
queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ was in that ship, but he died when
lo medeſimo [porto: crossed out in the heat came on. The
original diqua et dela sto. anto a la “Conceptione,” as it could not
nocte torno indrieto et ſe MS.] follow that ship, waited for it,
ſtrecto nuy eramo andati a sailing about hither and thither. The
deſcourire lalta bocha verſo eL “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at
garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL night and fled along the same [port:
medeſimo [porto: crossed out in crossed out in original MS.]
original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a strait.143 We had gone to explore the
vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL other opening toward the southwest.

fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de Finding, however, the same [port:
queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy crossed out in original MS.] strait
tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare continuously, we came upon a river
le due naue in queſti giorni which we called the river of Sardine
mãdaſemo vno batello ben fornito ꝓ [i.e., Sardines], because there were
deſcoprire eL capo de lalto mare many sardines near it.144 So we
venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et stayed there for four days in order to
diſſero como haueuano [haueuano: await the two ships. During that
doublet in original MS.] veduto eL period we sent a well-equipped boat
capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio to explore the cape of the other sea.
gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et The men returned within three days,
nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado and reported that they had seen the
perche laueuano Ja grã tempo cape and the open sea. The captain-
diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ general wept for joy, and called that
sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e.,
ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli Desire],145 for we had been desiring
doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno it for a long time. We turned back to
q̃ era capo et piloto de queſta et look for the two ships,146 but we
ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua found only the “Conceptione.”
et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy Upon asking them where the other
que ella entro ne la boca la one was, Johan Seranno,147 who
Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in was captain and pilot of the former
qella boca doue ella fugite. il capo ship (and also of that ship that had
gennerale mando indrieto la naue been wrecked) replied that he did
victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto not know, and that he had never
auedere ſe ella era iui et non seen it after it had entered the
trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in opening. We sought it in all parts of
cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna the strait, as far as that opening
letera in vna pigniatella ficada in whence it had fled, and the captain-
tera apreſſo la bandera acio general sent the ship “Victoria” back
vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃ a et to the entrance of the strait to
ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ ascertain whether the ship was
che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi there. Orders were given them, if
Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna they did not find it, to plant a banner
de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le on the summit of some small hill

lr̃ e luna avno mõticello nela prima with a letter in an earthen pot buried
baya lalta in vna Jzoleta nella terza in the earth near the banner, so that
baya doue eranno molti Loui marini if the banner were seen the letter
et vcceli grandi. JL capo gñale might be found, and the ship might
leſpeto cõ lalta naue apreſſo eL learn the course that we were
fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce sailing. For this was the
in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume arrangement made between us in
case that we went astray one from
eL qalle era fra alte montagnie
caricate de neue et deſcendeneL the other.148 Two banners were
mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. planted with their letters—one on a
Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL little eminence in the first bay, and
the other in an islet in the third
capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare
fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo bay149 where there were many sea-
artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aL wolves and large birds. The captain-
tempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe general waited for the ship with his
glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno other ship near he river of Isleo,150
Jorno. açio q̃ vr̃ a IlLma. sa iL creda and he had a cross set up in an islet
quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le near that river, which flowed
nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et between high mountains covered
era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de with snow and emptied into the sea
queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era near the river of Sardine. Had we
voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa not discovered that strait, the
chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto captain-general had determined to
go as far as seventy-five degrees
patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni
toward the Antarctic Pole. There in
meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque
that latitude, during the summer
exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro
season, there is no night, or if there
peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio
is any night it is but short, and so in
erba dolce ma gene anche de amare
the winter with the day. In order that
naſce atorno le fontane del qalle
your most illustrious Lordship may
mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃
believe it, when we were in that
alto credo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu strait, the nights were only three
bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. hours long, and it was then the
Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna
month of October.151 The land on
molto delecteuoL caza de peſci
the left-hand side of that strait
ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno

brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, turned toward the southeast152 and
albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano was low. We called that strait the
peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini strait of Patagonia. One finds the
Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno safest of ports every half legua in
obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre it,153 water, the finest of wood (but
ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti not of cedar), fish, sardines, and
Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de missiglioni, while smallage,154 a
lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle sweet herb (although there is also
bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra some that is bitter) grows around the
in tanto q̃ queſti volano li alti li springs. We ate of it for many days
corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La as we had nothing else. I believe
ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto that there is not a more beautiful or
caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li better strait in the world than that
piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero one.155 In that Ocean Sea one sees a
beliſſima de vedere. very amusing fish hunt. The fish
[that hunt] are of three sorts, and are
one braza and more in length, and
are called dorado, albicore, and
bonito.156 Those fish follow the
flying fish called colondrini,157
which are one palmo and more158 in
length and very good to eat. When
the above three kinds [of fish] find
any of those flying fish, the latter
immediately leap from the water
and fly as long as their wings are
wet—more than a crossbow’s flight.
While they are flying, the others run
along back of them under the water
following the shadow of the flying
fish. The latter have no sooner fallen
into the water than the others
immediately seize and eat them. It is
in fine a very amusing thing to
watch.

Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoni Words of the Patagonian giants

AL capo her. For Head her
aL ochio. other. for Eye other
AL nazo or for Nose or
Alle cillie occhecheL for Eyebrows occhechel
ALe palpebre SechechieL for Eyelids sechechiel
Ali bussi deL oresche for Nostrils oresche
nazo for Mouth xiam
ALa boca xiam for Lips schiahame
Ali Labri Schiahame for Teeth phor
Ali denti phor. for Tongue schial
ALa linga SchiaL for Chin sechen
AL mento Sechen for Hair archiz
A li pelli archiz for Face cogechel
AL volto cogecheL for Throat ohumez
Ala golo ohumez for Occiput schialeschin159
ALa copa Schialeschin for Shoulders pelles
ALe ſpalle pelles. for Elbow cotel
AL gomedo CoteL for Hand chene
ALa man chene for Palm of the caimeghin
ALa palma de Caimeghin hand
Laman for Finger cori
AL dito Cori for Ears sane
Ale orechie Sane Armpit salischin
Soto eL broço Salischin for Teat othen
Ala mamela othen for Bosom ochij
AL peto ochij for Body gechel
AL corpo gecheL for Penis sachet
AL menbro ſachet for Testicles sacancas

Ali teſticuli Sacancas for Vagina160 isse
Ala natura de le Jsse for jo hoi
donne Communication
AL vzar cõ eſſe Jo hoi with women
ALe coſſe chiane for Thighs chiane
AL genochio tepin for Knee tepin
AL chulo Schiaguen for Rump schiaguen
Ale culate hoij for Buttocks hoij
AL brazo maz for Arm maz
AL polso holion for Pulse holion
A le gambe coss for Legs coss
AL piede thee for Foot thee
AL calcagno tere for Heel tere
ALa chauequie perchi for Ankle perchi
deL pie for Sole of the caotscheni
Ala ſola deL pie caotſcheni foot
Ale onguie Colim for Fingernails colim
AL core thoL for Heart thol
AL gratare gechare for to Scratch gechare
Al homo ſguerco Calischen for Cross-eyed calischen
AL giuane Calemi man
AL hacqua holi for Young man calemi
AL fuoco ghialeme for Water holi
AL fumo giaiche for Fire ghialeme
Al no ehen for Smoke giaiche
AL si Rey for No ehen
AL oro pelpeli for Yes rey
ALe petre lazure Secheg for Gold pelpeli
AL solle Calexcheni for Lapis lazuli secheg
Alle ſtelle ſettere. for Sun calexcheni
AL mare Aro for Stars settere

AL vento oni for Sea aro
ALa fortuna ohone for Wind oni
AL peſse hoi for Storm ohone
AL mangiare mechiere for Fish hoi
ALa ſcutella elo for to Eat mechiere
ALa pigniata aschanie for Bowl elo
AL demandare ghelhe for Pot aschanie
Vien qui hai si for to Ask ghelhe
AL gardar chonne Come here hai si
AL andar Rey for to Look chonne
AL Combater oamaghce for to Walk rey
Ale freze Sethe for to Fight oamaghce
AL Cane holL for Arrows sethe
AL lupo Ani for Dog holl
AL andare longi Schien for Wolf ani
ALa guida anti for to Go a long schien
ALa neue theu distance
AL courire hiani for Guide anti
AL Seruzo ucelo hoihoi for Snow theu
A li sui oui Jani for to Cover hiani
Ala poluere Capac. for Ostrich, a hoihoi
derba che bird
mangião for its Eggs jani
AL odorare os for the powder of capac
AL papagalo cheche the herb which
ALa gabiota Cleo they eat
ucelo for to Smell os
AL misiglioni Siameni. for Parrot cheche
AL panno roſso Terechae. for Birdcage cleo
AL bonet AicheL for Misiglioni siameni
Al colore nego. AineL for Red Cloth terechae

AL roſso taiche for Cap aichel
AL gialo peperi for Black ainel
AL coçinare yrocoles for Red taiche
ALa cintura Catechin for Yellow peperi
AL ocha cache for to Cook yrocoles
AL diauolo Setebos for Belt catechin
grande for Goose cache
Ali picoli cheleule. for their big Setebos
Devil
for their small Cheleule
Devils

Tucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano All the above words are pronounced
in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão in the throat, for such is their
Loro. method of pronunciation.161

Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL That giant whom we had in our ship
gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ told me those words; for when he,
domandandome Capac çioe pane upon asking me for capac,162 that is
che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ to say, bread, as they call that root
vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe which they use as bread, and oli,
hacqua Quando eL me vite ſcriuer that is to say, water, saw me write
queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li those words quickly, and afterward
alti cõ la penna in mano me when I, with pen in hand, asked him
Jntendeua vna volta feci la croce for other words, he understood me.
et la basai moſtrandoglila Subito Once I made the sign of the cross,
grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu and, showing it to him, kissed it. He
faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL immediately cried out “Setebos,”
corpo et farebe crepare Quando and made me a sign that if I made
queſto gigante ſtaua male domando the sign of the cross again, Setebos
la croce abraſsandola et baſandola would enter into my body and cause
molto Se volse far Xp̃ iano inanzi la it to burst. When that giant was sick,
ſua morte eL chiamaſemo paulo he asked for the cross, and

Queſta gente Quando voleno far embracing it and kissing it many
fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ times, desired to become a Christian
vno alto in fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in before his death. We called him
vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra Paulo. When those people wish to
queſti dui legni. make a fire, they rub a sharpened
piece of wood against another piece
until the fire catches in the pith of a
certain tree, which is placed
between those two sticks.163

Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we
diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto debouched from that strait,
ingolfandone neL mare pacifico engulfing ourselves in the Pacific
ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa Sea.164 We were three months and
pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna twenty days without getting any
mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit,
ma poluere de qello cõ vermi which was no longer biscuit, but
apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano powder of biscuits swarming with
mãgiato iL buono puzaua grã worms, for they had eaten the good.
damẽte de orina de Sorzi et It stank strongly of the urine of
beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata rats.165 We drank yellow water that
per molti giorni et mangiauamo had been putrid for many days. We
certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopa also ate some ox hides that covered
Lantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ the top of the mainyard to prevent
rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL the yard from chafing the shrouds,
Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo and which had become exceedingly
ꝓ quato ho cinque giorni neL mare hard because of the sun, rain, and
et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopa le wind.166 We left them in the sea for
braze et cosi le mangiauamo et four or five days, and then placed
ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe them for a few moments on top of
li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato the embers, and so ate them; and
lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto often we ate sawdust from boards.
hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le alti ſquiagu re Rats were sold for one-half ducado
Queſta era la pegiore. Creſsiuano apiece, and even then we could not

le gengiue ad alguni ſopa li denti get them.167 But above all the other
Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ misfortunes the following was the
modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare worst. The gums of both the lower
et coſſi moriuano ꝓ queſta and upper teeth of some of our men
infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL swelled, so that they could not eat
gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL under any circumstances and
verzin vinti cinque ho trenta therefore died.168 Nineteen men
homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi died from that sickness, and the
neli gambe o in alto loco ſicque poqi giant together with an Indian from
reſta rono ſani ꝓ La gratia de dio the country of Verzin. Twenty-five
yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade. Jn or thirty men fell sick [during that
Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni time], in the arms, legs, or in
andaſemo circa de quatro millia another place, so that but few
legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar remained well. However, I, by the
pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ grace of God, suffered no sickness.
q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo We sailed about four thousand
fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna leguas during those three months
sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle and twenty days through an open
qaL nõ trouaſſemo alto ſenon vcelli stretch in that Pacific Sea.169 In
et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle truth it is very pacific,170 for during
infortunate Sono longi luna da that time we did not suffer any
lalta ducento legue nõ trouauamo storm. We saw no land except two
fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ desert islets, where we found
vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima nothing but birds and trees, for
Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de which we called them the Ysolle
latitudine aL hauſtralle, et lalta in Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate
noue ogni Jorno faceuamo Isles]. They are two hundred leguas
cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a apart. We found no anchorage, [but]
La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala near them saw many sharks.171 The
ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua first islet lies in fifteen degrees of
cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de south latitude, and the other in nine.
fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty,
Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu or seventy leguas at the catena or at
taL viagio. the stern.172 Had not God and His
blessed mother given us so good

weather we would all have died of
hunger in that exceeding vast sea.
Of a verity I believe no such voyage
will ever be made [again].

Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto When we left that strait, if we had
ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato sailed continuously westward we
Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato would have circumnavigated the
vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare world without finding other land
terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjos than the cape of the xi thousand
vergine che he capo de queſto Virgins.173 The latter is a cape of
ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight
ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare east and west with Cape Deseado of
pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes
cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two
puntualmente aL polo antarticho. degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.

JL polo antartico no ne cosi ſtellato The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as
como Lo artico ſe vede molto ſtelle the Arctic. Many small stars
picolle congregate inſieme q̃ fanno clustered together are seen, which
in guiza de due nebulle poco have the appearance of two clouds
ſeparate luna de lalta et vno poco of mist. There is but little distance
ofuſche in mezo de leqalle ſtanno between them, and they are
due ſtelle molto grandi ne molto somewhat dim. In the midst of them
relucenti et poco ſe moueno. are two large and not very luminous
Queſte due ſtelle ſonno iL polo stars, which move only slightly.
antarticho La Calamita noſtra Those two stars are the Antarctic
Zauariando vno sempre tiraua aL Pole. Our loadstone, although it
suo polo artico niente de meno non moved hither and thither, always
haueua tanta forza como de la banda pointed toward its own Arctic Pole,
Sua. Et pero Quando eramo in although it did not have so much
Queſto golfo iL Capo generalle strength as on its own side. And on
domando a tucti li piloti andando that account when we were in that
open expanse, the captain-general,

ſempre a la vela ꝓ qaL Camino asking all the pilots whether they
nauigando pontasemo nele carte were always sailing forward in the
riſpoſero tucti ꝓ la Sua via course which we had laid down on
puntaLmẽte datta li riſpoſi q̃ the maps, all replied: “By your
pontauano falso cosi como era et course exactly as laid down.” He
che conueniua agiutare la guchia answered them that they were
deL nauegare ꝓ che nõ receueua pointing wrongly—which was a fact
tanta forza da la parte ſua. Quando —and that it would be fitting to
eramo in mezo di queſto golpho adjust the needle of navigation, for
Vedessemo vna croce de cinque it was not receiving so much force
ſtelle lucidiſſime drito aL ponente, et from its side. When we were in the
Suono iuſtiſſime luna cõ lalta. midst of that open expanse, we saw
a cross with five extremely bright
stars straight toward the west, those
stars being exactly placed with
regard to one another.174

Jn queſti giorni mauigaſſemo fra iL During those days175 we sailed west
ponente et iL maeſtralle et a La northwest, northwest by west, and
quarta deL maeſtralle in verſo northwest, until we reached the
ponente et aL maeſtralle fin p̃ equinoctial line at the distance of
ajungeſſemo a la linea equinoti alle one hundred and twenty-two
longi da la linea de la ripartitiõe degrees from the line of
Cento et vinti dui gradi la linea de demarcation. The line of
la ripartitiõe e trenta gradi longi daL demarcation is thirty degrees from
meridionale el meridionale e tre the meridian, and the meridian is
gradi al leuante longi de capo verde three degrees eastward from Capo
Jn queſto Camino paſaſſemo poco Verde.176 We passed while on that
longi da due Jzolle richisie vna in course, a short distance from two
vinti gradi de latitudine al polo exceedingly rich islands, one in
antarticho q̃ Se chiama Cipangu twenty degrees of the latitude of the
Lalta in quindici gradi chiamata Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu,
Sũbdit pradit paſſata la linea and the other in fifteen degrees, by
equinotialle nauigaſſemo tra ponente name Sumbdit Pradit.177 After we
et maiſtralle et a la carta deL

ponente verſo eL maeſtralle poi had passed the equinoctial line we
duzente legue aL ponente mudando sailed west northwest, and west by
eL viago. a La Quarta in verſo north, and then for two hundred
garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo leguas toward the west, changing
articho ꝓ apropinquarſe piu a La our course to west by south until we
tera deL capo de gaticara iL qaL reached thirteen degrees toward the
capo cõ perdon de li Coſmo grafi ꝓ Arctic Pole in order that we might
q̃ nõ Lo viſteno nõ ſi troua doue loro approach nearer to the land of cape
iL penſauão ma aL ſetentrione in Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon
dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho. of cosmographers, for they have not
seen it), is not found where it is
imagined to be, but to the north in
twelve degrees or thereabouts.178

Circa de setanta legue a la detta via About seventy179 leguas on the
in dodeci gradi di latitudine et 146 above course, and lying in twelve
de longitudine Mercore a 6 de marſo degrees of latitude and 146 in
diſcopreſſemo vna yſola aL longitude, we discovered on
maiſtralle picola et due alte aL Wednesday, March 6, a small island
garbino vna era piu alta et piu to the northwest, and two others
granda de Laltre due iL capo toward the southwest, one of which
generale voleua firmarſe nella was higher and larger than the other
grande ꝓ pigliare qalque refrigerio two. The captain-general wished to
ma nõ puote perche la gente de stop at the large island and get some
queſta Jzolla entrauano nele naui et fresh food, but he was unable to do
robauano qi vna coſa qi lalta so because the inhabitants of that
talmente q̃ non poteuamo gardarſi. island entered the ships and stole
Voleuano calare le vele acio whatever they could lay their hands
andaſemo in tera ne roborono lo on, so that we could not protect
ſquifo q̃ eſtaua ligato a La popa de la ourselves. The men were about to
strike the sails so that we could go
naue capa cõ grandissa preſteza ꝓ il
ashore, but the natives very deftly
que corozato eL capo generalle ando
stole from us the small boat180 that
in tera con Quaranta huomini armati
was fastened to the poop of the
et bruzarono da quaranta o

cinquanta caze cõ­­molti barquiti et flagship. Thereupon, the captain-
amazorono ſette huomini et rehebe general in wrath went ashore with
lo ſquifo Subito ne parti ſemo forty armed men, who burned some
ſequendo Lo medeſimo camino. forty or fifty houses together with
Jnanzi q̃ diſmontaſemo in tera alguni many boats, and killed seven
noſti infermi ne pregorono ſe men.181 He recovered the small
amazauamo huomo o donna li boat, and we departed immediately
portaſemo Ly interiori ꝓ che Subito pursuing the same course. Before
ſarebenno ſani. we landed, some of our sick men
begged us if we should kill any man
or woman to bring the entrails to
them, as they would recover
immediately.182

Quando feriuamo alguni de queſti cõ When we wounded any of those
li veretuni q̃ li paſſauano li fianqi da people with our crossbow-shafts,
luna banda alaltra tirauano il which passed completely through
veretone mo diqua mo diLa their loins from one side to the
gardandoLo poi Lo tirauano fuora other, they, looking at it, pulled on
marauigliandoſe molto et cuſſi the shaft now on this and now on
moriuano et alti q̃ erano feriti neL that side,183 and then drew it out,
peto faceuano eL Simille ne with great astonishment, and so
moſſeno agrã compaſione Coſtoro died. Others who were wounded in
vedendõe partire ne ſeguitorono cõ the breast did the same, which
piu de Cento barchiti piu de vna moved us to great compassion.
legua Se acoſtauano ale naui Those people seeing us departing
moſſtrandone peſce cõ ſimulatiõe de followed us with more than one
darnello ma traheuano ſaxi et poi hundred184 boats for more than one
fugiuano andando le naue cõ velle legua. They approached the ships
piene paſa vano fra loro et li batelli showing us fish, feigning that they
con qelli ſui barcheti molto would give them to us; but then
deſtriſſimi vedeſemo algune femine threw stones at us and fled. And
in li barqueti gridare et ſcapigliarſe although the ships were under full
credo ꝓ amore de li Suoi morti. sail, they passed between them and
the small boats [fastened astern],
very adroitly in those small boats of
theirs. We saw some women in their
boats who were crying out and
tearing their hair, for love, I believe,
of those whom we had killed.185

Ognuno de queſti vive ſecondo la Each one of those people lives
Sua volonta non anno ſignori vano according to his own will, for they
nudi et alguni barbati con li capeli have no seignior.186 They go naked,
negri fino a lo cinta ingropati and some are bearded and have
portano capeleti de palma como li black hair that reaches to the waist.
albanezi ſonno grandi como nui et They wear small palmleaf hats, as
ben diſpoſti nõ adorão niente

ſonno aliuaſtri ma naſcono bianqi do the Albanians. They are as tall as
anno li denti roſſi et negri ꝓ che la we, and well built. They have no
reputano beliſſima coſa le femine worship. They are tawny, but are
vano nude ſenon q̃ dinanzi a la ſua born white. Their teeth are red and
natura portano vna ſcorſa ſtreta black, for they think that is most
ſotille come la carta q̃ naſce fra beautiful. The women go naked
larbore et la ſcorza de la palma except that they wear a narrow strip
ſonno belle delicate et bianque piu of bark as thin as paper, which
que li huomini cõ li capilli ſparſi et grows between the tree and the bark
longui negriſſimi fino in tera of the palm, before their privies.
Queſte nõ lauorano ma ſtanno in They are goodlooking and delicately
caſa teſſendo ſtore casse de palma et formed, and lighter complexioned
altre coſe neceſſarie acaſa ſua than the men; and wear their hair
mangiano cochi batate vcceli figui which is exceedingly black, loose
longui vno palmo canne dolci et and hanging quite down to the
peſci volatori cõ altre coſe ſe ground. The women do not work in
ongieno eL corpo et li capili cõ oleo the fields but stay in the house,
de cocho et de giongioli le ſue caſe weaving mats,187 baskets [casse:
tute ſonno facte di legnio coperte de literally boxes], and other things
taule cõ foglie defigaro de ſopa needed in their houses, from palm
longue due braza con ſolari et cõ leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes
feneſtre li camare et li lecti tucti [batate],188 birds, figs one palmo in
forniti di ſtore beliſſime de palma length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane,
dormeno ſoura paglia di palma and flying fish, besides other things.
molto mole et menuta nõ anno They189 anoint the body and the hair
arme Senon certe aſte cõ vno oſſo with cocoanut and beneseed oil.
pontino de peſce ne La cima Queſta Their houses are all built of wood
gente e pouera ma ingenioſa et covered with planks and thatched
molto ladra ꝓ queſto chiamaſſemo with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e.,
queſte tre Jſole le yſole de li ladroni banana-tree] two brazas long; and
eL ſuo ſpaſo e andare cõ Le donne they have floors and windows. The
ꝓ mare cõ qelle ſue barquete Sono rooms and the beds are all furnished
como le fucelere ma piu ſtrecti with the most beautiful palmleaf
alguni negri bianqi et alti roſſi anno mats.190 They sleep on palm straw
da lalta parte dela vella vno legno which is very soft and fine. They

groſſo pontino nele cime cõ pali use no weapons, except a kind of a
atrauerſadi qeL ſuſtentano neL acqua spear pointed with a fishbone at the
ꝓ andare piu ſeguri aLa vela la end. Those people are poor, but
vela e di foglie de palma cosite ingenious and very thievish, on
inſieme et facta amodo de latina ꝓ account of which we called those
timone anno certe pale como da for three islands the islands of Ladroni
no cõ vno legnio in cima fanno de [i.e., of thieves].191 Their
la popa proua et de la proua popa et amusement, men and women, is to
ſonno Como delfini ſaltar a lacqua plough the seas with those small
de onda in onda Queſti ladroni boats of theirs.192 Those boats
penſauano ali ſegni q̃ faceuão nõ resemble fucelere,193 but are
fuſero alti homini aL mondo ſenon narrower, and some are black,
loro. [some] white, and others red. At the
side opposite the sail, they have a
large piece of wood pointed at the
top, with poles laid across it and
resting on the water, in order that
the boats may sail more safely. The
sail is made from palmleaves sewn
together and is shaped like a lateen
sail. For rudders they use a certain
blade resembling a hearth shovel
which have a piece of wood at the
end. They can change stern and bow
at will [literally: they make the
stern, bow, and the bow, stern],194
and those boats resemble the
dolphins which leap in the water
from wave to wave. Those Ladroni
[i.e., robbers] thought, according to
the signs which they made, that
there were no other people in the
world but themselves.195

Sabato a ſedize de marſo 1521 At dawn on Saturday, March
deſſemo neLa aurora soura vna tera sixteen,196 1521, we came upon a
alta lõgi trecento legue delle yſolle high land at a distance of three
de li latroni laqaL e yſola et ſe hundred leguas from the islands of
chiama Zamal eL capo gñale nel Latroni—an island named Zamal
giorno ſeguente volſe diſmontare in [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the
vnalta yſola deſhabitata ꝓ eſſere piu captain-general desired to land on
seguro q̃ era di dietro de queſta ꝓ another island which was
pigliare hacqua et qalque diporto uninhabited and lay to the right of
fece fare due tende in terra ꝓ li the abovementioned island, in order
infermi et feceli amazare vna porcha to be more secure, and to get water
Luni a 18. de marſo vedeſſemo and have some rest. He had two
dapoi diſnare venire ꝟſo de nui vna tents set up on the shore for the sick
barca cõ noue homini ꝓ ilque lo and had a sow killed for them. On
Monday afternoon, March 18, we
capo generale comando q̃ niuno Si
saw a boat coming toward us with
moueſſe ne diceſſe parolla alguna
nine men in it. Therefore, the
ſenza ſua liſentia Quando
ariuorono queſti in terra ſubito Lo captain-general ordered that no one
should move or say a word without
ſuo principalle ando aL capo gñale
his permission. When those men
moſtrandoſe alegro ꝓ la nr̃ a venuta
reached the shore, their chief went
reſtarono cinqʒ de queſti piu ornati
immediately to the captain-general,
cõ nuy li alti andorono a leuare giving signs of joy because of our
alguni alti q̃ peſcauano et cuſſi arrival. Five of the most ornately
venirono tucti vedendo Lo capo adorned of them remained with us,
gñale que queſti erano homini cõ while the rest went to get some
ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et others who were fishing, and so they
li donno bonneti roſſi spequi petini all came. The captain-general seeing
ſonagli Auorio bocaſſini et alte coſe that they were reasonable men,
Quando viſtenno la corteſia deL ordered food to be set before them,
capo li preſentorono peſci vno vaſo and gave them red caps, mirrors,
de vino de palma q̃ Lo chiamano combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,197 and
Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et other things. When they saw the
altri piu picoli piu ſaporiti et dui captain’s courtesy, they presented

cochi alhora nõ haueuano alto ne fish, a jar of palm wine, which they
fecoro ſegni cõ La mano q̃ in fino call uraca [i.e., arrack], figs more
aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q̃ than one palmo long [i.e.,
e riſo cochi et molta altra bananas],198 and others which were
victuuaglia. smaller and more delicate, and two
cocoanuts. They had nothing else
then, but made us signs with their
hands that they would bring umay or
rice,199 and cocoanuts and many
other articles of food within four
days.

Li coqi ſonno fructi deLa palma Cocoanuts are the fruit of the
coſi como nui hauemo iL panne iL palmtree.200 Just as we have bread,
vino lo oleo et lacetto coſi anno wine, oil, and milk, so those people
queſti populi ogni coſa da queſti get everything from that tree. They
arbori anno eL vino in queſto get wine in the following manner.
modo forano La dicta palma in cima They bore a hole into the heart of
neL coreſino de to palmito dalqalle the said palm at the top called
ſtilla vna lichore como e moſto palmito [i.e., stalk], from which
biancho dolce ma vn pocho distils a liquor201 which resembles
bruſqueto in canne groſſe come La white must. That liquor is sweet but
gamba et piu latacano alarbor̃ la somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in
ſera ꝓ la matina et la matina ꝓ la canes [of bamboo] as thick as the
ſera Queſta palma fa vno fructo iL leg and thicker. They fasten the
qalle he lo cocho Queſto cocho e bamboo to the tree at evening for
grande como iL capo et piu et meno the morning, and in the morning for
La ſua pima ſcorſa e ꝟde et groſſa the evening. That palm bears a fruit,
piu de dui diti nelaqalle trouano namely, the cocoanut, which is as
Certi filittj q̃ fanno le corde q̃ large as the head or thereabouts. Its
liganno le ſue barque ſoto di queſta outside husk is green and thicker
ne he vna dura et molto piu groſſa di than two fingers. Certain filaments
quella de la noce queſta la bruſano are found in that husk, whence is
et fano poluere bonna ꝓ loro ſoto di made cord for binding together their

queſto e vna medola biancha groſſa boats. Under that husk there is a
come vn dito LaqaL mangiano freſca hard shell, much thicker than the
cõ La carne et peſſi como nui lo shell of the walnut, which they burn
panne et de qeL ſapore q̃ he la and make therefrom a powder that is
mandola qui la ſecaſſe ſe farebe useful to them.202 Under that shell
panne in mezo di queſta medola e there is a white marrowy substance
vna hacqua quiara dolce et molto one finger in thickness, which they
cordialle et quando queſta hacqua ſta eat fresh with meat and fish as we
vn pocho acolta ſe congella et do bread; and it has a taste
diuenta como vno pomo Quando resembling the almond. It could be
voleno fare oglio piglianno queſto dried and made into bread. There is
cocho et laſſano putrefare qella a clear, sweet water in the middle of
medola cõ lacqua et poi la fanno that marrowy substance which is
buglire et vene oleo como butiro very refreshing. When that water
Quando voleno far aceto laſanno stands for a while after having been
putrefare lacqua ſolamente poi collected, it congeals and becomes
lameteno aL ſolle et e aceto como de like an apple. When the natives wish
vino biancho ſi po fare ancho latte to make oil, they take that cocoanut,
como nui faceuamo gratauamo and allow the marrowy substance
qʒſta medola poi la miſquiauamo cō and the water to putrefy. Then they
lacqua ſua medeſima ſtrucandola in boil it and it becomes oil like butter.
vno panno et coſi era late como di When they wish to make vinegar,
capra. Queſte palme ſonno como they allow only the water to putrefy,
palme deli datali ma non coſi nodoſe and then place it in the sun, and a
ſe non liſce. Vna famiglia de x vinegar results like [that made from]
perſonne cō dui de queſte ſe white wine. Milk can also be made
manteneno fruando octo giorni luna from it for we made some. We
et octo giorni La alta ꝓ Lo vino ꝓ scraped that marrowy substance and
che ſe altramenti faceſſeno Se then mixed the scrapings with its
ſecharebenno et durano cento anny. own water which we strained
through a cloth, and so obtained
milk like goat’s milk. Those palms
resemble date-palms, but although
not smooth they are less knotty than
the latter. A family of x persons can

be supported on two trees, by
utilizing them week about for the
wine; for if they did otherwise, the
trees would dry up. They last a
century.203

Grande familliaritade pigliarono cō Those people became very familiar
nui Queſti populi ne diſcero molte with us. They told us many things,
coſe como le chiamauano et li nomi their names and those of some of the
de algune yſole q̃ ſe vedeuano de qi islands that could be seen from that
La ſua ſe chiama Zuluan laqalle place. Their own island was called
non etropo grande pigliaſcemo grā Zuluan and it is not very large.204
piacere cā queſti perche eranno aſay We took great pleasure with them,
piaceuoli et conuerſabili iL capo for they were very pleasant and
gñale ꝓ farli piu honnore li meno conversable. In order to show them
ala ſua naue et li moſtro tuta la ſua greater honor, the captain-general205
mercadanſia garofoli cannella took them to his ship and showed
peuere gengero noſce moſcade them all his merchandise—cloves,
Matia oro et tute le coſe q̃ eranno cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg,
nella naue fece deſcaricare algune mace, gold, and all the things in the
bombarde hebero grā paura et ship. He had some mortars fired for
volſero ſaltar fuora de la naue ne them, whereat they exhibited great
fecero ſegni que li doue nuj fear, and tried to jump out of the
andauamo naſceſſeuano coſe Ja dete ship.206 They made signs to us that
Quando ſi volſero partire the abovesaid articles grew in that
pigliarono liſentia con molta gratia place where we were going. When
et gentileza dicendo q̃ tornarebeno they were about to retire they took
ſegondo la ſua ꝓmeſſa La yſola their leave very gracefully and
doue eramo ſe chiama humunu ma neatly, saying that they would return
noy ꝓ trouarli due fondana de according to their promise. The
hacqua chiariſſima la chiameſſemo island where we were is called
lacquada dali buoni ſe gnialli ꝓ che Humunu; but inasmuch as we found
fu iL pimo ſegnio de oro q̃ two springs there of the clearest
trouaſſemo in queſta parte. Qiui ſi water, we called it Acquada da li

troua grā cantitade de coralli buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-
biancho et arbori grandi q̃ fanno place of good Signs”], for there
fructi pocho menori de La mandola were the first signs of gold which
et ſonno Como li pignioli et ancho we found in those districts.207 We
molte palme algune bonne et algune found a great quantity of white coral
altre catiue in Queſto Locho ſonno there, and large trees with fruit a
molte yſole. ꝓ ilque Lo trifle smaller than the almond and
chiamaſſemo larcipelago de s. lazaro resembling pine seeds. There are
deſcourendo lo nella ſua dominicha also many palms, some of them
iL quale ſta in x gradi de latitudine good and others bad. There are
aL polo articho et Cento e ſesanta many islands in that district, and
vno di longitudine della linea deLa therefore we called them the
repartitiõe. archipelago of San Lazaro, as they
were discovered on the Sabbath of
St. Lazurus.208 They lie in x degrees
of latitude toward the Arctic Pole,
and in a longitude of one hundred
and sixty-one degrees from the line
of demarcation.

Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in At noon on Friday, March 22, those
mezo di qelli homini Secondo ne men came as they had promised us
haueuano ꝓmeſſo in due barcque cõ in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet
cochi naranſi dolci vno vaſo de vino oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a
de palma et vno galo ꝓ dimoſtrare cock,209 in order to show us that
que in queſte parte eranno galine se there were fowls in that district.
moſtrarono molto alegri verſo de noi They exhibited great signs of
compraſſemo tute qelle ſue coſe iL pleasure at seeing us.210 We
ſuo sor era vechio et de pinto portaua purchased all those articles from
due Schione de oro a le oreqie li them. Their seignior was an old man
altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He
cõ fazoli in torno Lo capo Steſemo wore two gold earrings [schione] in
quiui octo [giorni] neliqalli eL nr̃ o his ears,211 and the others many
capo andaua ogni di in terra auiſitare gold armlets on their arms and

ly infirmi et ogni matina li daua cõ kerchiefs about their heads. We
le ſue mani acqua deL cocho q̃ stayed there one week, and during
molto li confortaua di dietro de that time our captain went ashore
queſta yſola ſtanno homini q̃ anno daily to visit the sick, and212 every
tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie q̃ morning gave them cocoanut water
portanno le braci ficati in loro from his own hand, which
Queſti popoli ſonno caphri çioe comforted them greatly. There are
gentili vanno nudi cõ tella de ſcorſa people living near that island213
darbore intorno le ſue vergonie se who have holes in their ears so large
nõ alguni principali cõ telle de that they can pass their arms
banbazo lauorate neli capi cõ ſeda through them. Those people are
aguchia sonno oliuaſti graſſi de pinti caphri,214 that is to say, heathen.
et ſe ongeno cõ olio de cocho et de They go naked, with a cloth woven
giongioli ꝓ lo ſolle et ꝓ iL vento from the bark of a tree about their
anno li capili negriſſimi fina a La privies, except some of the chiefs
cinta et anno dague cortelli lanſe who wear cotton cloth embroidered
fornite de oro targoni facine arponi with silk at the ends by means of a
et rete da peſcare come Rizali le needle. They are dark, fat, and
ſue barche ſonno corno le noſte painted. They anoint themselves
with cocoanut and with beneseed
oil, as a protection against sun and
wind. They have very black hair that
falls to the waist, and use daggers,
knives, and spears215 ornamented
with gold, large shields, fascines,216
javelins, and fishing nets that
resemble rizali;217 and their boats
are like ours.

NeL luni ſancto a vinticinqʒ de On the afternoon of holy Monday,
marſo giorno de La nr̃ a donna the day of our Lady, March twenty-
paſſato mezo di eſſendo de hora in five, while we were on the point of
ora ꝓ leuarſi anday abordo de la weighing anchor, I went to the side
naue ꝓ peſcare et metendo li piedi of the ship to fish, and putting my

ſopra vna antena ꝓ deſcedere nela feet upon a yard leading down into
mesa degarni tiõe me slizegarono ꝓ the storeroom, they slipped, for it
che era pioueſto et coſi caſtai neL was rainy, and consequently I fell
mare q̃ ninguno me viſte et eſſendo into the sea, so that no one saw me.
quaſi ſumerſo me venne ne La mano When I was all but under, my left
Siniſtra La ſcota de La vella magiore hand happened to catch hold of the
q̃ era aſcoſa ne lacqua me teni forte clew-garnet of the mainsail, which
et Comenſai agridare tanto q̃ fui was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I
ajutato cõ Lo batelo nõ credo Ja held on tightly, and began to cry out
per mey meriti ma ꝓ la miſericordia so lustily that I was rescued by the
di qella fonte de pieta foſſe ajutato. small boat. I was aided, not, I
neL medeſimo Jorno pigliaſſemo tra believe, indeed, through my merits,
iL ponente et garbĩ infra quato yſolle but through the mercy of that font of
çioe Cenalo hiunanghan Jbusson et charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That
abarien same day we shaped our course
toward the west southwest between
four small islands, namely, Cenalo,
Hiunanghan,218 Ibusson, and
Abarien.

Joue a vinti octo de marzo ꝓ hauere On Thursday morning, March
viſto la nocte paſſata fuocho in vna twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire
yſola ne la matina ſurgiſſemo apreſſo on an island the night before, we
de queſta vedeſemo vna barcha anchored near it.219 We saw a small
picola q̃ la chiamano boloto cõ octo boat which the natives call boloto
nomini de dento aꝓpincarſe nela with eight men in it, approaching
naue Ca pitanea Vno ſchiauo deL the flagship. A slave belonging to
capo gñale q̃ era de zamatra gia the captain-general, who was a
chiamata traprobana li parlo ilqalle native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra],
ſubito inteſeno venero neL bordo de which was formerly called
la naue nõ volendo intrare dento, ma Traprobana, spoke to them. They
ſtauano vno pocho diſcoſti vedendo immediately understood him, came
alongside the ship, unwilling to
eL capo q̃ nõ voleuano fidarſi de nui
enter but taking a position at some
li buto vn bonnet roſſo et altre coſe

ligate ſupa vn pezo de taula La little distance.220 The captain seeing
piglioronno molto alegri et Subito that they would not trust us, threw
Se partirono ꝓ auiſare el ſuo re deli them out a red cap and other things
circa due hore vedeſſemo vegnire tied to a bit of wood. They received
due balanghai ſonno barche grande them very gladly, and went away
et cuſſe le chiamano pienni de quickly to advise their king. About
huomini neL magior̃ era Lo suo re two hours later we saw two
Sedendo ſoto vno coperto de ſtore balanghai coming. They are large
Quando eL giunſe ap̃ ſſo La capitania boats and are so called [by those
iL Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inteſe ꝓ people]. They were full of men, and
che in queſte parte li re ſanno piu their king was in the larger of them,
linguagij q̃ li alti comando q̃ being seated under an awning of
alguni ſoi intraſſeno nele naue luy mats. When the king came near the
ſempre ſtete neL ſuo balanghai poco flagship, the slave spoke to him.
longi de La naue fin che li ſuoi The king understood him, for in
tornoronno et ſubito tornati ſe parti. those districts the kings know more
iL Capo gñalle fece grande honnore languages than the other people. He
aqelli q̃ venirono nela naue et ordered some of his men to enter the
donnoli algune coſe per ilche il re ships, but he always remained in his
inanzi la ſua partita volſe donnare aL balanghai, at some little distance
from the ship until his own men
capo vna bava de oro grande et vna
returned; and as soon as they
ſporta piena de gengero ma luj
rengratiandoL molto nõ volce returned he departed. The captain-
acceptarle neL tardi andaſemo cõ general showed great honor to the
le naue apreſſo la habitatiõe deL re. men who entered the ship, and gave
them some presents, for which the
king wished before his departure to
give the captain a large bar221 of
gold and a basketful of ginger. The
latter, however, thanked the king
heartily but would not accept it. In
the afternoon we went in the ships
[and anchored] near the dwellings of
the king.

JL giorno ſeguente q̃ era eL venerdi Next day, holy Friday, the captain-
ſancto eL capo gñale mando lo ſquia general sent his slave, who acted as
ua q̃ era lo interprete nr̃ o in tera in our interpreter, ashore in a small
vno batello adire aL re ſe haueua boat to ask the king if he had any
alguna coſa da mangiare la faceſſe food to have it carried to the
portar̃ in naue q̃ reſtariano bene ships;222 and to say that they would
ſatiſfati da noi et como amici et nõ be well satisfied with us, for he [and
Como nimici era venuti a laſua yſola his men] had come to the island as
eL re venne cõ ſey vero octo homini friends and not as enemies. The king
neL medeſimo batello et entro nela came with six or eight men223 in the
naue abrazandoſi col capo gñale et same boat and entered the ship. He
donoli tre vazi di porcelanna coperti embraced the captain-general to
de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et due whom he gave three porcelain jars
orade molto grande cõ altre coſe covered with leaves and full of raw
eL capo dete al re vna veſte de rice, two very large orade,224 and
panno roſſo et giallo fato a La other things. The captain-general
torcheſca et vno bonnet roſſo fino ali gave the king a garment of red and
alti Sui aqi cortelli et aqi ſpecqi poy yellow cloth made in the Turkish
le fece dare la Colatiõe et ꝓ il fashion, and a fine red cap; and to
chiauo li fece dire q̃ voleua eſſere the others (the king’s men), to some
cun lui caſi caſi cioe fratello knives and to others mirrors. Then
riſpoſe q̃ coſſi voleua eſſere ꝟſo de the captain-general had a collation
lui dapoy lo capo ge moſtro panno spread for them, and had the king
de diverſi colori tela corali et molta told through the slave that he
alta mercantia et tuta lartigliaria desired to be casi casi225 with him,
facendola deſcargare alguni molto ſi that is to say, brother. The king
ſpauentorno poi fece armare vno replied that he also wished to enter
homo cõ vno homo darme et li the same relations with the captain-
meſſe atorno tre cõ ſpade et pugniale general. Then the captain showed
q̃ li dauano ꝓ tuto iL corpo ꝓ laqaL him cloth of various colors, linen,
coſa eL re reſto caſi fora diſe li diſſe coral [ornaments], and many other
ꝓ il Schiauo q̃ vno de queſti armati articles of merchandise, and all the
valeua ꝓ cento de li suoi reſpoſe q̃ artillery, some of which he had
era cuſſi et q̃ in ogni naue ne discharged for him, whereat the

menaua duzento q̃ ſe armauano de natives were greatly frightened.
qella ſorte li moſtro Corazine ſpade Then the captain-general had a man
et rodelle et fece fare a vno vna armed as a soldier,226 and placed
leuata poi Lo conduſſe ſupa la tolda him in the midst of three men armed
dela naue q̃ he in cima de la popa et with swords and daggers, who
fece portare la ſua carta de nauigare struck him on all parts of the body.
et La buſſola et li diſſe ꝓ linterprete Thereby was the king rendered
como trouo Lo ſtreto ꝓ vegnire alui almost speechless. The captain-
et Quante lune ſonno ſtati ſenza general told him through the slave
vedere terra Se marauiglio in that one of those armed men was
vltimo li diſce q̃ voleua ſe li piaceſſe worth one hundred of his own men.
mandare ſeco dui homini acio li The king answered that that was a
moſtraſſe algune de le ſue coſe fact. The captain-general said that
reſpoſe q̃ era contento yo ge anday he had two hundred men in each
cõ vno alto ship who were armed in that
manner.227 He showed the king
cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and
had a review made for him.228 Then
he led the king to the deck of the
ship, that is located above at the
stern; and had his sea-chart and
compass brought.229 He told the
king through the interpreter how he
had found the strait in order to
voyage thither, and how many
moons he had been without seeing
land, whereat the king was
astonished. Lastly, he told the king
that he would like, if it were
pleasing to him, to send two of his
men with him so that he might show
them some of his things. The king
replied that he was agreeable, and I
went in company with one of the
other men.230

Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani When I reached shore, the king
aL ciello et poi ſe volta conta nuy raised his hands toward the sky and
dui faceſſemo lo ſimille verſo de then turned toward us two. We did
lui coſi tuti li alti fecero il re me the same toward him231 as did all
piglio ꝓ La mano vno ſuo principale the others. The king took me by the
piglio lalto compago et cuſſi ne hand; one of his chiefs took my
menorõ ſoto vno coperto de cane companion; and thus they led us
doue era vno balanghai longo under a bamboo covering, where
octanta palmi deli mey Simille a vna there was a balanghai,232 as long as
fuſta ne sedeſſemo ſopa la popa de eighty of my palm lengths, and
queſto ſempre parlando con ſegni li resembling a fusta. We sat down
suoi ne ſtauano in piedi atorno upon the stern of that balanghai,
atorno cõ ſpade dague Lanze et constantly conversing with signs.
targoni fece portare vno piato de The king’s men stood about us in a
carne de porco cõ vño vazo grande circle with swords, daggers, spears,
pienno de vino beueuamo adogni and bucklers.233 The king had a
boconne vna taſſa de vino lo vino plate of pork brought in and a large
q̃ li auanſaua qalque volta ben q̃ jar filled with wine. At every
foſceno poche ſe meteua in vno vazo mouthful, we drank a cup of wine.
da ꝓ ſi la ſua taſa ſempre ſtaua The wine that was left [in the cup]
coperta ninguno alto li beueua Se at any time, although that happened
nõ il re et yo Jnanzi q̃ lo re but rarely, was put into a jar by
pigliaſſe la taſſa ꝓ bere alzaua li itself. The king’s cup was always
mani giunte al çielo et ꝟſo de nui et kept covered and no one else drank
Quando voleua bere extendeua lo from it but he and I. Before the king
pugnio dela mano sini ſtra verſo took the cup to drink, he raised his
dime prima penſaua me voleſſe dare clasped hands toward the sky, and
vn pognio et poi beueua faceua coſi then toward me; and when he was
yo verſo il re Queſti ſegni fanno about to drink, he extended the fist
tuti luno verſo de Laltro quando of his left hand toward me (at first I
thought that he was about to strike
beueno cõ queſte cerimonie et alti
me) and then drank. I did the same
ſegni de amiſitia merenda ſemo
toward the king. They all make
mangiay neL vennere ſancto carne
those signs one toward another
ꝓ nõ potere fare alto Jnanzi q̃

veniſſe lora de cenare donay molte when they drink. We ate with such
coſe al re q̃ haueua portati ſcriſſe aſai ceremonies and with other signs of
coſſe como le chiamanão Quanto Lo friendship. I ate meat on holy
re et li alti me viſtenno fcriuere et li Friday, for I could not help myself.
diceua qelle ſue parolle tutti Before the supper hour I gave the
reſtorono atoniti in queſto mezo king many things which I had
venne lora de cenare portoronno brought. I wrote down the names of
duy plati grandi de porcelanna vno many things in their language.
pienno de rizo et lalto de carne de When the king and the others saw
porcho cõ ſuo brodo cenaſſemo cõ me writing, and when I told them
li medeſimj ſegni et cerimonie poi their words, they were all
andaſſemo aL palatio deL re eLqalle astonished.234 While engaged in that
era facto como vna teza da fienno the supper hour was announced.
coperto de foglie de figaro et de Two large porcelain dishes were
palma era edificato ſoura legni groſſi brought in, one full of rice and the
other of pork with its gravy. We ate
alti de terra qeL ſe conuiene andare
with the same signs and ceremonies,
cõ ſcalle ne fece ſedere ſopa vna
after which we went to the palace of
ſtora de canne tenendo le gambe
the king which was built like a
atracte como li Sarti deli ameza ora
hayloft and was thatched with fig
fo portato vno piato de peſce
[i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It
bruſtolato in pezi et gengero ꝓ alora
was built up high from the ground
colto et vino eL figliolo magiore
on huge posts of wood and it was
deL re chera iL principe vene doue
necessary to ascend to it by means
eramo il re li diſſe q̃ ſedeſſe apreſſo
of ladders.235 The king made us sit
noi et coſſi ſedete fu portato dui
down there on a bamboo mat with
piati vno de peſce cõ lo ſue brodo et
our feet drawn up like tailors. After
lalto de rizo acio q̃ mangiaſſemo col
a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut
principe il nr̃ o compago p̃ tanto in pieces was brought in, and ginger
bere et mangiare diuento briaco freshly gathered, and wine. The
Vzano ꝓ lume goma de arbore q̃ la king’s eldest son, who was the
quiamão anime voltata in foglie de prince, came over to us, whereupon
palma o de figaro el re ne fece the king told him to sit down near
ſegno qeL voleua andare adormire us, and he accordingly did so. Then
laſſo cõ nui lo principe cõ qalle two platters were brought in (one

dormiſemo ſopa vna ſtora de canne with fish and its sauce, and the other
cõ coſſini de foglie venuto lo giorno with rice), so that we might eat with
eL re venne et me piglio ꝓ La mano the prince. My companion became
coſſi andaſſemo doue aveuamo intoxicated as a consequence of so
cenato ꝓ fare colatiõe ma iL batelle much drinking and eating. They
ne venne aleuare Jnanzi la partita used the gum of a tree called anime
eL re molto alegro ne baſo le mani wrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana]
et noi le ſue venne cõ nui vno ſuo leaves for lights. The king made us
fratello re dunalta yſola cõ tre a sign that he was going to go to
homini Lo capo gñale lo retenete sleep. He left the prince with us, and
adiſnare cõ nui et donoli molte coſe. we slept with the latter on a bamboo
mat with pillows made of leaves.
When day dawned the king came
and took me by the hand, and in that
manner we went to where we had
had supper, in order to partake of
refreshments, but the boat came to
get us. Before we left, the king
kissed our hands with great joy, and
we his. One of his brothers, the king
of another island, and three men
came with us. The captain-general
kept him to dine with us, and gave
him many things.236

Nella yſola de queſto re que conduſſi Pieces of gold, of the size of
ale naui ſe troua pezi de oro grandi walnuts and eggs are found by
como noce et oui criuelando la terra sifting the earth in the island of that
tutti li vaſo de queſto re ſonno de king who came to our ships. All the
oro et anche alguna parte de dela dishes of that king are of gold and
caſa ſua coſi ne referite Lo also some portion of his house, as
medeſimo re ſe gondo lo ſue we were told by that king himself.
coſtume era molto in ordine et Lo According to their customs he was
piu bello huomo que vedeſſemo fra very grandly decked out [molto in
queſti populi haueua li capili ordine],237 and the finest looking

negriſſimi fin alle ſpalle cõ vno velo man that we saw among those
de ſeta ſopa Lo capo et due ſquione people. His hair was exceedingly
grande de horo tacatte ale orechie black, and hung to his shoulders. He
portaua vno panno de bombazo tuto had a covering of silk oh his head,
Lauorato de ſeta q̃ copriua dala cinta and wore two large golden earrings
fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga fastened in his ears. He wore a
cõ Lo manicho al canto longo tuto cotton cloth all embroidered with
de oro iL fodro era de legnio silk, which covered him from the
lauorato in ogni dente haueua tre waist to the knees. At his side hung
machie doro q̃ pareuano foſſeno a dagger, the haft of which was
ligati cõ oro oleua de ſtorac et somewhat long and all of gold, and
beligioui era oliuaſtro et tuto its scabbard of carved wood. He had
depinto. Queſta ſua yſola ſe chiama three spots of gold on every tooth,
butuan et calagan. Quando queſti re and his teeth appeared as if bound
ſe voleuano vedere ve neno tuti due with gold.238 He was perfumed with
aLa caza in queſta yſola doue eramo storax and benzoin. He was tawny
eL re pimo ſe qiama raia colambu iL and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over.
ſegundo raia siaui. That island of his was called Butuan
and Calagan.239 When those kings
wished to see one another, they both
went to hunt in that island where we
were. The name of the first king is
Raia Colambu, and the second Raia
Siaui.240

Domenicha vltimo de marſo giorno Early on the morning of Sunday, the
de paſca nela matina ꝓ tempo eL last of March, and Easter-day, the
capo gñale mando il prete cõ alcanti captain-general sent the priest with
aparechiare ꝓ douere dire meſſa cõ some men to prepare the place
lo interprete a dire al re q̃ nõ where mass was to be said;241
voleuamo diſcendere in terra ꝓ together with the interpreter to tell
diſinar ſecho ma ꝓ aldire meſſa ꝓ the king that we were not going to
ilque Lo re ne mando dui porqi land in order to dine with him, but
morti Quando fu hora de meſſa to say mass. Therefore the king sent

andaſſemo in terra forſe cinquanta us two swine that he had had killed.
huomini nõ armati la ꝓſo na ma cõ When the hour for mass arrived, we
le altre nr̃ e arme et meglio veſtite q̃ landed with about fifty men, without
poteſſemo Jnanzi que aruaſſemo our body armor, but carrying our
aLa riua cõ li bateli forenno ſcaricati other arms, and dressed in our best
sej pezi de bombarde in ſegnio de clothes.242 Before we reached the
pace ſaltaſſemo in terra li dui re shore with our boats, six pieces
abraſſarono lo capo gñale et Lo were discharged as a sign of peace.
meſſeno in mezo de loro andaſſemo We landed; the two kings embraced
in ordinanza fino aL locho the captain-general, and placed him
conſacrato non molto longi de la between them. We went in marching
riua Jnanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa order to the place consecrated,
iL capo bagno tuto eL corpo de li dui which was not far from the shore.
re con hacqua moſta da Se oferſe Before the commencement of mass,
ala meſſa li re andorono abaſſiare the captain sprinkled the entire
la croce como nuy ma nõ oferſeno bodies of the two kings with musk
Quando ſe leuaua lo corpo de nr̃ o sor water.”243 The mass was offered up.
ſtauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo The kings went forward to kiss the
cõ le mane gionte le naue tirarono cross as we did, but they did not
tuta La artigliaria in vno tempo offer the sacrifice.244 When the
quando ſe leuo Lo corpo de xo body of our Lord was elevated, they
dando ge Lo ſegnio de la tera cõ li remained on their knees and
ſchiopetj finita la meſſa alquanti worshiped Him with clasped hands.
deli noſti ſe comunicorono Lo capo The ships fired all their artillery at
generale fece fare vno ballo cõ le once when the body of Christ was
ſpade deque le re hebenno grã elevated, the signal having been
piacere poi fece portare vna croce given from the shore with muskets.
cõ li quiodi et la coronna alaqaL After the conclusion of mass, some
ſubito fecero reuerentia li diſſe per of our men took communion.245 The
Lo interprete como queſto era iL captain-general arranged a fencing
vessilo datoli daLo inperator̃ ſuo tournament,246 at which the kings
ſignore açio in ogni parte doue were greatly pleased. Then he had a
andaſſe meteſſe queſto ſuo ſegnialle cross carried in and the nails and a
et che voleua meterlo iui ꝓ ſua crown, to which immediate
vtilita ꝓ che ſe veneſſeno algune reverence was made.247 He told the

naue dele nr̃ e ſaperianno cõ queſta kings through the interpreter that
croce noj eſſere ſtati in queſto locho they were the standards given to
et nõ farebenno deſpiacere aloro ne him by the emperor his sovereign,
ale coſe [coſe: doublet in original so that wherever he might go he
MS.] et ſe pigliaſſeno alguno de li ſoi might set up those his tokens. [He
ſubito moſtrandoli queſto ſegnialle le said] that he wished to set it up in
laſſerianno andare et q̃ conueniua that place for their benefit, for
meter̃ queſta croce in cima deL piu whenever any of our ships came,248
alto monte que foſſe açio vedendola they would know that we had been
ogni matina La adoraſſeno et ſeqʒſto there by that cross, and would do
faceuano ne troui ne fulmini ni nothing to displease them or harm
tempeſta li nocerebe in coſa alguna their property [property: doublet in
lo ringratiorno molto et q̃ original MS.]. If any of their men
farebenno ogni coſa volentieri ancho were captured, they would be set
li fece dire ſe eranno morj ho gentili free immediately on that sign being
o inque credeuão riſpoſero q̃ nõ shown. It was necessary to set that
adorauão alto ſinon alſauano le mani cross on the summit of the highest
giunti et la faza al ciello et q̃ mountain, so that on seeing it every
chiamauão Lo ſua dio Abba ꝓ laqaL morning, they might adore it; and if
coſa lo capo hebe grande alegreſſa they did that, neither thunder,
vedendo queſto eL pimo re leuo le lightning, nor storms would harm
mani aL ciello et diſſe q̃ voria ſe them in the least. They thanked him
foſſe poſſibille farli veder̃ iL ſuo heartily and [said] that they would
amore verſo de lui Lo interprete ge do everything willingly. The
captain-general also had them asked
diſſe ꝓ qaL cagiõe haueua quiui coſi
pocho da mangiare reſpoſe q̃ nõ whether they were Moros or
habitaua in qʒſto Locho ſe nõ quãdo heathen, or what was their belief.
They replied that they worshiped
veniua a La caza et a vedere Lo ſuo
nothing, but that they raised their
fratello ma ſtaua in vna alta yſola
clasped hands and their face to the
doue haueua tuta la ſua famiglia li
sky; and that they called their god
fece dire ſe haueua Jnimici Lo
“Abba.”249 Thereat the captain was
diceſſe ꝓ cio andarebe cõ queſte
very glad, and seeing that, the first
naue adeſtrugerli et faria lo
king raised his hands to the sky, and
hobedirianno Lo rengratio et diſſe
said that he wished that it were
q̃ haueua benne due yſolle nemiche

maque alhora nõ era tempo de possible for him to make the captain
andarui Lo Capo li diſſe ſe dio see his love for him. The interpreter
faceſſe q̃ vnalta fiatta ritornaſce in asked the king why there was so
queſte parte conduria tanta gente q̃ little to eat there. The latter replied
farebe ꝓ forſa eſerli ſugette et que that he did not live in that place
voleua andare adiſnare et dapoy except when he went hunting and to
tornarebe ꝓ far pore la croce in see his brother, but that he lived in
cima deL monte riſpoſero eranno another island where all his family
Contenti facendoſſe vn bata glione were. The captain-general had him
cõ ſcaricare li ſquiopeti et asked to declare whether he had any
abraſandoſi lo capo cõ li due re enemies, so that he might go with
pigliaſſemo liſentia. his ships to destroy them and to
render them obedient to him.250 The
king thanked him and said that he
did indeed have two islands hostile
to him, but that it was not then the
season to go there. The captain told
him that if God would again allow
him to return to those districts, he
would bring so many men that he
would make the king’s enemies
subject to him by force. He said that
he was about to go to dinner, and
that he would return afterward to
have the cross set up on the summit
of the mountain. They replied that
they were satisfied, and then
forming in battalion and firing the
muskets, and the captain having
embraced the two kings, we took
our leave.

Dopo diſnare tornaſſemo tucti in After dinner we all returned clad in
gioponne et andaſsemo inſieme cõ li our doublets, and that afternoon251
duy Re neL mezo di in cima deL piu went together with the two kings to

alto monte q̃ foſſe Quando the summit of the highest mountain
ariuaſſemo in cima Lo capo there. When we reached the summit,
genneralle li diſſe como li era caro the captain-general told them that he
hauere ſudato ꝓ loro ꝓ che eſendo esteemed highly having sweated for
iui la croce nõ poteua ſinon them, for since the cross was there,
grandamẽte Jouarli et domandoli it could not but be of great use to
qaL porto era migliore ꝓ victuuaglie them. On asking them which port
diceſſero q̃ ne erano tre çioe Ceylon was the best to get food, they
Zubu et calaghann ma che Zubu era replied that there were three,
piu grande et de meglior trafico et ſe namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and
proferſenno di darni piloti q̃ ne Calaghann, but that Zubu was the
inſegniarebenno iL viago Lo capo largest and the one with most trade.
gñale li rengratio et delibero de They offered of their own accord to
andarli ꝓ q̃ cuſſi voleua la sua give us pilots to show us the way.
infelice ſorte. poſta la cruce ognuno The captain-general thanked them,
dice vno pater noſter et vna aue and determined to go there, for so
maria adorandola coſi li re fecenno did his unhappy fate will. After the
poy deſcendeſſemo ꝓ li ſui campi cross was erected in position, each
Lauorattj et andaſſemo doue era lo of us repeated a Pater Noster and an
balanghai li re feceno portare Ave Maria, and adored the cross;
alquanti cochi açio ſe rinfreſcaſſimo and the kings did the same. Then we
descended through their cultivated
Lo capo li domando li piloti ꝓ che
fields, and went to the place where
la matina ſequente voleua partirſi et
q̃ li tratarebe como ſe medeſimo the balanghai was.252 The kings had
Laſandoli vno de li nr̃ j ꝓ oſtagio some cocoanuts brought in so that
riſpoſero q̃ ogni ora li voleſſe eranno we might refresh ourselves. The
aL ſuo comãdo ma nela nocte iL captain asked the kings for the pilots
for he intended to depart the
pimo re ſe mudo dopigniõe La
matina quando eramo ꝓ partirſi eL following morning, and [said] that
he would treat them as if they were
re mando adire aL capo generalle q̃
the kings themselves, and would
per amore ſuo aſpectaſſe duj giornj
leave one of us as hostage. The
fin q̃ faceſſe coglire el rizo et alti ſui kings replied that every hour he
menuti pregandolo mandaſſe alguni wished the pilots were at his
homini ꝓ ajutareli açio piu preſto ſe command, but that night the first
ſpazaſſe q̃ luy medeſimo voleua

eſſere lo nr̃ o piloto. lo Capo king changed his mind, and in the
mandoli alguni homini ma li Re morning when we were about to
tanto mangiorono et beueteno q̃ depart, sent word to the captain-
dormiteno tuto il giorno alguni ꝓ general, asking him for love of him
eſcuſarli dicero q̃ haueuano vno to wait two days until he should
pocho de malle ꝓ qeL giorno li noſti have his rice harvested, and other
nõ fecero niente ma neli alti dui trifles attended to. He asked the
ſeguenti lauorono. captain-general to send him some
men to help him, so that it might be
done sooner; and said that he
intended to act as our pilot himself.
The captain sent him some men, but
the kings ate and drank so much that
they slept all the day. Some said to
excuse them that they were slightly
sick. Our men did nothing on that
day, but they worked the next two
days.253

Vno de queſti populi ne porte force One of those people brought us
vna ſcudela de rizo cõ octo o dieze about a porringer full of rice and
figue ligaty inſieme ꝓ baratarli in also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas]
vno cortello q̃ valeua iL piu tre fastened together to barter them for
catrini eL capo vedendo que queſto a knife which at the most was worth
nõ voleua alto Senon vno cortello lo three catrini.254 The captain seeing
chiamo ꝓ vedere piu coſe miſſe that that native cared for nothing but
mano a la borſa et li volce dare ꝓ a knife, called him to look at other
qelle coſe vno realL lui noL volſi things. He put his hand in his purse
lui moſtro vno ducato mancho lo and wished to give him one real for
accepto al fine li volce dare vno those things, but the native refused
dopionne de duy ducati nõ volce it. The captain showed him a ducado
mai alto q̃ vn corte lo et cuſſi li lo but he would not accept that either.
fece dare Andando vno de li nr̃ i in Finally the captain tried to give him
terra ꝓ tore acqua vno de queſti li a doppione255 worth two ducados,

volce dare vno coronna pontina de but he would take nothing but a
oro maſiçio grãde como vna colona knife; and accordingly the captain
ꝓ ſey filce de criſtalino ma iL capo had one given to him. When one of
non volce q̃ la bara taſſe açio que in our men went ashore for water, one
queſto principio ſapeſſero q̃ of those people wanted to give him
pritiauamo piu la nr̃ a mercantia q̃ Lo a pointed crown of massy gold, of
ſuo oro. the size of a colona256 for six strings
of glass beads, but the captain
refused to let him barter, so that the
natives should learn at the very
beginning that we prized our
merchandise more than their
gold.257

Queſti populi ſonno gentili vanno Those people are heathens,258 and
nudi et de pinti portano vno pezo go naked and painted. They wear a
de tella de arbore intorno le ſue piece of cloth woven from a tree
vergonie Sonno grandiſſimi about their privies.259 They are very
beuitori le ſue femi ne vanno heavy drinkers.260 Their women are
veſtite de tella de arbore de la cinta clad in tree cloth from their waist
in giu cõ li capili negri fina in terra down, and their hair is black and
anno forate le orechie et pienne de reaches to the ground. They have
oro. Queſta gente ſempre holes pierced in their ears which are
maſticanno vno fruto q̃ Lo quiamano filled with gold. Those people are
Areca e como vno pero lo taglianno constantly chewing a fruit which
in quato parti et poi lo volueno nele they call areca, and which
foglie deL ſuo arburo q̃ le nominano resembles a pear. They cut that fruit
betre ſonno como foglie di moraro into four parts, and then wrap it in
cõ vno poco de calcina et quando le the leaves of their tree which they
anno bē maſticate le ſputano fora call betre [i.e., betel]. Those leaves
fanno diuentare la boca rociſſima resemble the leaves of the mulberry.
Tucti li populi de queſta parte deL They mix it with a little lime, and
mondo le vzanno ꝓ che rinfreſcali when they have chewed it
molto eL core Se reſtaſſeno de thoroughly, they spit it out.261 It

vzarle morirebenno in queſta makes the mouth exceedingly red.
izolla ſonno cany gati porci galine All the people in those parts of the
capre rizo gengero cochi figui world use it, for it is very cooling to
naranzi limoni miglio panizo ſorgo the heart, and if they ceased to use it
cera et molto oro ſta de Latitudine they would die. There are dogs, cats,
in noue gradi et dui terſi aL artico et swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger,
cento et ſeſanta dui de longitudine cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas],
della linea de La ripartitiõe et vinti oranges, lemons, millet, panicum,
cinque legue longi de la acquada et sorgo,262 wax, and a quantity of
ſe chiama Mazaua gold in that island. It lies in a
latitude of nine and two-thirds
degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and
in a longitude of one hundred and
sixty-two degrees from the line of
demarcation. It is twenty-five from
the Acquada, and is called
Mazaua.263

Steſsemo sette giorni quiui poi We remained there seven days, after
pigliaſſemo la via deL maiſtrale which we laid our course toward the
paſſando fa cinqʒ yſolle cioe Ceylon northwest, passing among264 five
bohol canighan baybai et gatighan islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol,
in queſta yſola de gatigan ſonno Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.265
barbaſtili grandi como aquille ꝓ q̃ In the last-named island of Gatigan,
era tardi ne amaçaſſemo vno era there are bats as large as eagles. As
como vna galina aL mangiare ge it was late we killed one of them,266
ſonno colombi tortore papagali et which resembled chicken in taste.
certi vcelli negri grandi como galine There are doves, turtledoves,267
cõ la coda lõga fanno oui grandi parrots, and certain black birds as
como de ocqua li meteno ſoto la large as domestic chickens, which
ſabia ꝓ lo grã caldo li crea Quando have a long tail. The last mentioned
ſonno naſciuti alzano la arena et birds lay eggs as large as the goose,
vieneno fora queſti oui ſonno bony and bury them under the sand,
de mangiare. De mazaua through the great heat of which they

agatighan ſonno vinti leghe hatch out. When the chicks are born,
partendone da gatighan aL ponente they push up the sand, and come
iL re de mazaua non ne puote ſeguir̃ out. Those eggs are good to eat.
ꝓ che lo eſpectaſſemo circa tre There is a distance of twenty leguas
yſolle cioe polo ticobon et pozon from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set
quando eL gionſe molte ſe out westward from Gatighan, but
marauiglio deL nr̃ o nauigare Lo the king of Mazaua could not follow
capo gñale lo fece mõ tare nela ſua us [closely], and consequently, we
naue cõ alguni ſoi principali dilque awaited him near three islands,
hebero piacere et coſſi andaſſemo in namely, Polo, Ticobon, and
zubu da gatighan azubu ſonno Pozon.268 When he caught up with
quindice legue. us he was greatly astonished at the
rapidity with which we sailed. The
captain-general had him come into
his ship with several of his chiefs at
which they were pleased. Thus did
we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the
distance to Zubu being fifteen
leguas.269

Domeniga a sete de apille amezo di At noon on Sunday, April seven, we
intraſſemo neL porto de Zubu entered the port of Zubu, passing by
paſſando per molti vilagij vedeuamo many villages, where we saw many
molte caze facte ſopra li arbori houses built upon logs. On
Apropinquãdone ala cita Lo capo approaching the city, the captain-
gñale comando le naui general ordered the ships to fling
sinbanderaſſeno furono Calate le their banners. The sails were
velle et poſte amodo de bataglia et lowered and arranged as if for
ſcarico tuta lartigliaria ꝓ ilque queſti battle, and all the artillery was fired,
populi hebero grandiſſima paura an action which caused great fear to
Lo capo mando vno ſuo alieuo cõ lo those people. The captain sent a
interprete inbaſſiatore aL re de foster-son of his as ambassador to
Zubo. Quando ariuorono nela cita the king of Zubo with the
trouorono Jnfiniti huomini inſieme interpreter. When they reached the
city, they found a vast crowd of

cõ Lo re tuti pauroſi ꝓ le bombarde people together with the king, all of
linterprete li diſſe queſto eſere nr̃ o whom had been frightened by the
coſtume intrando in ſimili luogui in mortars. The interpreter told them270
ſegnio de pace et amiſitia et ꝓ that that was our custom when
honnorare lo re deL luogo entering into such places, as a sign
ſcaricauamo tuctele bombarde eL of peace and friendship, and that we
re et tucti li ſuoi ſe aſegurorono et had discharged all our mortars to
fece dire ali noſti ꝓ lo ſuo honor the king of the village. The
gouuernatore q̃ voleuamo king and all of his men were
linterprete riſpoſe como eL ſuo reassured, and the king had us asked
ſigniore era capo deL magiore re et by his governor what we wanted.
principe foſſe neL mondo et q̃ The interpreter replied that his
andaua adiſcourir̃ malucho ma ꝓ la master was a captain of the greatest
ſua bonna fama Como haueua king and prince in the world, and
Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto that he was going to discover
ſolamente ꝓ vizitarlo et pigliare Malucho;271 but that he had come
victuuaglia cõ la ſua merchadantia li solely to visit the king because of
diſſe q̃ in bonna hora foſſe venuto the good report which he had heard
ma q̃ haueua queſta vzanſa tutte le of him from the king of Mazaua,
naui q̃ intrauano neL porto ſuo and to buy food with his
pagauão tributu et q̃ nõ eranno quato merchandise. The king told him that
gi che vno Juncho de Ciama cargato he was welcome [literally: he had
doro et de ſchiaui li haueua dato come at a good time], but that it was
tributo et ꝓ ſegnio di queſto li their custom for all ships that
moſtro vno mer chadante de çiama entered their ports to pay tribute,
que era reſtato ꝓ merchadantare oro and that it was but four days since a
et ſquiaui Lo interprete li diſſe junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden
como eL ſuo ſigniore ꝓ eſſere capo with gold and slaves had paid him
de tanto grã re non pagaua tributo ad tribute. As proof of his statement the
alguno ſigniore deL mondo et ſe king pointed out to the interpreter a
voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ſe non merchant from Ciama, who had
guerra guera Alhoro eL moro remained to trade the gold and
merchadante diſſe aL re Cata raia slaves. The interpreter told the king
chita çioe garba ben ſigniore queſti that, since his master was the
captain of so great a king, he did not
ſonno de qelli q̃ anno conquiſtato

Calicut malaca et tuta lindia pay tribute to any seignior in the
magiore Si bene ſi li fa ben ſe a ſe world, and that if the king wished
male male et pegio como anno facto peace he would have peace, but if
a calicut et amalaca linterprete war instead, war. Thereupon, the
Jnteſo lo tuto et diſſegli qeL re de ſuo Moro merchant said to the king
ſigniore era piu potente de gente et Cata raia chita that is to say,272
de nauj q̃ Lo re de portogalo et era “Look well, sire.” “These men are
re de ſpagnia et Jmperator̃ de tuttj li the same who have conquered
xp̃ iani et ſe nõ voleua eſſerli amicho Calicut, Malaca, and all India
li mandaria vnalta fiata tanta gente Magiore [i.e., India Major].273 If
qeL deſtruerião iL moro naro ogni they are treated well, they will give
coſa aL re alhora li diſſe ſe good treatment, but if they are
conſigliarebe cõ li ſui et nel di treated evil, evil and worse
ſeguente li riſponderebe poy fece treatment, as they have done to
portare vna colatiõe de molte viuãde Calicut and Malaca.” The interpreter
tute de carne poſte in piati de understood it all and told the king
porcelane cõ molti vazi di vino that his master’s king was more
data La Colatiõe li noſti powerful in men and ships than the
retornoronno et ne diſſero lo tuto king of Portogalo, that he was the
iL re de mazaua q̃ era lo pimo dopo king of Spagnia and emperor of all
queſto re et ſigniore de alcante yſolle the Christians, and that if the king
ando in tera ꝓ dire al re la grande did not care to be his friend274 he
cortezia deL nr̃ o capo genneralle. would next time send so many men
that they would destroy him. The
Moro related everything to the
king,275 who said thereupon that he
would deliberate with his men, and
would answer the captain on the
following day. Then he had
refreshments of many dishes, all
made from meat and contained in
porcelain platters, besides many jars
of wine brought in. After our men
had refreshed themselves, they
returned and told us everything. The

king of Mazaua,276 who was the
most influential after that king and
the seignior of a number of islands,
went ashore to speak to the king of
the great courtesy of our captain-
general.

Luni matina iL nr̃ o ſcriuão inſieme Monday morning, our notary,
cõ linterprete andorono in zubu together with the interpreter, went to
vene iL re con li ſui principali in Zubu. The king, accompanied by his
piaza et fece ſedere li noſti apreſſo chiefs, came to the open square
lui li diſe ſe piu duno capo era in where he had our men sit down near
qʒſta compania et ſeL voleua lui him. He asked the notary whether
pagaſſe tributo aL imperatore ſuo there were more than one captain in
Sor. riſpoſe de nõ ma voleua that company, and whether that
ſolamente merchadantaſe cõ lui et captain wished him to pay tribute to
the emperor his master. The notary
non con alti diſſe q̃ era contento et
replied in the negative, but that the
ſe Lo capo nr̃ o voleua eſſere ſuo
captain wished only to trade with
amicho li mandaſſe von pocho de
him and with no others. The king
ſangue deL ſuo bracio drito et coſſi
said that he was satisfied, and that if
farebe luy ꝓ ſegnio de piu vera
the captain wished to become his
amiſitia reſpoſe q̃ Lo faria poy
friend, he should send him a drop of
Lo re li diſſe como tucti li capi q̃ blood from his right arm, and he
veniuão quiui se dauano pñti luno himself would do the same [to him]
cõ lalto et ſe Lo nr̃ o capo olui doueua as a sign of the most sincere
comenſare linterprete li diſſe poy q̃ friendship.277 The notary answered
lui voleua mantegnire queſto that the captain would do it.
coſtume cominciaſſe et cuſſi Thereupon, the king told him that all
comenſo. the captains who came to that place,
were wont to give presents one to
the other [i.e., mutual presents
between the king and the captain],
and asked whether our captain or he

ought to commence.278 The
interpreter told the king that since
he desired to maintain the custom,
he should commence, and so he
did.279

Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo Tuesday morning the king of
moro venne ale naui ſaluto lo Mazaua came to the ships with the
capitano gñale da parte diL re et Moro. He saluted the captain-
diſcelli como iLre de Zubu faceua general in behalf of the king [of
adunare piu victuuaglia poteua ꝓ Zubu], and said that the king of
darnela et como mandarebe dopo Zubu was collecting as much food
diſnare vno ſuo nepote con dui otre as possible to give to him, and that
de ſui principali ꝓ fare la pace. lo after dinner he would send one of
capo gñale fece armare vno de le ſue his nephews and two others of his
ꝓprie arme et feceli dire como tuti chief men to make peace. The
nuy combateuamo de qella ſorta; iL captain-general had one of his men
moro molto ſi ſpauento iL capo li armed with his own arms, and had
diſſe nõ ſi ſpauentaſſe perche le nr̃ e the Moro told that we all fought in
ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici et that manner. The Moro was greatly
aſpere ali nemici et coſi como li frightened, but the captain told him
fazoli aſciugano yl ſudore coſi le nr̃ e not to be frightened for our arms
arme ateranno et deſtrugeno tuti li were soft toward our friends and
aduerſarj et maleuoli de La nr̃ a fede harsh toward our enemies; and as
fece queſto acio el moro q̃ pareua handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so
did our arms overthrow and destroy
eſſere piu aſtuto de li alti lo diceſſe
all our adversaries, and those who
aL re.
hate our faith.280 The captain did
that so that the Moro who seemed
more intelligent than the others,
might tell it to the king.

Dopo diſnare vene ale naui Lo After dinner the king’s nephew, who
nipote deL re q̃ era principe coL re was the prince, came to the ships

de mazaua iL moro iL gouuernatore with the king of Mazaua, the Moro,
et iL barizello magiore cõ octo the governor, the chief constable,
principali ꝓ fare La pace con noi and eight chiefs, to make peace with
Lo capo gñale ſedendo in vna us. The captain-general was seated
cadedra de veluta roſſa li prin cipali in a red velvet chair, the principal
in ſedie de corame et li alti in tera men281 on leather chairs, and the
ſoura ſtore li diſſe ꝓ Lo interprete ſe others on mats upon the floor. The
Lo ſuo coſtume era de parlare in captain-general asked them through
ſecreto houero in publico et Se the interpreter whether it were their
queſto principe col re de mazaua custom to speak in secret or in
haueuão potere de fare la pace public, and whether that prince and
riſpoſero q̃ parla vano in publico et q̃ the king of Mazaua had authority to
coſtoro haueuão iL potere de far la make peace.282 They answered that
pace Lo capo diſſe molte coſe they spoke in public, and that they
ſoura la pace et qeL pregaua ydio la were empowered to make peace.
confirmaſſe in cielo diſcero que The captain-general said many
may nõ haueuão aldite cotalle things concerning peace, and that he
parolle et que pigliauão grã piacere prayed God to confirm it in heaven.
a vdir le Vedendo Lo capo q̃ queſto They said that they had never heard
volenti eri aſcoltauão et reſpondeuão any one speak such words, but that
li comincio dire coſe per indurli ala they took great pleasure in hearing
them. The captain seeing that they
fede: Domando qaL dopo la morte
listened and answered willingly,
deL re ſuccedeſſe aLa sa. riſpoſe q̃
began to advance arguments to
Lo re nõ haueua figlioli ma figliole induce them to accept the faith.
et q̃ queſto ſuo nipote haueua ꝓ Asking them who would succeed to
moglie la magiore percio era Lo
the seigniory after the death of the
principe et quando li padri et madri king, he was answered that the king
eranno vequi non ſi honorauão piu had no sons but only daughters, the
mali figlioli li comandauão lo capo eldest of whom was the wife of that
li diſſe como ydio fece Lo ciello La nephew of his, who therefore was
terra Lo mare et tucte le alte coſe et the prince. [They said that] when the
como inpoſſe ſe doueſſeno fathers and mothers grew old, they
honnorare li padri et madri et qi received no further honor, but their
altramẽte faceua era condempnato children commanded them. The

neL fuoco eterno et como tuti captain told them that God made the
deſcendeuão de adam et eua noſti sky, the earth, the sea, and
primi parenti et como haueuamo everything else, and that He had
Lanima in mortalle et molte altre commanded us to honor our fathers
coſe pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li and mothers, and that whoever did
ſuplicorono voleſſe laſarli dui otherwise was condemned to eternal
homini ho aL meno vno acio li fire; that we are all descended from
amayſtraſſe ne La fede et che li Adam and Eva, our first parents;
farebẽo grande honnore gli reſpoſe that we have an immortal spirit;283
q̃ alhora nõ poteua laſciarli alguno and many other things pertaining to
ma ſe vole uão eſſere xp̃ iano Lo the faith. All joyfully entreated the
prete nr̃ o li baptezarebe et q̃ vnalta captain to leave them two men, or at
fiata menaria preti et frati queli least one,284 to instruct them in the
inſegniarebẽo la fede nr̃ a riſpoſero faith, and [said] that they would
que pima voleuão parlare al re et show them great honor. The captain
poy diuentarebenno xp̃ iani replied to them that he could not
lagrimaſſemo tuti ꝓ la grande leave them any men then, but that if
alegreza Lo capo li diſce q̃ non ce they wished to become Christians,
facero xp̃ iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ our priest would baptize them, and
compiacerne ma vo lontariamẽte et that he would next time bring priests
acoloro q̃ voleuão viuere ſecondo la and friars who would instruct them
ſua lege nõ li farebe facto diſpiacer in our faith. They answered that
alguno mali xp̃ iani ſerianno meglio they would first speak to their king,
viſti et caregiati q̃ li alti Tuti and that then they would become
gridaronno aduna voce q̃ nõ ſe Christians, [whereat] we all wept
faceuão xp̃ iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ with great joy. The captain-general
compiacerne ma ꝓ ſua ſpontanea told them that they should not
volontate Alhora li diſſe q̃ ſi become Christians for fear or to
deuentauão xp̃ iani gli Laſſarebe vna please us, but of their own free
armatura ꝓ che cuſſi li era ſtato wills;285 and that he would not
inpoſto deL ſuo re et como nõ cause any displeasure to those who
poteuão vzare cõ le ſue donne wished to live according to their
eſendo gentilli ſenza grandiſſimo own law, but that the Christians
pecato et como li aſeguraua q̃ would be better regarded and treated
eſſendo xiani non li aparerebe piu eL than the others. All cried out with

domonio ſinon neL ponto extremo one voice that they were not
de la ſua morte diceno q̃ no becoming Christians through fear or
ſapeuano reſponderli ꝓ le ſue belle to please us, but of their own free
parolle ma ſe rimeteuano nele ſue will. Then the captain told them that
manj et faceſſe de loro como de ſoy if they became Christians, he would
fideliſſimi ſeruitori Lo capo leave a suit of armor,286 for so had
piangendo li abrazo et agiungendo his king commanded him; that we
vna mano del principe et vna deL re could not have intercourse with their
fra le ſue li diſſe ꝓ la fede portaua a women without committing a very
dio et alimperator̃ ſuo ſigniore et ꝓ great, sin, since they were pagans;
Lo habito q̃ haueua li prometeua q̃ li and that he assured them that if they
daua la pace ꝓpe tua col re became Christians, the devil would
deſpagnia reſpoſero que lo ſimille no longer appear to them except in
prometeuão Coneluſa la pace Lo the last moment at their death.287
capo fece dare vna colatiõe poy lo They said that they could not
principe et re preſentarono aL capo answer the beautiful words of the
da parte deL ſuo re alquanti ceſtoni captain, but that they placed
de rizo porci capre et galine et li themselves in his hands, and that he
diſcero li perdonaſce ꝓ cio taL coſe should treat them as his most
erano pocque avno ſimille alui Lo faithful servants. The captain
capo dono aL principe vno panno embraced them weeping, and
biancho di tella ſotiliſſima vno clasping one of the prince’s hands
bonnet rozo aL quante felce de and one of the king’s between his
chriſtalino et vno biquier dorato de own, said to them that, by his faith
vetro. li vetri ſonno molto apreciati in God and to his sovereign, the
in queſte parte. AL re di mazaua emperor, and by the habit which he
nõ li deto alguno pñte ꝓ che gia li wore,288 he promised them that he
aueua dato vna veſte de cambaya would give them perpetual peace
con altre coſe et ali altri aqi vna coſa with the king of Spagnia. They
aqi vnalto. Mando poy aL re de answered that they promised the
same. After the conclusion of the
zubu ꝓ mi et vnalto vna veſte de ſeta
peace, the captain had refreshments
gialla et morella aguisa Turcheſca
served to them. Then the prince and
vno bonnet roſo fino alquante filce
the king [of Mazaua] presented
de criſtalino poſto ogni coſa in vno
some baskets of rice, swine, goats,
piato dargento et dui biqui eri dorati

in mano Quando focemo nela cita and fowls to the captain-general on
trouaſſemo Lo re in ſuo palatio cõ behalf of their king, and asked him
molti homini q̃ ſe deua in tera ſoura to pardon them, for such things were
vna ſtora di palma haueua ſola but little [to give] to one such as he.
mente vno panno de tella de The captain gave the prince a white
bombazo dinanzi ale ſue ꝟgonie vno cloth of the finest linen, a red cap,
velo intorno lo capo Lauorato some strings of glass beads, and a
aguchia vna Colana aL colo de grã gilded glass drinking cup. Those
precio due ſquione grande de oro glasses are greatly appreciated in
tachate ale orecquie cõ petre those districts. He did not give any
precioſe atorno era graſſo et picolo present to the king of Mazaua, for
et depinto cõ lo fuocho a diuerſe he had already given him a robe of
maniere mangiaua in tera ſoura Cambaya, besides other articles.289
vnalta ſtora oui de bissascutelaza To the others he gave now one thing
poſti in dui vazi de porcelañ et and now another. Then he sent to
haueua dinanzi quato vazi piennj de the king of Zubu through me and
vino de palma ſerati con erbe odiri one other a yellow and violet silk
fere et ficati catro cannuti con ogni robe, made in Turkish style, a fine
vno cõ queſti beueua. Facta la debita red cap, some strings of glass beads,
reuerentia linterprete li diſſe como lo all in a silver dish, and two gilt
ſuo ſigniore lo rengratiaua molto drinking cups in our hands.290 When
deL ſuo pñte et que li mandaua we reached the city we found the
queſto nõ ꝓ il ſuo ma ꝓ lo trinſicho king in his palace surrounded by
amore li portaua li veſteſſemo la many people. He was seated on a
veſte gli poneſſemo iL bonnet in palm mat on the ground, with only a
capo et li deſſemo le altre coſe et cotton cloth before his privies, and a
poy baſandoli vetri et ponendoli scarf embroidered with the needle
ſoura lo capo le li preſentai et about his head, a necklace of great
facendo lui eL ſimilli li accepto poi value hanging from his neck, and
iL re ne fece mãgiare de qelli oui et two large gold earrings fastened in
bere con qelli canuti li alti ſui in his ears set round with precious
queſto mezo gli diſſero lo parlamto gems. He was fat and short, and
deL capo ſopa la pace et lo tattooed with fire291 in various
exortamento ꝓ farli xp̃ iani iL Re ne designs. From another mat on the
volce te ner ſecho acene li ground he was eating turtle eggs

diceſſemo non poteuamo aloro which were in two porcelain dishes,
reſtare pigliata la liſentia iL principe and he had four jars full of palm
ne meno ſeco a caſa ſua doue wine in front of him covered with
ſonauano catro fanciulle vna de sweet-smelling herbs and arranged
tamburo amodo nr̃ o ma era poſta in with four small reeds in each jar by
tera Vnalta daua vno legnio facto means of which he drank.292 Having
alcanto groſſo neL capo con tella de duly made reverence to him, the
palma in due borquia pichate mo in interpreter told the king that his
la vna mo in lalta Lalta in vna master thanked him very warmly for
borquia grande col medeſimo modo. his present, and that he sent this
La vltima cõ due brochiete in mão present not in return for his present
dando luna ne lalta faceua vno ſuaue but for the intrinsic love which he
ſonno tanto atempo ſonauão que bore him.293 We dressed him in the
pareua haueſſeno grã ragion deL robe, placed the cap on his head,
canto Queſte eranno aſay belle et and gave him the other things; then
bian que caſi como le noſtre et coſi kissing the beads and putting them
grande eranno nude ſinon q̃ upon his head, I presented them to
haueuão tella de arbore de la cinta him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing
fina aL ginoquio et algune tute nude them] accepted them. Then the king
col pichieto dele orechie grande con had us eat some of those eggs and
vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo drink through those slender reeds.
tene tondo et largo cõ li capeli The others, his men, told him in that
grandi et negri et cõ vno velo picolo place, the words of the captain
atorno iL capo et ſempre diſcalce iL concerning peace and his
principe ne fece balare cõ tre tutte exhortation to them to become
nude merendaſſemo et dapoy Christians. The king wished to have
veniſſemo ale naui Queſte borchie us stay to supper with him, but we
ſonno de metalo et ſe fanno ne La told him that we could not stay then.
regiõe deL ſignio magno q̃ e detta Having taken our leave of him, the
La China Quiui le vzanno Como prince took us with him to his
nuy le campane et le chiamano house, where four young girls were
aghon. playing [instruments]—one, on a
drum like ours, but resting on the
ground; the second was striking two
suspended gongs alternately with a

stick wrapped somewhat thickly at
the end with palm cloth; the third,
one large gong in the same manner;
and the last, two small gongs held in
her hand, by striking one against the
other, which gave forth a sweet
sound. They played so
harmoniously that one would
believe they possessed good musical
sense. Those girls were very
beautiful and almost as white as our
girls and as large. They were naked
except for tree cloth hanging from
the waist and reaching to the knees.
Some were quite naked and had
large holes in their ears with a small
round piece of wood in the hole,
which keeps the hole round and
large. They have long black hair,
and wear a short cloth about the
head, and are always barefoot. The
prince had three quite naked girls
dance for us. We took refreshments
and then went to the ships. Those
gongs are made of brass [metalo]
and are manufactured in the regions
about the Signio Magno294 which is
called China. They are used in those
regions as we use bells and are
called aghon.295

Mercore matina ꝓ eſſere morto vno On Wednesday morning, as one of
deli noſti nella nocte paſſata our men had died during the
linterprete et yo andaſſemo previous night, the interpreter and

adomander aL re doue lo poteriamo I296 went to ask the king where we
ſe pelire trouaſſemo Lo re could bury him. We found the king
aCompagniato de molti homini acui surrounded by many men, of whom,
facta la debita reuerenſia li lo diſſe after the due reverence was made, I
riſpoſe ſe io et li mey vaſalli ſemo asked it.297 He replied, “If I and my
tucti deL tuo ſigniore Quãto vassals all belong to your sovereign,
magiormte debe eſſere la terra et li how much more ought the land.” I
dice como voleuamo conſacrare il told the king that we would like to
luoco et meterlj vna croce riſpoſe consecrate the place,298 and to set
que era molto contento et q̃ la up a cross there. He replied that he
voleua adorare como nuy alti fu was quite satisfied, and that he
ſepolto lo morto nela piaza aL wished to adore the cross as did we.
meglio poteſſemo ꝓ darli bõ The deceased was buried in the
exempio et poy la conſacraſſemo square with as much pomp as
ſultardi ne sepeliſſemo vno alto possible, in order to furnish a good
portaſſemo molta merchantia in terra example. Then we consecrated the
et la meteſſemo in vna caſa qaL el re place, and in the evening buried
Latolſe ſoura ſua fede et Quatro another man. We carried a quantity
homini q̃ eranno reſtati per of merchandise ashore which we
merchadantare in groſſo. Queſti stored in a house. The king took it
populi viueno cõ Juſtitia peſo et under his care as well as four men
mezura amano la pace lotio et who were left to trade the goods by
laquiete anno bilancie de legnio wholesale.299 Those people live in
lo legnio a vna corda neL mezo cõ accordance with justice, and have
LaqaL ſetiene duno capo e piombo weights and measures. They love
et delalto ſegni como carti terci et peace, ease, and quiet. They have
librr̃ Quando voleno pezare pigliano wooden balances, the bar of which
la belanſia ch̃ e cõ tre filli como le has a cord in the middle by which it
nr̃ e et la meteno ſoura li ſegni et cuſi is held. At one end is a bit of lead,
peſano Juſto anno mezure and at the other marks like quarter-
grandiſſime ſenza fondo le Jouane libras, third-libras, and libras. When
Jogano de Zampognia fate Como le they wish to weigh they take the
nr̃ e et le chiamano Subin le caſe scales which has three wires like
ſonno de legni de taule et de cane ours, and place it above the marks,
edificate ſopa pali groſſi alti de terra and so weigh accurately.300 They

q̃ biſognia andarui dento cõ ſcalle et have very large measures without
anno camare como le nr̃ e ſoto le caſe any bottom.301 The youth play on
teneno li porci capre et galine ſe pipes made like ours which they call
trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli subin. Their houses are constructed
aL vedere q̃ amazano le balene of wood, and are built of planks and
leqalle le Jnguiotano viui Quando bamboo, raised high from the
loro ſonno neL corpo veneno fuora ground on large logs, and one must
deL ſuo coperto et li magiano eL enter them by means of ladders.
core Queſta gente le trouano poi They have rooms like ours; and
viui apreſſo deL core dele ballenne under the house they keep their
morte Quenti anno denti la pelle swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea
negra iL coperto biancho et La carne snails [corniolli], beautiful to the
Sonno boni da mangiare et le sight, are found there which kill
chiamano laghan. whales. For the whale swallows
them alive, and when they are in the
whale’s body, they come out of their
shells and eat the whale’s heart.
Those people afterward find them
alive near the dead whale’s heart.
Those creatures have black teeth
and skin and a white shell, and the
flesh is good to eat. They are called
laghan.302

Vennere li moſtraſſemo vna botega On Friday we showed those people
pienna de le nr̃ e merchantie ꝓ ilque a shop full of our merchandise,303 at
reſtoronno molto admirati ꝓ metalle which they were very much
fero et lalta merchantia groſſa ne surprised. For metals, iron, and
dauano horo ꝓ le altre menute ne other large merchandise they gave
dauão riſo porci et capre cõ altre vi us gold. For the other smaller
tuualgie Queſti populi ne dauano x articles they gave us rice, swine,
peci de oro ꝓ xiiij libre de ferro vno goats, and other food. Those people
pezo e circo duno ducato emezo gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii
Lo capo gñale non volſe ſe pigliaſſe libras of iron304 (one piece being

tropo oro perque ſarebe ſtato alguno worth about one and one-half
marinaro q̃ hauerebe dato tuto Lo ducados). The captain-general did
ſuo ꝓ vno poco de oro et haueria not wish to take too much gold, for
diſconciato Lo trafigo ꝓ semper there would have been some sailors
Sabato ꝓ hauer̃ ꝓmeſſo Lo re aL who would have given all that they
capo de farſi xp̃ iano ne la dominicha owned for a small amount of gold,
ſe fece ne la piaza q̃ era ſacrata vno and would have spoiled the trade for
tribunalle adornato de tapiſſeria et ever.305 On Saturday, as the captain
rami de palma ꝓ baptizarlo et had promised the king to make him
mandoli adire q̃ nella matina nõ a Christian on Sunday, a platform
haueſe paure dele bombarde per cio was built in the consecrated square,
era noſto coſtume ne le feſte magiore which was adorned with hangings
deſcaricar̃ ſenza pietre. and palm branches for his baptism.
The captain-general sent men to tell
the king not to be afraid of the
pieces that would be discharged in
the morning, for it was our custom
to discharge them at our greatest
feasts without loading with
stones.306

Domeniga matina a Quatordize de On Sunday morning, April fourteen,
apille andaſſemo in terra Quaranta forty men of us went ashore, two of
hõj cõ duy homini tucti armati whom were completely armed and
denanzi aLa bandiera realle preceded the royal banner.307 When
Quante diſmõ taſſemo ſe tira tucta we reached land all the artillery was
lartigliaria Queſti populi ſiguião fired.308 Those people followed us
diqua et de la Lo capo et lo re ſe hither and thither. The captain and
abraciorono li diſſe q̃ la bandera the king embraced. The captain told
realle nõ ſi portaua in terra ſinon cõ the king that the royal banner was
cinquanta homini Como erano li dui not taken ashore except with fifty
armati et cõ cinquanta ſchiopeteri men armed as were those two, and
ma ꝓ lo ſuo grande amore coſi la with fifty musketeers; but so great
haueua portata poi tuti alegri was his love for him that he had

andaſſemo preſſo aL tribunalle Lo thus brought the banner.309 Then we
capo et Lo re ſedeuão in cathedre de all approached the platform joyfully.
veluto roſſo et morello li principalli The captain and the king sat down
in cuſſini li alti ſoura ſtore lo Capo in chairs of red and violet velvet,310
diſſe aL re ꝓ lo interprete the chiefs on cushions, and the
ringratiaſſe ydio ꝓ cio lo haueua others on mats.311 The captain told
inſpirato a farſe xp̃ ano et que the king through the interpreter that
vincerebe piu facilmente li ſui he thanked God for inspiring him to
nemiſi q̃ prima riſpoſe q̃ voleua became a Christian; and that [now]
eſſere xp̃ iano ma alguni ſui he would more easily conquer his
principali nõ voleuano ho bedire ꝓ enemies than before. The king
che diceuano eſſere cuſſi homini replied that he wished to become a
como lui alhora lo nr̃ o capo fece Christian, but that some of his chiefs
chiamare tucti li principali deL re et did not wish to obey, because they
diſſeli ſenon hobediuão aL re como said that they were as good men as
ſuo re li farebe amazare et daria la he. Then our captain had all the
ſua roba aL re Riſpoſeno lo chiefs of the king called, and told
hebedirebẽo diſſe aL re ſe andaua them that, unless they obeyed the
in ſpagnia retornarebe vnalta volta king as their king, he would have
cõ tanto potere q̃ lo faria Lo magior them killed, and would give their
re de qelle parte per che era ſtato possessions to the king. They
pimo a voler farſe xp̃ iano leuando replied that they would obey him.
li many aL ciello Lo rengratio et The captain told the king that he
pregolo alguni de Ly ſoy rimaneſſe was going to Spagnia, but that he
açio meglio lui et li ſui populi focero would return again with so many
forces that he would make him the
inſtructi nelafede Lo capo reſpoſe
greatest king of those regions, as he
que ꝓ Contentarlo li Laſſarebe duy
had been the first to express a
ma voleua menar ſeco dui fanciulli
determination to become a
deli principalli acio in paraſſeno la
Christian. The king, lifting his hands
linga nr̃ a et poi aLa ritornato
to the sky, thanked the captain, and
ſapeſſero dire aqueſti altri le coſe
requested him to let some of his
deſpagnia ſe miſſe vna croce
men remain [with him], so that he
grande neL mezo de la piaza Lo
and his people might be better
capo li diſſe ſeſi voleuão far xp̃ iani
instructed in the faith. The captain
Como haueuão deto nelli giornj

paſſati li biſogniaua bru ſare tucti li replied that he would leave two men
ſui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere to satisfy him, but that he would like
vna croce et ogni di cõ le mane to take two of the children of the
Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL chiefs with him, so that they might
vzo farſi lo ſegnio de La croce learn our language, who afterward
moſtrandoli como li faceua et ogni on their return would be able to tell
hora al meno de matina doueſſeno the others the wonders [cose] of
veni re a queſta croce et adorarla in Spagnia. A large cross was set up in
genoquioni et qeL q̃ haueuão Ja deto the middle of the square. The
voleſer̃ cõ le bonne opere captain told them that if they wished
confirmarlo el re cõ tucti li alti to become Christians as they had
voleuão confirmare lo tucto lo declared on the previous days, that
capo gñale li diſſe como ſera veſtito they must burn all their idols and set
tuto de biancho ꝓ moſtrarli Lo ſuo up a cross in their place. They were
ſincero amore verſo de loro to adore that cross daily with
riſpoſero ꝓ li ſui dolci paroli nõ clasped hands, and every morning
ſaperli reſpondere. Con queſte bonne after their [i.e., the Spaniards’]
custom, they were to make the sign
parolle lo capo conduſſe lo re ꝓ la
of the cross (which the captain
mão ſuL tribunalle ꝓ baptizarlo et
showed them how to make); and
diſſeli ſe chiameria don carlo como
they ought to come hourly, at least
alinperator̃ ſuo ſigniore aL principe
in the morning, to that cross, and
don fernando como aL fratello
adore it kneeling. The intention that
delinperator̃ al Re de mazaua
they had already declared, they were
Johanni a vno principalle fernando
to confirm with good works. The
como iL principalle noſto çioe Lo
king and all the others wished to
capo. Al moro xoforo poy ali alti aqi confirm it thoroughly. The captain-
vno nome et aqi vno alto forenno general told the king that he was
baptizati inanzi meſſa cinque cento clad all in white to demonstrate his
hominj Vdita la meſſa lo capo sincere love toward them. They
conuito adiſnar ſeco lo re cõ altri replied that they could not respond
principali nõ volſero ne to his sweet words. The captain led
acompagniarono fina ala riua le the king by the hand to the platform
naui ſcaricorono tutte le bombarde while speaking these good words in
et abrazandoſe preſſero Combiatto. order to baptize him. He told the
king that he would call him Don

Carlo, after his sovereign the
emperor; the prince, Don Fernando,
after the emperor’s brother; the king
of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief,
Fernando, after our chief, that is to
say, the captain; the Moro,
Christoforo; and then the others,
now one name, and now another.
Five hundred men were baptized
before mass. After the conclusion of
mass, the captain invited the king
and some of the other chiefs to
dinner, but they refused,
accompanying us, however, to the
shore. The ships discharged all the
mortars; and embracing, the king
and chiefs and the captain took
leave of one another.312

Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri After dinner the priest and some of
andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La the others went ashore to baptize the
reyna laqalle venne cõ quaranta queen, who came with forty women.
dame la conduceſſemo ſopa lo We conducted her to the platform,
tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura and she was made to sit down upon
vno coſſino et lalte Zirca ella fin qeL a cushion, and the other women near
prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine her, until the priest should be ready.
de La nr̃ a donna vno bambino di She was shown an image of our
legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il Lady, a very beautiful wooden child
que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she
piangendo domando lo bateſimo la was overcome with contrition, and
nomina ſemo Johanna como la asked for baptism amid her tears.313
madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola We named her Johanna, after the
moglie deL principe Catherina la emperor’s mother; her daughter, the
reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre wife of the prince, Catherina; the
queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the

ognuna lo ſuo nome bap tizaſſemo others, each their [distinctive] name.
octo cento anime fra homini donne Counting men, women, and
et fanciulli la regina era Jouene et children, we baptized eight hundred
bella tuta coperta duno panno souls.314 The queen was young and
biancho et nero haueua la bocha et beautiful, and was entirely covered
le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno with a white and black cloth. Her
capello grande de foglie de palma mouth and nails were very red,
amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in while on her head she wore a large
circa de le medeſme foglie como hat of palm leaves in the manner of
qella deL papa ne may va in a parasol,315 with a crown about it
alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte of the same leaves, like the tiara of
ne demando iL banbino ꝓ tenerlo in the pope; and she never goes any
locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti place without such a one.316 She
ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime asked us to give her the little child
perſonne vennerono aL lito lo capo Jesus to keep in place of her
alhora fece tirare molte trombe de idols;317 and then she went away. In
fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche the afternoon,318 the king and
pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃ eL queen, accompanied by numerous
capo et lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli persons, came to the shore.
Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ Thereupon, the captain had many
Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni trombs of fire and large mortars
forenno baptizati tucti de queſta discharged, by which they were
yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo most highly delighted.319 The
vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re captain and the king called one
ne a noy la qalle era in vna yſola another brothers. That king’s name
vicina aqueſta poneſſemo quiui la was Raia Humabon. Before that
croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno week had gone, all the persons of
gentilli ſe foſſero ſtato mori li that island, and some from the other
hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in island, were baptized. We burned
ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori one hamlet which was located in a
ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha neighboring island, because it
li gentilli. refused to obey the king or us. We
set up the cross there for those
people were heathen. Had they been
Moros, we would have erected a

column there as a token of greater
hardness, for the Moros are much
harder to convert than the heathen.

Jn queſti giorni lo capo gñalle The captain-general went ashore
andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire daily during those days to hear
meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de mass, and told the king many things
La fede La regina vene vno giorno regarding the faith.320 One day the
cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa queen came with great pomp to hear
tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con mass. Three girls preceded her with
tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era three of her hats in their hands.321
veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno She was dressed in black and white
velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte with a large silk scarf, crossed with
de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle gold stripes thrown over her head,
et cõ Lo ſuo capello aſaiſſime which covered her shoulders; and
donne la ſeguiuão leqalle erão tute she had on her hat. A great number
nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le of women accompanied her, who
parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno were all naked and barefoot, except
paniocolo de tella de palma et that they had a small covering of
atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et palm-tree cloth before their privies,
tucti li capilli ſparſi La regina facta and a small scarf upon the head, and
la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſupa all with hair flowing free. The
vno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi queen, having made the due
ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capo la ba reverence to the altar, seated herself
gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de on a silk embroidered cushion.
hacqua roza muſchiata molto ſe Before the commencement of the
delectauão de talle odore ſapendo mass, the captain sprayed her and
Lo capo qeL bambino molto piaceua some of her women with musk
a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo rosewater, for they delighted
teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ exceedingly in such perfumes. The
che era in memoria deL figloL de captain knowing that the queen was
dio ringratiandolo molto lo very much pleased with the child
accepto. Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to
keep it in place of her idols, for it

was in memory322 of the son of
God. Thanking him heartily she
accepted it.

Vno giorno lo capo gñale inanzi Before mass one day, the captain-
meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la general had the king come clad in
ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la his silk robe, and the chief men of
cita iL fradello deL re padre deL the city, [to wit], the king’s brother
principe Se chiamaua bendara vno and prince’s father, whose name was
alto fratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Bendara; another of the king’s
Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones
et molti alti que laſſo ꝓ non eſſere called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai,
longo fece tuti q̃ ſti Jurare eſſere Maghalibe, and many others whom
hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno I shall not name in order not to be
la mano poi fece qeL re deſſere tedious.323 The captain made them
ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re all swear to be obedient to their
deſpagnia coſi lo Juro alhora iL king, and they kissed the latter’s
hand. Then the captain had the king
capo cauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la
declare that he would always be
ymagina de nr̃ a donna et diſſe aL re
obedient and faithful to the king of
Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto
doueriaſi morire que aromper vno Spagnia, and the king so swore.324
ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ Thereupon, the captain drew his
queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de Sword before the image of our
Lady, and told the king that when
limperator̃ ſuo se. et ꝓ il ſuo habito
anyone so swore, he should prefer to
deſſerle ſempre fidelle facto queſto
die rather than to break such an
lo capo donno aL re vna cathedra de
oath,325 if he swore by that image,
veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque
andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare by the life of the emperor his
dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et sovereign, and by his habit to be
moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare ever faithful. After the conclusion of
reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore that the captain gave the king a red
velvet chair, telling him that
ſuo et diſce aL capo Como faceua far
wherever he went he should always
vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laqaL era due have it carried before him by one of
ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali

oreqie due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura his nearest relatives; and he showed
li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali him how it ought to be carried. The
piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre king responded that he would do
precioſe ꝓ adornare le orechie that willingly for love of him, and
Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti he told the captain that he was
poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande making a jewel to give to him,
liqalli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno namely, two large earrings of gold
panno de tella de la cinta fina aL to fasten326 in his ears, two armlets
ginochio. to put on his arms, above the
elbows, and two other rings for the
feet above the ankles, besides other
precious gems to adorn327 the ears.
Those are the most beautiful
ornaments which the kings of those
districts can wear. They always go
barefoot, and wear a cloth garment
that hangs from the waist to the
knees.

JL capo gñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et One day the captain-general asked
ali alti ꝓ qaL cagionne nõ bruzauão the king and the other people why
li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo they did not burn their idols as they
eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly had promised when they became
ſacrificaua tanta Carne riſpoſero Christians; and why they sacrificed
qeL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ so much flesh to them. They replied
loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli that what they were doing was not
for themselves, but for a sick man
li daſſe ſalute laqeL non parlaua Ja
who had not spoken now for four
cato giorni era fratello deL
days, so that the idols might give
principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio
him health. He was the prince’s
de La yſolo Lo capo gli diſſe q̃ brother, and the bravest and wisest
bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in man in the island. The captain told
chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe them to burn their idols and to
ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li believe in Christ, and that if the sick
tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora man were baptized, he would

riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che quickly recover; and if that did not
varamẽte credeua in chriſto so happen they could behead him
faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza [i.e., the captain] then and there.
fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio Thereupon, the king replied that he
poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que would do it, for he truly believed in
non poteua parlare ne mouerſe Lo Christ. We made a procession from
baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et the square to the house of the sick
x donzelle poi lo capo li fece dire man with as much pomp as possible.
como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe There we found him in such
como ꝓ la graca de nr̃ o sor. ſtaua condition that he could neither
aſſay benne Queſto fu vno speak nor move. We baptized him
manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi and his two wives, and x girls. Then
noſti Quando Lo capo Lo vdi the captain had him asked how he
parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro felt. He spoke immediately and said
li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia that by the grace of our Lord he felt
laueua facta fare ꝓ lui poi very well. That was a most manifest
mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de miracle [that happened] in our
lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et times. When the captain heard him
vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo speak, he thanked God fervently.
ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa Then he made the sick man drink
oleo rozato et algune conſerue de some almond milk, which he had
already had made for him.
zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni qeL
Afterward he sent him a mattress, a
comincio a andare fece bruzare vno
pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow
ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie
cloth, and a pillow. Until he
in caſa ſua in p̃ ntia deL re et tuto Lo
recovered his health, the captain
populo et fece diſfare molti
sent him almond milk, rosewater, oil
tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare
of roses, and some sweet preserves.
neliqalli mangiauão la carne
Before five days the sick man began
conſacrata Loro medeſimi
to walk. He had an idol that certain
Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia li
old women had concealed in his
rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li
house burned in the presence of the
preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti
king and all the people. He had
ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne
many shrines along the seashore
fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli
destroyed,328 in which the
ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li

parti de drieto anno Ly brazi aperti consecrated meat was eaten. The
et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le people themselves cried out
gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and
quato denti grandiſſimj como porci destroyed329 those shrines. They
cingiari et ſonno tucti depintj said that if God would lend them
life, they would burn all the idols
that they could find, even if they
were in the king’s house. Those
idols are made of wood, and are
hollow, and lack the back parts.
Their arms are open and their feet
turned up under them with the legs
open. They have a large face with
four huge tusks like those of the
wild boar; and are painted all over.

Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li There are many villages in that
nomi de leqalle et deli suoi et deli island. Their names, those of their
ſui principali ſonno queſti inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as
Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs,
Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha,
CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one,
principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan;
ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu;
ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan;
vnalta lubucun Tucti qʒſti ne one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.330
hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et All those villages rendered
tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu obedience to us, and gave us food
ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan and tribute. Near that island of Zubu
laqaL faceua Lo porto doue eramo was an island called Matan, which
iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li formed the port where we were
ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu anchored. The name of its village
Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula
queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaia and Cilapulapu. That city which we
burned was in that island and was
called Bulaia.

Açio que vr̃ a ilLma sa ſapia le In order that your most illustrious
Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in Lordship may know the ceremonies
benedire Lo porco primamente that those people use in consecrating
Sonano qelle borchie grandi poi ſe the swine, they first sound those
porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et large gongs.331 Then three large
fogace de rizo et miglio cote et dishes are brought in; two with
riuolte in foglie con peche roses and with cakes of rice and
bruſtolato. Lalto con panne de millet, baked and wrapped in leaves,
Cambaia et due banderete di palma and roast fish; the other with cloth
Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende of Cambaia332 and two standards
in terra poi veneno duy femine made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of
Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno cloth of Cambaia is spread on the
ground. Then two very old women

tronbonne de cana in mão Quando come, each of whom has a bamboo
ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno trumpet in her hand. When they
reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ have stepped upon the cloth they
li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne make obeisance to the sun. Then
La fronte con dui cornj et piglia they wrap the cloths about
vnalto faciolo ne le manj et balando themselves. One of them puts a
et ſunando con qello chiama iL ſolle kerchief with two horns on her
lalta piglia vna de qelle banderete forehead, and takes another kerchief
et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne in her hands, and dancing and
ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra blowing upon her trumpet, she
ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle thereby calls out to the sun. The
other takes one of the standards and
Quella deL faciolo piglia lalta
dances and blows on her trumpet.
bandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et
They dance and call out thus for a
ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj
little space, saying many things
gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco
between themselves to the sun. She
ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla
with the kerchief takes the other
tacitamẽte aL ſolle et qeLa alta li
standard, and lets the kerchief drop,
riſponde poy aqella de li corni li e and both blowing on their trumpets
apreſentato vna taça de vino et for a long time, dance about the
balando et dicendo certe parolle et bound hog. She with the horns
lalta reſpondendoli et facendo vista always speaks covertly to the sun,
cato ho cinque volte de beuere eL and the other answers her. A cup of
vino ſparge qello ſoura eL core deL wine is presented to her of the
porcho poy ſubito torna aballare horns, and she dancing and
a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna repeating certain words, while the
lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo other answers her, and making
alquante parolle ſempre tute due pretense four or five times of
balando et moſtrã do cato ho cinque drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon
volte de dare [de dare: doublet in the heart of the hog. Then she
original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core immediately begins to dance again.
aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza A lance is given to the same woman.
Lo paſſa da parte aparte preſto ſi She shaking it and repeating certain
ſera la ferita con erba qe’lla q̃ words, while both of them continue
amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna to dance, and making motions four
or five times of thrusting the lance

torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laqalle through the heart of the hog, with a
ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it
Ceremonie Lalta coL capo deL through from one side to the other.
trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue The wound is quickly stopped333
de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo with grass. The one who has killed
dito La fronte pima ali ſoi mariti poy the hog, taking in her mouth a
ali alti ma nõ veñeroño may a noi lighted torch, which has been
poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare lighted throughout that ceremony,
Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et extinguishes it.334 The other one
Conuitano Senon femine Lo dipping the end of her trumpet in the
porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni blood of the hog, goes around
ſuno alto que Le vequie conſacrano marking with blood with her finger
La carne di porcho et nõ La first the foreheads of their husbands,
magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de and then the others; but they never
queſta ſorte. came to us. Then they divest
themselves and go to eat the
contents of those dishes, and they
invite only women [to eat with
them]. The hair is removed from the
hog by means of fire. Thus no one
but old women consecrate the flesh
of the hog, and they do not eat it
unless it is killed in this way.335

Queſti populi vano nudi portano Those people go naked, wearing but
ſolamente vno pezo de tella de one piece of palm-tree cloth
palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi about336 their privies. The males,
et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo large and small, have their penis
membro circa dela teſta de luna pierced from one side to the other
parte alalta con vno fero de oro near the head, with a gold or tin bolt
houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna as large as a goose quill. In both
penna de ocha et in vno capo et lalto ends of the same bolt, some have
deL medeſimo fero alguni anno what resembles a spur, with points
Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li upon the ends; others are like the

capi alti como vna teſta de chiodo da head of a cart nail. I very often
caro aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi asked many, both old and young, to
vedere da molti coſi veqi Como see their penis, because I could not
Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere credit it. In the middle of the bolt is
neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ a hole, through which they urinate.
ilqalle vrinano iL fero et le ſtelle The bolt and the spurs always hold
ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le firm. They say that their women
ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero wish it so, and that if they did
de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli otherwise they would not have
quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le communication with them. When
femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano the men wish to have
nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian communication with their women,
the latter themselves take the penis
piano a meterſi dentoo pimo qella
not in the regular way and
ſtella de ſoura et poy Lalta Quanto
commence very gently to introduce
edento diuenta in ordine et cuſi it [into their vagina], with the spur
ſempre ſta dento fin que diuenta on top first, and then the other part.
molle perche altramẽti nõ Lo When it is inside it takes its regular
porianno cauare fuora. Queſti position; and thus the penis always
populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de stays inside until it gets soft, for
debille natura anno Quante moglie otherwise they could not pull it out.
voleno ma vna principalle Se vno Those people make use of that
deli nr̃ i andaua in tera coſi dedi device because they are of a weak
Como de nocte ogni uno Lo nature. They have as many wives as
Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et qeL they wish, but one of them is the
beueſſe Le ſue viuande ſonno principal wife.337 Whenever any of
mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno our men went ashore, both by day
ſpeſſo et molto con qelli ſui Cannuti and by night, every one invited him
dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore to eat and to drink. Their viands are
vno ſuo mangiare Le donne half cooked and very salty. They
amauão aſay piu noy que queſti drink frequently and copiously from
atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco the jars338 through those small
li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de qelli reeds, and one of their meals lasts
ſui membrj. for five or six hours. The women
loved us very much more than their

own men. All of the women from
the age of six years and upward,
have their vaginas [natura]
gradually opened because of the
men’s penises.339

Quando vno deli ſui principali They practice the following
emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie ceremonies when one of their chiefs
pima mente tutte le donne principale dies. First all the chief340 women of
de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte the place go to the house of the
in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna deceased. The deceased is placed in
caſa in torno la caſa poneno corde the middle of the house in a box.
a mo do duno ſtecato neliqali Ropes are placed about the box in
atachano molti ramy de arbore in the manner of a palisade, to which
mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de many branches of trees are attached.
bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto In the middle of each branch hangs
liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu a cotton cloth like a curtained
principali tute coperte de panne canopy. The most principal women
bianqi de bombaſo per vna donzella sit under those hangings, and are all
ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno covered with white cotton cloth,
ſparauentolo di palma le alte each one by a girl who fans her with
ſedeanno intorno la camera meſte a palm-leaf fan. The other women
poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco sit about the room sadly.341 Then
cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto there is one woman who cuts off the
vnalta q̃ era ſtata la moglie hair of the deceased very slowly
principale deL morto giaceua ſoura with a knife. Another who was the
lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue principal wife of the deceased, lies
down upon him, and places her
many et li ſui piedi con qelli deL
mouth, her hands, and her feet upon
morto. Quando qella tagliaua li
those of the deceased. When the
capilj queſta piangeua et Quando
former is cutting off the hair, the
reſtaua de tagliarli queſta Cantaua
latter weeps; and when the former
atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di
finishes the cutting, the latter sings.
porcelanna con fuoco et ſupa qello There are many porcelain jars
mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano

olere la caſa grandemẽte lo teneno containing fire about the room, and
in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which
Cerimonie Credo ſia onto de make a strong odor through the
canfora poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La house, are put on the fire. They keep
medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de the body in the house for five or six
legnio in vno legnio coperto et days during those ceremonies. I
circundato de legni. ogni nocte in believe that the body is anointed
queſta cita circa de la meza nocte with camphor. Then they bury the
veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande body and the same box which is
Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi shut in a log by means of wooden
preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ nails and covered and enclosed by
ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua logs of wood.342 Every night about
quato ocinque ore queL ſuo gridare midnight in that city, a jet black bird
et vrlare nõ ne volſeno may dire la as large as a crow was wont to
cagiõ de queſto. come, and no sooner had it thus
reached the houses than it began to
screech, so that all the dogs began to
howl; and that screeching and
howling would last for four or five
hours,343 but those people would
never tell us the reason of it.

Vennere a vintiſey de aqilLe Zula On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a
principale de qella yſola matan chief of the island of Matan,344 sent
mando vno ſuo figliolo con due one of his sons to present two goats
capre apreſentarle aL capo gñale et to the captain-general, and to say
dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua that he would send him all that he
ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de lalto had promised, but that he had not
principalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua been able to send it to him because
hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua of the other chief Cilapulapu, who
potuto mandarglila et que neLa refused to obey the king of Spagnia.
nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe He requested the captain to send
ſolamente vno batello pienno de him only one boatload of men on
homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et the next night, so that they might

combateria Lo capo gñale delibero help him and fight against the other
de andarui cõ tre batelli Lo chief. The captain-general decided
pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire to go thither with three boatloads.
ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe We begged him repeatedly not to
abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza go, but he, like a good shepherd,
nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini refused to abandon his flock. At
armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme midnight, sixty men of us set out
col re xp̃ iano iL principi et alguni armed with corselets and helmets,
magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai together with the Christian king, the
et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno prince, some of the chief men, and
ariuaſſemo a matan Lo capo non twenty or thirty balanguais. We
volſe Combater alhora mali mando reached Matan three hours before
adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano dawn. The captain did not wish to
hobedire aL re de spagnia et fight then, but sent a message to the
recognioſcere Lo re xp̃ iano ꝓ ſuo se. natives by the Moro to the effect
et darne lo nr̃ a tributo li ſarebe that if they would obey the king of
amicho maſe voleuano altramente Spagnia, recognize the Christian
aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃ e king as their sovereign, and pay us
Lance riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance our tribute, he would be their friend;
haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte but that if they wished otherwise,
et pali bruſtolate et que nõ they should wait to see how our
andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma lances wounded.345 They replied
aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno that if we had lances they had lances
perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto of bamboo and stakes hardened with
diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ fire. [They asked us] not to proceed
che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le to attack them at once, but to wait
caze ꝓ farne caſcare dento. Venuto until morning, so that they might
Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina have more men. They said that in
ale coſſie caranta noue homini et order to induce us to go in search of
cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de them; for they had dug certain
pitholes between the houses in order
baleſta inanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto
li bateli non potereno vegnire piu that we might fall into them. When
inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL morning came forty-nine of us
leaped into the water up to our
acqua li alti vndici homini
thighs, and walked through water
reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli

Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta for more than two crossbow flights
gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de before we could reach the shore.
piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne The boats could not approach nearer
ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a because of certain rocks in the
doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ water. The other eleven men
fiancho et Lalto ꝓ contro. Lo capo remained behind to guard the boats.
quã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti When we reached land, those men
et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li had formed in three divisions to the
ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da number of more than one thousand
longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola five hundred persons. When they
mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de saw us, they charged down upon us
tauole ſotille et li brazi Lo cappo with exceeding loud cries, two
gridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li divisions on our flanks and the other
valeua niente. Quando queſti on our front. When the captain saw
viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in that, he formed us into two
vano gridando deliborono a ſtar divisions, and thus did we begin to
forte ma molto piu gridauão fight. The musketeers and
Quando erano deſcarigati li crossbowmen shot from a distance
ſquiopeti may nõ ſtauano fermi for about a half-hour, but uselessly;
ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li for the shots only passed through
ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie the shields which were made of thin
Lance de canna alguno di fero aL wood and the arms [of the bearers].
capo gñalle pali pontini bruſtolati The captain cried to them, “Cease
pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão firing! cease firing!” but his order
was not at all heeded. When the
defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo capo
natives saw that we were shooting
gñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue
our muskets to no purpose, crying
caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti
out they determined to stand firm,
viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze
but they redoubled their shouts.
deuentorono piu fero ci apreſſo de
When our muskets were discharged,
le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj
the natives would never stand still,
et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo
but leaped hither and thither,
ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono
covering themselves with their
cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba
shields. They shot so many arrows
drita aL capo per il que comando q̃
at us and hurled so many bamboo
ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro
spears (some of them tipped with

fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o iron) at the captain-general, besides
octo cõ lo capitanio Queſti non ne pointed stakes hardened with fire,
tirauão in alto ſinon ale gambe per q̃ stones, and mud, that we could
erano nude ꝓ tante Lancie et scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing
pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo that the captain-general sent some
reſiſtere le bombarde de li batelli men to burn their houses in order to
ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão terrify them. When they saw their
ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi houses burning, they were roused to
piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de greater fury. Two of our men were
la riua ſempre comba tendo ne killed near the houses, while we
lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne burned twenty or thirty houses. So
ſeguitoro et repigliando vna many of them charged down upon
medeſima Lancie quato oſey volte ne us that they shot the captain through
La Lanciauano queſti the right leg with a poisoned arrow.
Connioſſendo Lo capo tanti ſi On that account, he ordered us to
retire slowly, but the men took to
voltorono ſopa de lui q̃ dui volte li
flight, except six or eight of us who
botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo
remained with the captain. The
ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre
natives shot only at our legs, for the
ſtaua forte cõ alguni alti piu de vno
latter were bare; and so many were
hora coſſi combateſſemo et non
the spears and stones that they
volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li
hurled at us, that we could offer no
lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui
resistance. The mortars in the boats
ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo
could not aid us as they were too far
et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo
away. So we continued to retire for
dar de mano a La ſpada non puote
more than a good crossbow flight
cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de
from the shore always fighting up to
canna haueua neL brazo Quando
our knees in the water. The natives
viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo
continued to pursue us, and picking
alui vno cõ vno grã terciado che e
up the same spear four or six times,
como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li
hurled it at us again and again.
dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ
Recognizing the captain, so many
Laqalle caſco coL volto inanzi turned upon him that they knocked
subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie his helmet off his head twice, but he
de fero et de cana et con qelli ſui always stood firmly like a good
terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume knight, together with some others.

eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃ a Thus did we fight for more than one
amazarono Quando lo feriuão hour, refusing to retire farther. An
molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ Indian hurled a bamboo spear into
vedere ſe eramo tucti dento neli the captain’s face, but the latter
bateli poi vedendolo morto aL immediately killed him with his
meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo lance, which he left in the Indian’s
ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão Lo re body. Then, trying to lay hand on
xp̃ iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo sword, he could draw it out but
capo inanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li halfway, because he had been
comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo wounded in the arm with a bamboo
balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que spear. When the natives saw that,
modo Combateuão Quando lo re they all hurled themselves upon
ſepe como era morto piance ſe non him. One of them wounded him on
era queſto pouero capo niuno de noy the left leg with a large cutlass,346
Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando which resembles a scimitar, only
lui Combateua li alti ſe retiravão ali being larger. That caused the captain
to fall face downward, when
batelli. Spero in vr̃ a IlLma sa La
immediately they rushed upon him
fama duno ſi generoſo capo non
with iron and bamboo spears and
debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſti with their cutlasses, until they killed
fra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era our mirror, our light, our comfort,
Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima and our true guide. When they
fortuna q̃ may alguno alto foſſe ſupõ wounded him, he turned back many
taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li alti et piu times to see whether we were all in
Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo the boats. Thereupon, beholding
carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu him dead, we, wounded, retreated,
iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente as best we could, to the boats, which
ninguno alto hauer̃ auuto tanto were already pulling off. The
Jngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna Christian king would have aided us,
volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui but the captain charged him before
haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta we landed, not to leave his
aL Sabato vintiſete de apille 1521. balanghai, but to stay to see how we
iL capo La volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ fought. When the king learned that
era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaqalle the captain was dead, he wept. Had
foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃ i et it not been for that unfortunate

cato Jndij facto xp̃ iani dale captain, not a single one of us would
bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da have been saved in the boats, for
poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici while he was fighting the others
Se non Quindici ma molti de noy retired to the boats. I hope through
feriti. [the efforts of] your most illustrious
Lordship that the fame of so noble a
captain will not become effaced in
our times. Among the other virtues
which he possessed, he was more
constant than ever any one else in
the greatest of adversity. He endured
hunger better than all the others, and
more accurately than any man in the
world did he understand sea
charts347 and navigation. And that
this was the truth was seen openly,
for no other had had so much
natural talent nor the boldness to
learn how to circumnavigate the
world, as he had almost done. That
battle was fought on Saturday, April
twenty-seven, 1521.348 The captain
desired to fight on Saturday,
because it was the day especially
holy to him. Eight of our men were
killed with him in that battle,349 and
four Indians, who had become
Christians and who had come
afterward to aid us were killed by
the mortars of the boats. Of the
enemy, only fifteen were killed,
while many of us were wounded.

Dopo diſnare le re xp̃ iano mando In the afternoon the Christian king
adire cõ Lo noſto conſentimẽto sent a message with our consent to
aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare the people of Matan, to the effect
lo capo con li alti morti q̃ li that if they would give us the
dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia captain and the other men who had
voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno been killed, we would give them as
taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non much merchandise as they wished.
Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa They answered that they would not
deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ give up such a man, as we imagined
memoria ſua. [they would do], and that they
would not give him for all the riches
in the world, but that they intended
to keep him as a memorial.350

Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo capo qelli cato On Saturday, the day on which the
q̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare captain was killed, the four men
fecero portare le noſtre merchantie who had remained in the city to
alle naui poy faceſſemo dui gu trade, had our merchandise carried
bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe to the ships. Then we chose two
parente deL capo. et Johã ſeranno commanders, namely, Duarte
ſpagniolo linterprete nr̃ o q̃ ſe Barboza,351 a Portuguese and a
chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco relative of the captain, and Johan
ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare Seranno, a Spaniard.352 As our
le coſe nr̃ e neceſſarie ma ſtaua interpreter, Henrich by name, was
ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque wounded slightly, he would not go
duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la ashore any more to attend to our
naue capa li grido et diſſegli ſe benne necessary affairs, but always kept
e morto Lo capo ſuo se. ꝓ queſto non his bed. On that account, Duarte
era libero anzi voleua Quando Barboza, the commander of the
foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre flagship, cried out to him and told
foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice him, that although his master, the
moglie deL capo gñale et captain, was dead, he was not
minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra therefore free; on the contrary he
[i.e., Barboza] would see to it that

Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et when we should reach Espagnia, he
moſtro de non far cõto de queſte should still be the slave of Doña
parolle et ando in tera adire al re Beatrice, the wife of the captain-
xp̃ iano Como ſe voleuão partire general.353 And threatening the
preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo slave that if he did go ashore, he
modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le would be flogged, the latter arose,
nr̃ e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono and, feigning to take no heed to
vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno those words, went ashore to tell the
ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente Christian king354 that we were about
que pima to leave very soon, but that if he
would follow his advice, he could
gain the ships and all our
merchandise. Accordingly they
arranged a plot, and the slave
returned to the ship, where he
showed that he was more
cunning355 than before.

Mercore matina pimo de magio Lo On Wednesday morning, the first of
re xp̃ ono mando adire ali May, the Christian king sent word to
gouuernatory Como erano preparate the commanders that the jewels356
le gioie haueu ꝓmeſſo de mandare which he had promised to send to
aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ the king of Spagnia were ready, and
li alti ſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho that he begged them and their other
qella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono companions to come to dine with
24 homini in tera cõ queſti ando him that morning, when he would
Lo nr̃ o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. give them the jewels. Twenty-four
martín de siuilla yo non li pote men went ashore, among whom was
andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna our astrologer, San Martín de
ferita de freza venenata che haueua Sivilla. I could not go because I was
nela fronte Jouan caruaio cõ Lo all swollen up by a wound from a
barizello tornorono indietro et ne poisoned arrow which I had
diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato received in my face. Jovan Carvaio
ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa and the constable357 returned, and

ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per told us that they saw the man who
che dubitauão de qalque malle nõ had been cured by a miracle take the
diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que priest to his house.358 Consequently,
ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti they had left that place, because
ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando they suspected some evil. Scarcely
molte bombarde nele caſe ne had they spoken those words when
aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi we heard loud cries and
tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in lamentations. We immediately
camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ weighed anchor and discharging
doueſſemo piu tirare per che many mortars into the houses, drew
Lamazarebenno li domandaſſemo in nearer to the shore. While thus
ſe tucti li alti con lo interprete erano discharging [our pieces] we saw
morti diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo Johan Seranno in his shirt bound
linterprete ne prego molto Lo and wounded, crying to us not to
doueſſemo reſcatare cõ qalque fire any more, for the natives would
merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo kill him.359 We asked him whether
compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro all the others and the interpreter
patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera were dead. He said that they were
Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne all dead except the interpreter. He
diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto begged us earnestly to redeem him
facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et with some of the merchandise; but
diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Johan Carvaio, his boon companion,
Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a [and others] would not allow the
Johan caruiao ſuo compadre ſubito boat to go ashore so that they might
ſe partiſſemo nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo remain masters of the ships.360 But
lui reſtaſſe. although Johan Serrano weeping
asked us not to set sail so quickly,
for they would kill him, and said
that he prayed God to ask his soul of
Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the
day of judgment, we immediately
departed. I do not know whether he
is dead or alive.361

Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati In that island are found dogs, cats,
rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger,
figui neranzi limone Canne dolci figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons,
agio meL cochi chiacare zuche sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts,
carne de molte ſorte vino de palma nangcas,362 gourds, flesh of many
et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon kinds, palm wine, and gold.363 It is a
porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente large island, and has a good port
lalta aL grego et leuante ſta de with two entrances—one to the west
Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi and the other to the east
de longitudine de la linea de la northeast.364 It lies in x degrees365
repartitiõe cento ſexanta cato gradi of latitude toward the Arctic Pole,
et ſe chiama Zubu Quiui inanzi q̃ and in a longitude of one hundred
moriſſe lo capo genneralle and sixty-four366 degrees from the
haueſſemo noua de malucho line of demarcation. Its name is
Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ Zubu. We heard of Malucho there
corde de ramo. before the death of the captain-
general. Those people play a violin
with copper strings.

Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili. Words of those heathen people

AL homo: lac For Man lac
ALa donna paranpaon for Woman paranpaon
ALa Jouene beni beni for Young beni beni
Ala maritata babay woman
Ali capilli bo ho for Married babay
AL vizo guay woman
Ale palpebre pilac for Hair boho
Ale ciglie chilei. for Face guay
Al ocquio matta. for Eyelids pilac
AL nazo Jlon. for Eyebrows chilei
Ale maſſelle apin for Eye matta

Ali labri oloL. for Nose ilon
A la bocca baba. for Jaws apin
A li denti nipin for Lips olol
Ale gengiue leghex. for Mouth baba
Ala linga dilla for Teeth nipin
Alle orechie delengan. for Gums leghex
Ala gola liogh. for Tongue dilla
AL collo tangip for Ears delengan
AL mento q̃ ilan. for Throat liogh
ALa barba bonghot for Neck tangip
Ale ſpalle bagha. for Chin queilan
A la ſchena licud. for Beard bonghot
AL peto dughan for Shoulders bagha
AL corpo tiam for Spine licud
Soto li braci Jlot for Breast dughan367
AL bracio botchen for Body tiam
AL gomedo ſico Armpit ilot
AL polſo molanghai for Arm botchen
ALa mano camat for Elbow sico
A la palma de la palan for Pulse molanghai
man for Hand camat
AL dito dudlo for the Palm of palan
Ala ongia coco the hand
AL Lombelico puſut for Finger dudlo
AL membro vtin for Fingernail coco
Ali teſticoli boto for Navel pusut
Ala natura de le billat for Penis utin
donne for Testicles boto
AL vzar cõ loro Jiam for Vagina368 billat
Ale cullate ſamput for to have jiam
Ala coſsa paha Communication

AL ginochio tuhud. with women
AL Schincho baſsag baſsag for Buttocks samput
ALa polpa de la bitis for Thigh paha
gamba for Knee tuhud
ALa cauechia bolboL for Shin bassag bassag369
AL calcagnio tiochid for Calf of the bitis
Ala ſolla deL pie Lapa lapa leg
AL horo balaoan for Ankle bolbol
AL argento pilla for Heel tiochid
AL Laton concach for Sole of the lapa lapa
AL fero butan foot
Ale canne dolce tube for Gold balaoan
AL cuchiaro gandan for Silver pilla
AL rizo bughax baras for Brass concach
AL melle deghex for Iron butan
ALa cera talho for Sugarcane tube
AL ſalle acin for Spoon gandan
AL vino tuba nio nipa for Rice bughax baras
AL bere MinuncubiL for Honey deghex
AL mangiare maCan. for Wax talho
AL porcho babui for Salt acin
ALa capra candin for Wine tuba nio nipa
ALa galina monoch for to Drink minuncubil
AL miglio humas for to Eat macan
AL ſorgo batat for Hog babui
AL panizo dana for Goat candin
AL peuere maniſſa for Chicken monoch
Ali garofoli chianche. for Millet humas
ALa Cannella mana. for Sorgo batat
AL gengero luia for Panicum dana370
AL ayo Laxuna for Pepper manissa

Ali naranſi acſua for Cloves chianche
AL ouo ſilog for Cinnamon mana
AL coco lubi. for Ginger luia
AL acceto zlucha for Garlic laxuna
AL acqua tubin for Oranges acsua
AL fuoco Clayo. for Egg silog
AL fumo assu. for Cocoanut lubi
AL ſofiare tigban. for Vinegar zlucha
Alle belancie tinban for Water tubin
AL pezo tahiL for Fire clayo
Ala perla mutiara. for Smoke assu
Ale madre de le tipay. for to Blow tigban
perle for Balances tinban
Ala zampognia Subin for Weight tahil371
AL mal de sto Alupalan for Pearl mutiara
Job. for Mother of tipay
portame palatin comorica pearl
Acerte fogacie de tinapai for Pipe [a sub in
rizo musical
buono main instrument]
Nõ ti da le for Disease of St. alupalan372
AL cortello capol ſundan Job
Ale forfice catle Bring me palatin comorica
A tosare chunthinch for certain Rice tinapai373
AL homo ben pixao cakes
hornato Good main
Ala tella balandan No tidale
A li panni q̃ ſe Abaca for Knife capol, sundan
copreno for Scissors catle
AL conaglio colon colon To shave chunthinch

Ali pater nr̃ j tacle for a well pixao
dogni ſorte adorned Man
AL petine cutlei miſsamis for Linen balandan
AL pentinare monssughud. for the cloth with abaca
ALa Camiza Sabun. which they cover
ALa gugia de daghu themselves
coſire for hawk’sbell coloncolon374
AL cuſire mamis for Pater nosters tacle
A La porcelana mobuluc of all classes
AL cana aian ydo for Comb cutlei, missamis
AL gato epos. for to Comb monssughud
Ali ſui veli gapas for Shirt sabun
Ali criſtalini balus for Sewing- daghu
needle
Vien qi marica
for to Sew mamis
Ala caza Jlaga balai
for Porcelain mobuluc
AL legniame tatamue
for Dog aian, ydo
Alle ſtore doue Tagichan
dormeno for Cat epos
Ale ſtore de bani for their Scarfs gapas
palma for Glass Beads balus
Ale cuſſini de Vliman Come here marica
foglie for House ilaga, balai
A li piati de dulan for Timber tatamue
legnio for the Mats on tagichan
AL ſuo ydio Abba. which they sleep
AL ſolle adlo for Palm-mats bani
ALa luna ſonghot for their Leaf uliman
Ala ſtela bolan bunthun. cushions
ALa aurora mene for Wooden dulan
Ala matina vema platters
Ala taza tagha for their God abba

grande baſsaL for Sun adlo
AL archo boſsugh. for Moon songhot
ALa freza oghon. for Star bolan, bunthun
Ali targoni calaſsan. for Dawn mene
A le veſte baluti for Morning uema
inbotide ꝓ for Cup tagha
combater Large bassal
Ale ſue daghe calix baladao for Bow bossugh
Ali ſui tertiadi Campilan. for Arrow oghon
A la Lancia bancan. for Shields calassan
El talle tuan. for Quilted baluti
Ali figui ſaghin garments used
Ale zuche baghin for fighting
Ale corde dele gotzap for their daggers calix, baladao
ſue violle for their campilan
AL fiume tau. Cutlasses
AL riſaio ꝓ pucat laia for Spear bancan
peſcare for Like tuan
AL batello ſampan. for Figs [i.e., saghin
A le canne cauaghan. bananas]
grande for Gourds baghin
Ale picole bonbon. for the Cords of gotzap
Ale ſue barche balanghai their violins
grande for River tau
Ale ſue barque boloto for Fishing-net pucat, laia
picolle for small Boat sampan
Ali granci Cuban for large Canes cauaghan
AL peſce Jcam yſſida for the small bonbon
A vno peſcie tuto panap ſapã ones
depinto for their large balanghai
A vno alto roſſo timuan. Boats

A vno certo alto pilax for their small boloto375
A vno alto emaluan. Boats
Tuto e vno Siama siama for Crabs cuban
A vno ſchiauo bonſuL for Fish icam, yssida
A la forca bolle for a Fish that is panapsapan
all colored
ALa naue benaoa
for another red timuan
A vno re o capo raia.
[Fish]
gñale
for a certain pilax
other [kind of
Fish]
for another [kind emaluan
of Fish]
All the same siama siama
for a Slave bonsul
for Gallows bolle
for Ship benaoa
for a King or raia
Captain-general

Numero: Numbers

Vno Vzza One uzza
duy dua two dua
tre tolo. three tolo
Quato vpat four upat
Cinque lima five lima
Sey onom six onom
Sette pitto seven pitto
octo gualu eight gualu
Noue Ciam. nine ciam
Diece polo. ten polo376

Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola In the midst of that archipelago,377
zzubu aL capo de qeLa alta q̃ ſe at a distance of eighteen leguas from
chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo that island of Zzubu, at the head of
de queſto arcipelago la naue the other island called Bohol, we
conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo burned the ship “Conceptione,” for
pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le too few men of us were left [to work
coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy it].378 We stowed the best of its
la via deL garbin et mezo di contents in the other two ships, and
coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe the laid our course toward the south
panilongon nela qalle ſonno homini southwest, coasting along the island
negi Como in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a called Panilongon,379 where black
vna yſola grande Lo re delaqalle ꝓ men like those in Etiopia live. Then
fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de we came to a large island
La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo [Mindanao], whose king in order to
corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga make peace with us, drew blood
in ſegnio de magior amitiſia coſi from his left hand marking his body,
faceſſemo ancho nui Jo ſolo anday face, and the tip of his tongue with it
cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta as a token of the closest friendship,
yſola ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno and we did the same. I went ashore
fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono alone with the king in order to see
peſce al re poy lo re ſe cauo li that island. We had no sooner
pannj que haueua intorno le ſue entered a river than many fishermen
ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et offered fish to the king. Then the
cantando Co minciorono a vogare king removed the cloths which
paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano covered his privies, as did some of
ſoura Lo fiume ariuaſſemo a due his chiefs; and began to row while
hore de nocte in caſa ſua daL singing past many dwellings which
principio de qʒſto fiume doue were upon the river. Two hours after
eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re nightfall we reached the king’s
erão due legue entrãdo nela caſa house. The distance from the
ne venirono incontra molte torcie de beginning of the river where our
canna et de foglie de palma Queſte ships were to the king’s house, was
torcie erano de anime Como li dete two leguas. When we entered the
de soura fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene house, we came upon many torches

lo re con dui principali et due ſue of cane and palm leaves,380 which
femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo were of the anime, of which
de vino pienno de palma ſenza mention was made above. Until the
mangiare niente Jo eſcuſandomi supper was brought in, the king with
hauere cennato non volce berre two of his chiefs and two of his
ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão beautiful women drank the contents
tute le cerimonie Como eL re de of a large jar of palm wine without
mazaua venne poy La Cena de eating anything. I, excusing myself
rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in as I had supped, would only drink
ſcutelle de porcelana mangiauão lo but once. In drinking they observed
rizo ꝓ panne Cocono Lo rizo in all the same ceremonies that the
queſto modo prima meteno dento in king of Mazaua did. Then the
pigniate de terra como le nr̃ e vna supper, which consisted of rice and
fogla grande che circunda tuta la very salt381 fish, and was contained
pigniata poy li meteno lacque et iL in porcelain dishes, was brought in.
rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere They ate their rice as if it were
fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne bread, and cook it after the
poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi in following manner. They first put in
tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in an earthen jar like our jars, a large
queſta ſorte Cenato q̃ haueſſemo leaf which lines all of the jar. Then
Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne they add the water and the rice, and
con vnalta de palma et vna cucino de after covering it allow it to boil until
foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte the rice becomes as hard as bread,
iL re con le due femine ando a when it is taken out in pieces. Rice
dormire in vno luoco ſeparato is cooked in the same way
dormi cõ vno ſuo principali throughout those districts.382 When
Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio we had eaten, the king had a reed
Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla mat and another of palm leaves, and
vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay a leaf pillow brought in so that I
maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria might sleep on them. The king and
poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie finito his two women went to sleep in a
Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni separate place, while I slept with
vederia La reyna me reſpoſe era one of his chiefs.383 When day came
contento andaſſemo de Compania and until the dinner was brought in,
in çima duno alto monte doue era la I walked about that island. I saw

caſa de la reyna Quando entray in many articles of gold in those
caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi houses384 but little food. After that
verſo de me ſedeti apreſſo a ella we dined on rice and fish, and at the
Laqalle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ conclusion of dinner, I asked the
dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati king by signs whether I could see
molti vazi de porcelana et Quatro the queen. He replied that he was
borquie de metalo vna magiore de willing, and we went together to the
Lalta et due piu picole ꝓ ſenare gli summit of a lofty hill, where the
eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La queen’s house was located. When I
ſeruiuão Queſte caſe ſonno facte entered the house, I made a bow to
como le alte Ja dete pigliata the queen, and she did the same to
liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re me, whereupon I sat down beside
ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de her. She was making a sleeping mat
canne dolce La magior abundantia of palm leaves. In the house there
q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro mi was hanging a number of porcelain
moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi jars and four metal gongs—one of
ſegnio que in qelli era tanto horo which was larger than the second,
como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero while the other two were still
smaller—for playing upon. There
ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno qela
fatiga Queſta parte de La yſola e were many male and female slaves
vna medeſma terra con butuan et who served her. Those houses are
calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et constructed like those already
mentioned. Having taken our leave,
confina cõ mazaua per che
we returned to the king’s house,
tornaremo vna alta fiata in queſta
where the king had us immediately
izolla non dico alto paſſato mezo served with refreshments of
di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe sugarcane. The most abundant
venire et li alti principali et cuſſi product of that island is gold. They
veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai showed me certain large valleys,385
retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman making me a sign that the gold there
drita ſopa vno monticello tre was as abundant as the hairs of their
huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ heads, but they have no iron with
haueua tagliati li ramy Domanday which to dig it, and they do not dare
al re qi eran qelli riſpoſi q̃ erano to go to the trouble [to get it].386
maLfactorj et robatorj Queſti That part of the island belongs to the

populi vano nudi Como li alti de same land as Butuan and Calaghan,
ſupa Lo re ſe chiama raia Calanao and lies toward Bohol, and is
eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua bounded by Mazaua. As we shall
rizo gengero porci capre galine et return to that island again, I shall
alte coſe ſta de Latitudine aL polo say nothing further [now]. The
articho in octo gradi et cento afternoon having waned, I desired to
ſexantaſete de longitudine della return to the ships. The king and the
linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu other chief men wished to
cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipit accompany me, and therefore we
due Jornate de ql aL maiſtrale ſe went in the same balanghai.387 As
troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon we were returning along the river, I
doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo saw, on the summit of a hill at the
Junci deli populi lechij right, three men suspended from one
tree, the branches of which had been
cut away. I asked the king what was
the reason for that, and he replied
that they were malefactors and
robbers. Those people go naked as
do the others above mentioned. The
king’s name is Raia Calanao.388 The
harbor is an excellent one. Rice,
ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and
other things are to be found there.
That port lies in a latitude of eight
degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and
in a longitude of one hundred and
sixty-seven degrees389 from the line
of demarcation. It is fifty leguas
from Zubu, and is called Chipit.390
Two days’ journey thence to the
northwest is found a large island
called Lozon,391 where six or eight
junks belonging to the Lequian
people go yearly.392

Partendone de ql ala meza partita de Leaving there and laying our course
ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna west southwest, we cast anchor at an
yſola non molto grande et caſi island not very large and almost
deſhabitata La gente de queſta uninhabited. The people of that
ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna island are Moros and were banished
yſola deta burne vano nudi Como from an island called Burne. They
li alti anno za robotane con li go naked as do the others. They
carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con have blowpipes and small quivers at
erba venenata anno pugnialli con their side, full of arrows and a
li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre poisonous herb. They have daggers
precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de whose hafts are adorned with gold
corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi and precious gems, spears, bucklers,
ſancti Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua and small cuirasses of buffalo
pocha victuuaglia ma arborj horn.393 They called us holy beings.
grandiſſimj ſta de Latitudine aL Little food was to be found in that
polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et island, but [there were] immense
longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue trees. It lies in a latitude of seven
et chiamaſſe caghaian. and one-half degrees toward the
Arctic Pole, and is forty-three
leguas394 from Chippit. Its name is
Caghaian.395

Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque About twenty-five leguas to the
legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro west northwest from the above
uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi island we found a large island,
troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe where rice, ginger, swine, goats,
fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi fowls, figs one-half braza long and
como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas]
alti Longui vno palmo et alti mancho (they are excellent; and certain
molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi others are one palmo and less in
batate canne dolci radice como rapi length, and are much better than all
aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo the others), cocoanuts, camotes
fuocho in canne o in legnio queſto [batate], sugarcane, and roots
resembling turnips in taste, are

dura piu que qello coto in pigniatte found. Rice is cooked there under
Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la the fire in bamboos or in wood; and
terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la it lasts better than that cooked in
trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay earthen pots. We called that land the
volte ſteſſemo in force de land of promise, because we
habandomare le naui et andare in suffered great hunger before we
terra ꝓ non morire de fame. Lo re found it. We were often on the point
fece pace cõ noi tagliandoſſe vno of abandoning the ships and going
pocho cõ vno nr̃ o cortello in mezo ashore in order that we might not
deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la die of hunger.396 The king made
lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu peace with us by gashing himself
vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy slightly in the breast with one of our
Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL knives, and upon bleeding, touching
polo articho in noue gradi et vno the tip of his tongue and his
terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno forehead in token of the truest
terſo de Longitudine de La lignea peace, and we did the same. That
ripartitiõe pulaoan. island lies in a latitude of nine and
one-third degrees toward the Arctic
Pole, and a longitude of one
hundred and seventy-one and one-
third397 degrees from the line of
demarcation. [It is called]
Pulaoan.398

Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi Those people of Polaoan go naked
como li alti Quaſi tucti Lauaranno li as do the others. Almost all399 of
ſui campi hanno zarabotanne cõ them cultivate their fields. They
freze de legnio groſſe piu duno have blowpipes with thick wooden
palmo arponate et algune con ſpine arrows more than one palmo long,
de peſce con erba venenata at alte cõ with harpoon points, and others
ponte de cana arponate et venenate tipped with fishbones, and poisoned
anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de with an herb; while others are tipped
legnio molle in cambio de le penne with points of bamboo like harpoons
neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno and are poisoned.400 At the end of

vno fero como di Jannetone et the arrow they attach a little piece of
Quando anno tracte le freze soft wood, instead of feathers. At
combateno cõ queſto precianno the end of their blowpipes they
aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie fasten a bit of iron like a spear
cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ head;401 and when they have shot all
ligare li ſui ami da peſcare anno their arrows they fight with that.
gally grandi molto domeſtici nõ li They place a value on brass rings
mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe and chains, bells, knives, and still
alguna volta li fanno combatere luno more on copper wire for binding
cõ lalto et ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo their fishhooks. They have large and
vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL very tame cocks, which they do not
vincitore he ſuo eL premio et anno eat because of a certain veneration
vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et that they have for them. Sometimes
meglior̃ de qello de palma. they make them fight with one
another, and each one puts up a
certain amount on his cock, and the
prize goes to him whose cock is the
victor. They have distilled rice wine
which is stronger and better than
that made from the palm.402

Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL Ten leguas southwest of that island,
garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et we came to an island, which, as we
coſteandola ne pareua alquanto coasted by, seemed to us to be going
aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a upward. After entering the port, the
parue eL corpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo holy body [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire]
oſcuriſſimo daL principio de appeared to us through the pitchy
queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno darkness. There is a distance of fifty
cinquanta legue Lo Jorno ſequente leguas403 from the beginning of that
a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta island to the port. On the following
yſola ne mando vno prao molto day, July nine, the king of that
bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate island sent a very beautiful prau to
doro era ſupa la proua vna us, whose bow and stern were
bandiera de biancho et lazuro con worked in gold. At the bow flew a

penne de pauonne in cima alguni white and blue banner surmounted
ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi with peacock feathers. Some men
veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma were playing on musical
die li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le instruments [cinphonie] and drums.
almadie ſonno le ſue barche da Two almadies404 came with that
peſcare octo homini vecqi deli prau. Praus resemble fustas, while
principali entrarono nele naui et the almadies are their small fishing
ſederonno neLa popa ſopa vno boats. Eight old men, who were
tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de chiefs, entered the ships and took
legnio de pinto pieno de betre et seats in the stern upon a carpet.
areca che e qeL fructo que maſticano They presented us with a painted
ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de wooden jar full of betel and areca
naranci coperto de vno panno de (the fruit which they chew
ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine continually), and jessamine405 and
vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de orange blossoms, a covering of
vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti yellow silk cloth, two cages full of
faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a fowls, a couple of goats, three
laltra naue et abraciandone jarsful of distilled rice wine, and
pigliaronno liſentia eL vino de rizo some bundles of sugarcane. They
he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto did the same to the other ship, and
grande q̃ molti deli noſti ſembriacarõ embracing us took their leave. The
et lo chiamano arach. rice wine is as clear as water, but so
strong that it intoxicated many of
our men. It is called arach [i.e.,
arrack].

Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnalta Six days later the king again sent
volta tre prao con molta pompa three praus with great pomp, which
ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie encircled the ships with musical
de latone circondorono le naui et ne instruments [cinphonie] playing and
fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete drums and brass gongs beating.
de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la They saluted us with their peculiar
cima deL capo li ſalutaſſemo cõle cloth caps which cover only the top
bonbarde ſenza pietre poy ne of their heads. We saluted them by
firing our mortars without [loading

detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande with] stones. Then they gave us a
ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie present of various kinds of food,
facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune made only of rice. Some were
como pannj de zucharo et alguni alti wrapped in leaves and were made in
facti amodo de torte con oui et melle somewhat longish pieces, some
ne diſſero como lo ſue re era resembled sugar-loaves, while
contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et others were made in the manner of
legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃ o tarts with eggs and honey. They told
piacer̃ vdendo queſto montaſſemo us that their king was willing to let
ſette de nuy alti ſopa lo prao et us get water and wood, and to trade
portaſſemo vno pñte al re elqalle era at our pleasure. Upon hearing that
vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la seven406 of us entered their prau
turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto bearing a present to their king,
morello cinque bracia de panno which consisted of a green velvet
roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier robe made in the Turkish manner, a
dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre violet velvet chair, five brazas of red
quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro cloth, a cap,407 a gilded drinking
dorato aLa regina tre bracia de glass, a covered glass vase, three
panno [roſso: crossed out in original writing-books of paper, and a gilded
MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe writing-case. To the queen [we took]
argentate vno guchiarollo dargento three brazas of [red: crossed out in
pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of
bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et silvered shoes, and a silvered
vno bichier dorato aL re darme q̃ needle-case full of needles. [We
era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo took] three brazas of red cloth, a
vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to
turcheſca vno bonnet et vno the governor. To the herald who
quinterno de carta a li alti ſete came in the prau we gave a robe of
principali a qi tella a qi bonnetj et a red and green cloth, made in the
ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing
ſubito ſe partiſſemo. book of paper; and to the other
seven chief men, to one a bit of
cloth, and to another a cap, and to
all of them a writing book of paper.

Then we immediately departed [for
the land].

Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita When we reached the city, we
ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin remained about two hours in the
q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de prau, until the arrival of two
ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ elephants with silk trappings, and
vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ twelve men each of whom carried a
coprire nr̃ i preſenti poy montaſſemo porcelain jar covered with silk in
ſopa li elefanty et queſti dodice which to carry our presents.
hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li Thereupon, we mounted the
preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin elephants while those twelve men
a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo preceded us afoot with the presents
data vna cena de molte viuande la in the jars. In this way we went to
nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de the house of the governor, where we
bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li were given a supper of many kinds
linſoli de cambaia lo giorno of food. During the night we slept
ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo on cotton mattresses,408 whose
di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del re lining was of taffeta, and the sheets
ſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in
como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL the house until noon. Then we went
gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le to the king’s palace upon elephants,
ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con with our presents in front as on the
ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi preceding day. All the streets from
haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo the governor’s to the king’s house
ſoura li elefanti ne la corte deL were full of men with swords,
palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala spears, and shields, for such were
acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et alti the king’s orders. We entered the
principali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala courtyard of the palace mounted on
grande piena de molti baronj oue the elephants. We went up a ladder
ſedeſſemo ſopa vno tapeto cõ li pñti accompanied by the governor and
neli vazi apreſſo noi AL capo de other chiefs, and entered a large hall
Queſta ſala nehe vnalta piu alta ma full of many nobles,409 where we sat
alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de down upon a carpet with the
presents in the jars near us. At the

panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due end of that hall there is another hall
feneſtre con due cortine de brocato higher but somewhat smaller. It was
daliqalli veniua la luce nella ſala all adorned with silk hangings, and
iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ two windows, through which light
ſtocqi nudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia entered the hall and hung with two
deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna brocade curtains, opened from it.
grande feneſta dalaqalle ſe tiro vna There were three hundred
footsoldiers with naked rapiers at
cortina de brocato dento de queſta
their thighs in that hall to guard the
vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con
vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare king.410 At the end of the small hall
betre dietro da lui erano ſinon was a large window from which a
donne Alhora ne diſſe vno brocade curtain was drawn aside so
principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al that we could see within it the king
re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo seated at a table with one of his
diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno young sons chewing betel.411 No
piu principale et Quello avno one but women were behind him.
fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela Then a chief told us that we could
ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ not speak to the king, and that if we
vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL wished anything, we were to tell it
pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dento cõlore et to him, so that he could
ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre communicate it to one of higher
reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo rank. The latter would communicate
capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo it to a brother of the governor who
was stationed in the smaller hall,
alto et poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto
and this man would communicate it
Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li
by means of a speaking-tube
diceſſemo como eramo deL re
through a hole in the wall to one
deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace
who was inside with the king. The
ſeco et nõ domandauão alto ſaluo
chief taught us the manner of
potere mẽcadã tare ne fece dire el making three obeisances to the king
re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere with our hands clasped above the
ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de head, raising first one foot and then
eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua
the other and then kissing the hands
et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃ o toward him, and we did so, that
piacere poi li deſſemo li preſenti being the method of the royal
faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn

poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy obeisance. We told the king that we
alti fo dacto brocadelo et panny de came from the king of Spagnia, and
oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſopa la that the latter desired to make peace
ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando with him and asked only for
negli ne deteno vna Colatiõe de permission to trade. The king had us
garofoli et canella alora foreno told that since the king of Spagnia
tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre desired to be his friend, he was very
li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti willing to be his, and said that we
haueuão panni de oro [de oro: could take water and wood, and
doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta trade at our pleasure. Then we gave
intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo him the presents, on receiving each
manicho de oro et ornato de perle et of which he nodded slightly. To
petre precioſe et molti aneli nele each one of us was given some
mani retornaſſemo Soura le brocaded and gold cloth and silk,
elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃ which were placed upon our left
Sete homini portorono iL prezente shoulders, where they were left but
del re ſempre dinanzi Quando a moment.412 They presented us
foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a with refreshments of cloves and
ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura cinnamon, after which the curtains
la ſpala Siniſtra aliqalli ꝓ ſua fatica were drawn to and the windows
donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de closed. The men in the palace were
Cortelli venirono in caſa deL all attired in cloth of gold and silk
gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ alti which covered their privies, and
tanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte carried daggers with gold hafts
de re in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo adorned with pearls and precious
dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne gems, and they had many rings on
de Carne de vitello de caponi galine their hands. We returned upon the
pauonj et altry animali et de peſce elephants to the governor’s house,
cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de seven men carrying the king’s
palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de presents to us and always preceding
viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce us. When we reached the house,
they gave each one of us his present,
et alte coſe beue uão a ogni bocone
pieno vno vazeto de porcelana placing them upon our left
shoulders. We gave each of those
grande como vno ouo de qeL vino
men a couple of knives for his
lanbicato mangiaſſemo rizo et altre

viuande de ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro trouble. Nine men came to the
Como li nr̃ j oue dormiſſemo le due governor’s house with a like number
nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera of large wooden trays from the king.
biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Each tray contained ten or twelve
Candellieri de argento vno poco alti porcelain dishes full of veal, capons,
et due lampade grande pienne dolio chickens, peacocks, and other
cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui animals, and fish. We supped on the
homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão ground upon a palm mat from thirty
Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La or thirty-two different kinds of meat
riua deL mare doue forono dui prao besides the fish and other things. At
q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj Queſta each mouthful of food we drank a
cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa small cupful of their distilled wine
ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy from a porcelain cup the size of an
principali et he de vinti cinque egg. We ate rice and other sweet
miglia focqi le caſe ſonno tute de food with gold spoons like ours. In
legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti our sleeping quarters there during
da tera Quando lo mare creſcie those two nights, two torches of
vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque white wax were kept constantly
vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo alight in two rather tall silver
viuere dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno candlesticks, and two large lamps
muro de Cadreli groſſo con full of oil with four wicks apiece
barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel and two men to snuff them
qalle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde continually. We went elephant-back
de metalo et ſey de fero in li dui to the seashore, where we found two
giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte praus which took us back to the
Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia ships. That city413 is entirely built in
Siripada era de Quaranta anny et salt water, except the houses of the
graſſo ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non king and certain chiefs. It contains
donne figliole deli principali non twenty-five thousand fires [i.e.,
ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non families].414 The houses are all
Quando va ala caza ninguno li po constructed of wood and built up
par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x from the ground on tall pillars.
ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in When the tide is high the women go
ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a in boats through the settlement
Queſti chiamano Xiritoles. [tera] selling the articles necessary

to maintain life. There is a large
brick wall in front of the king’s
house with towers like a fort, in
which were mounted fifty-six
bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of
iron. During the two days of our
stay there, many pieces were
discharged. That king is a Moro and
his name is Raia Siripada. He was
forty years old and corpulent. No
one serves him except women who
are the daughters415 of chiefs. He
never goes outside of his palace,
unless when he goes hunting, and no
one is allowed to talk with him
except through the speaking tube.
He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,416
who write down his deeds on very
thin tree bark.

Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio On Monday morning, July twenty-
vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de nine, we saw more than one hundred
cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con praus divided into three squadrons
alti tanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue and a like number of tunguli 417
barche picole Quando vedeſſemo (which are their small boats) coming
Queſto penſando foſſe qalque toward us. Upon catching sight of
Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo them, imagining that there was
poſſibile nela vella et ꝓ preſſa some trickery afoot, we hoisted our
Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto sails as quickly as possible,
piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in abandoning an anchor in our haste.
mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno We expected especially that we
paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe were to be captured in between
voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne certain junks which had anchored
pigliaſſemo cato amazando molte ꝓ behind us on the preceding day. We

ſonne tri o catro Junci fugirono in immediately turned upon the latter,
ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era capturing four of them and killing
lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de many persons. Three or four of the
Lozon coſtui era capo gñale de junks sought flight by beaching. In
queſto re de burne et veniua cõ one of the junks which we captured
queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta was the son of the king of the island
Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola of Lozon. He was the captain-
verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non general of the king of Burne, and
came with those junks from a large
volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello
de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata city named Laoe,418 which is
et ſacquegiata giouan Caruiao nr̃ o located at the end of that island [i.e.,
Borneo] toward Java Major. He had
piloto laſſo andare Queſto capo et Lo
destroyed and sacked that city
Jonco ſenza noſto conſentimẽto ꝓ
because it refused to obey the king
certa Cantita de oro como dapoy
[of Burne], but the king of Java
ſapeſſemo ſe non Laſſaua queſto re
Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our
lo capo ne haueria dato tuto qello pilot, allowed that captain and the
haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto junks to go without our consent, for
capo era molto temuto in queſte a certain sum of gold, as we learned
parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno afterward. Had the pilot not given
Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro. in up the captain to the king, the latter
queſto porto glie vnalta cita de would have given us whatever we
gentilli magiori de qella de li mori had asked, for that captain was
fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ exceedingly feared throughout those
ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi regions, especially by the heathens,
combateno inſieme neL medeſimo as the latter are very hostile to that
porto il re gentille e potente como Moro king. In that same port there is
Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo another city inhabited by heathens,
facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede which is larger than that of the
de xp̃ o Jl re moro Quando haueua Moros, and built like the latter in
Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati salt water. On that account the two
li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li peoples have daily combats together
noſti q̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ in that same harbor. The heathen
veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma king is as powerful as the Moro
andauão conta li gentilli et ꝓ king, but is not so haughty, and

verificatiõe de queſto li moſtrorono could be converted easily to the
alguni capi de homini morti et li Christian faith. When the Moro king
diſcero que erão de gentili heard how we had treated the junks,
mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe he sent us a message by one of our
laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ men who was ashore to the effect
ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo that the praus were not coming to do
figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era us any harm, but that they were
naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ going to attack the heathens. As a
volce de queſto fo cagiõe Johã proof of that statement, the Moros
Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL capo showed him some heads of men
reteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu who had been killed, which they
principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre declared to be the heads of heathens.
donne in nome de la regina deſpaga We sent a message to the king,
ma Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue. asking him to please allow two of
our men who were in the city for
purposes of trade and the son of
Johan Carvaio, who had been born
in the country of Verzin, to come to
us, but the king refused. That was
the consequences of Johan Carvaio
letting the above captain go. We
kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of
the captured junks] to take them to
Spagnia, and three women in the
queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio
usurped the latter for himself.419

LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti Junks are their ships and are made
inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy in the following manner. The
palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con bottom part is built about two
cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto palmos above the water and is of
ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane planks fastened with wooden pegs,
groſiſſime ꝓ contrapezo porta vno which are very well made; above
de queſti tanta roba como vna naue that they are entirely made of very
li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le large bamboos. They have a bamboo

velle de ſcorſe de arbore la as a counterweight. One of those
porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima junks carries as much cargo as a
et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi ship. Their masts are of bamboo,
laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non and the sails of the bark of trees.420
ſaria fina lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo Their porcelain is a sort of
figliolo ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in exceedingly white earth which is
vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe left for fifty years under the earth
rompe la moneta q̃ adoperano li before it is worked, for otherwise it
morj in queſta parte e dimetalo would not be fine. The father buries
ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a it for the son. If [poison] is placed in
ſolamte duna parte quato ſegni q̃ a dish made of fine porcelain, the
ſonno lr̃ e deL grã re della Chijna et dish immediately breaks.421 The
La chiamano picis per vno cathiL money made by the Moros in those
de argento viuo che e due libre de le regions is of bronze [metalo]
noſte ne dauano ſey ſcutelle de pierced in the middle in order that it
porcelana per vno quinterno de carta may be strung. On only one side of
cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili it are four characters, which are
de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana letters of the great king of Chiina.
ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana We call that money picis.422 They
ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão gave us six porcelain dishes for one
vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathil423 (which is equivalent to two
cathili per octanta cathili de metalo of our libras) of quicksilver; one
vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili hundred picis for one book of
de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ writing paper; one small porcelain
conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte vase for one hundred and sixty
nõ ſi troua pegola vinti tahiL cathils of bronze [metalo]; one
fanno vno cathiL Qiui ſe apretia porcelain vase for three knives; one
metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio bahar (which is equivalent to two
pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃ e hundred and three cathils), of wax
merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo];
Queſti morj vano nudi como li alti one bahar of salt for eighty cathils
beueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of
beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ anime to calk the ships (for no pitch
reſtare ſanno. is found in those regions) for forty
cathils of bronze [metalo].424

Twenty tahils make one cathil. At
that place the people highly esteem
bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass,
cinnabar,425 wool cloth, linens, and
all our other merchandise, although
iron and spectacles426 more than all
the rest. Those Moros go naked as
do the other peoples [of those
regions]. They drink quicksilver—
the sick man drinks it to cleanse
himself, and the well man to
preserve his health.

Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe The king of Burne has two pearls as
come dui oui de galina et ſonno large as two hen’s eggs. They are so
tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe round that they will not stand still
ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ on a table. I know that for a fact, for
q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li when we carried the king’s presents
fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe to him, signs were made for him to
le moſtrarebe lalto giorno poy alguni show them to us, but he said that he
principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle would show them next day.
vedute. Afterward some chiefs said that they
had seen them.

Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et Those Moros worship Mahomet.
la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de The latter’s law orders them not to
porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano eat pork; as they wash the buttocks
ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ with the left hand, not to use that
tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra hand in eating;427 not to cut
ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare anything with the right hand; to sit
galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano down to urinate; not to kill fowls or
aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de goats without first addressing the
le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li sun; to cut off the tops of the wings
avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy with the little bits of skin that stick

ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ up from under and the feet of fowls;
la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denti cõ li then to split them in twain; to wash
ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna the face with the right hand, but not
amazata ſe non da loro ſonno circũ to cleanse the teeth with the fingers;
ſiſi como li Judei. and not to eat anything that has been
killed unless it be by themselves.428
They are circumcised like the Jews.

Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora Camphor, a kind of balsam, is
ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li produced in that island. It exudes
arbori et la ſcorſa e menuta como between the wood and the bark, and
li remole Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta the drops are as small as [grains of]
apoco apoco diuenta niente et la wheat bran.429 If it is exposed it
chiamano Capor li naſce cannela gradually evaporates [literally:
gengero mirabolani neranci limoni becomes nothing]. Those people call
chiacare meloni cogomari zuche it capor. Cinnamon, ginger,
rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali mirabolans, oranges, lemons,
porci capre galine oche ceruj nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers,
elefanti cauali et altre coſe Queſta gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions,
yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a cows, buffaloes, swine, goats,
circundarla con vno prao tre mezi chickens, geese, deer, elephants,
ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in horses, and other things are found
cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento there.430 That island is so large that
et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de it takes three months to sail round it
Longitudine de la linea in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five
Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne. and one-fourth degrees toward the
Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of
one hundred and seventy-six and
two-thirds degrees from the line of
demarcation, and its name is
Burne.431

Partendone de queſta yſola Leaving that island, we turned back
tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno in order to find a suitable place to

loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che calk the ships, for they were
faceuano hacqua vna naue ꝓ poco leaking. One ship ran on to some
vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi shoals of an island called
baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ Bibalon,432 because of the
lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo vno carelessness of its pilot, but by the
marinaro de qella naue nõ help of God we freed it. A sailor of
hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella that ship incautiously snuffed a
in vna barille pien de poluere re de candle into a barrel full of
bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa gunpowder, but he quickly snatched
danno niſſuno ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃ o it out without any harm.433 Then
camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno pursuing our course, we captured a
de Cochi que andaua a burne le prau laden with cocoanuts on its
homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin way to Burne. Its crew sought
que pigliaſſemo queſto tre alti refuge on an islet, until we captured
fugirono de drieto da certe yſollete. it.434 Three other praus escaped
behind certain islets.

AL capo de burne fa queſta et vna At the head of Burne between it and
Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo an island called Cimbonbon, which
gradi et ſette menuti e vno porto lies in [a latitude of] eight degrees
ꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque and seven minutes,435 is a perfect
entraſſemo dento et ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le port for repairing ships.
coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui Consequently, we entered it; but as
tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni Jn we lacked many things for repairing
Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe the ships, we delayed there for
afaticaua qi in vna coſa qi in vnalta forty-two days. During that time,
ma la magior faticha haueuão era each one of us labored hard, one at
andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza one thing and one at another. Our
ſcarpe Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci greatest fatigue however was to go
ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de barefoot to the woods for wood. In
queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua that island there are wild boars, of
paſſando de vna yſola in vnalta which we killed one which was
going by water from one island to
loqalle haueua lo capo longo duy
palmi et mezo et li denti grandi gli another [by pursuing it] with the

ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra small boat. Its head was two and
como de mare oſtrigue et cape de one-half palmos long,436 and its
diuerſe ſorte fra le altre no teeth were large. There are found
trouaſſemo due la carne de luna large crocodiles, both on land and
pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et lalta quaranta sea, oysters and shellfish of various
catro pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ kinds. Among the last named we
haueua Lo capo Como vno porco found two, the flesh of one of which
con dui Corni eL ſuo corpo era weighed twenty-six libras, and the
tuto duno oſſo ſolo haueua ſoura la other forty-four.437 We caught a
ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo fish, which had a head like that of a
Ancora qi ſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la hog and two horns. Its body
foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et consisted entirely of one bone, and
Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de on its back it resembled a saddle;
piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro and it was small.438 Trees are also
ma nõ tanto Longue apreſſo eL found there which produce leaves
pecolo de vna parte et delalta anno which are alive when they fall, and
duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et walk. Those leaves are quite like
pontino non anno ſangue et qi le those of the mulberry, but are not so
coca fugino yo ne teny vna noue long. On both sides near the stem,
giorni in vna ſcatola Quando la which is short and pointed, they
apriua Queſta andaua in torno have two feet. They have no blood,
intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo but if one touches439 them they run
viueno de alto ſenon de arie. away. I kept one of them for nine
days in a box. When I opened the
box, that leaf went round and round
it.440 I believe those leaves live on
nothing but air.

Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe Having left that island,441 that is, the
deL porto neL capo de qella yſola port, we met at the head of the
pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che island of Pulaoan a junk which was
veniua da burne neLqalle era lo coming from Burne, on which was
gouuernator̃ de pulaoan li the governor of Pulaoan. We made
faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle them a signal to haul in their sails,

et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo and as they refused to haul them in,
pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa et Lo we captured the junk by force, and
ſacquegiaſſemo ſeL gouernator̃ sacked it. [We told] the governor
volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he
de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure was to give us, inside of seven days,
de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et four hundred measures of rice,
cento cinquanta galine poy ne a twenty swine, twenty goats, and one
preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi hundred and fifty fowls. After that
de vino de palma et alte coſe vedẽ he presented us with cocoanuts, figs
do nuy la ſua liberalita gli [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full
rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et of palm wine, and other things.
archibuſi poy li donaſſemo vna Seeing his liberality, we returned
bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo some of his daggers and arquebuses
et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo to him, giving him in addition, a
figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv
a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of
veſta de panno ꝟde et alte coſe ſe blue cloth; to a brother of the
partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et governor, a robe of green cloth and
tornaſſemo indrieto fa la yſola de other things; and we parted from
them as friends. We turned our
cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit
course back between the island of
pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL
Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and
leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle
laid our course east by south in
de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi
order that we might find the islands
monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo
of Malucho. We passed by certain
lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo
reefs [literally: small elevations]
grandisso Quando paſauarho ꝓ near which we found the sea to be
queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno alto full of grass, although the depth was
mare reſtãdo chipit al leuante very great. When we passed through
trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et them, it seemed as though we were
taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le entering another sea. Leaving Chipit
qalle naſcono le perle le due deL re to the east, we found two island,
de burne forono trouatte quiui et le Zolo and Taghima,442 which lie
hebe como ne fo referito in queſto toward the west, and near which
modo Queſto re piglio per moglie pearls are found.443 The two pearls
vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li

diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte of the king of Burne were found
due perle coſtui ſi delibero hauerli there, and the king got them, as was
in ogni modo ando vna nocte con told us, in the following manner.
cinquecento prao et piglio lore con That king took to wife a daughter of
duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne the king of Zolo, who told him that
ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu her father had those two pearls. The
forſa darli le due perle. king determined to get possession of
them by hook or by crook. Going
one night with five hundred
praus,444 he captured the king and
two of his sons, and took them to
Burne with him. [He told] the king
of Zolo that if he wished freedom,
he must surrender the two pearls to
him.

Poy al leuante carta del grego Then we laid our course east by
paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete north between two settlements
cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata called Cauit and Subanin, and an
deta monoripa longi x legue da li inhabited island called Monoripa,
monticeli La gente de queſta located x leguas from the reefs.445
hanno loro caſe in barche et non The people of that island make their
habitano altroue in qelle due dwellings in boats and do not live
habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli otherwise. In those two settlements
ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et of Cavit and Subanin, which are
Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ located in the island of Butuan and
ſi poſſa trouare ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui Calaghan, is found the best
giornj ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ cinnamon that grows. Had we
hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta stayed there two days, those people
et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de would have laden our ships for us,
queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et but as we had a wind favorable for
andando a la vella barataſſemo passing a point and certain islets
diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi which were near that island, we did
haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de not wish to delay. While under sail
we bartered two large knives which

pulaoan larbore de queſta Cannella we had taken from the governor of
he alto tre o catro cubito et groſſo Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of
como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree
de tre o catro rameti la ſua foglia grows to a height of three or four
he como qella deL lauro La ſua cubits, and as thick as the fingers of
ſcorſa he La Cannella La ſe coglie the hand. It has but three or four
due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo small branches and its leaves
legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde resemble those of the laurel. Its bark
como la cannella la chiamão caiu is the cinnamon, and it is gathered
mana Caiu vol dire legno et mana twice per year. The wood and leaves
dolce çioe legnio dolce. are as strong as the cinnamon when
they are green. Those people call it
caiu mana. Caiu means wood, and
mana, sweet, hence, “sweet
wood.”446

Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et Laying our course toward the
andando a vna cita grande detta northeast, and going to a large city
maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola called Maingdanao, which is located
de butuan et calaghan acio in the island of Butuan and
ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco Calaghan, so that we might gather
pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e information concerning Maluco, we
come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette captured by force a bigniday,447 a
homini in queſto erano ſolum vessel resembling a prau, and killed
dizidoto homini diſpoſti Quanto seven men. It contained only
alguni alti vedeſſemo in queſte parte eighteen men, and they were as well
tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao built as any whom we had seen in
fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello those regions.448 All were chiefs of
del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua Maingdanao, among them being one
doue era malucho ꝓ queſto who told us that he was a brother of
laſaſſemo la via del grego et the king of Maingdanao, and that he
pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco in vno knew the location of Malucho.
capo de queſta yſola butuan et Through his directions we
caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe discontinued our course toward the

trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi northeast, and took that toward the
combatitori et arciere anno ſpade southeast. At a cape of that island of
largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo Butuan and Caleghan, and near a
core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de river, are found shaggy men who are
neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano exceedingly great fighters and
benaian li peloſi Quando archers. They use swords one palmo
pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco in length, and eat only raw human
ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti hearts with the juice of oranges or
aLartico et trenta legui longi de lemons.449 Those shaggy people are
cauit. called Benaian. When we took our
course toward the southeast, we lay
in a latitude of six degrees and
seven minutes toward the Arctic
Pole, and thirty450 leguas from
Cavit.451

Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Sailing toward the southeast, we
Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham found four islands, [namely],
batolach Saranganj et candighar vno Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452
ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de Sarangani, and Candighar.453 One
octobre coſteando birahan batolach Saturday night, October twenty-six,
ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ while coasting by Birahan Batolach,
ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo we encountered a most furious
tucte le velle Subito li tri noſti ſancti storm. Thereupon, praying God, we
ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta lowered all the sails. Immediately
laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due our three saints appeared to us and
hore incima lagabia como vna dissipated all the darkness.454 St.
torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela Elmo remained for more than two
mezana et sta chiara ſoura lo hours on the maintop, like a torch;
trinqueto ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and
aſancto elmo a sto nicolo et a Sta. St. Clara on the foretop. We
chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua promised a slave to St. Elmo, St.
elemoſina ſeguendo poy nr̃ o viagio Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave
intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de alms to each one. Then continuing

le due yſolle Saranghani et our voyage, we entered a harbor
candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL between the two islands of
leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de Saranghani and Candighar, and
ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle anchored to the eastward near a
Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano settlement of Sarangani, where gold
nudi como gli alti Queſto porto ſta and pearls are found. Those people
de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue are heathens and go naked as do the
menuti et longi cinquanta legue de others. That harbor lies in a latitude
cauit. of five degrees nine minutes, and is
fifty leguas from Cavit.

Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo Remaining one day in that harbor,
dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne we captured two pilots by force, in
inſegniaſeno malucho facendo nr̃ o order that they might show us where
viagio fa mezo giorno et garbin Malucho lay.455 Then laying our
paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et course south southwest, we passed
deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via among eight inhabited and desert
leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao islands, which were situated in the
Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai manner of a street. Their names are
lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca,
vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and
molto bella aL vedere ꝓ hauere Nuza.456 Finally we came to an
vento contrario et ꝓ non potere island at their end, which was very
paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la beautiful to look at. As we had a
andauamo dequa et dela çirca de contrary wind, so that we could not
ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo double a point of that island, we
pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello sailed hither and thither near it.
deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo Consequently, one of the men whom
figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono we had captured at Saranghai, and
nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL the brother of the king of
figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo Maingdanao who took with him his
ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego small son, escaped during the night
ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta by swimming to that island. But the
paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue boy was drowned, for he was unable
to hold tightly to his father’s

erano molte yſolette Queſta yſola shoulder. Being unable to double the
tenne quato re raia matandatu raia said point, we passed below the
lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu island where there were many islets.
ſonno gentili ſta in tre gradi et That island has four kings,
mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia
ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir. Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia
Parabu. The people are heathens.
The island lies in a latitude of three
and one-half degrees toward the
Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from
Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457

Facendo lo medeſimo Camino Continuing the same course, we
paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama passed near six islands, [namely],
Carachita para zanghalura Ciau Cheama, Carachita, Para,
lontana diece legue da ſanghir Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten
Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ leguas from Sanghir, and has a high
largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et but not large mountain, and whose
paghinzara Longo octo legue da king is called Raia Ponto), and
ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo Paghinzara.458 The latter is located
ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut eight leguas from Ciau, and has
poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de three high mountains. The name of
paghinzara longi dodici legue due its king is Raia Babintan.459 [Then
yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette we found the island] Talaut; and we
zoar et meau paſſate queſte due found twelve leguas to the east of
yſolle mercore aſey de nouembr̃ Paghinzara two islands, not very
diſcoperſemo quato yſolle alte aL large, but inhabited, called Zoar and
leuante Longi dale due cadordice Meau.460 After passing those two
legue Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato islands, on Wednesday, the sixth of
diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão November, we discovered four lofty
maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio islands fourteen leguas east of the
et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta two [abovementioned islands]. The
La artigliaria non era de pilot who still remained with us told
marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri us that those four islands were

perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God
meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare and as an expression of our joy
malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute discharged all our artillery. It was no
queſte yſolle: doublet in original wonder that we were so glad, for we
MS.] fin amalucho eL menor had passed twenty-seven months
fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et less two days in our search for
ducento bracia aL contrario Como Malucho.461 Among all those
diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi islands [among all those islands:
poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL doublet in original MS.], even to
çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão Malucho, the shallowest bottom that
ymaginato. we found was at a depth of one or
two hundred brazas,
notwithstanding the assertion of the
Portuguese that that region could
not be navigated because of the
numerous shoals and the dark sky as
they have imagined.462

Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre Three hours before sunset on Friday,
hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle November eight, 1521,463 we
entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla entered into a harbor of an island
deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra called Tadore, and anchoring near
in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta the shore in twenty brazas we fired
lartigliaria neL giorno ſeguente all our artillery. Next day the king
venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et came to the ships in a prau, and
circundole vna volta ſubito li circled about them once. We
andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ immediately went to meet him with
honnorarlo ne fece intrare nel ſuo the small boat, in order to show him
prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe lui honor. He made us enter his prau
ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ and seat ourselves near him. He was
andaua intorno dinanſi de lui era seated under a silk awning which
vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et sheltered him on all sides. In front
dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare of him was one of his sons with the
hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due royal scepter, and two persons with

caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle two gold jars to pour water on his
betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ hands, and two others with two
venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe gilded caskets filled with their betel.
haueua ſogniato alquante naue The king told us that we were
vegnire Amaluco da luogui lontanj et welcome there, and that he had
ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto dreamt some time ago that some
vedere ne la luna et vite como ships were coming to Malucho from
veniuano et q̃ nuy eramo qelli remote parts; and that for more
Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li assurance he had determined to
baſaronno la mano poi lo consult the moon,464 whereupon he
Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en had seen the ships were coming, and
trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma that we were they. Upon the king
entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere entering our ships all kissed his
in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo li hand and then we led him to the
veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo stern. When he entered inside there,
aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore he would not stoop, but entered
ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui eſendo from above.465 Causing him to sit
tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe down in a red velvet chair, we
lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ clothed him in a yellow velvet robe
eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL made in the Turkish fashion. In
nr̃ o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj order to show him greater honor, we
Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo sat down on the ground near him.
deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie Then when all were seated, the king
caſe noſte ꝓ che daqi indietro ſua began to speak and said that he and
yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma all his people desired ever to be the
caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al most loyal friends and vassals to our
nr̃ o re Suo ſigniore li donaſſemo king of Spagnia. He received us as
vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra his children, and we could go ashore
vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro as if in our own houses, for from
bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno that time thenceforth, his island was
ſaglio de brocato vno panno de to be called no more Tadore but
damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany Castiglia, because of the great love
lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza which he bore to our king, his
de berania biancha tella de Cambaia sovereign. We made him a present
dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo which consisted of the robe, the

dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey chair, a piece of delicate linen, four
forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of
dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo brocaded silk, a piece of yellow
vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta damask, some Indian cloth
vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et embroidered with gold and silk, a
duy cortelli a noue alti ſui principali piece of berania (the white linen of
a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta Cambaia), two caps, six strings of
bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti alti glass beads, twelve knives, three
aqi bonneti et aqi cortelli deſſemo large mirrors, six pairs of scissors,
in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo six combs, some gilded drinking-
reſtare dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer cups,466 and other articles. To his
alto ſinon la ꝓpia vita ꝓ mãdare al re son we gave an Indian cloth of gold
ſuo s. doueſſemo nuj piu and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and
aꝓpincarſe a la cita et se veniua de two knives;467 and to each of nine
nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li others—all of them his chiefs—a
Schiopeti partendoſſe de la popa silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and
may ſe volce abaſſare pigliata la to many others caps or knives. We
liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le kept giving presents until the king
bombarde Queſto re he moro et bade us desist. After that he declared
forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben to us that he had nothing else except
facto cõ vna pñtia realle et his own life to send to the king his
grandiſſimo aſtrologo alhora era sovereign. We were to approach
veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella nearer to the city, and whoever came
biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le to the ships at night, we were to kill
manigue lauorati doro et de vno with our muskets. In leaving the
panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et stern, the king would never bend his
era deſcalſo haueua Jntorno Lo head.468 When he took his leave we
capo [lo capo: doublet in original discharged all the guns. That king is
MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna a Moro and about forty-five years
girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia old. He is well built and has a royal
ſultan Manzor. presence,469 and is an excellent
astrologer. At that time he was clad
in a shirt of the most delicate white
stuff with the ends of the sleeves
embroidered in gold, and in a cloth

that reached from his waist to the
ground. He was barefoot, and had a
silk scarf wrapped about his head
[his head, doublet in original MS.],
and above it a garland of flowers.
His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470

Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re On Sunday, November x, that king
volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se desired us to tell him how long it
eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo was since we had left Spagnia, and
et la Quintalada ne daua il re what pay and quintalada471 the king
açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo gave to each of us. He requested us
vna firma deL re et vna bandiera to give him a signature of the king
reale ꝓ ch̃ daqi inanzi La ſua Jſola et and a royal banner, for then and
vnalta chiamata Tarenate de laqalle thenceforth, he would cause it that
ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio: his island and another called
crossed out in original MS.] nepote Tarenate (provided that he were able
deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due to crown one of his [sons: crossed
ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ out in original MS.] grandsons,472
honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere named Calonaghapi) would both
inſino aLa morte et Quando non belong to the king of Spagnia; and
poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpaga for the honor of his king he was
lui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua ready to fight to the death, and when
far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera he could no longer resist, he would
reale percio grã tempo era ſuo go to Spagnia with all his family in
ſeruitor̃ ne prego li laſciaſſemo a junk473 which he was having built
algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe new, carrying the royal signature
arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non and banner; and therefore he was
mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli the king’s servant for a long time.
reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua He begged us to leave him some
andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian men so that he might constantly be
ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui de reminded of the king of Spagnia. He
garoſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno did not ask for merchandise because
tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a the latter would not remain with

carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere him.474 He told us that he would go
domenicho non volſe contractare to an island called Bachian, in order
JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi sooner to furnish the ships with
he Lo nr̃ o vennere. cloves, for there were not enough
dry cloves in his island to load the
two ships. As that day was Sunday,
it was decided not to trade The
festive day of those people is our
Friday.

Açcio vr̃ a JILma sa. ſapra le yſolle In order that your most illustrious
doue naſcono li garofali Sunno Lordship may know the islands
cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir where cloves grow, they are five,
machian et bachian tarenate he la [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir,
principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is
signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre the chief one, and when its king was
Tadore et qella doue eramo tienne alive, he ruled nearly all the others.
re mutir et machian non anno re ma Tadore, the one where we were, has
ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui a king. Mutir and Machian have no
re de tarenate et de tadore fanno king but are ruled by the people, and
guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno when the two kings of Tarenate and
de gente La vltima e bachian et of Tadore engage in war, those two
tienne re tucta queſta ꝓuin tia islands furnish them with men. The
doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama last island is Bachian, and it has a
malucho. non era ancora octo king. That entire province where
meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno cloves grow is called Malucho.475
franco ſeranno portugueſe capo gñale At that time it was not eight months
deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de since one Francesco Seranno476 had
tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe died in Tarenate. [He was] a
Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua Portuguese and the captain-general
figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate of the king of Tarenate and opposed
et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali the king of Tadore. He did so well
ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete that he constrained the king of
queL nepote deL re de tadore poy Tadore to give one of his daughters

facta fa loro la pace eſſendo venuto to wife to the king of Tarenate, and
vno giorno franco ſeranno in tadore almost all the sons of the chiefs as
ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo hostages. The above mentioned
fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre grandson of the king of Tadore was
et viuete ſinon catro Jornj il ſuo re born to that daughter. Peace having
lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue been made between the two kings,
lege ma tre xp̃ iani ſui ſeruitorj non and when Francesco Seranno came
one day to Tadore to trade cloves,
conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno
the king of Tadore had him poisoned
figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna
with the said betel leaves. He lived
donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et
only four days. His king wished to
ducento bahar de garofoli coſtui
have him buried according to his
era grande amicho et parente deL
law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but
nr̃ o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de
three Christians who were his
Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa
servants would not consent to it. He
perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capo left a son and a daughter, both
amalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui young, born by a woman whom he
ſtaua iui D. manueL Ja re de had taken to wife in Java Major, and
portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la two hundred bahars of cloves. He
ꝓuiſione deL nr̃ o capo gñale was a close friend and a relative of
ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe our royal captain-general, and was
ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in the cause of inciting the latter to
ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta undertake that enterprise, for when
tucto qello ſepe demandare paſſati our captain was at Malacha, he had
x giorni dopo la morte de franco written to him several times that he
ſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel,
Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo then king of Portugal, refused to
gennero re de bachian fu avelenato increase our captain-general’s
de ſua figliola moglie del decto re pension by only a single testoon per
Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la month for his merits, the latter went
pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum to Spagnia, where he had obtained
duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly everything for which he could ask
principali li loro nomy ſono queſti from his sacred Majesty.477 Ten
Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi days after the death of Francesco
Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by

pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara name, Raya Abuleis, having
vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi. expelled his son-in-law, the king of
Bachian, was poisoned by his
daughter, the wife of the latter king,
under pretext of trying to bring
about peace between the two kings.
The king lingered but two days, and
left nine principal sons, whose
names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore
Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili
Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin,
Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich,
and Calano Ghapi.478

Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli On Monday, November xi, one of
figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to
de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the
ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ ships clad in red velvet. He had two
qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora praus and his men were playing
entrare neli naui coſtui teneua la upon the abovementioned gongs. He
donna li figlioli et li alte coſe de refused to enter the ship at that time.
franco ſeranno Quando lo He had [charge of] the wife and
Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re children, and the other possessions
ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo of Francesco Seranno. When we
neL ſuo porto ne riſpoſe faceſſemo found out who he was, we sent a
como voleuamo Lo figliolo deL re message to the king, asking him
vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto whether we should receive Chechili
alquanto da le naui li an daſemo de Roix, since we were in his port,
cõlo batello apñtarli vno panno de and he replied to us that we could
oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti do as we pleased. But the son of the
Cortelli ſpechi et forfice accepto li king, seeing that we were hesitating,
cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe moved off somewhat from the ships.
parti Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio We went to him with the boat in
xp̃ iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ order to present him an Indian cloth
of gold and silk, and some knives,

dun peto alfonſo de loroſa mirrors, and scissors. He accepted
portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de them somewhat haughtily, and
franco ſeranno vene de bandan immediately departed. He had a
ataranate iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere Christian Indian with him named
parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue Manuel, the servant of one Petro
et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de Alfonso de Lorosa,479 a Portuguese
tarenate eranno nemici deL re de who went from Bandan to Tarenate,
tadore niente de meno ſempre after the death of Francesco
ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de Seranno. As the servant knew how
ſpagnia mã daſemo vna lr̃ a apietro to talk Portuguese, he came aboard
alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo our ship, and told us that, although
ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza the sons of the king of Tarenate
ſuſpecto niſſuno. were at enmity with the king of
Tadore, yet they were always at the
service of the king of Spagnia.
We480 sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso
de Lorosa, through his servant,
[telling him] that he could come
without any hesitation.

Queſti re teneno quante donne Those kings have as many women
voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo as they wish, but only one chief
moglie principale et tutte le altre wife, whom all the others obey. The
hobediſconno aqueſta il re de abovesaid king of Tadore had a
tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora large house outside of the city,
de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue where two hundred of his chief
donne de li piu principali cõ alte women lived with a like number of
tante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re women to serve them. When the
mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo king eats, he sits alone or with his
mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco alto chief wife in a high place like a
Como vn tribunalle oue po vedere gallery whence he can see all the
tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et other women who sit about the
aqella piu li piace li comanda vada gallery; and he orders her who best
pleases him to sleep with him that
dormire ſecho qela nocte finito lo
night. After the king has finished

mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte eating, if he orders those women to
mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non eat together, they do so, but if not,
ognuna va mangiare nella ſua each one goes to eat in her own
camera. Niuno ſenza liſentia deL chamber. No one is allowed to see
re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he those women without permission
trouato o di giorno o de nocte from the king, and if anyone is
apreſſo la caza del re he amazato found near the king’s house by day
ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare or by night, he is put to death. Every
aL re vna et due figliole Queſto re family is obliged to give the king
haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi one or two of its daughters. That
lo reſto femine Dinanzi a queſta king had twenty-six children, eight
yſola nehe vna grandiſſima chiamata sons, and the rest daughters. Lying
giailolo che he habitata de mory et next that island there is a very large
da gentilli ſe trouerano duy re fra island, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo],
li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno which is inhabited by Moros and
ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et heathens. Two kings are found there
lalto cinque cento et vinticinque li among the Moros, one of them, as
gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne we were told by the king, having
viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma had six hundred children, and the
adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la other five hundred and twenty-
matina quando eſconno fora de caſa five.481 The heathens do not have so
ꝓ tuto qeL giorno JL re de queſti many women; nor do they live
gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo under so many superstitions, but
de oro et habita dento ne layſola in adore for all that day the first thing
queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono that they see in the morning when
Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la they go out of their houses. The
gamba pienne de acqua molto buona king of those heathens, called Raya
da bere ne Comprauão assay Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold,
daqueſti populi. and lives in the interior of the
island. Reeds as thick around as the
leg and filled with water that is very
good to drink, grow on the flinty
rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482
We bought many of them from
those people.

Marti a dudici de nouembre il re On Tuesday, November twelve, the
fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela king had a house built for us in the
cita ꝓ la nr̃ a mercantia gli la city in one day for our merchandise.
portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia We carried almost all of our goods
de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li thither, and left three of our men to
nr̃ j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo guard them. We immediately began
amerchadantare in queſto modo ꝓ to trade in the following manner.
x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno For x brazas of red cloth of very
ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ good quality, they gave us one bahar
he quato qʒi et ſey libr̃ un Quintale e of cloves, which is equivalent to
cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de four quintals and six libras; for
panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ fifteen brazas of cloth of not very
quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta good quality, one quintal and one
cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets,
iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili one bahar; for thirty-five glass
de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete drinking-cups, one bahar (the king
cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ getting them all); for seventeen
vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for
vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one
vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta bahar; for twenty-six brazas of
Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta linen, one bahar; for twenty-five
forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for
bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de one hundred and fifty knives, one
guzerati vno bahar per tre de qelle bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one
ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for
de metalo vno bahar tucti li ſpechi x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483 one
eranno rocti et li pocqi bonny Ly bahar; for three of those gongs of
volſe el re molte de queſte coſe theirs, two bahars;484 for one quinta
eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi of bronze [metalo], one bahar.
la p̃ ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne [Almost] all the mirrors were
fece dare le nr̃ e merchantie ꝓ broken, and the few good ones the
miglior mercato non hauereſſemo king wished for himself. Many of
facto ogni giorno veniuano ale those things [that we traded] were
naui tante barque pienne de capre from the abovementioned junks

galine figui cochi et altre coſe da which we had captured. Our haste to
mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia return to Spagnia made us dispose
forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona of our merchandise at better
Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta bargains [to the natives] than we
ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte should have done.485 Daily so many
diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e.,
naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL bananas], cocoanuts, and other
contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia kinds of food were brought to the
lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de ships, that we were surprised. We
longi parte. supplied the ships with good water,
which issues forth hot [from the
ground], but if it stands for the
space of an hour outside its spring,
it becomes very cold, the reason
therefor being that it comes from the
mountain of cloves. This is quite the
opposite from the assertion in
Spagnia that water must be carried
to Maluco from distant parts.486

Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo On Wednesday, the king sent his
deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so
açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi that they might supply us more
diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo quickly. On that day we told the
preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio king that we had captured certain
et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli Indians. The king thanked God
deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li heartily, and asked us to do him the
mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque kindness to give him their persons,
hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL so that he might send them back to
re deſpagnia et de ſua fama alhora their land, with five of his own men,
li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in in order that they might make the
nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja king of Spagnia and his fame
detta JL giorno ſeguente li known. Then we gave him the three
apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo women who had been captured in
the queen’s name for the reason

qelli de burne ne hebe grandiſſimo already advanced. Next day, we
piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo gave the king all the prisoners,
ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci except those from Burne, for which
haueuão nele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe he thanked us fervently. Thereupon,
tante capre et galine gli he asked us, in order thereby to
amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li show our love for him, to kill all the
apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta swine that we had in the ships, in
Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li return for which he would give us
vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ an equal number of goats and fowls.
non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore. We killed them in order to show him
a pleasure,487 and hung them up
under the deck. When those people
happen to see any swine they cover
their faces in order that they might
not look upon them or catch their
odor.

(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.) (Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)

NOTES

[Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden are made from
Arber’s reprint The first three English books on America (Birmingham,
1885), from the third book, entitled The decades of the newe worlde, first
printed in London in 1555; from Mosto, from Il primo viaggio, intorno al
globo di Antonio Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which was
published as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e
studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario
dalla scoperta dell’America, appearing under the auspices of the Minister
of Public Instruction; and from Stanley, from his First voyage round the
world, by Magellan (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which
was translated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti publication
(Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.]
1
The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded in darkness.
The Pigafetta family, who resided at Venice, and was formerly of Tuscan
origin, dates back before him for several centuries. The Pigafetta
escutcheon was white above and black below with a white transverse bar
running from left to right. On the lower part were three red roses, one of
them on the bar. The old family house is still standing and shows the motto
Il nest rose sans espine, i.e., “No rose without a thorn,” which was probably
carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and not by Antonio Pigafetta
after his return from his voyage as some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born
toward the close of the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively
fixed, some declaring it to be 1491; but Harrisse who follows Marzari,
gives the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some have
asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evidently unfounded, as
he was received into the military order of St. John. At an early age he
probably became familiar with the sea and developed his taste for traveling.
He went to Spain with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in 1519, but in
what capacity is unknown. Hearing details of Magalhães’s intended voyage

he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that he is the Antonio
Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain’s servants and volunteers
who sailed on the expedition, so called as his country was Lombardy. After
the return of the “Victoria,” he journeyed in Spain, Portugal, and France,
and returned to Italy probably in January, 1523. The relation presented by
him to Cárlos I was probably a draft of his notes taken daily throughout the
voyage. His Relation as we know it was undertaken at the request of the
marchioness of Mantova, but its composition was arrested by an order from
Clement VII to come to Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or
January, 1524, meeting Villiers l’Isle-Adam on his journey thither. He
remained in the pope’s service but a short time, for in April, 1524, he was
back in Venice. That same year he was granted a copyright on his Relation,
which he intended to print, for twenty years. Pozzo says that he was
received into the Order of St. John, October 3, 1524, but it was probably
somewhat before that date. Between the dates of August, 1524, and August,
1530, his work was presented to Villiers l’Isle-Adam. Nothing further is
known of him, though some say that he fought against the Turks as late as
1536, while others have placed his death in 1534 or 1535 and at Malta. In
addition to his Relation Pigafetta wrote a Treatise on the art of navigation,
which follows his Relation. This is not presented in the present publication,
notwithstanding its importance, as being outside of the present scope. It is
reproduced by Mosto. He has sometimes been confused with Marcantonio
Pigafetta (a Venetian gentleman), the author of Itinerario da Vienna a
Constantinopoli (London, 1585); and wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio
Pigafetta, the “Vincenzo” being an error for “vicentino,” i.e., “Venetian.”
See Mosto, Il primo viaggio ... di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), pp. 13–
30; Larousse’s Dictionnaire; and La grande Encyclopédie (Paris).
2
The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See Vol. II, p. 26, note 2. Throughout
this Relation Pigafetta’s spelling of proper names is retained.
3
Philippe de Villiers l’Isle-Adam, the forty-third grand master of the Order
of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of Malta after 1530), was born of
an old and distinguished family at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta,
August 21, 1534, at grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He
was elected grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year

occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand five hundred
soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman. After six months he
was compelled to surrender his stronghold in October, and refusing
Soliman’s entreaties to remain with him, went to Italy. In 1524 he was given
the city of Viterbe by Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general
chapter of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta
which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed by the letters-
patent of Charles V in 1530, and Villiers l’Isle-Adam Adam went thither in
October of that year. He was always held in high esteem for his bravery,
prudence, and piety. See Moreri’s Dictionaire, and Larousse’s Dictionnaire.
4
The four MSS. of Pigafetta’s Relation are those known as the Ambrosian
or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in
Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, in French;
no. 24,224, in the same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also
French) so called because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned
by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The MSS. of the
Bibliothèque Nationale are both shorter than the Italian MS. The Nancy
MS. is said to be the most complete of the French manuscripts. The best
bibliographical account of these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by
Mosto ut supra. A full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed
books will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series.

There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no. 5,650
(which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the Italian
MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the division of
MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is on the whole
identical. The most radical of the differences will be shown in these notes.
MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the page immediately preceding
the beginning of the relation proper: “Navigation and discovery of Upper
Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of
Rhodes.”
5
The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that dignity until June,
1519. Pigafetta writing after that date is not explicit.

6
Francesco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most ancient and
famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth century. He attained
preëminence at Sienna in both civil and ecclesiastical law. Aided by
Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of Sion, he was received among the prelates
of the apostolic palace. Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with
great skill. He left Rome for Spain in December, 1518, on a private mission
for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks who were
then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His house at Barcelona
became the meeting-place of the savants of that day who discussed
literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3.
7
MS. 5,650 adds: “scholars and men of understanding.”
8
MS. 5,650 reads: “so that I might satisfy the wish of the said gentlemen
and also my own desire, so that it could be said that I had made the said
voyage and indeed been an eyewitness of the things hereafter written.”
9
See Vol. I, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhães. The only adequate
life of Magalhães in English is that of Guillemard.
10
That is, the Order of Santiago. See Vol. I, p. 145, note 171. Magalhães
and Falero were decorated with the cross of comendador of the order by
Cárlos I in the presence of the royal Council in July, 1518. See Guillemard’s
Ferdinand Magellan, p. 114.
11
See Vol. I for various documents during the period of the preparation of
the fleet; also Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 114–116 and 130–134; and
Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. xxxiv–xlvi.
12
Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 1523.
Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Clement’s election, for he
was in Rome either in December, 1523, or January, 1524.
13
The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled adaptation of the
Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to Clement VII, instead of Villiers
L’Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, note 3.

14
MS. 5,650 reads: “Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after all provisions
had been made and the ships were in readiness, the captain-general, a wise
and virtuous man, and one mindful of his honor, would not commence his
voyage without first making some good and suitable rules, such as it is the
approved custom to make for those who go to sea, although he did not
entirely declare the voyage that he was about to make lest those men,
through astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the so
long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration of the furious
and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea where he was about to sail,
and in consideration of another reason also, namely, that the masters and
captains of the other ships in his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for
which I know not, unless because he, the captain-general, was a Portuguese,
and they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a long while been biased and
ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of that, rendered him
obedience), he made his rules such as follow, so that his ships might not go
astray or become separated from one another during storms at sea. He
published those rules and gave them in writing to every master in the ships
and ordered them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and
legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was impossible.”
15
A Spanish word, meaning “lantern.”
16
Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trenza “braid” or
“twist.” Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque, which denotes a large rope
made from Spanish grass hemp (stipa)—known to the Spaniards as esparto.
MS. 5,650 reads: “Sometimes he set out a lantern; at other times a thick
rush cord which was lighted and was called ‘trenche’ [i.e., ‘estrenque,’ ‘rope
of Spanish grass hemp’].” Barcio (Diccionario general etimológico) says
that the origin of estrenque is unknown.
17
MS. 5,650 reads: “If he wished the other ships to haul in a bonnet-sail,
which was a part of the sail attached to the mainsail, he showed three lights.
Also by three lights notwithstanding that the weather might be favorable for
making better time, it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled
in, so that the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when
bad weather came suddenly in any squall or otherwise.”

18
MS. 5,650 adds: “which he had extinguished immediately after;” and
continues: “then showing a single light as a sign that he intended to stop
there and wait until the other ships should do as he.”
19
MS. 5,650 adds: “that is to say, a rock in the sea.”
20
Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly translated, it is:
“Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be reattached to the sail, he
showed three fires.”
21
This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650.
22
Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night immediately
preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8.
23
Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French contremaître
and the Spanish contramaestre, was formerly the third officer of a ship’s
crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the officer next to contramaestre,
although the name, according to Littré was applied to the master or
seacaptain of certain small craft. The maestro (French maître) was a sub-
officer in charge of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in
importance. The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the
above officers (see following note).
24
The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as follows in MS.
5,650: “In addition to the said rules for carrying on the art of navigation as
is fitting, and in order to avoid the dangers that may come upon those who
do not have watches set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things
required and in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was at
the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the third toward
daybreak, which is commonly called the ‘diane’ [i.e., ‘morn’] or otherwise
‘the star of dawn.’ The abovenamed watches were changed nightly: that is
to say, that he who had stood first watch stood second the day following,
while he who had stood second, stood third; and thus did they continue to
change nightly. The said captain ordered that his rules, both those of signals
and of watches, be thoroughly observed, so that their voyage might be made

with the greatest of safety. The men of the said fleet were divided into three
divisions: the first was that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or
boatswain’s mate; and the third that of the master. The above rules having
been instituted, the captain-general determined to depart, as follows.”
25
See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 329–336, and Navarrete, Col. de viages,
iv, pp. 3–11, 162–188, for the stores and equipments of the fleet and their
cost. The stores carried consisted of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas
and beans, flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes,
figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The
apothecary supplies were carried in the “Trinidad,” and the ecclesiastical
ornaments in that ship and the “San Antonio.”
26
The exact number of men who accompanied Magalhães is a matter of
doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 1519, conserved in the
papers of the India House of Trade in Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla,
with pressmark est. 41, caj. 6, leg. 2–25, orders that only two hundred and
thirty-five persons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various
registers of the fleet (sec Llorens Ascensio’s Primera vuelta al mundo,
Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his Colección (i, p.
113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that at least two hundred and
sixty-eight men went as is shown by the official lists and “the casual
occurrence of names in the numerous and lengthy autos fiscales connected
with the expedition.” Guillemard conjectures that the total number must
have been between two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty.
Mosto (p. 53, note 2) says: “Castanheda and Barros say that the crews
amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete’s lists show a total
of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in addition to them and the
Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese and Italians (thirty or more),
French (nineteen), Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes,
Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary
Islands. But seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many
Biscayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 326–329.) The registers of men
as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12–26) are as follows.

Trinidad

(Flagship of 110 tons)

Capacity Name Nationality
Chief captain of the Hernando de Magallanes Portuguese, citizen of
fleet Oporto
Pilot of his Highness Esteban Gomez Portuguese
Notary Leon de Espeleta
Master Juan Bautista de Cestre, on the Genoese
Punzorol1 shore
Alguacil2 Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa
Espinosa
Contramaestre Francisco Albo3 Axio, citizen of Rodas
Surgeon Juan de Morales4 Sevilla
Barber Marcos de Bayas San Lucar de Alpechin
Carpenter Master Antonio Genoese
Steward Cristóbal Ros or Lepe
Rodriguez
Calker Felipe5 Genoese, native of Reco
Cooper Francisco Martin Sevilla
Sailor Francisco de Espinosa De le Brizuela
Sailor Ginés de Mafra Jerez
Sailor Leon Pancaldo6 Saona, in Génova
Sailor Juan Ginovés7 San Remó
Sailor Francisco Piora Saona
Sailor Martin Ginovés Cestre
Sailor Anton Hernandez Huelva
Colmenero
Sailor Anton Ros, or Rodriguez Huelva
Sailor Bartolomé Sanchez Huelva
Sailor Tomas de Natia Cestre
Sailor Diego Martin Huelva

Sailor Domingo de Urrutia8 Lequeitio
Sailor Francisco Martin Huelva
Sailor Juan Rodriguez Sevilla
Gunner Master Andres, chief Bristol, in England
gunner
Gunner Juan Bautista Mompeller
Gunner Guillermo Tañegui Lila de Groya
Common seaman Antonio de Goa Loró
Common seaman Anton de Noya9 Noya in Galicia
Common seaman Francisco de Ayamonte Ayamonte
Common seaman Juan de Santandres10 Cueto
Common seaman Blas de Toledo11 Almunia in Aragon
Common seaman Anton12 Black
Common seaman Basco Gomez Gallego Portuguese
Common seaman Juan Gallego Pontevedra
Common seaman Luis de Beas13 Beas in Galicia
Common seaman Juan de Grijol Grijol in Portugal
Boy Gutierrez Asturian from Villasevil
Boy Juan Genovés14 A port on the Genoese
shore
Boy Andres de la Cruz15 Sevilla

Servants of the captain and sobresalientes16

Servant Cristóbal Rabelo Portuguese, native of Oporto
Sobresaliente Joan Miñez or Sevilla
Martinez
Servant Fernando Portuguese, native of
Portogues17
Oporto

Sobresaliente Antonio Lombardía
Lombardo18
Peti-Joan French, native of Angeo [i.e.,
Anjou]
Gonzalo Rodriguez Portuguese
Diego Sanchez Sevilla
Barrasa
Luis Alonso, de Portuguese, citizen of Ayamonte
Gois19
Duarte Barbosa Portuguese
Albaro de la Portuguese
Mezquita
Servant Nuño Portuguese, native of
Montemayor Nuevo
Servant Diego San Lucar
Captain’s boy Francisco20 Portuguese, native of Estremiz
Idem Jorge Morisco Lombardía
Chaplain Pedro de Ecija
Balderrama
Merino Alberto21 Merino Cordova
Servant of the Pero Gomez Hornilla la Prieta
alguacil
Armorer Pero Sanchez22 Sevilla
Interpreter, a Henrique de Malaca
servant Malaca23
Lázaro de Torres Aracena

San Antonio

(120 tons)

Capacity Name Nationality

Captain and Juan de Cartagena
supervisor of the
fleet
Accountant Antonio de Coca
Notary Hierónimo Guerra
His Majesty’s pilot Andres de San Martin
Pilot of his Highness Juan Rodriguez de Mafra
Master Juan de Elorriaga24 Guipúzcoa
Boatswain Diego Hernandez Sevilla
Barber Pedro Olabarrieta25 Bilbao
Steward Juan Ortiz de Gopegar26 Bilbao
Calker Pedro de Bilbao Bilbao
Carpenter Pedro de Sabtua Bermeo
Calker Martin de Goytisolo Baquio
Cooper Joan de Oviedo Sevilla
Sailor Sebastian de Olarte Bilbao
Sailor Lope de Uguarte
Sailor Joanes de Segura Segura in Guipúzcoa
Sailor Joan de Francia Ruan [i.e., Rouen]
Sailor Jácome de Mecina Mesina
Sailor Christóbal García From Palos
Sailor Pero Hernandez Rivadesella
Sailor Antonio Rodríguez, Sevilla
Calderero [i.e., blacksmith]
Sailor Hernando de Morales27 From Moguer
Sailor Francisco, Marinero [i.e., a Citizen of Huelva
sailor]
Sailor Francisco Ros, or From Huelva
Rodriguez
Sailor Pedro de Laredo Portogalete
Sailor Simon de Asio Axio

Gunner Master Jacques, chief From Tierra Lorena [i.e.,
gunner land of Lorraine]
Gunner Rojer Dupict Monaym
Gunner Joan Jorge Silvedrin
Common seaman Luis,28 Grumete [i.e., a Galicia
common seaman]
Common seaman Martin de Aguirre Arrigorriaga
Common seaman Columbazo Bolonia [i.e., Bologna]
Common seaman Lucas de Mecina Mesina
Common seaman Lorencio Rodriguez From Moguer
Common seaman Miguel Pravia, in Astúrias
Common seaman Joanes de Irun Iranzo Irun Iranza in Guipúzcoa
Common seaman Joan Ginoves Saona
Common seaman Joan de Orue Munguia
Common seaman Alonso del Puerto29 Puerto de Santa María
Boy Diego, son of Cristóbal From Palos
Garcia
Boy Diego, son of Juan
Rodriguez de Mafra

Servants and sobresalientes

Chaplain Bernardo Calmeta Laytora in France
Sobresaliente Joan de Chinchilla Murcia
Sobresaliente Anton de Escobar Talavera
Sobresaliente Francisco de Angulo Moron
Servant to the Francisco de Molino Baeza
captain
Servant to the Roque Pelea Salamanca
captain
Servant to the Rodrigo Nieto, a Galician Orense
captain

Servant to the Alonso del Rio Búrgos
captain
Servant to the Pedro de Balpuesta Citizen of Búrgos
captain
Servant to the Joan de Leon Leon
captain
Servant to the Gutierre de Tuñon30 Tunon in Astúrias
captain
Servant to the Joan de Sagredo,31 merino Revenga, in the land of
captain Búrgos
Servant to the Joan de Minchaca, a Bilbao
captain crossbowman
Captain’s servant Antonio Hernandez; Ayamonte
interpreter
Servant to the Juan Gomez de Espinosa Espinosa
accountant
Servant to the Pedro de Urrea Brujas
accountant

Concepcion

(90 tons)

Captain Gaspar de Quesada
Notary Sancho de Heredia
Pilot of his Joan Lopez Caraballo Portuguese
Highness
Master Joan Sebastian de Elcano32 Guetaria
Boatswain Joan de Acurio Bermeo
Barber Hernando de Bustamente33 Mérida
Calker Antonio de Basazabal34 Bermeo
Carpenter Domingo de Iraza35 Deva
Steward Joan de Campos Alcalá de Henares

Cooper Pero Perez Sevilla
Sailor Francisco Rodriguez36 Sevilla
Sailor Francisco Ruiz Moguer
Sailor Mateo de Gorfo37 Gorfo
Sailor Joan Rodriguez38 Huelva
Sailor Sebastian Garcia39 Huelva
Sailor Gomez Hernandez Huelva
Sailor Lorenzo de Iruna40 Socavila in
Guipúzcoa
Sailor Joan Rodriguez,41 el sordo [i.e., the Sevilla
deaf man]
Sailor Joan de Aguírre Bermeo
Sailor Joan de Ortega Cifuentes
Gunner Hans Vargue,42 chief gunner German
Gunner Master Pedro Bruselas
Gunner Roldan de Argote Flandes, in Brujas
Common seaman Joan de Olivar43
Common seaman Guillermo de Lole44
Common seaman Cristóbal de Costa45 Jerez
Common seaman Guillen Galvey
Common seaman Gonzalo de Vigo Vigo
Common seaman Pedro de Muguertegui Muguertegui
Common seaman Martin de Isaurraga Bermeo
Common seaman Rodrigo Macias Sevilla
Common seaman Joan Navarro46 Pamplona
Common seaman Joanes de Tuy
Boy Juanillo47 Galbey
Boy Pedro de Churdurza48 Bermeo

Sobresalientes

Captain’s Luis del Molino Baeza
servant
Captain’s Antonio Fernandez Portuguese, of Sevilla
servant
Captain’s Alonso Coto49 Genoese
servant
Captain’s Francisco Diaz de Madrid
servant Madrid
Merino Martin de Judicibus Genoese
Juan de Silva Isla Graciosa, in Azores
Blacksmith Gonzalo Hernandez Santa María del Puerto
Martin de Magallayns Portuguese, of Lisboa
Joan de la Torre Almonaster, a boundary of
Sevilla

Victoria

(85 tons)

Captain and treasurer Luis de Mendoza
of fleet
Pilot of his Highness Basco Gallego Portuguese
Notary Martin Mendez Citizen of Sevilla
Master Anton Salomon Trápana in
Sicilia
Boatswain Miguel de Rodas Rodas
Alguacil Diego de Peralta Peralta in
Navarra
Steward Alonso Gonzales Portuguese
Calker Simon de la Rochela From La Rochela
Carpenter Martin de Griate50 From Deva
Sailor Miguel Benesciano Bresá

Sailor Diego Gallego Bayona in
Galicia
Sailor Lope Navarro Tudela
Sailor Nicolas Ginoves Génova
Sailor Nicolao de Nápoles Nápoles de
Romanía
Sailor Miguel Sanchez Rodas
Sailor Nicolao de Capua Capua
Sailor Benito Genovés Arvenga
Sailor Felipe de Rodas Rodas
Sailor Esteban Villon51 Troya
Sailor Joan Griego Nápoles de
Romanía
Gunner Jorge Aleman [i.e., the German], From Estric
chief gunner
Gunner Filiberto de Torres52 Toriana
Gunner Hans, a German53 Agan
Common seaman Joanico,54 a Viscayan Somorostro
Common seaman Joan de Arratia55 Bilbao
Common seaman Ochote56 Bilbao
Common seaman Martin de Ayamonte
Common seaman Pedro de Tolosa Tolosa in
Guipúzcoa
Common seaman Sebastian Ortiz Gelver
Common seaman Antonio Baresa in
Génova
Common seaman Bernal Mahuri57 Narbona
Common seaman Rodrigo Gallego [i.e., a Galician] Coruña
Common seaman Domingo Portogues [i.e., a Coimbra
Portuguese]

Boy Juan de Zuvileta, the son of Baracaldo
Basco Gallego

Sobresalientes

The captain’s servant Francisco Carvajal Salamanca
Captain’s servant Joan Martin58 Aguilar de Campo
Captain’s servant Simon de Burgos Portuguese
Captain’s servant Bartolomé de Saldaña Palos
Blacksmith Gonzalo Rodriguez
Blacksmith Pero Garcia de Herrero59 Ciudad Real
Blacksmith Joan Villalon Antequera
Blacksmith Alonso de Mora, or de Ebora60 Mora, in Portugal
Cooper Joan de Córdoba Sanlúcar
Cooper Diego Diaz Sanlúcar

Santiago

(75 tons)

Captain and pilot of Joan Serrano Citizen of Sevilla
his Highness
Notary Antonio de Costa
Master Baltasar Ginoves Ribera de Génova [i.e., the
Genoese shore]
Boatswain Bartolomé Prior61 San Malo
Steward Gaspar Diaz Isla Graciosa, in the Azores
Calker Joan García Génova
Carpenter Ripart62 Bruz in Normandia [i.e.,
Normandy]
Sailor Antonio Flamenco [i.e., Enveres
a Fleming]
Sailor Luis Martinez Huelva

Sailor Bartolomé García Palos
Sailor Joan García Palos
Sailor Agustin Saona
Sailor Bocacio Alfonso63 Bollullos
Sailor Pedro Gascon64 [i.e., a Burdeos [i.e., Bordeaux]
Gascon]
Sailor Domingo65
Sailor Diego García de Trigueros
Trigueros
Gunner Lorenzo Corrat Talesa in Normandia [i.e.,
Normandy]
Gunner Joan Macia66 Troya
Common seaman Pedro Diaz67 Huelva
Common seaman Antonio Hernandez68 Palos
Common seaman Juan,69 a negro
Common seaman Joan Breton [i.e., a Cruesic in Bretaña [i.e.,
Breton] Brittany]
Common seaman Pedro Bello70 Palos
Common seaman Hierónimo Garcia71 Sevilla
Common seaman Pero Arnaot Horrai
Common seaman Pero Garcia Trigueros
Boy Joan Flamenco [i.e., a Enveres
Fleming]
Boy Francisco Paxe72

Sobresalientes

Merino Joan de Aroche Aroche, boundary of Sevilla
Martin Barrena Villafranco in Guipúzcoa
Hernan Lorenzo Aroche

The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete
made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de Indias, and notes
of Juan Bautista Muñoz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the
way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the
custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and
the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From
some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the
fleet.

Capacity Name Nationality
Carpenter Aroca Viscayan
Steward Blas Alfonso Portuguese
Calker Juan Gutierrez
Maestre Pedro73
Sailor Bautista Genovés Génova
Common seaman Perucho de Bermeo
Common seaman Domingo Alvarez
Common seaman Domingo Gonzalez
Common seaman Domingo de Zubillan74 Portuguese
Common seaman Andres Blanco
Common seaman Antonio Gomez Axio
Common seaman Juan Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese]
Common seaman Juan Bras
Common seaman Gonzalo Gallego
Common seaman Rodrigo de Hurrira
Sebastian Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese]
Juan de Ircepais

Sobresalientes

Secular priest Pero Sanchez de Reina
Licentiate Morales

Hernando Rodriguez
Hartiga
Diugurria
Soldier Diego Arias Sanlúcar
Blacksmith Juan Hernandez Triana
Servant of Luis de Mendoza Hernando de Aguilar
The negro of the pilot Juan Carballo

In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of
Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amer., London and Paris,
1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list.
27
The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wâd-al-Kebir, “the
great river”), superseded the Roman name of Bætis. The Romans formed all
Southern Spain into one province called Bætica after the name of the Bætis.
By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from
Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name
Julia Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. Coría
was once a Roman potters’ town and is still celebrated for its jars. San
Lúcar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was captured from
the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained
importance after the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The
house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Pérez de Guzman, a
famous captain.
28
The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues;
and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for
the distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one
hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may
have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows:
“which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x leguas from the
said port;” for “longui” may be taken as agreeing with “gradi.” In all
rendering of distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the
Italian; and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins.

29
MS. 5,650 reads: “And after passing many small villages along the said
river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of Medinacidonia,
and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an entrance into the
Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and leaves by the west.
Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies
in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from the
said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port by the river
abovesaid, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles.” This passage might be
cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not translate or write the French version,
but that the work was done by another, who takes various liberties with his
original.
30
MS. 5,650 reads: “furnish the fleet.”
31
Ninguna in original, a Spanish word.
32
MS. 5,650 adds: “otherwise called ‘labeiche.’” Labech (Italian libeccio)
is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another instance in which
the French adapter adds an explanation to the Italian, thus explaining the
Italian term garbino, “southwest.”
33
MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: “sixteenth.” The so-called Genoese pilot (the
author of the “Roteiro,” by which name his account will be hereafter
designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 145, and
Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) gives the date of departure as September 21 (with
which Barros agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see
Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta,
while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes
that if one keep in mind the circumstance that the day of the arrival
coincided with the day dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date
September 29 seems more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two
dates of the arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until
October 2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montaña Roja (the
Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and 5.
It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely trustworthy

authorities, and that many times they have simply copied from authorities,
such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon.
34
The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of
the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them
under the name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance
with them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to
Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean
de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest under the
auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the settlements made by
Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to Spain in 1481 (see Birch’s
Alboquerque, London, 1875–1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi).
The inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the
latter meaning “men of Tenerife.” The inhabitants of this island, holding out
longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See also Conquest of
Canaries (London, 1877); and History and Description of Africa (London,
1896), i, pp. 99–101: both publications of the Hakluyt Society. The island of
Tenerife was formerly called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like
all the other islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation, and its peak,
the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude is 28° 15′.
35
Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end
of Tenerife.
36
MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a substance needed by ships.” Herrera says
that they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden
with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, note 8).
37
MS. 5,650 reads: “water coming from spring or river.”
38
Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly abridges: “The lyke
thynge is alſo ſcene in the Iland of ſaynt Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the
Equinoctiall lyne.” Of this island of Hierro, Pory (History and description
of Africa, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 100) says: “Hierro hath neither spring
nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which over-
spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as sufficeth both

for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower or two before the sunne, and
is dissolued two howers after sunne rising.” This is an old story and is
related by Pliny and founded upon fact “for both in Madeira and the
Canaries the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant
water from the daily mists” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio Chil
y Naranio (Estudios históricos ... de las islas Canarias, 1879) believes
Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and that the first navigators
visited only the coast and so did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p.
53, note 9).
39
MS. 5,650 adds: “which the sailors of the east call ‘Cyroc’” This is the
Italian sirocco, which is the name for the southeast wind instead of the
south. Herrera says they left the port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2).
40
Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: “In this coaſt they had no maner of
contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether for the ſpace of three
ſcore and tenne dayes, in the which they came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.”
41
MS. 5,650 adds: “and of those persons who have sailed there often.”
42
MS. 5,650 reads: “And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or
broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together).”
43
This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in
MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: “During the calm weather,
large fish called tiburoni,” etc. The word tiburoni, “sharks” is from the
Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tibéron (tiburin, tiburon).—
Echagaray’s Diccionario Etimológico (Madrid, 1889).
44
MS. 5,650 reads: “The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance
which sailors call ‘hame’ which is an iron fishhook.” Hame (ain) is the
French form of the Italian Amo, meaning “fishhook.”
45
MS. 5,650 adds: “because of the bad weather.”

46
MS. 5,650 reads “a quarter of an hour,” and the same duration of time is
given by Eden (p. 250).
47
MS. 5,650 adds: “It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents
the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a
storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked.” Herrera (cited by Mosto,
p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted
candle and sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts
of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, and saluted
the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he appeared, he remained a
quarter of an hour; and at his departure a great flash of light occurred which
blinded all the men. Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing,
Eden injects into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description
of St. Elmo’s fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of De
Subtilitate. He says: “Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or ſtarre
commonly cauled ſaynt Helen which is ſumtyme ſeene abowt the maſtes of
ſhyppes, beinge of ſuche fyery nature that it ſumetyme melteth braſen
veſſels, and is a token of drownyng, foraſmuch as this chaunceth only in
great tempeſtes. For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is
engendered, can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but
of a groſe vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a token of
imminent perell.” The fires called after St. Peter and St. Nicholas are on the
contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally to be seen on the cables,
after a storm. Being little and swift moving they can do no damage as they
could do if massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo’s fire is the popular
name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of a star or
brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes
accompanied by a hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by
sailors. The Greeks who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor
and Pollux myth; and the French edition of Pigafetta’s relation published by
Simon de Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54): “They saw the fires
called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom the
ancients called Castor and Pollux).” “Elmo” is said by some to be a
corruption of “Helena,” the sister of Castor and Pollux, and the name
“Hellene” or “Helen” was often given to the fire when only one light was

visible. It is, however, more probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of
Formine who died about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the
Mediterranean. The phenomenon is also called fire of “St. Elias,” “St.
Clara,” “St. Nicolas,” and “composite,” “composant,” and “corposant (i.e.,
corpus sanctum).”
48
The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family Laridæ and
genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic coasts and on
some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current among sailors (see
Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela
(“cagaselo” in MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the
jaeger, and by sailors “boatswain,” “teaser,” and “dung-hunter.” The last
name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that this bird fed
on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and
compels them to disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying-fish
is either a species of Exocœtus, or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and
America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from the water to
escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New
York).
49
MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the south and the
west;” and below reads: “twenty-four and one-half degrees;” while Eden (p.
250) reads: “xxii degrees and a halfe.”
50
Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema’s Travels,
Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the Italian name
for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first visited by Vicente
Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and Amerigo Vespucci, was
named. The first names of the country were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz.
Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in 8° 21´ south latitude, and is
the most eastern headland of South America. It was the first land of that
continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by
Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Magalhães arrested Juan de
Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of the “San Antonio”
to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 153). Albo’s log begins
slightly before the sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29.

See Burton’s “Introduction” in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1874).
51
MS. 5,650 reads: “veal.” The anta is the tapir, once very plentiful in
South America, but now rare in the well civilized districts. See Burton’s
Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, however, seems to designate the
llama by this name, for he says when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian:
“and many Indians came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which
resemble camels without the hump.” (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p. 214).
52
Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la
longueur dun naveau, “and is of the length of a shuttle,” confusing naveau
with navette, “shuttle.” Naveau here is equivalent to navet, “turnip” or
navette, “rape,” a plant of the turnip class, as is proved by the Italian.
53
MS. 5,650 reads: “And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to
play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls.” The four suits of Italian playing
cards are called spade (“swords”), bastoni (“clubs”), danari (literally:
“money;” “diamonds”), and coppe (“cups”).
54
MS. 5,650 reads: “five.”
55
MS. 5,650 adds: “which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in
the sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a
straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and
in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et mondo.” By the treatise of the
sphere is evidently meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his
relation, and which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the
present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: “Notices
concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered,
written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end are
added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places east and
west.” In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley
translates Amoretti’s version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged.
Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years’
experience during the expedition.

56
Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to coast
southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy’s bay on December
13 (St. Lucy’s day). Of the coast he says: “The mountains are peaked and
have many reefs about them. There are many rivers and ports in the said
Brasil and San Tomé, and some six leguas down the coast there are many
bays running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast and
southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a
very large river.... At the entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at
the mouth a very low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has
many ports ... and is called the bay of Santa Lucía.... In the said bay, one
finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go naked and trade for
fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk’s bells with food.... We entered that place on
the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed there until the day of St. John, namely,
the twenty-seventh of the said month of December. On that day we went
and took our course west southwest, and found seven islands. To the right
of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [i.e., the Kings] which has a
good entrance.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 1) says: “as soon as they sighted
the other coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east [sic] along the coast as
far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from
this cape he steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio
de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered the
said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in which
place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first octave of
Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same year.” Brito
(Navarrete, iv, p. 306) says: “Setting sail thence [i.e., from Tenerife], the
first land sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended the
coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 or 16 days.”
57
Eden (p. 251) says: “bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and
Italie.”
58
MS. 5,650 adds: “more like beasts than anything else.”
59
MS. 5,650 reads: “And some of those people live to the age of one
hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more.” Eden
(p. 251) says: “C.xx. and C.xl. yeares.” For description of the Brazil

Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade
(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117–169.
60
Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as “boy.”
61
MS. 5,650 reads: “You must know that a family of one hundred persons,
who make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called boii.” One of
these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is described by Wilson (Transactions of
Ethnological Society, new series, vol. i) as being “60 or 70 feet long,
divided into rooms for several families by rush mats, and provided with a
central fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained
200 head.” See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, note. The
Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos of the Tupi or
Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1; see also Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-
lxxvi).
62
Amoretti makes this passage read: “Their boats, called canoes, are
hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;” understanding maschize
as massiccio “huge.” Mosto prefers to read maschize as two words ma
schize (notwithstanding that it is one word in the original), for ma
schiacciate, “but flattened.” Accepting this, the translation would be: “They
have boats made from one single tree, only flattened.” Amoretti’s
interpretation is to be preferred.
63
MS. 5,650 reads: “and one would believe them to be enemies from hell.”
64
MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said country of Verzin.”
65
MS. 5,650 reads: “daily.” Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto, p.
55, note 6): “I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the beams, in the
same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and swine’s flesh.” See Jesuit
Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of
cannibalism among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans
Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155–159; and Dominguez’s
Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1891),
pp. 129, 130.

66
For Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an error of the
amanuensis. This was João Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo of the
register—see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a Portuguese, of none too
scrupulous morals, even in his age, as appears later in Pigafetta’s narrative.
After the fatal banquet in the island of Cebú, he became the leader of the
remaining men of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He
remained behind with the ill-fated “Trinidad,” and never returned to
Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left behind
in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252–255, for Correa’s account of the actions of
Carvalho after the death of Magalhães.
67
The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 both include the
women and children.—Stanley.
68
It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American
Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied
Documents (Cleveland reissue).
69
Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus
Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8).
70
MS. 5,650 reads: “fresh cheese.” Pigafetta may here refer to the bread
made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans
Stade, pp. 130–132, for a description of the method of preparing this root.
71
The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagaçu), or peccari
(Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those of the porcupine,
and is generally of a whitish color. It is tailless and very fierce and difficult
to domesticate. The flesh was eaten; and the teeth were worn by some of the
chiefs as necklaces. Burton (ut supra), p. 160, note.
72
The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family of the
Plataleidæ, whose habitat extends through all of tropical and subtropical
America, including the West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia
and Chile, and north to the southern part of the United States.

73
Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of
Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner.
74
MS. 5,650 reads: “The women attend to the outside affairs, and carry
everything necessary for their husband’s food in small panniers on the head
or fastened to the head.”
75
MS. 5,650 adds: “and compassion.”
76
MS. 5,650 reads: “When we departed they gave us a very great quantity
of verzin;” and adds: “That is a color which comes from trees which grow
in the said country, and so abundantly, that the country is called Verzin from
it.”
77
MS. adds: “which was a piece of great simplicity.”
78
This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: “Besides the
abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place
showed us another very simple thing.”
79
This passage in Stanley reads as follows: “A beautiful young girl came
one day inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come
except to seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of
the master, and saw a nail, of a finger’s length, and went and took it as
something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would
not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending
forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery.” The
matter between the words “length” and “naked” is taken from MS. 24,224
(wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the
regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some
of the details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told
in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for
publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the edition of
1536 which omits the above story: “At the first land at which we stopped,
some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships from other countries
and who were heavy with child, were taken with the pains of childbirth.

Consequently, they went alone out of the ships, went ashore, and after
having given birth, returned immediately to the ships with their infants in
their arms.” He also cites the following passage from the first French
printed edition, which also narrates the above story of the girl: “At the first
coast that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in
travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned, and nursed
their children.” Stanley adds that this story of the slave women is
improbable, as women were not allowed to come aboard ship.
80
MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: “maiz, huy, pinda,
taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom.” Amoretti (see
Stanley’s edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and itanmaraca as Hanmaraca.
Stanley mistranslates the French forcette (“scissors”) as “fork.”
81
Eden says (p. 251): “xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward the pole
Antartike.”
82
MS. 5,650 reads: “and to ask whether the others might come.”
83
MS. 5,650 reads: “That place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye
and it was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say
the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have ever
discovered anything farther on.” Eden (p. 251) reads: “Abowt the mouth of
this ryuer are ſeven ilandes, in the byggeſt whereof, they founde certeyne
precious ſtones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes
thought that by this ryuer they might haue paſſed into the ſouth ſea. But they
were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was none other paſſage than by
the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large in the mouth.” This river was the Rio
de la Plata. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 2) says that Magalhães left Rio de
Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa María and the river
which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until February 2,
1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions the river which he calls the
“river of Solís.” The ships sent to look for a strait through the river were
gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the river was
made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: “They left that place [i.e.,
Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the river called

Solís, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he could find a strait. They
stayed there forty days. Magallanes ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to sail
forward for about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not
finding a passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and
found the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest.” For early
history of this region, see Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plata.
84
Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in
1470. He is said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered
Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after
the death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in
command of an expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He
discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of the
Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten
before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted back
to Spain by his brother-in-law.
85
Eden adds (p. 251): “which ſum thynke to bee thoſe fyſſhes that wee
caule pikes.” Below, the sea-wolf is described as having a head “of golden
coloure.” They were probably some species of the Otariidæ or fur-seals
(Giullemard, p. 160, note). The “geese” were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and
others, also mention the “sea-wolves and ducks.” Kohl (Zeitschrift der
Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the ships were
laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos Bay, but it is more
probably Puerto Deseado (“Port Desire;” see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake
also secured fresh provisions from these “sea-wolves,” calling the bay
where he secured them “Seale Bay.” See World Encompassed (Hakluyt
Society edition), pp. 54, 55.
86
Port St. Julian. The “Roteiro” pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they reached
it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20´ south latitude. Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: “We went to a port called San Julian, where we
entered the last day of March, and where we stayed until the day of St.
Bartholomew. The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees.
We pitched the ships in that port.” Other writers give slightly different
locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose

MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the
king of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the
“Trinidad.” His information as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port
St. Julian, he says: “They coasted along shore until they reached a river
called San Juan where they wintered for four months.”
87
MS. 5,650 adds: “jumping up and down.” The only reference made to the
Patagonians by Albo is as follows: “Many Indians came there, who dress in
certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels without the hump. They
have certain bows made from cane, which are very small and resemble
turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with
flint instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, and very
well-built and well-appearing men.” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 214, 215). Cf. with
Pigafetta’s account that given by Maximilianus Transylvanus, in Vol. I, pp.
303–337.
88
MS. 5,650 reads: “he began to marvel and to be afraid.”
89
Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this
passage: “His hair was short and colored white,” but this translation is
borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a
picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes (Narrative of U. S. Exploring
Expedition, 1838–1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom
the officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were
taller than average Europeans, as follows: “They had good figures and
pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with
broad faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was course and cut short on
the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this they
wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of
them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than in the
young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of them had their
faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, soot, and ashes. Their
whole appearance, together with their inflamed and sore eyes, was filthy
and disgusting.” They showed that they had had previous communication
with white men. Their food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows
and arrows and had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says

that “The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men,
people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che,
southerners.” Many of them are “from six to six feet four inches in height,
and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish brown, and have aquiline
noses and good foreheads.” Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches)
gives the average height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m., hence the early
accounts of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note
6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p.
5); and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition),
pp. 40, 56–61 (where the origin of the name “Patagonian” is wrongly
given).
90
The guanaco, a species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.
91
Hence arose the name “Patagonians” or “men with big feet,” given by
Magalhães, because of the awkward appearance of the feet in such
coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater warmth.
92
The words “somewhat thicker than those of a lute” are lacking in MS.
5,650.
93
This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650.
94
Eden (p. 251) says “two,” and following says that Magalhaes gave the
giant “certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with alſo a lookynge
glaſſe, a combe, and a payre of beades of glaſſe.”
95
MS. 5,650 adds: “on the face.”
96
MS. 5,650 omits “face.”
97
“For the smiths” is omitted by MS. 5,650.
98
Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured,
but that he died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, pp. 314, 315). The
“Roteiro” says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or four were captured, but all died

except one, who went to Spain in the “San Antonio.” Pigafetta’s account, as
given by an eyewitness, is to be preferred.
99
MS. 5,650 reads: “for otherwise they could have caused some of our men
trouble.” Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French “forces” as
“forks.”
100
MS. 5,650 adds: “of malefactors,” and reads farther: “and their faces
lighted up at seeing those manacles.”
101
MS. 5,650 reads: “and they were grieved that they could not take the
irons with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they
were holding.” Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of the capture:
“Being thus taken, they were immediately ſeperate and put in ſundry
ſhyppes.”
102
MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, the big devil.”

Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says
that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden,
and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest
from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed
by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the
god Settaboth.
103
MS. 5,650 reads: “the wife of one of the giants who had remained
behind in irons.”
104
MS. 5,650 makes this plural.
105
See ante, note 103.
106
This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
107
MS. 5,650 adds: “in their language.”

108
MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.
109
MS. 5,650 reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations and
Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples of medicine and surgery
as practiced by the North American Indians.
110
MS. 5,650 reads “two feet or so.”
111
MS. 5,650 reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade also
notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of
Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136–138, and note, from which it
appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many
Tupi tribes).
112
Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original
from MS. 5,650.
113
In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted,
and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise
and gives expression to greater joy than the others.”
114
Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da
punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della Società geografica italiana,”
1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called
“Wallichu.” Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without some
religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the
beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the
four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois.”
115
See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of MS. 5,650 as
“Palaghom.”
116
A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as
early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous
people. The name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy,
comes from the Greek word τἀσιγχανοι, by which they were called by

Byzantine writers of the ix–xii centuries; the same name appearing also in
slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia,
and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India,
whence they emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and
harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they
had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in
France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia,
Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitános
(Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the
reign of Cárlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive.
They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but
the name Gitáno had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where
their customs are described. The few in Italy have been allowed to remain,
and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly.
Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while they have been
given many names by the nations among whom they have lived, their own
appellation is “Rom” “the man.” See New International Encyclopedia (New
York, 1903).
117
MS. 5,650 reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed “capac.”
118
“Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus
and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San
Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5½ instead of 4½
months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr
places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same
date says that the name “St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to that bay
which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as April 2, and says
that the place was called “river of Saõ Julião.” See Mosto, ut supra.
119
A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as
follows in MS. 5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a
consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered.
Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying
shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and
set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly confused,

while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of
the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny:
“They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where
certeyne of the vnder capitaynes conſpirynge the death of theyr general,
were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the treaſurer Luigo of
Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other conſpirators, he left in the ſayd
land of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by
Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume,
pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted
against Magalhães” saying that they intended to take him to Castile in
arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but Magalhães subdued the
mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by
Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded
and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, Magalhães’s cousin, is wrongly
reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed,
but the command of the “San Antonio” that had previously been given to
Antonio de Coca, after Magalhães had deprived Cartagena of it, had been
given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny.

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp.
34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same
volume and from Herrera, is as follows:

“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San
Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to
be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the
country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the
rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that
country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or
accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage
which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land
or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had
no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good
water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine
had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule
regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them

not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had
manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them
corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the
men.

“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and
pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de
la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de
Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he
was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la
Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.

“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about
thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where
Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered
to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done
with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how
Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him
to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help
him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan
de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain,
Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in
God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your ship, for the
present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also
summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our
deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his
dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men.
Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the
ship ‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San Antonio.’ Thus
were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ‘San
Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’ and ‘Victoria.’

“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held
three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require
him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in
order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he

would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands,
and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would
thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him.

“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear
them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come
lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where
they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders
commanded.

“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the
face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept
the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those
negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa,
in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed
secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the
latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and
smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in
the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head
so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat
under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with
fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the
breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the
‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately
approached the ‘Santiago.’

“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were
held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for
them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San
Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada
determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his
ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them.
Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they
arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward
and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they
would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably.

“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it
was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the
flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped
aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding,
‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes.
The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other
sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he
sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with
them.

“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it
quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered
Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done
by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to
save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him.
Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez
de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be
marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited
death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not
excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.”

Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and
unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was
taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal
cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also
have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and
kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to
the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in
execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for
the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered
his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other
captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their
attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in
his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his
dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named
Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena

together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no
inhabitants.”

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the
meeting.

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–
174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have
rescued Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of the
“Santiago”) was given command of the “Concepcion,” Mesquita of the
“San Antonio,” and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese
(Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake
should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty
was executed. That the history of Magalhães’s expedition was generally
known is evident from the following: “The next day after, being the
twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good
harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet
standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where
Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious
company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.
120
MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”
121
Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The
account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and
inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp.
38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete,
iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three
months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in
order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.”
Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the
hull of the vessel was lost.
122
Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a
variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common mussel.

123
See Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.
124
Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”
125
MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His
grace.”
126
MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is
retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza is a measure about
equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although varying in
different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however,
translated brasse (“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8),
conjectures this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore
Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The
Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question
was what was formerly called Eliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name
that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it
by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most
popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish
name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or
rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real
resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern
hemisphere—the Nototheniids. The so-called Eliginus maclovinus
(properly, Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely
distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of
Magalhães.”
127
Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215)
says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month
[of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas
farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the
26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the
18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and
water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an
excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4)
places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about

50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up
the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz
was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on
September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4,
note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the
name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on
which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross.
Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that
happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp.
187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an
annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not
visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave
instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts
until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a
latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be
twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward
the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the
island of San Lorenzo.”

A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed
“chapter.”
128
The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53°
30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.
129
MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.
130
Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled
the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and
in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a
league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant
de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply
“something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7)
says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two,
and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320)
gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues

or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or
cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth
as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter
Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)
131
Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the
“bow moorings;” Cf. Jal, Glossaire nautìque (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old
Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is
moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.
132
This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular
place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the
sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But
the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and
that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of
Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named
Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one
named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that
they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was
called the cape de la Baya.”

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm)
was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally
from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506.
He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon
(1480) where he became acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen
geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he
received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal;
after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became
interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the
governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg
until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an
immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which
contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to
Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went
to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited

America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães,
the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New
Biographical Dictionary (London, 1848); Grande Encyclopédie (Paris,
Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge
regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent,
prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after
weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a
“more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break
“that would allow access to the eastern world.
133
Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp.
199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.
134
Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.
135
The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.
136
Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.
137
The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.
138
MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.
139
MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of
guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”
140
The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the
northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The
second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island
and Brunswick Peninsula.
141
Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with
ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p.
203). His desertion occurred probably in the first part of November, and

was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of
appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the
notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with
that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain,
anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the
return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an
expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been
fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as
Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. See Grande Encyclopédie;
Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203–
205.

Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San
Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place
[i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of
which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about
15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-
locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese
pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order
to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it
appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San
Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the
strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell
Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it
would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed
anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the
point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’
of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez,
a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened
in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known
whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes
proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s
account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him,
inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).