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Title: An Illustrated History of Ireland from AD 400 to 1800

Author: Mary Francis Cusack

Release date: January 22, 2005 [eBook #14754]
Most recently updated: October 28, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN
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The Project Gutenberg eBook, An Illustrated History of Ireland from AD
400 to 1800, by Mary Frances Cusack, Illustrated by Henry Doyle

AN ILLUSTRATED

HISTORY OF IRELAND

From AD 400 to 1800

Mary Frances Cusack

'The Nun of Kenmare'

Illustrations by

Henry Doyle

First published in 1868.

TO THE

RIGHT HONORABLE JUDGE O'HAGAN,

AND TO

HIS SISTER MARY,
FOUNDRESS AND ABBESS OF SAINT CLARE'S CONVENT, KENMARE,

THIS VOLUME

IS AFFECTIONATELY AND RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

By

The Author.

List of Full-Page Illustrations
ETC.

THE EMIGRANTS' FAREWELL
SPECIMENS OF ANCIENT IRISH MANUSCRIPTS
ST. PATRICK GOING TO TARA
KING BRIAN BOROIMHE KILLED BY THE VIKING
MARRIAGE OF EVA AND STRONGBOW
INTERVIEW BETWEEN MACMURROUGH AND THE OFFICERS
OF RICHARD II.
INTERVIEW BETWEEN ESSEX AND O'NEILL
MASSACRE AT DROGHEDA
IRETON CONDEMNING THE BISHOP OF LIMERICK
GRATTAN'S DEMAND FOR IRISH INDEPENDENCE
O'CONNELL REFUSING TO TAKE THE OATH
IRELAND AND AMERICA

Table of Contents
CHAPTER I. CHAPTER XX.
CHAPTER II. CHAPTER XXI.
CHAPTER III. CHAPTER XXII.
CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER XXIII.
CHAPTER V. CHAPTER XXIV.
CHAPTER VI. CHAPTER XXV.
CHAPTER VII. CHAPTER XXVI.
CHAPTER VIII. CHAPTER XXVII.
CHAPTER IX. CHAPTER XXVIII.
CHAPTER X. CHAPTER XXIX.
CHAPTER XI. CHAPTER XXX.
CHAPTER XII. CHAPTER XXXI.
CHAPTER XIII. CHAPTER XXXII.
CHAPTER XIV. CHAPTER XXXIII.
CHAPTER XV. CHAPTER XXXIV.
CHAPTER XVI. CHAPTER XXXV.
CHAPTER XVII. CHAPTER XXXVI.
CHAPTER XVIII. CHAPTER XXXVII.
CHAPTER XIX. INDEX.

PREFACE
TO THE SECOND EDITION.

demand for a Second Edition of the "Illustrated History
of Ireland," within three months from the date of the
publication of the First, consisting of 2,000 copies, is a
matter of no little gratification to the writer, both
personally and relatively. It is a triumphant proof that
Irishmen are not indifferent to Irish history—a fault of
which they have been too frequently accused; and as
many of the clergy have been most earnest and generous
in their efforts to promote the circulation of the work, it is gratifying to be
able to adduce this fact also in reply to the imputations, even lately cast
upon the ecclesiastics of Ireland, of deficiency in cultivated tastes, and of
utter neglect of literature.
Nor, as a Catholic and a religious, can I fail to express my respectful
gratitude and thankfulness for the warm approbation which the work has
received from so many distinguished prelates. A few of these approbations
will be found at the commencement of the volume—it was impossible to
find space for all. It may be, however, well to observe, that several of the
English Catholic bishops have not been less kind and earnest in their
commendations, though I have not asked their permission to publish their
communications. Some extracts are given from the reviews, which also are
necessarily condensed and limited; and, as the Most Rev. Dr. Derry has
observed, the press has been most favorable in its criticisms. Even those
who differed from the present writer toto coelo, both in religion and
politics, have not been less commendatory, and, in some instances, have
shown the writer more than ordinary courtesy.
Nor should I omit to acknowledge the encouragement which so many
gentlemen, both English and Irish, have given to the work, and the
assistance they have afforded in promoting its circulation. In a circular,
quite recently published in London, and addressed to the members of a

society for the republication of English mediæval literature, gentlemen are
called on by the secretary, even at the risk, as he himself admits, of "boring
them, by asking them to canvass for orders, like a bookseller's traveller," to
assist in obtaining additional subscribers to the series, and he requests every
subscriber "to get another at once." I am happy to say that, without such
solicitation on our part, many Irish gentlemen have done us this kindness,
and have obtained not one, but many orders from their friends. I confidently
hope that many more will exert themselves in a similar manner, for the still
wider dissemination of the Second Edition. It is a time, beyond all others,
when Irish history should be thoroughly known and carefully studied. It is a
disgrace to Irishmen not to know their history perfectly, and this with no
mere outline view, but completely and in detail. It is very much to be
regretted that Irish history is not made a distinct study in schools and
colleges, both in England and Ireland. What should be thought of a school
where English history was not taught? and is Irish history of less
importance? I have had very serious letters complaining of this deficiency
from the heads of several colleges, where our history has been introduced as
a class-book.[A]
There are some few Irish Catholics who appear to think that Irishmen
should not study their history—some because they imagine that our history
is a painful subject; others, because they imagine that its record of wrongs
cannot fail to excite violent feelings, which may lead to violent deeds. I
cannot for one moment admit that our history is either so very sorrowful, or
that we have cause to do anything but rejoice in it. If we consider temporal
prosperity to be the summum bonum of our existence, no doubt we may say
with truth, like the Apostle, that of all peoples we are "most miserable;" but
we have again and again renounced temporal advantages, and discarded
temporal prosperity, to secure eternal gain; and we have the promise of the
Eternal Truth that we shall attain all that we have desired. Our history, then,
far from being a history of failures, has been a history of the most
triumphant success—of the most brilliant victories. I believe the Irish are
the only nation on earth of whom it can be truly said that they have never
apostatized nationally. Even the most Catholic countries of the Continent
have had their periods of religious revolution, however temporary. Ireland
has been deluged with blood again and again; she has been defeated in a
temporal point of view again and again; but spiritually—NEVER! Is this a

history to be ashamed of? Is this a history to regret? Is this a history to
lament? Is it not rather a history over which the angels in heaven rejoice,
and of which the best, the holiest, and the noblest of the human race may
justly be proud?
On the second count, I shall briefly say that if Irish history were taught in
our Irish colleges and schools to children while still young, and while the
teacher could impress on his charge the duty of forgiveness of enemies, of
patient endurance, of the mighty power of moral force, which has effected
even for Ireland at times what more violent measures have failed to
accomplish, then there could be no danger in the study. Perhaps the greatest
human preservative of the faith, for those whose lot may be cast hereafter in
other lands, would be to inculcate a great reverence for our history, and a
true appreciation of its value. The taunt of belonging to a despised nation,
has led many a youth of brilliant promise to feel ashamed of his country,
and almost inevitably to feel ashamed of his faith. A properly directed study
of Irish history would tend much to remove this danger. During the debate
on the Irish Church question, Mr. Maguire, M.P. for Cork, significantly
remarked on the effect produced by the "deliberate exclusion" of any
instruction in Irish history from National schools. It does seem curious that
national history should be a forbidden subject in National schools, and this
fact makes the appellation of "National" seem rather a misnomer. The result
of this deliberate exclusion was graphically described by the honorable
member. The youth comes forth educated, and at a most impressible age he
reads for the first time the history of his country, and burns with indignant
desire to avenge her many wrongs. The consequences are patent to all. It is,
then, for the advantage of England, as well as of Ireland, that Irish history
should be made the earliest study of Irish youth; nor is it of less importance
that Irish history should be thoroughly known by Englishmen. It is the duty
of every Englishman who has a vote to give, to make himself acquainted
with the subjects on which his representative will give, in his name, that
final decision which makes his political opinion the law of the land. I
suppose no one will deny that the Irish Question is the question of the day.
The prosperity of England, as well as the prosperity of Ireland, is involved
in it. No educated man, however humble his station, has a right to assist in
returning a member to Parliament without clearly comprehending the
principles of his representative. But unless he has some comprehension of

the principles themselves, it is of little use for him to record his vote. I do
not say that every English voter is bound to study Irish history in detail, but
I do say that, at the present day, he is bound to know what the Irish
themselves demand from England; and if he considers their demands
reasonable, he should record his vote only for those who will do their
utmost to obtain the concessions demanded. A man is unworthy of the
privilege of voting, if he is deficient either in the intellect or the inclination
to understand the subject on which he votes.
But it is of still more importance that members of Parliament should read—
and not only read, but carefully study—the history of Ireland. Irishmen
have a right to demand that they shall do so. If they undertake to legislate
for us, they are bound in conscience and in honour to know what we
require, to know our past and our present state. Englishmen pride
themselves on their honour; but it is neither honorable to undertake to
govern without a thorough knowledge of the governed, or to misrepresent
their circumstances to others whose influence may decide their future.
It was manifest from the speech of her Majesty's minister, on the night of
the all-important division on the Irish Church question, that he either had
not studied Irish history, or that he had forgotten its details. If his statements
are correctly reported by the press, they are inconceivably wild. It may be
said that the circumstances in which he found himself obliged him to speak
as he did, but is this an excuse worthy of such an honorable position? The
Normans, he is reported to have said, conquered the land in Ireland, but in
England they conquered completely. The most cursory acquaintance with
Irish history would have informed the right honorable gentleman, that the
Normans did not conquer the land in Ireland—no man has as yet been rash
enough to assert that they conquered the people. The Normans obtained
possession of a small portion, a very small portion of Irish land; and if the
reader will glance at the map of the Pale, which will be appended to this
edition, at the proper place, he will see precisely what extent of country the
English held for a few hundred years. Even that portion they could scarcely
have been said to have conquered, for they barely held it from day to day at
the point of the sword. Morally Ireland was never conquered, for he would
be a bold man who dared to say that the Irish people ever submitted
nationally to the English Church established by law. In fact, so rash does the
attempt seem even to those who most desire to make it, that they are fain to

find refuge and consolation in the supposed introduction of Protestantism
into Ireland by St. Patrick, a thousand years and more before that modern
phase of religious thought appeared to divide the Christian world.
But I deny that Ireland has ever been really conquered; and even should the
most sanguinary suggestions proposed in a nineteenth-century serial be
carried out, I am certain she could not be. Ireland has never been
permanently subdued by Dane or Norman, Dutchman or Saxon; nor has she
ever been really united to England. A man is surely not united to a jailer
because he is bound to him by an iron chain which his jailer has forged for
his safe keeping. This is not union; and the term "United Kingdom" is in
fact a most miserable misnomer. Unity requires something more than a
mere material approximation. I believe it to be possible that England and
Ireland may become united; and if ever this should be accomplished, let no
man forget that the first link in the golden chain issued from the hands of
the right honorable member for South Lancashire, when he proposed
equality of government on religious questions—the first step towards that
equality of government which alone can effect a moral union of the two
countries. It might be treasonable to hint that some noble-hearted men, who
loved their country not wisely but too well, and who are paying in lifelong
anguish the penalty of their patriotism, had anything to do with the
formation of this golden chain—so I shall not hint it.
I believe the Fenian movement, at one time scouted as a mere ebullition, at
another time treated as a dangerous and terrible rebellion, has done at least
this one good to England—it has compelled honest and honorable men to
inquire each for himself what are the grievances of Ireland, and why she
continues disaffected to English rule. For men who are honest and
honorable to make such inquiries, is the first step, and a certain step,
towards their remedy; and as I glanced down the list of the ayes in the
division, I could see the names of men who, in England, have been
distinguished during years for their private and public virtues, and who
have been lavish in their charities whenever their own countrymen required
their assistance.
There can be little doubt that a new era has dawned upon old Erinn's shores.
It remains to be proved if her sons shall be as faithful in prosperity as they
have been in adversity. It remains to be proved, if opportunities are afforded

us of obtaining higher intellectual culture without the danger of the moral
deterioration which might have attended that culture under other
circumstances, whether we shall avail ourselves of them to the full. May we
not hope that Ireland will become once more famous both for learning and
sanctity. The future of our nation is in the hands of the Irish hierarchy. No
government dare refuse anything which they may demand perseveringly
and unitedly. The people who have been guided by them, and saved by
them for so many centuries, will follow as they lead. If their tone of
intellectual culture is elevated, the people will become elevated also; and
we shall hear no more of those reproaches, which are a disgrace to those
who utter them, rather than to those of whom they are uttered. Let our
people be taught to appreciate something higher than a mere ephemeral
literature; let them be taught to take an interest in the antiquities and the
glorious past of their nation; and then let them learn the history of other
peoples and of other races. A high ecclesiastical authority has declared
recently that "ecclesiastics do not cease to be citizens," and that they do not
consider anything which affects the common weal of their country is remote
from their duty. The clergy of the diocese of Limerick, headed by their
Dean, and, it must be presumed, with the sanction of their Bishop, have
given a tangible proof that they coincide in opinion with his Grace the
Archbishop of Westminster. The letter addressed to Earl Grey by that
prelate, should be in the hands of every Irishman; and it is with no ordinary
gratification that we acknowledge the kindness and condescension of his
Grace in favouring us with an early copy of it.
This letter treats of the two great questions of the day with admirable
discretion. As I hope that every one who reads these pages possesses a copy
of the pamphlet, I shall merely draw attention to two paragraphs in it: one in
which Fenianism is treated of in that rational spirit which appears to have
been completely lost sight of in the storm of angry discussion which it has
excited. On this subject his Grace writes: "It would be blindness not to see,
and madness to deny, that we have entered into another crisis in the relation
of England and Ireland, of which '98, '28, and '48 were precursors;" and he
argues with clearness and authority, that when Englishmen once have
granted justice to Ireland, Ireland will cease to accuse England of injustice.
To one other paragraph in this remarkable letter, I shall briefly allude: "I do
not think Englishmen are enough aware of the harm some among us do by a

contemptuous, satirical, disrespectful, defiant, language in speaking of
Ireland and the Irish people." From peculiar circumstances, the present
writer has had more than ordinary opportunities of verifying the truth of this
statement. The wound caused by a sarcastic expression may often fester far
longer than the wound caused by a hasty blow. The evil caused by such
language is by no means confined entirely to Protestants. There are, indeed,
but few English Catholics who speak contemptuously of Ireland, of its
people, or of its history; but, if I am to credit statements which have been
made to me on unquestionable authority, there are some who are not free
from this injustice. A half-commiserating tone of patronage is quite as
offensive as open contempt; and yet there have been instances where
English Catholic writers, while obliged to show some deference to Ireland
and the Irish, in order to secure the patronage and support of that country
for their publications, have at the same time, when they dared, thrown out
insinuations against peculiarities of Irish character, and made efforts to
discredit Irish historical documents.
I had intended, in preparing the Second Edition of the "Illustrated History
of Ireland," to omit the original Preface, in order to leave more space for the
historical portion of the work. When this intention was mentioned, several
laymen and ecclesiastics expostulated so earnestly against it, that I have
been obliged to yield to their request. I am aware that some few persons
objected to my remarks on the state of land laws in Ireland, or rather on the
want of proper land laws; but the opinion of those interested in maintaining
an evil, will always be averse to its exposure; and I cannot conceive how
any one who desires an injustice to be removed, can object to a fair and
impartial discussion of the subject. An English writer, also, has made some
childish remarks about the materials for Irish history not being yet
complete, and inferred that in consequence an Irish history could not yet be
written. His observations are too puerile to need refutation. I have been
informed also that some objection has been made to a "political preface;"
and that one gentleman, whose name I have not had the honour of hearing,
has designated the work as a "political pamphlet." Even were not Irish
history exceptional, I confess myself perplexed to understand how history
and politics can be severed. An author may certainly write a perfectly
colourless history, but he must state the opinions of different parties, and the
acts consequent on those opinions, even should he do so without any

observation of his own. I never for a moment entertained the intention of
writing such a history, though I freely confess I have exercised considerable
self-restraint as to the expression of my own opinion when writing some
portions of the present work. You might as well attempt to write an
ecclesiastical history without the slightest reference to different religious
opinions, as attempt to write the history of any nation, and, above all, of
Ireland, without special and distinct reference to the present and past
political opinions of the different sections of which the nation is composed.
Such suggestions are only worthy of those who, when facts are painful, try
to avert the wound they cause by turning on the framer of the weapon
which has driven these facts a little deeper than usual into their intellectual
conception; or of those uneducated, or low-minded, even if educated
persons, who consider that a woman cannot write a history, and would
confine her literary efforts to sensation novels and childish tales. I am
thankful, and I hope I am not unduly proud, that men of the highest
intellectual culture, both in England and Ireland, on the Continent of
Europe, and in America, have pronounced a very different judgment on the
present work, and on the desire of the writer to raise her countrywomen to
higher mental efforts than are required by the almost exclusive perusal of
works of fiction. If women may excel as painters and sculptors, why may
not a woman attempt to excel as an historian? Men of cultivated intellect,
far from wishing to depreciate such efforts, will be the first to encourage
them with more than ordinary warmth; the opinions of other persons,
whatever may be their position, are of little value.
On the Irish Church question I feel it unnecessary to say more than a word
of congratulation to my countrymen, and of hearty thanks for the noble
conduct of so many Englishmen at this important crisis. Irish Protestants
have been quite as national as Irish Catholics; and now that the fatal bane of
religious dissension has been removed, we may hope that Irishmen, of all
classes and creeds, will work together harmoniously for the good of their
common country: and thus one great means of Irish prosperity will be
opened. The Irish are eminently a justice-loving people. Let justice once be
granted to them, and there is that in their national character which will
make them accept as a boon what others might accept as a right.
In concluding the Preface to this Edition, I cannot omit to express my
grateful thanks to Sir William Wilde, and other members of the Royal Irish

Academy, through whose kindness I obtained the special favour of being
permitted to copy some of the most valuable illustrations of Irish antiquities
contained in their Catalogue, and which has enabled the reader, for the first
time, to have an Irish history illustrated with Irish antiquities—a favour
which it is hoped an increase of cultivated taste amongst our people will
enable them to appreciate more and more. To John O'Hagan, Esq., Q.C., I
owe a debt of gratitude which cannot easily be repaid, for the time he
bestowed on the correction of the proofs of the First Edition, and for many
kind suggestions, and much valuable advice. I am indebted, also, to M.J.
Rhodes, Esq., of Hoddersfield, for a liberal use of his library, perhaps one
of the most valuable private libraries in Ireland, and for permitting me to
retain, for a year and more, some of its most costly treasures. The same
kindness was also granted by the Rev. D. M'Carthy, Professor of Sacred
Scripture and Hebrew at Maynooth, who is himself doing so much for its
ecclesiastical students by his valuable literary labours, and who was one of
the first to urge me to undertake this work. In preparing the Second Edition,
I am not a little indebted to the Rev. James Gaffney, C.C., M.R.I.A., of
Clontarf, who, even during the heavy pressure of Lenten parochial duties,
has found time to give me the benefit of many important suggestions, and to
show his love of Ireland by deeming no effort too great to further a
knowledge of her glorious history. I am also indebted to the Rev. John
Shearman, C.C., M.R.I.A., of Howth, for the valuable paper read before the
R.I.A., on the "Inscribed Stones at Killeen Cormac;" and to many other
authors who have presented me with their works; amongst the number, none
were more acceptable than the poems of Dr. Ferguson, and the beautiful and
gracefully written Irish before the Conquest, of Mrs. Ferguson, whose gifts
are all the more treasured for the peculiar kindness with which they were
presented.
To my old friend, Denis Florence MacCarthy, Esq., M.R.I.A., who should
be the laureate of Ireland—and why should not Ireland, that land of song,
have her laureate?—I can only offer my affectionate thanks, for his
kindnesses are too numerous to record, and are so frequent that they would
scarcely bear enumeration. At this moment, Roderick O'Flanagan, Esq.,
M.R.I.A., has found, or rather made, leisure, amongst his many professional
and literary occupations, to prepare the valuable and important map of Irish
families, which will be given gratis to all subscribers, and in which W.H.

Hennessy, Esq., M.R.I.A., at present employed by Government on the
important work of publishing ancient Irish MS., will also give his
assistance.
To many of the gentlemen in Cork, and principally to Nicholas Murphy,
Esq., of Norwood, and Eugene M'Sweeny, Esq., I cannot fail to offer my
best thanks, for the generous help they have given in promoting the sale of
the First Edition, and for over-payments of subscriptions, made unasked,
and with the most considerate kindness, when they found the heavy cost of
the First Edition was likely to prove a loss to the convent, in consequence of
expenses which could scarcely be foreseen in the increased size of the
work, and the high class of engravings used, which demanded an immense
outlay in their production. The subscribers to the Second Edition are
indebted to not a few of the subscribers to the First, many of them priests
with limited incomes, for the generosity which has enabled them to obtain
this new issue on such favourable terms. It is with feelings of no ordinary
pleasure that I add also the names of the Superioresses of nearly all the
convents of the order of Our Lady of Mercy and of the order of the
Presentation, to the list of our benefactors. With the exception of, perhaps,
two or three convents of each order, they have been unanimous in their
generous efforts to assist the circulation of the Irish History, and of all our
publications; and this kindness has been felt by us all the more deeply,
because from our own poverty, and the poverty of the district in which we
live, we have been unable to make them any return, or to assist them even
by the sale of tickets for their bazaars. Such disinterested charity is, indeed,
rare; and the efforts made by these religious—the true centres of civilization
in Ireland—to promote the education and to improve the moral and
intellectual tone of the lower and middle classes, are beyond all praise,
combined, as these efforts are, with never-ceasing labour for the spiritual
and temporal good of the poor in their respective districts. Nor should I
omit a word for the friends across the wide Atlantic, to whom the very name
of Ireland is so precious, and to whom Irish history is so dear. The Most
Rev. Dr. Purcell, Archbishop of Cincinnati, has pronounced the work to be
the only Irish history worthy of the name. John Mitchel has proclaimed, in
the Irish Citizen, that a woman has accomplished what men have failed to
do; and Alderman Ternan, at a banquet in New Fork, has uttered the same
verdict, and declares that there, at least, no other history can compete with

ours, although Moore and D'Arcy Magee have preceded us in their efforts
to promote the knowledge of what Ireland has been, and the hope of what
Ireland may yet become.
M.F.C.
ST. CLARE'S CONTENT, KENMARK, CO. KERRY,
May 8th, 1868.

PREFACE
TO THE FIRST EDITION.

he history of the different races who form an integral
portion of the British Empire, should be one of the most
carefully cultivated studies of every member of that
nation. To be ignorant of our own history, is a disgrace;
to be ignorant of the history of those whom we govern, is
an injustice. We can neither govern ourselves nor others
without a thorough knowledge of peculiarities of
disposition which may require restraint, and of
peculiarities of temperament which may require development. We must
know that water can extinguish fire, before it occurs to us to put out a fire
by the use of water. We must know that fire, when properly used, is a
beneficent element of nature, and one which can be used to our advantage
when properly controlled, before we shall attempt to avail ourselves of it for
a general or a particular benefit. I believe a time has come when the Irish
are more than ever anxious to study their national history. I believe a time
has come when the English nation, or at least a majority of the English
nation, are willing to read that history without prejudice, and to consider it
with impartiality.
When first I proposed to write a History of Ireland, at the earnest request of
persons to whose opinion. I felt bound to defer, I was assured by many that
it was useless; that Irishmen did not support Irish literature; above all, that
the Irish clergy were indifferent to it, and to literature in general. I have
since ascertained, by personal experience, that this charge is utterly
unfounded, though I am free to admit it was made on what appeared to be
good authority. It is certainly to be wished that there was a more general
love of reading cultivated amongst the Catholics of Ireland, but the
deficiency is on a fair way to amendment. As a body, the Irish priesthood
may not be devoted to literature; but as a body, unquestionably they are
devoted—nobly devoted—to the spread of education amongst their people.

With regard to Englishmen, I cannot do better than quote the speech of an
English member of Parliament, Alderman Salomons, who has just
addressed his constituents at Greenwich in these words:—

"The state of Ireland will, doubtless, be a prominent subject of
discussion next session. Any one who sympathizes with distressed
nationalities in their struggles, must, when he hears of the existence of
a conspiracy in Ireland, similar to those combinations which used to be
instituted in Poland in opposition to Russian oppression, be deeply
humiliated. Let the grievances of the Irish people be probed, and let
them be remedied when their true nature is discovered. Fenianism is
rife, not only in Ireland, but also in England, and an armed police
required, which is an insult to our liberty. I did not know much of the
Irish land question, but I know that measures have been over and over
again brought into the House of Commons with a view to its
settlement, and over and over again they have been cushioned or
silently withdrawn. If the question can be satisfactorily settled, why let
it be so, and let us conciliate the people of Ireland by wise and
honorable means. The subject of the Irish Church must also be
considered. I hold in my hand an extract from the report of the
commissioner of the Dublin Freeman's Journal, who is now
examining the question. It stated what will be to you almost incredible
—namely, that the population of the united dioceses of Cashel, Emly,
Waterford, and Lismore is 370,978, and that of those only 13,000 are
members of the Established Church, while 340,000 are Roman
Catholics. If you had read of this state of things existing in any other
country, you would call out loudly against it. Such a condition of
things, in which large revenues are devoted, not for the good of the
many, but the few, if it does not justify Fenianism, certainly does
justify a large measure of discontent. I am aware of the difficulties in
the way of settling the question, owing to the fear of a collision
between Protestants and Catholics; but I think Parliament ought to
have the power to make the Irish people contented."

This speech, I believe, affords a fair idea of the opinion of educated and
unprejudiced Englishmen on the Irish question. They do not know much
about Irish history; they have heard a great deal about Irish grievances, and

they have a vague idea that there is something wrong about the landlords,
and something wrong about the ecclesiastical arrangements of the country. I
believe a careful study of Irish history is essential to the comprehension of
the Irish question; and it is obviously the moral duty of every man who has
a voice in the government of the nation, to make himself master of the
subject. I believe there are honest and honorable men in England, who
would stand aghast with horror if they thoroughly understood the injustices
to which Ireland has been and still is subject. The English, as a nation,
profess the most ardent veneration for liberty. To be a patriot, to desire to
free one's country, unless, indeed, that country happen to have some very
close connexion with their own, is the surest way to obtain ovations and
applause. It is said that circumstances alter cases; they certainly alter
opinions, but they do not alter facts. An Englishman applauds and assists
insurrection in countries where they profess to have for their object the
freedom of the individual or of the nation; he imprisons and stifles it at
home, where the motive is precisely similar, and the cause, in the eyes of
the insurgents at least, incomparably more valid. But I do not wish to raise a
vexed question, or to enter on political discussions; my object in this
Preface is simply to bring before the minds of Englishmen that they have a
duty to perform towards Ireland—a duty which they cannot cast aside on
others—a duty which it may be for their interest, as well as for their honour,
to fulfil. I wish to draw the attention of Englishmen to those Irish
grievances which are generally admitted to exist, and which can only be
fully understood by a careful and unprejudiced perusal of Irish history, past
and present. Until grievances are thoroughly understood, they are not likely
to be thoroughly remedied. While they continue to exist, there can be no
real peace in Ireland, and English prosperity must suffer in a degree from
Irish disaffection.
It is generally admitted by all, except those who are specially interested in
the denial, that the Land question and the Church question are the two great
subjects which lie at the bottom of the Irish difficulty. The difficulties of the
Land question commenced in the reign of Henry II.; the difficulties of the
Church question commenced in the reign of Henry VIII. I shall request your
attention briefly to the standpoints in Irish history from which we may take
a clear view of these subjects. I shall commence with the Land question,

because I believe it to be the more important of the two, and because I hope
to show that the Church question is intimately connected with it.
In the reign of Henry II., certain Anglo-Norman nobles came to Ireland,
and, partly by force and partly by intermarriages, obtained estates in that
country. Their tenure was the tenure of the sword. By the sword they
expelled persons whose families had possessed those lands for centuries;
and by the sword they compelled these persons, through poverty,
consequent on loss of property, to take the position of inferiors where they
had been masters. You will observe that this first English settlement in
Ireland was simply a colonization on a very small scale. Under such
circumstances, if the native population are averse to the colonization, and if
the new and the old races do not amalgamate, a settled feeling of aversion,
more or less strong, is established on both sides. The natives hate the
colonist, because he has done them a grievous injury by taking possession
of their lands; the colonist hates the natives, because they are in his way;
and, if he be possessed of "land hunger," they are an impediment to the
gratification of his desires. It should be observed that there is a wide
difference between colonization and conquest. The Saxons conquered what
we may presume to have been the aboriginal inhabitants of England; the
Normans conquered the Saxon: the conquest in both cases was sufficiently
complete to amalgamate the races—the interest of the different nationalities
became one. The Norman lord scorned the Saxon churl quite as
contemptuously as he scorned the Irish Celt; but there was this very
important difference—the interests of the noble and the churl soon became
one; they worked for the prosperity of their common country. In Ireland, on
the contrary, the interests were opposite. The Norman noble hated the Celt
as a people whom he could not subdue, but desired most ardently to
dispossess; the Celt hated the invader as a man most naturally will hate the
individual who is just strong enough to keep a wound open by his struggles,
and not strong enough to end the suffering by killing the victim.
The land question commenced when Strongbow set his foot on Irish soil;
the land question will remain a disgrace to England, and a source of misery
to Ireland, until the whole system inaugurated by Strongbow has been
reversed. "At the commencement of the connexion between England and
Ireland," says Mr. Goldwin Smith, "the foundation was inevitably laid for
the fatal system of ascendency—a system under which the dominant party

were paid for their services in keeping down rebels by a monopoly of power
and emolument, and thereby strongly tempted to take care that there should
always be rebels to keep down." There is a fallacy or two in this statement;
but let it pass. The Irish were not rebels then, certainly, for they were not
under English dominion; but it is something to find English writers
expatiating on Irish wrongs; and if they would only act as generously and as
boldly as they speak, the Irish question would receive an early and a most
happy settlement.
For centuries Ireland was left to the mercy and the selfishness of colonists.
Thus, with each succeeding generation, the feeling of hatred towards the
English was intensified with each new act of injustice, and such acts were
part of the normal rule of the invaders. A lord deputy was sent after a time
to rule the country. Perhaps a more unfortunate form of government could
not have been selected for Ireland. The lord deputy knew that he was
subject to recall at any moment; he had neither a personal nor a hereditary
interest in the country. He came to make his fortune there, or to increase it.
He came to rule for his own benefit, or for the benefit of his nation. The
worst of kings has, at least, an hereditary interest in the country which he
governs; the best of lord deputies might say that, if he did not oppress and
plunder for himself, other men would do it for themselves: why, then,
should he be the loser, when the people would not be gainers by his loss?
When parliaments began to be held, and when laws were enacted, every
possible arrangement was made to keep the two nations at variance, and to
intensify the hostility which already existed. The clergy were set at
variance. Irish priests were forbidden to enter certain monasteries, which
were reserved for the use of their English brethren; Irish ecclesiastics were
refused admission to certain Church properties in Ireland, that English
ecclesiastics might have the benefit of them. Lionel, Duke of Clarence,
when Viceroy of Ireland, issued a proclamation, forbidding the "Irish by
birth" even to come near his army, until he found that he could not do
without soldiers, even should they have the misfortune to be Irish. The Irish
and English were forbidden to intermarry several centuries before the same
bar was placed against the union of Catholics and Protestants. The last and
not the least of the fearful series of injustices enacted, in the name of
justice, at the Parliament of Kilkenny, was the statute which denied, which
positively refused, the benefit of English law to Irishmen, and equally

forbid them to use the Brehon law, which is even now the admiration of
jurists, and which had been the law of the land for many centuries.
If law could be said to enact that there should be no law, this was precisely
what was done at the memorable Parliament of Kilkenny. If Irishmen had
done this, it would have been laughed at as a Hibernicism, or scorned as the
basest villany; but it was the work of Englishmen, and the Irish nation were
treated as rebels if they attempted to resist. The confiscation of Church
property in the reign of Henry VIII., added a new sting to the land
grievance, and introduced a new feature in its injustice. Church property
had been used for the benefit of the poor far more than for the benefit of its
possessors. It is generally admitted that the monks of the middle ages were
the best and most considerate landlords. Thousands of families were now
cast upon the mercy of the new proprietors, whose will was their only law;
and a considerable number of persons were deprived of the alms which
these religious so freely distributed to the sick and the aged. Poverty
multiplied fearfully, and discontent in proportion. You will see, by a careful
perusal of this history, that the descendants of the very men who had driven
out the original proprietors of Irish estates, were in turn driven out
themselves by the next set of colonists. It was a just retribution, but it was
none the less terrible. Banishments and confiscations were the rule by
which Irish property was administered. Can you be surprised that the Irish
looked on English adventurers as little better than robbers, and treated them
as such? If the English Government had made just and equitable land laws
for Ireland at or immediately after the Union, all the miseries which have
occurred since then might have been prevented. Unfortunately, the men who
had to legislate for Ireland are interested in the maintenance of the unjust
system; and there is an old proverb, as true as it is old, about the blindness
of those who do not wish to see. Irish landlords, or at least a considerable
number of Irish landlords, are quite willing to admit that the existence of
the Established Church is a grievance. Irish Protestant clergymen, who are
not possessed by an anti-Popery crochet—and, thank God, there are few
afflicted with that unfortunate disease now—are quite free to admit that it is
a grievance for a tenant to be subject to ejection by his landlord, even if he
pays his rent punctually.

I believe the majority of Englishmen have not the faintest idea of the way in
which the Irish tenant is oppressed, not by individuals, for there are many
landlords in Ireland devoted to their tenantry, but by a system. There are,
however, it cannot be denied, cases of individual oppression, which, if they
occurred in any part of Great Britain, and were publicly known, would raise
a storm, from the Land's End to John o' Groat's House, that would take
something more than revolvers to settle. As one of the great objects of
studying the history of our own country, is to enable us to understand and to
enact such regulations as shall be best suited to the genius of each race and
their peculiar circumstances, I believe it to be my duty as an historian, on
however humble a scale, not only to show how our present history is
affected by the past, but also to give you such a knowledge of our present
history as may enable you to judge how much the country is still suffering
from present grievances, occasioned by past maladministration.
Englishmen are quite aware that thousands of Irishmen leave their homes
every year for a foreign country; but they have little idea of the cause of this
emigration. Englishmen are quite aware that from time to time insurrections
break out in Ireland, which seem to them very absurd, if not very wicked;
but they do not know how much grave cause there is for discontent in
Ireland. The very able and valuable pamphlets which have been written on
these subjects by Mr. Butt and Mr. Levey, and on the Church question by
Mr. De Vere, do not reach the English middle classes, or probably even the
upper classes, unless their attention is directed to them individually. The
details of the sufferings and ejectments of the Irish peasantry, which are
given from time to time in the Irish papers, and principally in the Irish local
papers, are never even known across the Channel. How, then, can the
condition of Ireland, or of the Irish people, be estimated as it should? I
believe there is a love of fair play and manly justice in the English nation,
which only needs to be excited in order to be brought to act.
But ignorance on this subject is not wholly confined to the English. I fear
there are many persons, even in Ireland, who are but imperfectly acquainted
with the working of their own land laws, if, indeed, what sanctions injustice
deserves the name of law. To avoid prolixity, I shall state very briefly the
position of an Irish tenant at the present day, and I shall show (1) how this
position leads to misery, (2) how misery leads to emigration, and (3) how
this injustice recoils upon the heads of the perpetrators by leading to

rebellion. First, the position of an Irish tenant is simply this: he is rather
worse off than a slave. I speak advisedly. In Russia, the proprietors of large
estates worked by slaves, are obliged to feed and clothe their slaves; in
Ireland, it quite depends on the will of the proprietor whether he will let his
lands to his tenants on terms which will enable them to feed their families
on the coarsest food, and to clothe them in the coarsest raiment If a famine
occurs—and in some parts of Ireland famines are of annual occurrence—
the landlord is not obliged to do anything for his tenant, but the tenant must
pay his rent. I admit there are humane landlords in Ireland; but these are
questions of fact, not of feeling. It is a most flagrant injustice that Irish
landlords should have the power of dispossessing their tenants if they pay
their rents. But this is not all; although the penal laws have been repealed,
the power of the landlord over the conscience of his tenant is unlimited. It is
true he cannot apply bodily torture, except, indeed, the torture of starvation,
but he can apply mental torture. It is in the power of an Irish landlord to
eject his tenant if he does not vote according to his wishes. A man who has
no conscience, has no moral right to vote; a man who tyrannizes over the
conscience of another, should have no legal right. But there is yet a deeper
depth. I believe you will be lost in amazement at what is yet to come, and
will say, as Mr. Young said of penal laws in the last century, that they were
more "fitted for the meridian of Barbary." You have heard, no doubt, of
wholesale evictions; they are of frequent occurrence in Ireland—sometimes
from political motives, because the poor man will not vote with his
landlord; sometimes from religious motives, because the poor man will not
worship God according to his landlord's conscience; sometimes from selfish
motives, because his landlord wishes to enlarge his domain, or to graze
more cattle. The motive does not matter much to the poor victim. He is
flung out upon the roadside; if he is very poor, he may die there, or he may
go to the workhouse, but he must not be taken in, even for a time, by any
other family on the estate. The Irish Celt, with his warm heart and generous
impulses, would, at all risks to himself, take in the poor outcasts, and share
his poverty with them; but the landlord could not allow this. The
commission of one evil deed necessitates the commission of another. An
Irish gentleman, who has no personal interest in land, and is therefore able
to look calmly on the question, has been at the pains to collect instances of
this tyranny, in his Plea for the Celtic Race. I shall only mention one as a
sample. In the year 1851, on an estate which was at the time supposed to be

one of the most fairly treated in Ireland, "the agent of the property had
given public notice to the tenantry that expulsion from their farms would be
the penalty inflicted on them, if they harboured any one not resident on the
estate. The penalty was enforced against a widow, for giving food and
shelter to a destitute grandson of twelve years old. The child's mother at one
time held a little dwelling, from which she was expelled; his father was
dead. He found a refuge with his grandmother, who was ejected from her
farm for harbouring the poor boy." When such things can occur, we should
not hear anything more about the Irish having only "sentimental
grievances." The poor child was eventually driven from house to house. He
stole a shilling and a hen—poor fellow!—what else could he be expected to
do? He wandered about, looking in vain for shelter from those who dared
not give it. He was expelled with circumstances of peculiar cruelty from
one cabin. He was found next morning, cold, stiff, and dead, on the ground
outside. The poor people who had refused him shelter, were tried for their
lives. They were found guilty of manslaughter only, in consideration of the
agent's order. The agent was not found guilty of anything, nor even tried.
The landlord was supposed to be a model landlord, and his estates were
held up at the very time as models; yet evictions had been fearfully and
constantly carried out on them. Mr. Butt has well observed: "The rules of
the estate are often the most arbitrary and the most sternly enforced upon
great estates, the property of men of the highest station, upon which rents
are moderate, and no harshness practised to the tenantry, who implicitly
submit." Such landlords generally consider emigration the great remedy for
the evils of Ireland. They point to their own well-regulated and well-weeded
estates; but they do not tell you all the human suffering it cost to exile those
who were turned out to make room for large dairy farms, or all the quiet
tyranny exercised over those who still remain. Neither does it occur to them
that their successors may raise these moderate rents at a moment's notice;
and if their demands are not complied with, he may eject these
"comfortable farmers" without one farthing of compensation for all their
improvements and their years of labour.
I have shown how the serfdom of the Irish tenant leads to misery. But the
subject is one which would require a volume. No one can understand the
depth of Irish misery who has not lived in Ireland, and taken pains to
become acquainted with the habits and manner of life of the lower orders.

The tenant who is kept at starvation point to pay his landlord's rent, has no
means of providing for his family. He cannot encourage trade; his sons
cannot get work to do, if they are taught trades. Emigration or the
workhouse is the only resource. I think the efforts which are made by the
poor in Ireland to get work are absolutely unexampled, and it is a cruel
thing that a man who is willing to work should not be able to get it. I know
an instance in which a girl belonging to a comparatively respectable family
was taken into service, and it was discovered that for years her only food,
and the only food of her family, was dry bread, and, as an occasional luxury,
weak tea. So accustomed had she become to this wretched fare, that she
actually could not even eat an egg. She and her family have gone to
America; and I have no doubt, after a few years, that the weakened organs
will recover their proper tone, with the gradual use of proper food.
There is another ingredient in Irish misery which has not met with the
consideration it deserves. If the landlord happens to be humane, he may
interest himself in the welfare of the families of his tenantry. He may also
send a few pounds to them for coals at Christmas, or for clothing; but such
instances are unhappily rare, and the alms given is comparatively nothing.
In England the case is precisely the reverse. On this subject I speak from
personal knowledge. There is scarcely a little village in England, however
poor, where there is not a committee of ladies, assisted by the neighbouring
gentry, who distribute coals, blankets, and clothing in winter; and at all
times, where there is distress, give bread, tea, and meat. Well may the poor
Irish come home discontented after they have been to work in England, and
see how differently the poor are treated there. I admit, and I repeat it again,
that there are instances in which the landlord takes an interest in his
tenantry, but those instances are exceptions. Many of these gentlemen, who
possess the largest tracts of land in Ireland, have also large estates in
England, and they seldom, sometimes never, visit their Irish estates. They
leave it to their agent. Every application for relief is referred to the agent.
The agent, however humane, cannot be expected to have the same interest
in the people as a landlord ought to have. The agent is the instrument used
to draw out the last farthing from the poor; he is constantly in collision with
them. They naturally dislike him; and he, not unnaturally, dislikes them.
The burden, therefore, of giving that relief to the poor, which they always
require in times of sickness, and when they cannot get work, falls almost

exclusively upon the priests and the convents. Were it not for the exertions
made by the priests and nuns throughout Ireland for the support of the poor,
and to obtain work for them, and the immense sums of money sent to
Ireland by emigrants, for the support of aged fathers and mothers, I believe
the destitution would be something appalling, and that landlords would find
it even more difficult than at present to get the high rents which they
demand. Yet, some of these same landlords, getting perhaps £20,000 or
£40,000 a-year from their Irish estates, will not give the slightest help to
establish industrial schools in connexion with convents, or to assist them
when they are established, though they are the means of helping their own
tenants to pay their rent. There are in Ireland about two hundred conventual
establishments. Nearly all of these convents have poor schools, where the
poor are taught, either at a most trifling expense, or altogether without
charge. The majority of these convents feed and clothe a considerable
number of poor children, and many of them have established industrial
schools, where a few girls at least can earn what will almost support a
whole family in comfort. I give the statistics of one convent as a sample of
others. I believe there are a few, but perhaps only a very few other places,
where the statistics would rise higher; but there are many convents where
the children are fed and clothed, and where work is done on a smaller scale.
If such institutions were encouraged by the landlords, much more could be
done. The convent to which I allude was founded at the close of the year
1861. There was a national school in the little town (in England it would be
called a village), with an attendance of about forty children. The numbers
rose rapidly year by year, after the arrival of the nuns, and at present the
average daily attendance is just 400. It would be very much higher, were it
not for the steady decrease in the population, caused by emigration. The
emigration would have been very much greater, had not the parish priest
given employment to a considerable number of men, by building a new
church, convent, and convent schools. The poorest of the children, and, in
Ireland, none but the very poorest will accept such alms, get a breakfast of
Indian meal and milk all the year round. The comfort of this hot meal to
them, when they come in half-clad and starving of a winter morning, can
only be estimated by those who have seen the children partake of it, and
heard the cries of delight of the babies of a year old, and the quiet
expression of thankfulness of the elder children. Before they go home they
get a piece of dry bread, and this is their dinner—a dinner the poorest

English child would almost refuse. The number of meals given at present is
350 per diem. The totals of meals given per annum since 1862 are as
follows:—

During the year 1862 ...... 36,400
" " 1863 ...... 45,800
" " 1864 ...... 46,700
" " 1865 ...... 49,000
" " 1866 ...... 70,000
" " 1867 ...... 73,000
Making a total of ...... 320,900

There were also 1,035 suits of clothing given.
The Industrial School was established in 1863. It has been principally
supported by English ladies and Protestants. The little town where the
convent is situated, is visited by tourists during the summer months; and
many who have visited the convent have been so much struck by the good
they saw done there, that they have actually devoted themselves to selling
work amongst their English friends for the poor children.
The returns of work sold in the Industrial School are as follows:—

£ s. d.
Work sold in 1863..... 70 36½
" " 1864..... 109 185
" " 1805..... 276 13½
" " 1866..... 421 163
" " 1867..... 350 24½
Making a total of £1,228 110½

The falling off in 1867 has been accounted for partly from the Fenian panic,
which prevented tourists visiting Ireland as numerously as in other years,
and partly from the attraction of the French Exhibition having drawn
tourists in that direction. I have been exact in giving these details, because
they form an important subject for consideration in regard to the present
history of Ireland. They show at once the poverty of the people, their love

of industry, and their eagerness to do work when they can get it. In this, and
in other convent schools throughout Ireland, the youngest children are
trained to habits of industry. They are paid even for their first imperfect
attempts, to encourage them to go on; and they treasure up the few weekly
pence they earn as a lady would her jewels. One child had in this way
nearly saved up enough to buy herself a pair of shoes—a luxury she had not
as yet possessed; but before the whole amount was procured she went to her
eternal home, where there is no want, and her last words were a message of
love and gratitude to the nuns who had taught her.
The causes of emigration, as one should think, are patent to all. Landlords
do not deny that they are anxious to see the people leave the country. They
give them every assistance to do so. Their object is to get more land into
their own hands, but the policy will eventually prove suicidal. A
revolutionary spirit is spreading fast through Europe. Already the standing
subject of public addresses to the people in England, is the injustice of
certain individuals being allowed to hold such immense tracts of country in
their possession. We all know what came of the selfish policy of the
landowners in France before the Revolution, which consigned them by
hundreds to the guillotine. A little self-sacrifice, which, in the end, would
have been for their own benefit, might have saved all this. The attempt to
depopulate Ireland has been tried over and over again, and has failed
signally. It is not more likely to succeed in the nineteenth century than at
any preceding period. Even were it possible that wholesale emigration
could benefit any country, it is quite clear that Irish emigration cannot
benefit England. It is a plan to get rid of a temporary difficulty at a terrific
future cost. Emigration has ceased to be confined to paupers. Respectable
farmers are emigrating, and taking with them to America bitter memories of
the cruel injustice which has compelled them to leave their native land.
Second, How misery leads to emigration. The poor are leaving the country,
because they have no employment. The more respectable classes are
leaving the country, because they prefer living in a free land, where they
can feel sure that their hard earnings will be their own, and not their
landlord's, and where they are not subject to the miserable political and
religious tyranny which reigns supreme in Ireland. In the evidence given
before the Land Tenure Committee of 1864, we find the following
statements made by Dr. Keane, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Cloyne. His

Lordship is a man of more than ordinary intelligence, and of more than
ordinary patriotism. He has made the subject of emigration his special
study, partly from a deep devotion to all that concerns the welfare of his
country, and partly from the circumstance of his residence being at
Queenstown, the port from which Irishmen leave their native shores, and
the place where wails of the emigrants continually resound. I subjoin a few
of his replies to the questions proposed:—

"I attribute emigration principally to the want of employment."
"A man who has only ten or twelve acres, and who is a tenant-at-will,
finding that the land requires improvement, is afraid to waste it [his
money], and he goes away. I see many of these poor people in
Queenstown every day."
"I have made inquiries over and over again in Queenstown and
elsewhere, and I never yet heard that a single farmer emigrated and left
the country who had a lease."

Well might Mr. Heron say, in a paper read before the Irish Statistical
Society, in May, 1864: "Under the present laws, no Irish peasant able to
read and write ought to remain in Ireland. If Ireland were an independent
country, in the present state of things there would be a bloody insurrection
in every county, and the peasantry would ultimately obtain the property in
land, as they have obtained it in Switzerland and in France." That the Irish
people will eventually become the masters of the Irish property, from which
every effort has been made to dispossess them, by fair means and by foul,
since the Norman invasion of Ireland, I have not the slightest doubt. The
only doubt is whether the matter will be settled by the law or by the sword.
But I have hope that the settlement will be peaceful, when I find English
members of Parliament treating thus of the subject, and ministers declaring,
at least when they are out of office, that something should be done for
Ireland.
Mr. Stuart Mill writes: "The land of Ireland, the land of every country,
belongs to the people of that country. The individuals called landowners
have no right, in morality or justice, to anything but the rent, or
compensation for its saleable value. When the inhabitants of a country quit

the country en masse, because the Government will not make it a place fit
for them to live in, the Government is judged and condemned, It is the duty
of Parliament to reform the landed tenure of Ireland."
More than twenty years ago Mr. Disraeli said: "He wished to see a public
man come forward and say what the Irish question was. Let them consider
Ireland as they would any other country similarly circumstanced. They had
a starving population, an absentee aristocracy, an alien Church, and, in
addition, the weakest executive in the world. This was the Irish question.
What would gentlemen say on hearing of a country in such a position? They
would say at once, in such case, the remedy is revolution—not the
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. But the connexion with England
prevented it: therefore England was logically in the active position of being
the cause of all the misery of Ireland. What, then, was the duty of an
English minister? To effect by policy all the changes which a revolution
would do by force." If these words had been acted upon in 1848, we should
not have had a Fenian insurrection in 1867. If a peaceful revolution is to be
accomplished a few persons must suffer, though, in truth, it is difficult to
see what Irish landlords could lose by a fair land law, except the power to
exercise a tyrannical control over their tenants. I believe, if many English
absentee landlords had even the slightest idea of the evil deeds done in their
names by their agents, that they would not tolerate it for a day. If a
complaint is made to the landlord, he refers it to his agent. It is pretty much
as if you required the man who inflicted the injury to be the judge of his
own conduct. The agent easily excuses himself to the landlord; but the
unfortunate man who had presumed to lift up his voice, is henceforth a
marked object of vengeance; and he is made an example to his fellows, that
they may not dare to imitate him. The truth is, that the real state of Ireland,
and the real feelings of the Irish people, can only be known by personal
intercourse with the lower orders. Gentlemen making a hurried tour through
the country, may see a good deal of misery, if they have not come for the
purpose of not seeing it; but they can never know the real wretchedness of
the Irish poor unless they remain stationary in some district long enough to
win the confidence of the people, and to let them feel that they can tell their
sorrows and their wrongs without fear that they shall be increased by the
disclosure.

Third, one brief word of how this injustice recoils upon the heads of the
perpetrators, and I shall have ended. It recoils upon them indirectly, by
causing a feeling of hostility between the governors and the governed. A
man cannot be expected to revere and love his landlord, when he finds that
his only object is to get all he can from him—when he finds him utterly
reckless of his misery, and still more indifferent to his feelings. A gentleman
considers himself a model of humanity if he pays the emigration expenses
of the family whom he wishes to eject from the holding which their
ancestors have possessed for centuries. He is amazed at the fearful
ingratitude of the poor man, who cannot feel overwhelmed with joy at his
benevolent offer. But the gentleman considers he has done his duty, and
consoles himself with the reflection that the Irish are an ungrateful race. Of
all the peoples on the face of the globe, the Irish Celts are the most attached
to their families and to their lands. God only knows the broken hearts that
go over the ocean strangers to a strange land. The young girls who leave
their aged mothers, the noble, brave young fellows who leave their old
fathers, act not from a selfish wish to better themselves, but from the hope,
soon to be realized, that they may be able to earn in another land what they
cannot earn in their own. I saw a lad once parting from his aged father. I
wish I had not seen it. I heard the agonized cries of the old man: "My God!
he's gone! he's gone!" I wish I had not heard it. I heard the wild wailing cry
with which the Celt mourns for his dead, and glanced impulsively to the
window. It was not death, but departure that prompts that agony of grief. A
car was driving off rapidly on the mountain road which led to the nearest
port. The car was soon out of sight. The father and the son had looked their
last look into each other's eyes—had clasped the last clasp of each other's
hands. An hour had passed, and still the old man lay upon the ground,
where he had flung himself in his heart's bitter anguish; and still the wail
rung out from time to time: "My God! he's gone! he's gone!"
Those who have seen the departure of emigrants at the Irish seaports, are
not surprised at Irish disaffection—are not surprised that the expatriated
youth joins the first wild scheme, which promises to release his country
from such cruel scenes, and shares his money equally between his starving
relatives at home, and the men who, sometimes as deceivers, and
sometimes with a patriotism like his own, live only for one object—to

obtain for Ireland by the sword, the justice which is denied to her by the
law.
I conclude with statistics which are undeniable proofs of Irish misery. The
emigration at present amounts to 100,000 per annum.

The Emigrants' Farewell.

From the 1st of May, 1851, to the 31st of December, 1865, 1,630,722
persons emigrated. As the emigrants generally leave their young children
after them for a time, and as aged and imbecile persons do not emigrate, the
consequence is, that, from 1851 to 1861, the number of deaf and dumb
increased from 5,180 to 5,653; the number of blind, from 5,787 to 6,879;
and the number of lunatics and idiots, from 9,980 to 14,098. In 1841, the
estimated value of crops in Ireland was £50,000,000; in 1851, it was
reduced to £43,000,000; and in 1861, to £35,000,000. The number of
gentlemen engaged in the learned professions is steadily decreasing; the
traffic on Irish railways and the returns are steadily decreasing; the live
stock in cattle, which was to have supplied and compensated for the live
stock in men, is fearfully decreasing; the imports and exports are steadily
decreasing. The decrease in cultivated lands, from 1862 to 1863, amounted
to 138,841 acres.
While the Preface to the Second Edition was passing through the press, my
attention was called to an article, in the Pall Mall Gazette, on the Right Rev.
Dr. Manning's Letter to Earl Grey. The writer of this article strongly
recommends his Grace to publish a new edition of his Letter, omitting the
last sixteen pages. We have been advised, also, to issue a new edition of our
HISTORY, to omit the Preface, and any remarks or facts that might tend to
show that the Irish tenant was not the happiest and most contented being in
God's creation.
The Pall Mall Gazette argues—if, indeed, mere assertion can be called
argument—first, "that Dr. Manning has obviously never examined the
subject for himself, but takes his ideas and beliefs from the universal
statements of angry and ignorant sufferers whom he has met in England, or
from intemperate and utterly untrustworthy party speeches and pamphlets,
whose assertions he receives as gospel;" yet Dr. Manning has given
statements of facts, and the writer has not attempted to disprove them.
Second, he says: "Dr. Manning echoes the thoughtless complaints of those
who cry out against emigration as a great evil and a grievous wrong, when
he might have known, if he had thought or inquired at all about the matter,
not only that this emigration has been the greatest conceivable blessing to
the emigrants, but was an absolutely indispensable step towards improving
the condition of those who remained at home;" and then the old calumnies
are resuscitated about the Irish being "obstinately idle and wilfully

improvident," as if it had not been proved again and again that the only
ground on which such appellations can be applied to them in Ireland is, that
their obstinacy consists in objecting to work without fair remuneration for
their labour, and their improvidence in declining to labour for the benefit of
their masters. It is the old story, "you are idle, you are idle,"—it is the old
demand, "make bricks without straw,"—and then, by way of climax, we are
assured that these "poor creatures" are assisted to emigrate with the
tenderest consideration, and that, in fact, emigration is a boon for which
they are grateful.
It is quite true that many landlords pay their tenants to emigrate, and send
persons to see them safe out of the country; but it is absolutely false that the
people emigrate willingly. No one who has witnessed the departure of
emigrants dare make such an assertion. They are offered their choice
between starvation and emigration, and they emigrate. If a man were
offered his choice between penal servitude and hanging, it is probable he
would prefer penal servitude, but that would not make him appreciate the
joys of prison life. The Irish parish priest alone can tell what the Irish suffer
at home, and how unwillingly they go abroad. A pamphlet has just been
published on this very subject, by the Very Rev. P. Malone, P.P., V.F., of
Belmullet, co. Mayo, and in this he says: "I have seen the son, standing
upon the deck of the emigrant ship, divest himself of his only coat, and
place it upon his father's shoulders, saying, 'Father, take you this; I will
soon earn the price of a coat in the land I am going to.'" Such instances,
which might be recorded by the hundred, and the amount of money sent to
Ireland by emigrants for the support of aged parents, and to pay the passage
out of younger members of the family, are the best refutation of the old
falsehood that Irishmen are either idle or improvident.

AN

ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF IRELAND.

CHAPTER I
Celtic Literature—Antiquity of our Annals—Moore—How we should
estimate Tradition—The Materials for Irish History—List of the Lost
Books—The Cuilmenn—The Saltair of Tara, &c.—The Saltair of
Cashel—Important MSS. preserved in Trinity College—By the Royal
Irish Academy—In Belgium.

he study of Celtic literature, which is daily becoming of
increased importance to the philologist, has proved a matter of
no inconsiderable value to the Irish historian. When Moore
visited O'Curry, and found him surrounded with such works as
the Books of Ballymote and Lecain, the Speckled Book, the
Annals of the Four Masters, and other treasures of Gaedhilic
lore, he turned to Dr. Petrie, and exclaimed: "These large tomes
could not have been written by fools or for any foolish purpose. I
never knew anything about them before, and I had no right to
have undertaken the History of Ireland." His publishers, who had
less scruples, or more utilitarian views, insisted on the
completion of his task. Whatever their motives may have been,
we may thank them for the result. Though Moore's history cannot now be
quoted as an authority, it accomplished its work for the time, and promoted
an interest in the history of one of the most ancient nations of the human
race.
There are two sources from whence the early history of a nation may be
safely derived: the first internal—the self-consciousness of the individual;
the second external—the knowledge of its existence by others—the ego
sum and the tu es; and our acceptance of the statements of each on matters
of fact, should depend on their mutual agreement.
The first question, then, for the historian should be, What accounts does this
nation give of its early history? the second, What account of this nation's
early history can be obtained ab extra? By stating and comparing these
accounts with such critical acumen as the writer may be able to command,

we may obtain something approaching to authentic history. The history of
ancient peoples must have its basis on tradition. The name tradition
unfortunately gives an a priori impression of untruthfulness, and hence the
difficulty of accepting tradition as an element of truth in historic research.
But tradition is not necessarily either a pure myth or a falsified account of
facts. The traditions of a nation are like an aged man's recollection of his
childhood, and should be treated as such. If we would know his early
history, we let him tell the tale in his own fashion. It may be he will dwell
long upon occurrences interesting to himself, and apart from the object of
our inquiries; it may be he will equivocate unintentionally if cross-
examined in detail; but truth will underlie his garrulous story, and by patient
analysis we may sift it out, and obtain the information we desire.
A nation does not begin to write its history at the first moment of its
existence. Hence, when the chronicle is compiled which first embodies its
story, tradition forms the basis. None but an inspired historian can
commence In principio. The nation has passed through several generations,
the people already begin to talk of "old times;" but as they are nearer these
"old times" by some thousands of years than we are, they are only burdened
with the traditions of a few centuries at the most; and unless there is
evidence of a wilful object or intent to falsify their chronicles, we may in
the main depend on their accuracy. Let us see how this applies to Gaedhilic
history. The labours of the late lamented Eugene O'Curry have made this an
easy task. He took to his work a critical acumen not often attained by the
self-educated, and a noble patriotism not often maintained by the gifted
scions of a country whose people and whose literature have been alike
trodden down and despised for centuries. The result of his researches is
embodied in a work[1] which should be in the hands of every student of
Irish history, and of every Irishman who can afford to procure it. This
volume proves that the early history of Ireland has yet to be written; that it
should be a work of magnitude, and undertaken by one gifted with special
qualifications, which the present writer certainly does not possess; and that
it will probably require many years of patient labour from the "host of
Erinn's sons," before the necessary materials for such a history can be
prepared.
The manuscript materials for ancient Irish history may be divided into two
classes: the historical, which purports to be a narrative of facts, in which we

include books of laws, genealogies, and pedigrees; and the legendary,
comprising tales, poems, and legends. The latter, though not necessarily
true, are generally founded on fact, and contain a mass of most important
information, regarding the ancient customs and manner of life among our
ancestors. For the present we must devote our attention to the historical
documents. These, again, may be divided into two classes—the lost books
and those which still remain. Of the former class the principal are the
CUILMENN, i.e., the great book written on skins; the SALTAIR OF
TARA; the BOOK OF THE UACHONGBHAIL (pron. "ooa cong-wall");
the CIN DROMA SNECHTA; and the SALTAIR OF CASHEL. Besides
these, a host of works are lost, of lesser importance as far as we can now
judge, which, if preserved, might have thrown a flood of light not only upon
our annals, but also on the social, historical, and ethnographic condition of
other countries. The principal works which have been preserved are: the
ANNALS OF TIGHERNACH (pron. "Teernagh"); the ANNALS OF
ULSTER; the ANNALS OF INIS MAC NERINN; the ANNALS OF
INNISFALLEN; the ANNALS OF BOYLE; the CHRONICUM
SCOTORUM, so ably edited by Mr. Hennessy; the world-famous ANNALS
OF THE FOUR MASTERS; the BOOK OF LEINSTER; the BOOK OF
LAWS (the Brehon Laws), now edited by Dr. Todd, and many books of
genealogies and pedigrees.
For the present it must suffice to say, that these documents have been
examined by the ordinary rules of literary criticism, perhaps with more than
ordinary care, and that the result has been to place their authenticity and
their antiquity beyond cavil.
Let us see, then, what statements we can find which may throw light on our
early history, first in the fragments that remain of the lost books, and then in
those which are still preserved.
The CUILMENN is the first of the lost books which we mentioned. It is
thus referred to in the Book of Leinster:[2] "The filés [bards] of Erinn were
now called together by Senchan Torpéist [about A.D. 580], to know if they
remembered the Táin bó Chuailgné in full; and they said that they knew of
it but fragments only. Senchan then spoke to his pupils to know which of
them would go into the countries of Letha to learn the Táin which the Sai

had taken 'eastwards' after the Cuilmenn. Eminé, the grandson of Nininé,
and Muirgen, Senchan's own son, set out to go to the East."
Here we have simply an indication of the existence of this ancient work,
and of the fact that in the earliest, if not in pre-Christian times, Irish
manuscripts travelled to the Continent with Irish scholars—Letha being the
name by which Italy, and especially what are now called the Papal States,
was then designated by Irish writers.
The SALTAIR OF TARA next claims our attention; and we may safely
affirm, merely judging from the fragments which remain, that a nation
which could produce such a work had attained no ordinary pitch of
civilization and literary culture. The Book of Ballymote,[3] and the Yellow
Book of Lecan,[4] attribute this work to Cormac Mac Art: "A noble work
was performed by Cormac at that time, namely, the compilation of
Cormac's Saltair, which was composed by him and the Seanchaidhe
[Historians] of Erinn, including Fintan, son of Bochra, and Fithil, the poet
and judge. And their synchronisms and genealogies, the succession of their
kings and monarchs, their battles, their contests, and their antiquities, from
the world's beginning down to that time, were written; and this is the Saltair
of Temair [pron. "Tara," almost as it is called now], which is the origin and
fountain of the Historians of Erinn from that period down to this time. This
is taken from the Book of the Uachongbhail."[5]
As we shall speak of Cormac's reign and noble qualities in detail at a later
period, it is only necessary to record here that his panegyric, as king,
warrior, judge, and philosopher, has been pronounced by almost
contemporary writers, as well as by those of later date. The name Saltair
has been objected to as more likely to denote a composition of Christian
times. This objection, however, is easily removed: first, the name was
probably applied after the appellation had been introduced in Christian
times; second, we have no reason to suppose that King Cormac designated
his noble work by this name; and third, even could this be proven, the much
maligned Keating removes any difficulty by the simple and obvious remark,
that "it is because of its having been written in poetic metre, the chief book
which was in the custody of the Ollamh of the King of Erinn, was called the
Saltair of Temair; and the Chronicle of holy Cormac Mac Cullinan, Saltair
of Cashel; and the Chronicle of Aengus Ceilé Dé [the Culdee], Saltair-na-

Rann [that is, Saltair of the Poems or Verses], because a Salm and a Poem
are the same, and therefore a Salterium and a Duanairé [book of poems] are
the same."[6]

SITE OF TARA.

The oldest reference to this famous compilation is found in a poem on the
site of ancient Tara, by Cuan O'Lochain, a distinguished scholar, and native
of Westmeath, who died in the year 1024. The quotation given below is
taken from the Book of Ballymote, a magnificent volume, compiled in the
year 1391, now in possession of the Royal Irish Academy:—

Temair, choicest of hills,
For [possession of] which Erinn is now devastated,[7]
The noble city of Cormac, son of Art,
Who was the son of great Conn of the hundred battles:
Cormac, the prudent and good,
Was a sage, a filé [poet], a prince:
Was a righteous judge of the Fené-men,[8]
Was a good friend and companion.
Cormac gained fifty battles:
He compiled the Saltair of Temur.
In that Saltair is contained
The best summary of history;
It is that Saltair which assigns
Seven chief kings to Erinn of harbours;
They consisted of the five kings of the provinces,—
The Monarch of Erinn and his Deputy.
In it are (written) on either side,

What each provincial king is entitled to,
From the king of each great musical province.
The synchronisms and chronology of all,
The kings, with each other [one with another] all;
The boundaries of each brave province,
From a cantred up to a great chieftaincy.
From this valuable extract we obtain a clear idea of the importance and the
subject of the famous Saltair, and a not less clear knowledge of the
admirable legal and social institutions by which Erinn was then governed.
The CIN OF DROM SNECHTA is quoted in the Book of Ballymote, in
support of the ancient legend of the antediluvian occupation of Erinn by the
Lady Banbha, called in other books Cesair (pron. "kesar"). The Book of
Lecan quotes it for the same purpose, and also for the genealogies of the
chieftains of the ancient Rudrician race of Ulster. Keating gives the descent
of the Milesian colonists from Magog, the son of Japhet, on the authority of
the Cin of Drom Snechta, which, he states, was compiled before St.
Patrick's mission to Erinn.[9] We must conclude this part of our subject with
a curious extract from the same work, taken from the Book of Leinster:
"From the Cin of Drom Snechta, this below. Historians say that there were
exiles of Hebrew women in Erinn at the coming of the sons of Milesius,
who had been driven by a sea tempest into the ocean by the Tirrén Sea.
They were in Erinn before the sons of Milesius. They said, however, to the
sons of Milesius [who, it would appear, pressed marriage on them], that
they preferred their own country, and that they would not abandon it
without receiving dowry for alliance with them. It is from this circumstance
that it is the men that purchase wives in Erinn for ever, whilst it is the
husbands that are purchased by the wives throughout the world besides."[10]
The SALTAIR OF CASHEL was compiled by Cormac Mac Cullinan King
of Munster, and Archbishop of Cashel. He was killed in the year 903. This
loss of the work is most painful to the student of the early history of Erinn.
It is believed that the ancient compilation known as Cormac's Glossary, was
compiled from the interlined gloss to the Saltair; and the references therein
to our ancient history, laws, mythology, and social customs, are such as to
indicate the richness of the mine of ancient lore. A copy was in existence in
1454, as there is in the Bodleian Library in Oxford (Laud, 610) a copy of

such portions as could be deciphered at the time. This copy was made by
Shane O'Clery for Mac Richard Butler.
The subjoined list of the lost books is taken from O'Curry's MS. Materials,
page 20. It may be useful to the philologist and interesting to our own
people, as a proof of the devotion to learning so early manifested in Erinn:
—

"In the first place must be enumerated again the Cuilmenn; the Saltair
of Tara; the Cin Droma Snechta; the Book of St. Mochta; the Book of
Cuana; the Book of Dubhdaleithe; and the Saltair of Cashel. Besides
these we find mention of the Leabhar buidhe Sláine or Yellow Book of
Slane; the original Leabhar na h-Uidhre; the Books of Eochaidh
O'Flannagain; a certain book known as the Book eaten by the poor
people in the desert; the Book of Inis an Duin; the Short Book of St.
Buithe's Monastery (or Monasterboice); the Books of Flann of the
same Monastery; the Book of Flann of Dungeimhin (Dungiven, co.
Derry); the Book of Dun da Leth Ghlas (or Downpatrick); the Book of
Doiré (Derry); the Book of Sabhall Phatraic (or Saull, co. Down); the
Book of the Uachongbhail (Navan, probably); the Leabhar dubh
Molaga, or Black Book of St. Molaga; the Leabhar buidhe Moling, or
Yellow Book of St. Moling; the Leabhar buidhe Mhic Murchadha, or
Yellow Book of Mac Murrach; the Leabhar Arda Macha, or Book of
Armagh (quoted by Keating); the Leabhar ruadh Mhic Aedhagain, or
Red Book of Mac Aegan; the Leabhar breac Mhic Aedhagain, or
Speckled Book of Mac Aegan; the Leabhar fada Leithghlinne, or Long
Book of Leithghlinn, or Leithlin; the Books of O'Scoba of Cluain Mic
Nois (or Clonmacnois); the Duil Droma Ceata, or Book of Drom Ceat;
and the Book of Clonsost (in Leix, in the Queen's County)."

Happily, however, a valuable collection of ancient MSS. are still preserved,
despite the "drowning" of the Danes, and the "burning" of the Saxon. The
researches of continental scholars are adding daily to our store; and the
hundreds of Celtic MSS., so long entombed in the libraries of Belgium and
Italy, will, when published, throw additional light upon the brightness of the
past, and, it may be, enhance the glories of the future, which we must
believe are still in reserve for the island of saints and sages.[11]

(A) MS. in the "Domhnach Airgid," [R.I.A. (temp. St. Patrick, circa
A.D. 430.)]

(B) MS. in the "Cathach," (6th century MS attributed to St. Colum
Cillé)

The list of works given above are supposed by O'Curry to have existed
anterior to the year 1100. Of the books which Keating refers to in his
History, written about 1630, only one is known to be extant—the Saltair-
na-Rann, written by Aengus Céile Dé.
The principal Celtic MSS. which are still preserved to us, may be consulted
in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, and in the Library of the Royal
Irish Academy. The latter, though founded at a much later period, is by far
the more extensive, if not the more important, collection. Perhaps, few
countries have been so happy as to possess a body of men so devoted to its
archæology, so ardent in their preservation of all that can be found to
illustrate it, and so capable of elucidating its history by their erudition,
which, severally and collectively, they have brought to bear on every
department of its ethnology. The collection in Trinity College consists of
more than 140 volumes, several of them are vellum,[12] dating from the
early part of the twelfth to the middle of the last century. The collection of
the Royal Irish Academy also contains several works written on vellum,
with treatises of history, science, laws, and commerce; there are also many
theological and ecclesiastical compositions, which have been pronounced
by competent authorities to be written in the purest style that the ancient
Gaedhilic language ever attained. There are also a considerable number of
translations from Greek, Latin, and other languages. These are of
considerable importance, as they enable the critical student of our language
to determine the meaning of many obscure or obsolete words or phrases, by
reference to the originals; nor are they of less value as indicating the high
state of literary culture which prevailed in Ireland during the early Christian
and the Middle Ages. Poetry, mythology, history, and the classic literature
of Greece and Rome, may be found amongst these translations; so that, as
O'Curry well remarks, "any one well read in the comparatively few existing
fragments of our Gaedhilic literature, and whose education had been
confined solely to this source, would find that there are but very few,
indeed, of the great events in the history of the world with which he was not
acquainted."[13] He then mentions, by way of illustration of classical
subjects, Celtic versions of the Argonautic Expedition, the Siege of Troy,
the Life of Alexander the Great; and of such subjects as cannot be classed
under this head, the Destruction of Jerusalem; the Wars of Charlemagne,

including the History of Roland the Brave; the History of the Lombards,
and the almost contemporary translation of the Travels of Marco Polo.
There is also a large collection of MSS. in the British Museum, a few
volumes in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, besides the well-known, though
inaccessible, Stowe collection.[14]
The treasures of Celtic literature still preserved on the Continent, can only
be briefly mentioned here. It is probable that the active researches of
philologists will exhume many more of these long-hidden volumes, and
obtain for our race the place it has always deserved in the history of nations.
The Louvain collection, formed chiefly by Fathers Hugh Ward, John
Colgan, and Michael O'Clery, between the years 1620 and 1640, was
widely scattered at the French Revolution. The most valuable portion is in
the College of St. Isidore in Rome. The Burgundian Library at Brussels also
possesses many of these treasures. A valuable resumé of the MSS. which
are preserved there was given by Mr. Bindon, and printed in the
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy in the year 1847. There are also
many Latin MSS. with Irish glosses, which have been largely used by Zeuss
in his world-famed Grammatica Celtica. The date of one of these—a codex
containing some of Venerable Bede's works—is fixed by an entry of the
death of Aed, King of Ireland, in the year 817. This most important work
belonged to the Irish monastery of Reichenau, and is now preserved at
Carlsruhe. A codex is also preserved at Cambray, which contains a fragment
of an Irish sermon, and the canons of an Irish council held A.D. 684.

DOORWAY OF CLONMACNOIS.

CLONMACNOIS.

CHAPTER II.
Tighernach and his Annals—Erudition and Research of our Early
Writers—The Chronicum Scotorum—Duald Mac Firbis—Murdered,
and his Murderer is protected by the Penal Laws—The Annals of the
Four Masters—Michael O'Clery—His Devotion to his Country—Ward
—Colgan—Dedication of the Annals—The Book of Invasions—Proofs
of our Early Colonization.

ur illustration can give but a faint idea of the magnificence and
extent of the ancient abbey of Clonmacnois, the home of our
famous annalist, Tighernach. It has been well observed, that no
more ancient chronicler can be produced by the northern nations.
Nestor, the father of Russian history, died in 1113; Snorro, the
father of Icelandic history, did not appear until a century later;
Kadlubeck, the first historian of Poland, died in 1223; and
Stierman could not discover a scrap of writing in all Sweden older
than 1159. Indeed, he may be compared favourably even with the
British historians, who can by no means boast of such ancient
pedigrees as the genealogists of Erinn.[15] Tighernach was of the Murray-
race of Connacht; of his personal history little is known. His death is noted
in the Chronicum Scotorum, where he is styled successor (comharba) of St.
Ciaran and St. Coman. The Annals of Innisfallen state that he was interred
at Clonmacnois. Perhaps his body was borne to its burial through the very
doorway which still remains, of which we gave an illustration at the end of
the last chapter.
The writers of history and genealogy in early ages, usually commenced
with the sons of Noah, if not with the first man of the human race. The
Celtic historians are no exceptions to the general rule; and long before
Tighernach wrote, the custom had obtained in Erinn. His chronicle was
necessarily compiled from more ancient sources, but its fame rests upon the
extraordinary erudition which he brought to bear upon every subject. Flann,
who was contemporary with Tighernach, and a professor of St. Buithe's

monastery (Monasterboice), is also famous for his Synchronisms, which
form an admirable abridgment of universal history. He appears to have
devoted himself specially to genealogies and pedigrees, while Tighernach
took a wider range of literary research. His learning was undoubtedly most
extensive. He quotes Eusebius, Orosius, Africanus, Bede, Josephus, Saint
Jerome, and many other historical writers, and sometimes compares their
statements on points in which they exhibit discrepancies, and afterwards
endeavours to reconcile their conflicting testimony, and to correct the
chronological errors of the writers by comparison with the dates given by
others. He also collates the Hebrew text with the Septuagint version of the
Scriptures. He uses the common era, though we have no reason to believe
that this was done by the writers who immediately preceded him. He also
mentions the lunar cycle, and uses the dominical letter with the kalends of
several years.[16]
Another writer, Gilla Caemhain, was also contemporary with Flann and
Tighernach. He gives the "annals of all time," from the beginning of the
world to his own period; and computes the second period from the Creation
to the Deluge; from the Deluge to Abraham; from Abraham to David; from
David to the Babylonian Captivity, &c. He also synchronizes the eastern
monarchs with each other, and afterwards with the Firbolgs and Tuatha Dé
Danann of Erinn,[17] and subsequently with the Milesians. Flann
synchronizes the chiefs of various lines of the children of Adam in the East,
and points out what monarchs of the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, and
Greeks, and what Roman emperors were contemporary with the kings of
Erinn, and the leaders of its various early colonies. He begins with Ninus,
son of Belus, and comes down to Julius Cæsar, who was contemporary with
Eochaidh Feidhlech, an Irish king, who died more than half a century
before the Christian era. The synchronism is then continued from Julius
Cæsar and Eochaidh to the Roman emperors Theodosius the Third and Leo
the Third; they were contemporaries with the Irish monarch Ferghal, who
was killed A.D. 718.
The ANNALS and MSS. which serve to illustrate our history, are so
numerous, that it would be impossible, with one or two exceptions, to do
more than indicate their existence, and to draw attention to the weight
which such an accumulation of authority must give to the authenticity of
our early history. But there are two of these works which we cannot pass

unnoticed: the CHRONICUM SCOTORUM and the ANNALS OF THE
FOUR MASTERS.
The Chronicum Scotorum was compiled by Duald Mac Firbis. He was of
royal race, and descended from Dathi, the last pagan monarch of Erinn. His
family were professional and hereditary historians, genealogists, and poets,
[18] and held an ancestral property at Lecain Mac Firbis, in the county Sligo,

until Cromwell and his troopers desolated Celtic homes, and murdered the
Celtic dwellers, often in cold blood. The young Mac Firbis was educated for
his profession in a school of law and history taught by the Mac Egans of
Lecain, in Ormonde. He also studied (about A.D. 1595) at Burren, in the
county Clare, in the literary and legal school of the O'Davorens. His
pedigrees of the ancient Irish and the Anglo-Norman families, was
compiled at the College of St. Nicholas, in Galway, in the year 1650. It may
interest some of our readers to peruse the title of this work, although its
length would certainly horrify a modern publisher:—
"The Branches of Relationship and the Genealogical Ramifications of every
Colony that took possession of Erinn, traced from this time up to Adam
(excepting only those of the Fomorians, Lochlanns, and Saxon-Gaels, of
whom we, however, treat, as they have settled in our country); together with
a Sanctilogium, and a Catalogue of the Monarchs of Erinn; and, finally, an
Index, which comprises, in alphabetical order, the surnames and the
remarkable places mentioned in this work, which was compiled by
Dubhaltach Mac Firbhisigh of Lecain, 1650." He also gives, as was then
usual, the "place, time, author, and cause of writing the work." The "cause"
was "to increase the glory of God, and for the information of the people in
general;" a beautiful and most true epitome of the motives which inspired
the penmen of Erinn from the first introduction of Christianity, and
produced the "countless host" of her noble historiographers.

Mac Firbis was murdered[19] in the year 1670, at an advanced age; and thus
departed the last and not the least distinguished of our long line of poet-
historians. Mac Firbis was a voluminous writer. Unfortunately some of his
treatises have been lost;[20] but the CHRONICUM SCOTORUM is more
than sufficient to establish his literary reputation.

The ANNALS OF THE FOUR MASTERS demand a larger notice, as
unquestionably one of the most remarkable works on record. It forms the
last link between the ancient and modern history of Ireland; a link worthy of
the past, and, we dare add, it shall be also worthy of the future. It is a proof
of what great and noble deeds may be accomplished under the most adverse
circumstances, and one of the many, if not one of the most, triumphant
denials of the often-repeated charges of indolence made against the
mendicant orders, and of aversion to learning made against religious orders
in general. Nor is it a less brilliant proof that intellectual gifts may be
cultivated and are fostered in the cloister; and that a patriot's heart may burn
as ardently, and love of country prove as powerful a motive, beneath the
cowl or the veil, as beneath the helmet or the coif.
Michael O'Clery, the chief of the Four Masters, was a friar of the order of
St. Francis. He was born at Kilbarron, near Ballyshannon, county Donegal,
in the year 1580, and was educated principally in the south of Ireland,
which was then more celebrated for its academies than the north. The date
of his entrance into the Franciscan order is not known, neither is it known
why he,

"Once the heir of bardic honours,"

became a simple lay-brother. In the year 1627 he travelled through Ireland
collecting materials for Father Hugh Ward, also a Franciscan friar, and
Guardian of the convent of St. Antony at Louvain, who was preparing a
series of Lives of Irish Saints. When Father Ward died, the project was
taken up and partially carried out by Father John Colgan. His first work, the
Trias Thaumaturgus, contains the lives of St. Patrick, St. Brigid, and St.
Columba. The second volume contains the lives of Irish saints whose
festivals occur from the 1st of January to the 31st of March; and here,
unfortunately, alike for the hagiographer and the antiquarian, the work
ceased. It is probable that the idea of saving—

"The old memorials
Of the noble and the holy,
Of the chiefs of ancient lineage,
Of the saints of wondrous virtues;
Of the Ollamhs and the Brehons,

Of the bards and of the betaghs,"[21]
occurred to him while he was collecting materials for Father Ward. His own
account is grand in its simplicity, and beautiful as indicating that the deep
passion for country and for literature had but enhanced the yet deeper
passion which found its culminating point in the dedication of his life to
God in the poor order of St. Francis. In the troubled and disturbed state of
Ireland, he had some difficulty in securing a patron. At last one was found
who could appreciate intellect, love of country, and true religion. Although
it is almost apart from our immediate subject, we cannot refrain giving an
extract from the dedication to this prince, whose name should be
immortalized with that of the friar patriot and historian:—
"I, Michael O'Clerigh, a poor friar of the Order of St. Francis (after having
been for ten years transcribing every old material that I found concerning
the saints of Ireland, observing obedience to each provincial that was in
Ireland successively), have come before you, O noble Fearghal O'Gara. I
have calculated on your honour that it seemed to you a cause of pity and
regret, grief and sorrow (for the glory of God and the honour of Ireland),
how much the race of Gaedhil, the son of Niul, have passed under a cloud
and darkness, without a knowledge or record of the obit of saint or virgin,
archbishop, bishop, abbot, or other noble dignitary of the Church, or king or
of prince, of lord or of chieftain, [or] of the synchronism of connexion of
the one with the other." He then explains how he collected the materials for
his work, adding, alas! most truly, that should it not be accomplished then,
"they would not again be found to be put on record to the end of the world."
He thanks the prince for giving "the reward of their labour to the
chroniclers," and simply observes, that "it was the friars of the convent of
Donegal who supplied them with food and attendance." With characteristic
humility he gives his patron the credit of all the "good which will result
from this book, in giving light to all in general;" and concludes thus:—
"On the twenty-second day of the month of January, A.D. 1632, this book
was commenced in the convent of Dun-na-ngall, and, it was finished in the
same convent on the tenth day of August, 1636, the eleventh year of the
reign of our king Charles over England, France, Alba, and over Eiré."

There were "giants in those days;" and one scarcely knows whether to
admire most the liberality of the prince, the devotion of the friars of
Donegal, who "gave food and attendance" to their literary brother, and thus
had their share in perpetuating their country's fame, or the gentle humility
of the great Brother Michael.
It is unnecessary to make any observation on the value and importance of
the Annals of the Four Masters. The work has been edited with
extraordinary care and erudition by Dr. O'Donovan, and published by an
Irish house. We must now return to the object for which this brief mention
of the MS. materials of Irish history has been made, by showing on what
points other historians coincide in their accounts of our first colonists, of
their language, customs, and laws; and secondly, how far the accounts
which may be obtained ab extra agree with the statements of our own
annalists. The Book of Invasions, which was rewritten and "purified" by
brother Michael O'Clery, gives us in a few brief lines an epitome of our
history as recorded by the ancient chroniclers of Erinn:—
"The sum of the matters to be found in the following book, is the taking of
Erinn by [the Lady] Ceasair; the taking by Partholan; the taking by
Nemedh; the taking by the Firbolgs; the taking by the Tuatha Dé Danann;
the taking by the sons of Miledh [or Miletius]; and their succession down to
the monarch Melsheachlainn, or Malachy the Great [who died in 1022]."
Here we have six distinct "takings," invasions, or colonizations of Ireland in
pre-Christian times.
It may startle some of our readers to find any mention of Irish history
"before the Flood," but we think the burden of proof, to use a logical term,
lies rather with those who doubt the possibility, than with those who accept
as tradition, and as possibly true, the statements which have been
transmitted for centuries by careful hands. There can be no doubt that a high
degree of cultivation, and considerable advancement in science, had been
attained by the more immediate descendants of our first parents. Navigation
and commerce existed, and Ireland may have been colonized. The sons of
Noah must have remembered and preserved the traditions of their ancestors,
and transmitted them to their descendants. Hence, it depended on the
relative anxiety of these descendants to preserve the history of the world
before the Flood, how much posterity should know of it. MacFirbis thus

answers the objections of those who, even in his day, questioned the
possibility of preserving such records:—"If there be any one who shall ask
who preserved the history [Seanchus], let him know that they were very
ancient and long-lived old men, recording elders of great age, whom God
permitted to preserve and hand down the history of Erinn, in books, in
succession, one after another, from the Deluge to the time of St. Patrick."
The artificial state of society in our own age, has probably acted
disadvantageously on our literary researches, if not on our moral character.
Civilization is a relative arbitrary term; and the ancestors whom we are
pleased to term uncivilized, may have possessed as high a degree of mental
culture as ourselves, though it unquestionably differed in kind. Job wrote
his epic poem in a state of society which we should probably term
uncultivated; and when Lamech gave utterance to the most ancient and the
saddest of human lyrics, the world was in its infancy, and it would appear as
if the first artificer in "brass and iron" had only helped to make homicide
more easy. We can scarce deny that murder, cruel injustice, and the worst
forms of inhumanity, are but too common in countries which boast of no
ordinary refinement; and we should hesitate ere we condemn any state of
society as uncivilized, simply because we find such crimes in the pages of
their history.
The question of the early, if not pre-Noahacian colonization of Ireland,
though distinctly asserted in our annals, has been met with the ready
scepticism which men so freely use to cover ignorance or indifference. It
has been taken for granted that the dispersion, after the confusion of
tongues at Babel, was the first dispersion of the human race; but it has been
overlooked that, on the lowest computation, a number of centuries equal, if
not exceeding, those of the Christian era, elapsed between the Creation of
man and the Flood; that men had "multiplied exceedingly upon the earth;"
and that the age of stone had already given place to that of brass and iron,
which, no doubt, facilitated commerce and colonization, even at this early
period of the world's history. The discovery of works of art, of however
primitive a character, in the drifts of France and England, indicates an early
colonization. The rudely-fashioned harpoon of deer's horn found beside the
gigantic whale, in the alluvium of the carse near the base of Dummyat,
twenty feet above the highest tide of the nearest estuary, and the tusk of the
mastodon lying alongside fragments of pottery in a deposit of the peat and

sands of the post-pliocene beds in South Carolina, are by no means solitary
examples. Like the night torch of the gentle Guanahané savage, which
Columbus saw as he gazed wearily from his vessel, looking, even after
sunset, for the long hoped-for shore, and which told him that his desire was
at last consummated, those indications of man, associated with the gigantic
animals of a geological age, of whose antiquity there can be no question,
speak to our hearts strange tales of the long past, and of the early dispersion
and progressive distribution of a race created to "increase and multiply."
The question of transit has also been raised as a difficulty by those who
doubt our early colonization. But this would seem easily removed. It is
more than probable that, at the period of which we write, Britain, if not
Ireland, formed part of the European continent; but were it not so, we have
proof, even in the present day, that screw propellers and iron cast vessels
are not necessary for safety in distant voyages, since the present aboriginal
vessels of the Pacific will weather a storm in which a Great Eastern or a
London might founder hopelessly.
Let us conclude an apology for our antiquity, if not a proof of it, in the
words of our last poet historian:—

"We believe that henceforth no wise person will be found who will not
acknowledge that it is possible to bring the genealogies of the Gaedhils
to their origin, to Noah and to Adam; and if he does not believe that,
may he not believe that he himself is the son of his own father. For
there is no error in the genealogical history, but as it was left from
father to son in succession, one after another.
"Surely every one believes the Divine Scriptures, which give a similar
genealogy to the men of the world, from Adam down to Noah;[22] and
the genealogy of Christ and of the holy fathers, as may be seen in the
Church [writings]. Let him believe this, or let him deny God. And if he
does believe this, why should he not believe another history, of which
there has been truthful preservation, like the history of Erinn? I say
truthful preservation, for it is not only that they [the preservers of it]
were very numerous, as we said, preserving the same, but there was an
order and a law with them and upon them, out of which they could not,
without great injury, tell lies or falsehoods, as may be seen in the

Books of Fenechas [Law], of Fodhla [Erinn], and in the degrees of the
poets themselves, their order, and their laws."[23]

BEREHAVEN

CHAPTER III.
First Colonists—The Landing of Ceasair, before the Flood—Landing of
Partholan, after the Flood, at Inver Scene—Arrival of Nemedh—The
Fomorians—Emigration of the Nemenians—The Firbolgs—Division of
Ireland by the Firbolg Chiefs—The Tuatha Dé Dananns—Their Skill as
Artificers—Nuada of the Silver Hand—The Warriors Sreng and Breas
—The Satire of Cairbré—Termination of the Fomorian Dynasty.

[A.M. 1599.]

e shall, then, commence our history with such accounts as we can
find in our annals of the pre-Christian colonization of Erinn. The
legends of the discovery and inhabitation of Ireland before the Flood,
are too purely mythical to demand serious notice. But as the most
ancient MSS. agree in their account of this immigration, we may not
pass it over without brief mention.
The account in the Chronicum Scotorum runs thus:—
"Kal. v.f.l. 10. Anno mundi 1599.
"In this year the daughter of one of the Greeks came to Hibernia, whose
name was h-Erui, or Berba, or Cesar, and fifty maidens and three men with
her. Ladhra was their conductor, who was the first that was buried in
Hibernia."[24] The Cin of Drom Snechta is quoted in the Book of Ballymote
as authority for the same tradition.[25] The Book of Invasions also mentions
this account as derived from ancient sources. MacFirbis, in the Book of
Genealogies, says: "I shall devote the first book to Partholan, who first took
possession of Erinn after the Deluge, devoting the beginning of it to the
coming of the Lady Ceasair," &c. And the Annals of the Four Masters:
"Forty days before the Deluge, Ceasair came to Ireland with fifty girls and
three men—Bith, Ladhra, and Fintain their names."[26] All authorities agree
that Partholan was the first who colonized Ireland after the Flood. His
arrival is stated in the Chronicum Scotorum to have taken place "in the

sixtieth year of the age of Abraham."[27] The Four Masters say: "The age of
the world, when Partholan came into Ireland, 2520 years."[28]

Partholan landed at Inver[29] Scene, now the Kenmare river, accompanied
by his sons, their wives, and a thousand followers. His antecedents are by
no means the most creditable; and we may, perhaps, feel some satisfaction,
that a colony thus founded should have been totally swept away by
pestilence a few hundred years after its establishment.
The Chronicum Scotorum gives the date of his landing thus: "On a Monday,
the 14th of May, he arrived, his companions being eight in number, viz.,
four men and four women." If the kingdom of Desmond were as rich then
as now in natural beauty, a scene of no ordinary splendour must have
greeted the eyes and gladdened the hearts of its first inhabitants. They had
voyaged past the fair and sunny isles of that "tideless sea," the home of the
Phoenician race from the earliest ages. They had escaped the dangers of the
rough Spanish coast, and gazed upon the spot where the Pillars of Hercules
were the beacons of the early mariners. For many days they had lost sight of
land, and, we may believe, had well-nigh despaired of finding a home in
that far isle, to which some strange impulse had attracted them, or some old
tradition—for the world even then was old enough for legends of the past—
had won their thoughts. But there was a cry of land. The billows dashed in
wildly, then as now, from the coasts of an undiscovered world, and left the
same line of white foam upon Eire's western coast. The magnificent Inver
rolled its tide of beauty between gentle hills and sunny slopes, till it reached
what now is appropriately called Kenmare. The distant Reeks showed their
clear summits in sharp outline, pointing to the summer sky. The long-
backed Mangerton and quaintly-crested Carn Tual were there also; and,
perchance, the Roughty and the Finihé sent their little streams to swell the
noble river bay. But it was no time for dreams, though the Celt in all ages
has proved the sweetest of dreamers, the truest of bards. These men have
rough work to do, and, it may be, gave but scant thought to the beauties of
the western isle, and scant thanks to their gods for escape from peril. Plains
were to be cleared, forests cut down, and the red deer and giant elk driven
to deeper recesses in the well-wooded country.
Several lakes are said to have sprung forth at that period; but it is more
probable that they already existed, and were then for the first time seen by

human eye. The plains which Partholan's people cleared are also mentioned,
and then we find the ever-returning obituary:—
"The age of the world 2550, Partholan died on Sean Mhagh-Ealta-Edair in
this year."[30]
The name of Tallaght still remains, like the peak of a submerged world, to
indicate this colonization, and its fatal termination. Some very ancient
tumuli may still be seen there. The name signifies a place where a number
of persons who died of the plague were interred together; and here the
Annals of the Four Masters tells us that nine thousand of Partholan's people
died in one week, after they had been three hundred years in Ireland.[31]
The third "taking" of Ireland was that of Nemedh. He came, according to
the Annals,[32] A.M. 2859, and erected forts and cleared plains, as his
predecessors had done. His people were also afflicted by plague, and
appeared to have had occupation enough to bury their dead, and to fight
with the "Fomorians in general," an unpleasantly pugilistic race, who,
according to the Annals of Clonmacnois, "were a sept descended from
Cham, the sonne of Noeh, and lived by pyracie and spoile of other nations,
and were in those days very troublesome to the whole world."[33] The few
Nemedians who escaped alive after their great battle with the Fomorians,
fled into the interior of the island. Three bands were said to have emigrated
with their respective captains. One party wandered into the north of Europe,
and are believed to have been the progenitors of the Tuatha Dé Dananns;
others made their way to Greece, where they were enslaved, and obtained
the name of Firbolgs, or bagmen, from the leathern bags which they were
compelled to carry; and the third section sought refuge in the north of
England, which is said to have obtained its name of Briton from their
leader, Briotan Maol.[34]
The fourth immigration is that of the Firbolgs; and it is remarkable how
early the love of country is manifested in the Irish race, since we find those
who once inhabited its green plains still anxious to return, whether their
emigration proved prosperous, as to the Tuatha Dé Dananns, or painful, as
to the Firbolgs.

According to the Annals of Clonmacnois, Keating, and the Leabhar-
Gabhala, the Firbolgs divided the island into five provinces, governed by
five brothers, the sons of Dela Mac Loich:—"Slane, the eldest brother, had
the province of Leynster for his part, which containeth from Inver Colpe,
that is to say, where the river Boyne entereth into the sea, now called in
Irish Drogheda, to the meeting of the three waters, by Waterford, where the
three rivers, Suyre, Ffeoir, and Barrow, do meet and run together into the
sea. Gann, the second brother's part, was South Munster, which is a
province extending from that place to Bealagh-Conglaissey. Seangann, the
third brother's part, was from Bealagh-Conglaissey to Rossedahaileagh,
now called Limbriche, which is in the province of North Munster. Geanaun,
the fourth brother, had the province of Connacht, containing from Limerick
to Easroe. Rorye, the fifth brother, and youngest, had from Easroe aforesaid
to Inver Colpe, which is in the province of Ulster."[35]
The Firbolg chiefs had landed in different parts of the island, but they soon
met at the once famous Tara, where they united their forces. To this place
they gave the name of Druim Cain, or the Beautiful Eminence.
The fifth, or Tuatha Dé Danann "taking" of Ireland, occurred in the reign of
Eochaidh, son of Erc, A.M. 3303. The Firbolgian dynasty was terminated at
the battle of Magh Tuireadh. Eochaidh fled from the battle, and was killed
on the strand of Traigh Eothailé, near Ballysadare, co. Sligo. The cave
where he was interred still exists, and there is a curious tradition that the
tide can never cover it.
The Tuatha Dé Danann king, Nuada, lost his hand in this battle, and
obtained the name of Nuada of the Silver Hand,[36] his artificer, Credne
Cert, having made a silver hand for him with joints. It is probable the latter
acquisition was the work of Mioch, the son of Diancecht, Nuada's
physician, as there is a tradition that he "took off the hand and infused
feeling and motion into every joint and finger of it, as if it were a natural
hand." We may doubt the "feeling," but it was probably suggested by the
"motion," and the fact that, in those ages, every act of more than ordinary
skill was attributed to supernatural causes, though effected through human
agents. Perhaps even, in the enlightened nineteenth century, we might not
be much the worse for the pious belief, less the pagan cause to which it was
attributed. It should be observed here, that the Brehon Laws were probably

then in force; for the "blemish" of the monarch appears to have deprived
him of his dignity, at least until the silver hand could satisfy for the
defective limb. The Four Masters tell us briefly that the Tuatha Dé Dananns
gave the sovereignty to Breas, son of Ealathan, "while the hand of Nuada
was under cure," and mentions that Breas resigned the kingdom to him in
the seventh year after the cure of his hand.
A more detailed account of this affair may be found in one of our ancient
historic tales, of the class called Catha or Battles, which Professor O'Curry
pronounces to be "almost the earliest event upon the record of which we
may place sure reliance."[37] It would appear that there were two battles
between the Firbolgs and Tuatha Dé Dananns, and that, in the last of these,
Nuada was slain. According to this ancient tract, when the Firbolg king
heard of the arrival of the invaders, he sent a warrior named Sreng to
reconnoitre their camp. The Tuatha Dé Dananns were as skilled in war as in
magic; they had sentinels carefully posted, and their videttes were as much
on the alert as a Wellington or a Napier could desire. The champion Breas
was sent forward to meet the stranger. As they approached, each raised his
shield, and cautiously surveyed his opponent from above the protecting
aegis. Breas was the first to speak. The mother-tongue was as dear then as
now, and Sreng was charmed to hear himself addressed in his own
language, which, equally dear to the exiled Nemedian chiefs, had been
preserved by them in their long wanderings through northern Europe. An
examination of each others armour next took place. Sreng was armed with
"two heavy, thick, pointless, but sharply rounded spears;" while Breas
carried "two beautifully shaped, thin, slender, long, sharp-pointed spears."
[38]
Perhaps the one bore a spear of the same class of heavy flint weapons of
which we give an illustration, and the other the lighter and more graceful
sword, of which many specimens may be seen in the collection of the Royal
Irish Academy. Breas then proposed that they should divide the island
between the two parties; and after exchanging spears and promises of
mutual friendship, each returned to his own camp.

FLINT SPEAR-HEAD, FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE R.I.A.

The Firbolg king, however, objected to this arrangement; and it was
decided, in a council of war, to give battle to the invaders. The Tuatha Dé
Dananns were prepared for this from the account which Breas gave of the
Firbolg warriors: they, therefore, abandoned their camp, and took up a
strong position on Mount Belgadan, at the west end of Magh Nia, a site
near the present village of Cong, co. Mayo.
The Firbolgs marched from Tara to meet them; but Nuada, anxious for
pacific arrangements, opened new negociations with King Eochaidh
through the medium of his bards. The battle which has been mentioned
before then followed. The warrior Breas, who ruled during the disability of
Nuada, was by no means popular. He was not hospitable, a sine qua non for
king or chief from the earliest ages of Celtic being; he did not love the
bards, for the same race ever cherished and honoured learning; and he

attempted to enslave the nobles. Discontent came to a climax when the bard
Cairbré, son of the poetess Etan, visited the royal court, and was sent to a
dark chamber, without fire or bed, and, for all royal fare, served with three
small cakes of bread. If we wish to know the true history of a people, to
understand the causes of its sorrows and its joys, to estimate its worth, and
to know how to rule it wisely and well, let us read such old-world tales
carefully, and ponder them well. Even if prejudice or ignorance should
induce us to undervalue their worth as authentic records of its ancient
history, let us remember the undeniable fact, that they are authentic records
of its deepest national feelings, and let them, at least, have their weight as
such in our schemes of social economy, for the present and the future.
The poet left the court next morning, but not until he pronounced a bitter
and withering satire on the king—the first satire that had ever been
pronounced in Erinn. It was enough. Strange effects are attributed to the
satire of a poet in those olden times; but probably they could, in all cases,
bear the simple and obvious interpretation, that he on whom the satire was
pronounced was thereby disgraced eternally before his people. For how
slight a punishment would bodily suffering or deformity be, in comparison
to the mental suffering of which a quick-souled people are eminently
capable!
Breas was called on to resign. He did so with the worst possible grace, as
might be expected from such a character. His father, Elatha, was a Fomorian
sea-king or pirate, and he repaired to his court. His reception was not such
as he had expected; he therefore went to Balor of the Evil Eye,[39] a
Fomorian chief. The two warriors collected a vast army and navy, and
formed a bridge of ships and boats from the Hebrides to the north-west
coast of Erinn. Having landed their forces, they marched to a plain in the
barony of Tirerrill (co. Sligo), where they waited an attack or surrender of
the Tuatha Dé Danann army. But the magical skill, or, more correctly, the
superior abilities of this people, proved them more than equal to the
occasion. The chronicler gives a quaint and most interesting account of the
Tuatha Dé Danann arrangements. Probably the Crimean campaign, despite
our nineteenth century advancements in the art of war, was not prepared for
more carefully, or carried out more efficiently.

Nuada called a "privy council," if we may use the modern term for the
ancient act, and obtained the advice of the great Daghda; of Lug, the son of
Cian, son of Diancecht, the famous physician; and of Ogma Grian-Aineach
(of the sun-like face). But Daghda and Lug were evidently secretaries of
state for the home and war departments, and arranged these intricate affairs
with perhaps more honour to their master, and more credit to the nation,
than many a modern and "civilized" statesman. They summoned to their
presence the heads of each department necessary for carrying on the war.
Each department was therefore carefully pre-organized, in such a manner as
to make success almost certain, and to obtain every possible succour and
help from those engaged in the combat, or those who had suffered from it.
The "smiths" were prepared to make and to mend the swords, the surgeons
to heal or staunch the wounds, the bards and druids to praise or blame; and
each knew his work, and what was expected from the department which he
headed before the battle, for the questions put to each, and their replies, are
on record.
Pardon me. You will say I have written a romance, a legend, for the benefit
of my country[40]—a history of what might have been, of what should be, at
least in modern warfare, and, alas! often is not. Pardon me. The copy of the
tracts from which I have compiled this meagre narrative, is in existence,
and in the British Museum. It was written on vellum, about the year 1460,
by Gilla-Riabhach O'Clery; but there is unquestionable authority for its
having existed at a much earlier period. It is quoted by Cormac Mac
Cullinan in his Glossary, in illustration of the word Nes, and Cormac was
King of Munster in the year of grace 885, while his Glossary was compiled
to explain words which had then become obsolete. This narrative must,
therefore, be of great antiquity. If we cannot accept it as a picture of the
period, in the main authentic, let us give up all ancient history as a myth; if
we do accept it, let us acknowledge that a people who possessed such
officials had attained a high state of intellectual culture, and that their
memory demands at least the homage of our respect.
The plain on which this battle was fought, retains the name of the Plain of
the Towers (or Pillars) of the Fomorians, and some very curious sepulchral
monuments may still be seen on the ancient field.

In those days, as in the so-called middle ages, ladies exercised their skill in
the healing art; and we find honorable mention made of the Lady Ochtriuil,
who assisted the chief physician (her father) and his sons in healing the
wounds of the Tuatha Dé Danann heroes. These warriors have also left
many evidences of their existence in raths and monumental pillars.[41] It is
probable, also, that much that has been attributed to the Danes, of right
belongs to the Dananns, and that a confusion of names has promoted a
confusion of appropriation. Before we turn to the Milesian immigration, the
last colonization of the old country, let us inquire what was known and said
of it, and of its people, by foreign writers.

CAVITY, CONTAINING OVAL BASIN. NEW GRANGE.

THE SEVEN CASTLES OF CLONMINES

CHAPTER IV.
The Scythians Colonists—Testimony of Josephus—Magog and his
Colony—Statements of our Annals confirmed by a Jewish Writer—By
Herodotus—Nennius relates what is told by the "Most Learned of the
Scoti"—Phoenician Circumnavigation of Africa—Phoenician
Colonization of Spain—Iberus and Himerus—Traditions of Partholan
—Early Geographical Accounts of Ireland—Early Social Accounts of
Ireland.

he writer of the article on Ireland, in Rees' Cyclopædia, says: "It does
not appear improbable, much less absurd, to suppose that the
Phoenicians might have colonized Ireland at an early period, and
introduced their laws, customs, and knowledge, with a comparatively
high state of civilization; and that these might have been gradually
lost amidst the disturbances of the country, and, at last, completely
destroyed by the irruptions of the Ostmen." Of this assertion, which
is now scarcely doubted, there is abundant proof; and it is remarkable
that Josephus[42] attributes to the Phoenicians a special care in
preserving their annals above that of other civilized nations, and that this
feeling has existed, and still exists, more vividly in the Celtic race than in
any other European people.
The Irish annalists claim a descent from the Scythians, who, they say, are
descended from Magog, the son of Japhet, the son of Noah. Keating says:
"We will set down here the branching off of the race of Magog, according
to the Book of Invasions (of Ireland), which was called the Cin of Drom
Snechta."[43] It will be remembered how curiously O'Curry verified
Keating's statement as to the authorship of this work,[44] so that his
testimony may be received with respect. In the Scripture genealogy, the
sons of Magog are not enumerated; but an historian, who cannot be
suspected of any design of assisting the Celts to build up a pedigree, has
happily supplied the deficiency. Josephus writes:[45] "Magog led out a
colony, which from him were named Magoges, but by the Greeks called

Scythians." But Keating specifies the precise title of Scythians, from which
the Irish Celts are descended. He says they had established themselves in
remote ages on the borders of the Red Sea, at the town of Chiroth; that they
were expelled by the grandson of that Pharaoh who had been drowned in
the Red Sea; and that he persecuted them because they had supplied the
Israelites with provisions.
This statement is singularly and most conclusively confirmed by Rabbi
Simon, who wrote two hundred years before the birth of Christ. He says
that certain Canaanites near the Red Sea gave provisions to the Israelites;
"and because these Canaan ships gave Israel of their provisions, God would
not destroy their ships, but with an east wind carried them down the Red
Sea."[46] This colony settled in what was subsequently called Phoenicia; and
here again our traditions are confirmed ab extra, for Herodotus says: "The
Phoenicians anciently dwelt, as they allege, on the borders of the Red Sea."
[47]

It is not known at what time this ancient nation obtained the specific
appellation of Phoenician. The word is not found in Hebrew brew copies of
the Scriptures, but is used in the Machabees, the original of which is in
Greek, and in the New Testament. According to Grecian historians, it was
derived from Phoenix, one of their kings and brother of Cadmus, the
inventor of letters. It is remarkable that our annals mention a king named
Phenius, who devoted himself especially to the study of languages, and
composed an alphabet and the elements of grammar. Our historians describe
the wanderings of the Phoenicians, whom they still designate Scythians,
much as they are described by other writers. The account of their route may
differ in detail, but the main incidents coincide. Nennius, an English
chronicler, who wrote in the seventh century, from the oral testimony of
trustworthy Irish Celts, gives corroborative testimony. He writes thus: "If
any one would be anxious to learn how long Ireland was uninhabited and
deserted, he shall hear it, as the most learned of the Scots have related it to
me.[48] When the children of Israel came to the Red Sea, the Egyptians
pursued them and were drowned, as the Scripture records. In the time of
Moses there was a Scythian noble who had been banished from his
kingdom, and dwelt in Egypt with a large family. He was there when the
Egyptians were drowned, but he did not join in the persecution of the Lord's

people. Those who survived laid plans to banish him, lest he should assume
the government, because their brethren were drowned in the Red Sea; so he
was expelled. He wandered through Africa for forty-two years, and passed
by the lake of Salinæ to the altars of the Philistines, and between Rusicada
and the mountains Azure, and he came by the river Mulon, and by sea to the
Pillars of Hercules, and through the Tuscan Sea, and he made for Spain, and
dwelt there many years, and he increased and multiplied, and his people
were multiplied."
Herodotus gives an account of the circumnavigation of Africa by the
Phoenicians, which may have some coincidence with this narrative. His
only reason for rejecting the tradition, which he relates at length, is that he
could not conceive how these navigators could have seen the sun in a
position contrary to that in which it is seen in Europe. The expression of his
doubt is a strong confirmation of the truth of his narrative, which, however,
is generally believed by modern writers.[49]
This navigation was performed about seven centuries before the Christian
era, and is, at least, a proof that the maritime power of the Phoenicians was
established at an early period, and that it was not impossible for them to
have extended their enterprises to Ireland. The traditions of our people may
also be confirmed from other sources. Solinus writes thus: "In the gulf of
Boatica there is an island, distant some hundred paces from the mainland,
which the Tyrians, who came from the Red Sea, called Erythroea, and the
Carthaginians, in their language, denominate Gadir, i.e., the enclosure."
Spanish historians add their testimony, and claim the Phoenicians as their
principal colonizers. The Hispania Illustrata, a rare and valuable work, on
which no less than sixty writers were engaged, fixes the date of the
colonization of Spain by the Phoenicians at 764 A.C. De Bellegarde says:
"The first of whom mention is made in history is Hercules, the Phoenician,
by some called Melchant." It is alleged that he lived in the time of Moses,
and that he retired into Spain when the Israelites entered the land of
promise. This will be consistent with old accounts, if faith can be placed in
the inscription of two columns, which were found in the province of
Tingitane, at the time of the historian Procopius.[50] A Portuguese historian,
Emanuel de Faria y Sousa, mentions the sailing of Gatelus from Egypt, with
his whole family, and names his two sons, Iberus and Himerus, the first of

whom, he says, "some will have to have sailed into Ireland, and given the
name Hibernia to it."
Indeed, so strong has been the concurrent testimony of a Phoenician
colonization of Ireland from Spain, and this by independent authorities,
who could not have had access to our bardic histories, and who had no
motive, even had they known of their existence, to write in confirmation of
them, that those who have maintained the theory of a Gaulish colonization
of Ireland, have been obliged to make Spain the point of embarkation.
There is a curious treatise on the antiquities and origin of Cambridge, in
which it is stated, that, in the year of the world 4321, a British prince, the
son of Gulguntius, or Gurmund, having crossed over to Denmark, to
enforce tribute from a Danish king, was returning victorious off the
Orcades, when he encountered thirty ships, full of men and women. On his
inquiring into the object of their voyage, their leader, Partholyan, made an
appeal to his good-nature, and entreated from the prince some small portion
of land in Britain, as his crew were weary of sailing over the ocean. Being
informed that he came from Spain, the British prince received him under his
protection, and assigned faithful guides to attend him into Ireland, which
was then wholly uninhabited; and he granted it to them, subject to an annual
tribute, and confirmed the appointment of Partholyan as their chief.[51]
This account was so firmly believed in England, that it is specially set forth
in an Irish act (11th of Queen Elizabeth) among the "auncient and sundry
strong authentique tytles for the kings of England to this land of Ireland."
The tradition may have been obtained from Irish sources, and was probably
"improved" and accommodated to fortify the Saxon claim, by the addition
of the pretended grant; but it is certainly evidence of the early belief in the
Milesian colonization of Ireland, and the name of their leader.
The earliest references to Ireland by foreign writers are, as might be
expected, of a contradictory character. Plutarch affirms that Calypso was
"an island five days' sail to the west of Britain," which, at least, indicates his
knowledge of the existence of Erinn. Orpheus is the first writer who
definitely names Ireland. In the imaginary route which he prescribes for
Jason and the Argonauts, he names Ireland (Iernis), and describes its woody
surface and its misty atmosphere. All authorities are agreed that this

poem[52] was written five hundred years before Christ; and all doubt as to
whether Iernis meant the present island of Ireland must be removed, at least
to an unprejudiced inquirer, by a careful examination of the route which is
described, and the position of the island in that route.
The early history of a country which has been so long and so cruelly
oppressed, both civilly and morally, has naturally fallen into disrepute. We
do not like to display the qualifications of one whom we have deeply
injured. It is, at least, less disgraceful to have forbidden a literature to a
people who had none, than to have banned and barred the use of a most
ancient language,—to have destroyed the annals of a most ancient people.
In self-defence, the conqueror who knows not how to triumph nobly will
triumph basely, and the victims may, in time, almost forget what it has been
the policy of centuries to conceal from them. But ours is, in many respects,
an age of historical justice, and truth will triumph in the end. It is no longer
necessary to England's present greatness to deny the facts of history; and it
is one of its most patent facts that Albion was unknown, or, at least, that her
existence was unrecorded, at a time when Ireland is mentioned with respect
as the Sacred Isle, and the Ogygia[53] of the Greeks.
As might be expected, descriptions of the social state of ancient Erinn are of
the most contradictory character; but there is a remarkable coincidence in
all accounts of the physical geography of the island. The moist climate, the
fertile soil, the richly-wooded plains, the navigable rivers, and the
abundance of its fish,[54] are each and all mentioned by the early
geographers. The description given by Diodorus Siculus of a "certain large
island a considerable distance out at sea, and in the direction of the west,
many days' sail from Lybia," if it applies to Ireland, would make us suppose
that the Erinn of pagan times was incomparably more prosperous than Erinn
under Christian rule. He also specially mentions the fish, and adds: "The
Phoenicians, from the very remotest times, made repeated voyages thither
for purposes of commerce."[55]
The descriptions of our social state are by no means so flattering; but it is
remarkable, and, perhaps, explanatory, that the most unfavourable accounts
are the more modern ones. All without the pale of Roman civilization were
considered "barbarians," and the epithet was freely applied. Indeed, it is
well known that, when Cicero had a special object in view, he could

describe the Celtae of Gaul as the vilest monsters, and the hereditary
enemies of the gods, for whose wickedness extermination was the only
remedy. As to the "gods" there is no doubt that the Druidic worship was
opposed to the more sensual paganism of Greece and Rome, and, therefore,
would be considered eminently irreligious by the votaries of the latter.
The most serious social charge against the Irish Celts, is that of being
anthropophagi; and the statement of St. Jerome, that he had seen two Scoti
in Gaul feeding on a human carcass, has been claimed as strong
corroboration of the assertions of pagan writers. As the good father was
often vehement in his statements and impulsive in his opinions, he may
possibly have been mistaken, or, perhaps, purposely misled by those who
wished to give him an unfavourable impression of the Irish. It is scarcely
possible that they could have been cannibal as a nation, since St. Patrick
never even alludes to such a custom in his Confessio,[56] where it would,
undoubtedly, have been mentioned and reproved, had it existence.

CROSS AT GLENDALOUGH, CO. WICKLOW.

CROMLECH AT DUNMORE, WATERFORD.

CHAPTER V.
Landing of the Milesians—Traditions of the Tuatha Dé Dananns in St.
Patrick's time—The Lia Fail, or Stone of Destiny—The Milesians go
back to sea "nine waves"—They conquer ultimately—Reign of Eremon
—Landing of the Picts—Bede's Account of Ireland—Fame of its Fish
and Goats—Difficulties of Irish Chronology—Importance and
Authenticity of Irish Pedigrees—Qualifications of an Ollamh—
Milesian Genealogies—Historical Value of Pedigrees—National
Feelings should be respected—Historic Tales—Poems.

[A.M. 3500.]

he last colonization of Ireland is thus related in the Annals of the
Four Masters: "The age of the world 3500. The fleet of the sons of
Milidh came to Ireland at the end of this year, to take it from the
Tuatha Dé Dananns, and they fought the battle of Sliabh Mis with
them on the third day after landing. In this battle fell Scota, the
daughter of Pharaoh, wife of Milidh; and the grave of Scota[57] is [to
be seen] between Sliabh Mis and the sea. Therein also fell Fas, the
wife of Un, son of Uige, from whom is [named] Gleann Faisi. After
this the sons of Milidh fought a battle at Taillten[58] against the three
kings of the Tuatha Dé Dananns, MacCuill, MacCeacht, and MacGriéné.
The battle lasted for a long time, until MacCeacht fell by Eiremhon,
MacCuill by Eimheur, and Mac Griéné by Amhergen."[59] Thus the Tuatha
Dé Danann dynasty passed away, but not without leaving many a quaint
legend of magic and mystery, and many an impress of its more than
ordinary skill in such arts as were then indications of national superiority.
The real names of the last chiefs of this line, are said to have been
respectively Ethur, Cethur, and Fethur. The first was called MacCuill,
because he worshipped the hazel-tree, and, more probably, because he was
devoted to some branch of literature which it symbolized; the second
MacCeacht, because he worshipped the plough, i.e., was devoted to

agriculture; and the third obtained his appellation of MacGriéné because he
worshipped the sun.
It appears from a very curious and ancient tract, written in the shape of a
dialogue between St. Patrick and Caoilte MacRonain, that there were many
places in Ireland where the Tuatha Dé Dananns were then supposed to live
as sprites and fairies, with corporeal and material forms, but endued with
immortality. The inference naturally to be drawn from these stories is, that
the Tuatha Dé Dananns lingered in the country for many centuries after
their subjugation by the Gaedhils, and that they lived in retired situations,
where they practised abstruse arts, from which they obtained the reputation
of being magicians.
The Tuatha Dé Dananns are also said to have brought the famous. Lia Fail,
or Stone of Destiny, to Ireland. It is said by some authorities that this stone
was carried to Scotland when an Irish colony invaded North Britain, and
that it was eventually brought to England by Edward I., in the year 1300,
and deposited in Westminster Abbey. It is supposed to be identical with the
large block of stone which may be seen there under the coronation chair. Dr.
Petrie, however, controverts this statement, and believes it to be the present
pillar stone over the Croppies' Grave in one of the raths of Tara.
A Danann prince, called Oghma, is said to have invented the occult form of
writing called the Ogham Craove, which, like the round towers has proved
so fertile a source of doubt and discussion to our antiquaries.
The Milesians, however, did not obtain a colonization in Ireland without
some difficulty. According to the ancient accounts, they landed at the mouth
of the river Sláingé, or Slaney, in the present county of Wexford,
unperceived by the Tuatha Dé Dananns. From thence they marched to Tara,
the seat of government, and summoned the three kings to surrender. A
curious legend is told of this summons and its results, which is probably
true in the more important details. The Tuatha Dé Danann princes
complained that they had been taken by surprise, and proposed to the
invaders to re-embark, and to go out upon the sea "the distance of nine
waves" stating that the country should be surrendered to them if they could
then effect a landing by force. The Milesian chiefs assented; but when the
original inhabitants found them fairly launched at sea, they raised a tempest

by magical incantations, which entirely dispersed the fleet. One part of it
was driven along the east coast of Erinn, to the north, under the command
of Eremon, the youngest of the Milesian brothers; the remainder, under the
command of Donn, the elder brother, was driven to the south-west of the
island.

But the Milesians had druids also.[60] As soon as they suspected the agency
which had caused the storm, they sent a man to the topmast of the ship to
know "if the wind was blowing at that height over the surface of the sea."
The man reported that it was not. The druids then commence practising
counter arts of magic, in which they soon succeeded, but not until five of
the eight brothers were lost. Four, including Donn, were drowned in the
wild Atlantic, off the coast of Kerry. Colpa met his fate at the mouth of the
river Boyne, called from him Inbhear Colpa. Eber Finn and Amergin, the
survivors of the southern party, landed in Kerry, and here the battle of
Sliabh Mis was fought, which has been already mentioned.
The battle of Taillten followed; and the Milesians having become masters of
the country, the brothers Eber Finn and Eremon divided it between them;
the former taking all the southern part, from the Boyne and the Shannon to
Cape Clear, the latter taking all the part lying to the north of these rivers.
This arrangement, however, was not of long continuance. Each was
desirous of unlimited sovereignty; and they met to decide their claims by an
appeal to arms at Géisill,[61] a place near the present Tullamore, in the
King's county. Eber and his chief leaders fell in this engagement, and
Eremon assumed the sole government of the island.[62]

ANCIENT FLINT AXE.

He took up his residence in Leinster, and after a reign of fifteen years died,
and was buried at Ráith Beóthaigh, in Argat Ross. This ancient rath still
exists, and is now called Rath Beagh. It is situated on the right bank of the
river Nore, near the present village of Ballyragget, county Kilkenny. This is
not narrated by the Four Masters, neither do they mention the coming of the
Cruithneans or Picts into Ireland. These occurrences, however, are recorded
in all the ancient copies of the Book of Invasions, and in the Dinnseanchus.
The Cruithneans or Picts are said to have fled from the oppression of their
king in Thrace, and to have passed into Gaul. There they founded the city of
Poictiers. From thence they were again driven by an act of tyranny, and they
proceeded first to Britain, and then to Ireland. Crimhthann Sciath-bél, one
of King Bremen's leaders, was at Wexford when the new colony landed. He
was occupied in extirpating a tribe of Britons who had settled in Fotharta,
[63] and were unpleasantly distinguished for fighting with poisoned

weapons. The Irish chieftain asked the assistance of the new comers. A
battle was fought, and the Britons were defeated principally by the skill of
the Pictish druid, who found an antidote for the poison of their weapons.
According to the quaint account of Bede,[64] the Celtic chiefs gave good
advice to their foreign allies in return for their good deeds, and

recommended them to settle in North Britain, adding that they would come
to their assistance should they find any difficulty or opposition from the
inhabitants. The Picts took the advice, but soon found themselves in want of
helpmates. They applied again to their neighbours, and were obligingly
supplied with wives on the condition "that, when any difficulty should arise,
they should choose a king from the female royal race rather than from the
male." The Picts accepted the terms and the ladies; "and the custom," says
Bede, "as is well known, is observed among the Picts to this day."
Bede then continues to give a description of Ireland. His account, although
of some length, and not in all points reliable, is too interesting to be
omitted, being the opinion of an Englishman, and an author of reputation, as
to the state of Ireland, socially and physically, in the seventh century:
"Ireland, in breadth and for wholesomeness and serenity of climate, far
surpasses Britain; for the snow scarcely ever lies there above three days; no
man makes hay in summer for winter's provision, or builds stables for his
beasts of burden. No reptiles are found there; for, though often carried
thither out of Britain, as soon as the ship comes near the shore, and the
scent of the air reaches them, they die. On the contrary, almost all things in
the island are good against poison. In short, we have known that when some
persons have been bitten by serpents, the scrapings of leaves of books that
were brought out of Ireland, being put into water and given them to drink,
have immediately expelled the spreading poison, and assuaged the swelling.
The island abounds in milk and honey;[65] nor is there any want of vines,
fish,[66] and fowl; and it is remarkable for deer and goats."
The chronology of Irish pagan history is unquestionably one of its greatest
difficulties. But the chronology of all ancient peoples is equally
unmanageable. When Bunsen has settled Egyptian chronology to the
satisfaction of other literati as well as to his own, and when Hindoo and
Chinese accounts of their postdiluvian or antediluvian ancestors have been
reconciled and synchronized, we may hear some objections to "Irish
pedigrees," and listen to a new "Irish question."
Pre-Christian Irish chronology has been arranged, like most ancient national
chronologies, on the basis of the length of reign of certain kings. As we do
not trace our descent from the "sun and moon" we are not necessitated to
give our kings "a gross of centuries apiece," or to divide the assumed period

of a reign between half-a-dozen monarchs;[67] and the difficulties are
merely such as might be expected before chronology had become a science.
The Four Masters have adopted the chronology of the Septuagint; but
O'Flaherty took the system of Scaliger, and thus reduced the dates by many
hundred years. The objection of hostile critics has been to the history rather
than to the chronology of the history; but these objections are a mere petitio
principii. They cannot understand how Ireland could have had a succession
of kings and comparative civilization,—in fact, a national existence,—from
260 years before the building of Rome, when the Milesian colony arrived,
according to the author of the Ogygia, at least a thousand years before the
arrival of Cæsar in Britain, and his discovery that its inhabitants were half-
naked savages. The real question is not what Cæsar said of the Britons, nor
whether they had an ancient history before their subjugation by the
victorious cohorts of Rome; but whether the annals which contained the
pre-Christian history of Ireland may be accepted as, in the main, authentic.
We have already given some account of the principal works from which our
annals may be compiled. Before we proceed to that portion of our history
the authenticity of which cannot be questioned, it may, perhaps, be useful to
give an idea of the authorities for the minor details of social life, the
individual incidents of a nation's being, which, in fact, make up the
harmonious whole. We shall find a remarkable coincidence between the
materials for early Roman history, and those for the early history of that
portion of the Celtic race which colonized Ireland.
We have no trace of any historical account of Roman history by a
contemporary writer, native or foreign, before the war with Pyrrhus; yet we
have a history of Rome for more than four hundred years previous offered
to us by classical writers[68], as a trustworthy narrative of events. From
whence did they derive their reliable information? Unquestionably from
works such as the Origines of Cato the Censor, and other writers, which
were then extant, but which have since perished. And these writers, whence
did they obtain their historical narratives? If we may credit the theory of
Niebuhr,[69] they were transmitted simply by bardic legends, composed in
verse. Even Sir G.C. Lewis admits that "commemorative festivals and other
periodical observances, may, in certain cases, have served to perpetuate a
true tradition of some national event."[70] And how much more surely

would the memory of such events be perpetuated by a people, to whom they
had brought important political revolutions, who are eminently tenacious of
their traditions, and who have preserved the memory of them intact for
centuries in local names and monumental sites! The sources from whence
the first annalists, or writers of Irish history, may have compiled their
narratives, would, therefore, be—1. The Books of Genealogies and
Pedigrees. 2. The Historic Tales. 3. The Books of Laws. 4. The Imaginative
Tales and Poems. 5. National Monuments, such as cromlechs and pillar
stones, &c., which supplied the place of the brazen tablets of Roman
history, the libri lintei,[71] or the chronological nail.[72]
The Books of Genealogies and Pedigrees form a most important element in
Irish pagan history. For social and political reasons, the Irish Celt preserved
his genealogical tree with scrupulous precision. The rights of property and
the governing power were transmitted with patriarchal exactitude on strict
claims of primogeniture, which claims could only be refused under certain
conditions defined by law. Thus, pedigrees and genealogies became a
family necessity; but since private claims might be doubted, and the
question of authenticity involved such important results, a responsible
public officer was appointed to keep the records by which all claims were
decided. Each king had his own recorder, who was obliged to keep a true
account of his pedigree, and also of the pedigrees of the provincial kings
and of their principal chieftains. The provincial kings had also their
recorders (Ollamhs or Seanchaidhé[73]); and in obedience to an ancient law
established long before the introduction of Christianity, all the provincial
records, as well as those of the various chieftains, were required to be
furnished every third year to the convocation at Tara, where they were
compared and corrected.
The compilers of these genealogies were persons who had been educated as
Ollamhs—none others were admissible; and their "diplomas" were obtained
after a collegiate course, which might well deter many a modern aspirant to
professorial chairs. The education of the Ollamh lasted for twelve years;
and in the course of these twelve years of "hard work," as the early books
say, certain regular courses were completed, each of which gave the student
an additional degree, with corresponding title, rank, and privileges.[74]

"In the Book of Lecain (fol. 168) there is an ancient tract, describing the
laws upon this subject, and referring, with quotations, to the body of the
Brethibh Nimhedh, or 'Brehon Laws.' According to this authority, the
perfect Poet or Ollamh should know and practise the Teinim Laegha, the
Imas Forosnadh, and the Dichedal do chennaibh. The first appears to have
been a peculiar druidical verse, or incantation, believed to confer upon the
druid or poet the power of understanding everything that it was proper for
him to say or speak. The second is explained or translated, 'the illumination
of much knowledge, as from the teacher to the pupil,' that is, that he should
be able to explain and teach the four divisions of poetry or philosophy, 'and
each division of them,' continues the authority quoted, 'is the chief teaching
of three years of hard work.' The third qualification, or Dichedal, is
explained, 'that he begins at once the head of his poem,' in short, to
improvise extempore in correct verse. 'To the Ollamh,' says the ancient
authority quoted in this passage in the Book of Lecain,' belong
synchronisms, together with the laegha laidhibh, or illuminating poems
[incantations], and to him belong the pedigrees and etymologies of names,
that is, he has the pedigrees of the men of Erinn with certainty, and the
branching off of their various relationships.' Lastly, 'here are the four
divisions of the knowledge of poetry (or philosophy),' says the tract I have
referred to; 'genealogies, synchronisms, and the reciting of (historic) tales
form the first division; knowledge of the seven kinds of verse, and how to
measure them by letters and syllables, form another of them; judgment of
the seven kinds of poetry, another of them; lastly, Dichedal [or
improvisation], that is, to contemplate and recite the verses without ever
thinking of them before.'"[75]
The pedigrees were collected and written into a single book, called the Cin
or Book of Drom Snechta, by the son of Duach Galach, King of Connacht,
an Ollamh in history and genealogies, &c., shortly before[76] the arrival of
St. Patrick in Ireland, which happened about A.D. 432. It is obvious,
therefore, that these genealogies must have existed for centuries prior to this
period. Even if they were then committed to writing for the first time, they
could have been handed down for many centuries orally by the Ollamhs; for
no amount of literary effort could be supposed too great for a class of men
so exclusively and laboriously devoted to learning.

As the Milesians were the last of the ancient colonists, and had subdued the
races previously existing in Ireland, only their genealogies, with a few
exceptions, have been preserved. The genealogical tree begins, therefore,
with the brothers Eber and Eremon, the two surviving leaders of the
expedition, whose ancestors are traced back to Magog, the son of Japhet.
The great southern chieftains, such as the MacCarthys and O'Briens, claim
descent from Eber; the northern families of O'Connor, O'Donnell, and
O'Neill, claim Eremon as their head. There are also other families claiming
descent from Emer, the son of Ir, brother to Eber and Eremon; as also from
their cousin Lugaidh, the son of Ith. From four sources the principal Celtic
families of Ireland have sprung; and though they do not quite trace up the
line to

"The grand old gardener and his wife,"

they have a pedigree which cannot be gainsaid, and which might be claimed
with pride by many a monarch. MacFirbis' Book of Genealogies,[77]
compiled in the year 1650, from lost records, is the most perfect work of
this kind extant. But there are tracts in the Book of Leinster (compiled A.D.
1130), and in the Book of Ballymote (compiled A.D. 1391), which are of
the highest authority. O'Curry is of opinion, that those in the Book of
Leinster were copied from the Saltair of Cashel and other contemporaneous
works.
The historical use of these genealogies is very great, not only because they
give an authentic pedigree and approximate data for chronological
calculation, but from the immense amount of correlative information which
they contain. Every free-born man of the tribe was entitled by blood, should
it come to his turn, to succeed to the chieftaincy: hence the exactitude with
which each pedigree was kept; hence their importance in the estimation of
each individual; hence the incidental matter they contain, by the mention of
such historical events[78] as may have acted on different tribes and families,
by which they lost their inheritance or independence, and consequently their
claim, however remote, to the chieftaincy.
The ancient history of a people should always be studied with care and
candour by those who, as a matter of interest or duty, wish to understand
their social state, and the government best suited to that state. Many of the

poorest families in Ireland are descendants of its ancient chiefs. The old
habit—the habit which deepened and intensified itself during centuries—
cannot be eradicated, though it may be ridiculed, and the peasant will still
boast of his "blood;" it is all that he has left to him of the proud inheritance
of his ancestors.
The second source of historical information may be found in the
HISTORIC TALES. The reciting of historic tales was one of the principal
duties of the Ollamh, and he was bound to preserve the truth of history
"pure and unbroken to succeeding generations."
"According to several of the most ancient authorities, the Ollamh, or perfect
Doctor, was bound to have (for recital at the public feasts and assemblies) at
least Seven Fifties of these Historic narratives; and there appear to have
been various degrees in the ranks of the poets, as they progressed in
education towards the final degree, each of which was bound to be supplied
with at least a certain number. Thus the Anroth, next in rank to an Ollamh
should have half the number of an Ollamh; the Cli, one-third the number,
according to some authorities, and eighty according to others; and so on
down to the Fochlog, who should have thirty; and the Driseg (the lowest of
all), who should have twenty of these tales."[79]
The Ollamhs, like the druids or learned men of other nations, were in the
habit of teaching the facts of history to their pupils in verse,[80] probably
that they might be more easily remembered. A few of these tales have been
published lately, such as the Battle of Magh Rath, the Battle of Muighé
Leana, and the Tochmarc Moméra. Besides the tales of Battles (Catha),
there are the tales of Longasa, or Voyages; the tales of Tóghla, or
Destructions; of Slaughters, of Sieges, of Tragedies, of Voyages, and, not
least memorable, of the Tána, or Cattle Spoils, and the Tochmarca, or
Courtships. It should be remembered that numbers of these tales are in
existence, offering historical materials of the highest value. The Books of
Laws demand a special and more detailed notice, as well as the Historical
Monuments. With a brief mention of the Imaginative Tales and Poems, we
must conclude this portion of our subject.
Ancient writings, even of pure fiction, must always form an important
historical element to the nation by which they have been produced. Unless

they are founded on fact, so far as customs, localities, and mode of life are
concerned, they would possess no interest; and their principal object is to
interest. Without some degree of poetic improbabilities as to events, they
could scarcely amuse; and their object is also to amuse. Hence, the element
of truth is easily separated from the element of fiction, and each is available
in its measure for historic research. The most ancient of this class of
writings are the Fenian Poems and Tales, ascribed to Finn Mac Cumhaill, to
his sons, Oisín and Fergus Finnbheoill (the Eloquent), and to his kinsman,
Caeilité. There are also many tales and poems of more recent date. Mr.
O'Curry estimates, that if all MSS. known to be in existence, and composed
before the year 1000, were published, they would form at least 8,000
printed pages of the same size as O'Donovan's Annals of the Four Masters.

FROM SCULPTURES AT DEVENISH.

ROUND TOWER OF DYSART, NEAR CROOM, LIMERICK.

CHAPTER VI.
Tighearnmas—His Death—Introduces Colours as a Distinction of
Rank—Silver Shields and Chariots first used—Reign of Ugainé Môr—
The Treachery of Cobhthach—Romantic Tales—Queen Mab—Dispute
which led to the celebrated Cattle Spoil—The Story of the Táin bó
Chuailgné—The Romans feared to invade Ireland—Tacitus—Revolt of
the Attacotti—Reign of Tuathal—Origin of the Boromean Tribute.

[B.C. 1700.]

ur annals afford but brief details from the time of Eremon to that
of Ugainé Môr. One hundred and eighteen sovereigns are
enumerated from the Milesian conquest of Ireland (according to
the Four Masters, B.C. 1700) to the time of St. Patrick, A.D. 432.
The principal events recorded are international deeds of arms, the
clearing of woods, the enactment of laws, and the erection of
palaces.
Tighearnmas, one of these monarchs, is said to have introduced
the worship of idols into Ireland. From this it would appear, that
the more refined Magian, or Sun-worship, had prevailed
previously. He died, with "three-fourths" of the men of Ireland about him,
on the night of Samhain,[81] while worshipping the idol called Crom
Cruach, at Magh Slacht, in Breifné.[82] Tighearnmas reigned seventy-five
years. He is said to have been the first who attempted the smelting of gold
in Ireland; and the use of different colours,[83] as an indication of rank, is
also attributed to him.
Silver shields were now made (B.C. 1383) at Airget-Ros, by Enna
Airgtheach, and four-horse chariots were first used in the time of
Roitheachtaigh, who was killed by lightning near the Giant's Causeway.
Ollamh Fodhla (the wise or learned man) distinguished himself still more
by instituting triennial assemblies at Tara. Even should the date given by the
Four Masters (1317 B.C.) be called in question, there is no doubt of the

fact, which must have occurred some centuries before the Christian era; and
this would appear to be the earliest instance of a national convocation or
parliament in any country. Ollamh Fodhla also appointed chieftains over
every cantred or hundred, he constructed a rath at Tara, and died there in the
fortieth year of his reign.
At the reign of Cimbaoth (B.C. 716) we come to that period which
Tighernach considers the commencement of indisputably authentic history.
It is strange that he should have selected a provincial chief, and a period in
no way remarkable except for the building of the palace of Emania.[84] But
the student of Irish pre-Christian annals may be content to commence with
solid foundation as early as seven centuries before Christ. The era was an
important one in universal history. The Greeks had then counted sixteen
Olympiads, and crowned Pythagoras the victor. Hippomenes was archon at
Athens. Romulus had been succeeded by Numa Pompilius, and the
foundations of imperial Rome were laid in blood by barbarian hordes. The
Chaldeans had just taken the palm in astronomical observations, and
recorded for the first time a lunar eclipse; while the baffled Assyrian hosts
relinquished the siege of Tyre, unhappily reserved for the cruel destruction
accomplished by Alexander, a few centuries later. The prophecies of Isaiah
were still resounding in the ears of an ungrateful people. He had spoken of
the coming Christ and His all-peaceful mission in mystic imagery, and had
given miraculous evidences of his predictions. But suffering should be the
precursor of that marvellous advent. The Assyrian dashed in resistless
torrent upon the fold. Israel was led captive. Hosea was in chains. Samaria
and the kingdom of Israel were added to the conquests of Sennacherib; and
the kingdom of Judah, harassed but not destroyed, waited the
accomplishment of prophecy, and the measure of her crimes, ere the most
ancient of peoples should for ever cease to be a nation.
Ugainé Môr is the next monarch who demands notice. His obituary record
is thus given by the Four Masters:—"At the end of this year, A.M. 4606,
Ugainé Môr, after he had been full forty years King of Ireland, and of the
whole of the west of Europe, as far as Muir-Toirrian, was slain by
Badhbhchad at Tealach-an-Choisgair, in Bregia. This Ugainé was he who
exacted oaths by all the elements, visible and invisible, from the men of
Ireland in general, that they would never contend for the sovereignty of
Ireland with his children or his race."

Ugainé was succeeded by his son, Laeghairé Lorc, who was cruelly and
treacherously killed by his brother, Cobhthach Cael. Indeed, few monarchs
lived out their time in peace during this and the succeeding centuries. The
day is darkest before the dawn, in the social and political as well as in the
physical world. The Eternal Light was already at hand; the powers of
darkness were aroused for the coming conflict; and deeds of evil were being
accomplished, which make men shudder as they read. The assassination of
Laeghairé was another manifestation of the old-world story of envy. The
treacherous Cobhthach feigned sickness, which he knew would obtain a
visit from his brother. When the monarch stooped to embrace him, he
plunged a dagger into his heart. His next act was to kill his nephew, Ailill
Ainé; and his ill-treatment of Ainé's son, Maen, was the consummation of
his cruelty. The fratricide was at last slain by this very youth, who had now
obtained the appellation of Labhraidh-Loingseach, or Lowry of the Ships.
We have special evidence here of the importance of our Historic Tales, and
also that the blending of fiction and fact by no means deteriorates from their
value.
Love affairs form a staple ground for fiction, with a very substantial under-
strata of facts, even in the nineteenth century; and the annals of pre-
Christian Erinn are by no means deficient in the same fertile source of
human interest. The History of the Exile is still preserved in the Leabhar
Buidhé Lecain, now in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. It is a highly
romantic story, but evidently founded on fact, and full of interest as
descriptive of public and private life in the fifth century before Christ. It
tells how Maen, though supposed to be deaf and dumb, was, nevertheless,
given in charge of two officers of the court to be educated; that he
recovered or rather obtained speech suddenly, in a quarrel with another
youth; and that he was as symmetrical of form and noble of bearing as all
heroes of romance are bound to be. His uncle expelled him from the
kingdom, and he took refuge at the court of King Scoriath. King Scoriath
had a daughter, who was beautiful; and Maen, of course, acted as a knight
was bound to do under such circumstances, and fell desperately in love with
the princess. The Lady Moriath's beauty had bewildered more heads than
that of the knight-errant; but the Lady Moriath's father and mother were
determined their daughter should not marry.

The harper Craftiné came to the rescue, and at last, by his all-entrancing
skill, so ravished the whole party of knights and nobles, that the lovers were
able to enjoy a tête-a-tête, and pledged mutual vows. As usual, the parents
yielded when they found it was useless to resist; and, no doubt, the poet
Craftiné, who, poet and all as he was, nearly lost his head in the adventure,
was the most welcome of all welcome guests at the nuptial feast. Indeed, he
appears to have been retained as comptroller of the house and confidential
adviser long after; for when Labhraidh Maen was obliged to fly the country,
he confided his wife to the care of Craftiné. On his return from France,[85]
he obtained possession of the kingdom, to which he was the rightful heir,
and reigned over the men of Erinn for eighteen years.
Another Historic Tale gives an account of the destruction of the court of Dá
Derga, but we have not space for details. The Four Masters merely relate
the fact in the following entry:—
"Conairé, the son of Ederscél, after having been seventy years in the
sovereignty of Erinn, was slain at Bruighean Dá Dhearga by insurgents."
Another prince, Eochaidh Feidhlech, was famous for sighing. He rescinded
the division of Ireland into twenty-five parts, which had been made by
Ugainé Môr, and divided the island into five provinces, over each of which
he appointed a provincial king, under his obedience. The famous Meadhbh,
or Mab, was his daughter; and though unquestionably a lady of rather
strong physical and mental capabilities, the lapse of ages has thrown an
obscuring halo of romance round her belligerent qualifications, and
metamorphosed her into the gentle "Faery Queen" of the poet Spenser. One
of Méav's exploits is recorded in the famous Táin bó Chuailgné, which is to
Celtic history what the Argonautic Expedition, or the Seven against Thebes,
is to Grecian. Méav was married first to Conor, the celebrated provincial
king of Ulster; but the marriage was not a happy one, and was dissolved, in
modern parlance, on the ground of incompatibility. In the meanwhile,
Méav's three brothers had rebelled against their father; and though his arms
were victorious, the victory did not secure peace. The men of Connacht
revolted against him, and to retain their allegiance he made his daughter
Queen of Connacht, and gave her in marriage to Ailill, a powerful chief of
that province. This prince, however, died soon after; and Méav, determined
for once, at least, to choose a husband for herself, made a royal progress to
Leinster, where Ross Ruadb held his court at Naas. She selected the

younger son of this monarch, who bore the same name as her former
husband, and they lived together happily as queen and king consort for
many years. On one occasion, however, a dispute arose about their
respective treasures, and this dispute led to a comparison of their property.
The account of this, and the subsequent comparison, is given at length in
the Táin, and is a valuable repertory of archæological information. They
counted their vessels, metal and wooden; they counted their finger rings,
their clasps, their thumb rings, their diadems, and their gorgets of gold.
They examined their many-coloured garments of crimson and blue, of black
and green, yellow and mottled, white and streaked. All were equal. They
then inspected their flocks and herds, swine from the forests, sheep from the
pasture lands, and cows—here the first difference arose. It was one to excite
Méav's haughty temper. There was a young bull found among Ailill's
bovine wealth: it had been calved by one of Méav's cows; but "not deeming
it honorable to be under a woman's control," it had attached itself to Ailill's
herds. Méav was not a lady who could remain quiet under such
provocation. She summoned her chief courier, and asked him could he a
match for Finnbheannach (the white-horned). The courier declared that he
could find even a superior animal; and at once set forth on his mission,
suitably attended. Méav had offered the most liberal rewards for the prize
she so much coveted; and the courier soon arranged with Daré, a noble of
large estates, who possessed one of the valuable breed. A drunken quarrel,
however, disarranged his plans. One of the men boasted that if Daré had not
given the bull for payment, he should have been compelled to give it by
force. Daré's steward heard the ill-timed and uncourteous boast. He flung
down the meat and drink which he had brought for their entertainment, and
went to tell his master the contemptuous speech. The result may be
anticipated. Daré refused the much-coveted animal, and Méav proceeded to
make good her claim by force of arms. But this is only the prologue of the
drama; the details would fill a volume. It must suffice to say, that the bulls
had a battle of their own. Finnbheannach and Donn Chuailgné (the Leinster
bull) engaged in deadly combat, which is described with the wildest flights
of poetic diction.[86] The poor "white horn" was killed, and Donn
Chuailgné, who had lashed himself to madness, dashed out his brains.[87]

FLINT SPEAR-HEAD, FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE R.I.A.

Méav lived to the venerable age of a hundred. According to Tighernach, she
died A.D. 70, but the chronology of the Four Masters places her demise a
hundred years earlier. This difference of calculation also makes it
questionable what monarch reigned in Ireland at the birth of Christ. The
following passage is from the Book of Ballymote, and is supposed to be
taken from the synchronisms of Flann of Monasterboice: "In the fourteenth
year of the reign of Conairé and of Conchobar, Mary was born; and in the
fourth year after the birth of Mary, the expedition of the Táin bó Chuailgné
took place. Eight years after the expedition of the Táin, Christ was born."
The Four Masters have the following entry after the age of the world 5194:
—

THE AGE OF CHRIST.
"The first year of the age of Christ, and the eighth year of the reign of
Crimhthann Niadhnair." Under the heading of the age of Christ 9, there is
an account of a wonderful expedition of this monarch, and of all the
treasures he acquired thereby. His "adventures" is among the list of Historic
Tales in the Book of Leinster, but unfortunately there is no copy of this tract
in existence. It was probably about this time that a recreant Irish chieftain
tried to induce Agricola to invade Ireland. But the Irish Celts had extended
the fame of their military prowess even to distant lands,[88] and the Roman
general thought it better policy to keep what he had than to risk its loss, and,
perhaps, obtain no compensation. Previous to Cæsar's conquest of Britain,
the Irish had fitted out several expeditions for the plunder of that country,
and they do not appear to have suffered from retaliation until the reign of
Egbert. It is evident, however, that the Britons did not consider them their
worst enemies, for we find mention of several colonies flying to the Irish
shores to escape Roman tyranny, and these colonies were hospitably
received.[89] The passage in Tacitus which refers to the proposed invasion of
Ireland by the Roman forces, is too full of interest to be omitted:—"In the
fifth year of these expeditions, Agricola, passing over in the first ship,
subdued in frequent victories nations hitherto unknown. He stationed troops
along that part of Britain which looks to Ireland, more on account of hope
than fear,[90] since Ireland, from its situation between Britain and Spain, and
opening to the Gallic Sea, might well connect the most powerful parts of
the empire with reciprocal advantage. Its extent, compared with Britain, is
narrower, but exceeds that of any islands of our sea. The genius and habits
of the people, and the soil and climate, do not differ much from those of
Britain. Its channels and ports are better known to commerce and to
merchants.[91] Agricola gave his protection to one of its petty kings, who
had been expelled by faction; and with a show of friendship, he retained
him for his own purposes. I often heard him say, that Ireland could he
conquered and taken with one legion and a small reserve; and such a
measure would have its advantages even as regards Britain, if Roman
power were extended on every side, and liberty taken away as it were from
the view of the latter island."[92]

We request special attention to the observation, that the Irish ports were
better known to commerce and merchants. Such a statement by such an
authority must go far to remove any doubt as to the accounts given on this
subject by our own annalists. The proper name of the recreant "regulus" has
not been discovered, so that his infamy is transmitted anonymously to
posterity. Sir John Davies has well observed, with regard to the boast of
subduing Ireland so easily, "that if Agricola had attempted the conquest
thereof with a far greater army, he would have found himself deceived in
his conjecture." William of Neuburg has also remarked, that though the
Romans harassed the Britons for three centuries after this event, Ireland
never was invaded by them, even when they held dominion of the Orkney
Islands, and that it yielded to no foreign power until the year[93] 1171.
Indeed, the Scots and Picts gave their legions quite sufficient occupation
defending the ramparts of Adrian and Antoninus, to deter them from
attempting to obtain more, when they could so hardly hold what they
already possessed.

The insurrection of the Aitheach Tuatha,[94] or Attacotti, is the next event of
importance in Irish history. Their plans were deeply and wisely laid, and
promised the success they obtained. It is one of the lessons of history which
rulers in all ages would do well to study. There is a degree of oppression
which even the most degraded will refuse to endure; there is a time when
the injured will seek revenge, even should they know that this revenge may
bring on themselves yet deeper wrongs. The leaders of the revolt were
surely men of some judgment; and both they and those who acted under
them possessed the two great qualities needed for such an enterprise. They
were silent, for their plans were not even suspected until they were
accomplished; they were patient, for these plans were three years in
preparation. During three years the helots saved their scanty earnings to
prepare a sumptuous death-feast for their unsuspecting victims. This feast
was held at a place since called Magh Cru, in Connaught. The monarch,
Fiacha Finnolaidh, the provincial kings and chiefs, were all invited, and
accepted the invitation. But while the enjoyment was at its height, when
men had drank deeply, and were soothed by the sweet strains of the harp,
the insurgents did their bloody work. Three ladies alone escaped. They fled
to Britain, and there each gave birth to a son—heirs to their respective
husbands who had been slain.

After the massacre, the Attacotti elected their leader, Cairbré Cinn-Cait (or
the Cat-head), to the royal dignity, for they still desired to live under a
"limited monarchy." But revolutions, even when successful, and we had
almost said necessary, are eminently productive of evil. The social state of a
people when once disorganized, does not admit of a speedy or safe return to
its former condition. The mass of mankind, who think more of present evils,
however trifling, than of past grievances, however oppressive, begin to
connect present evils with present rule, and having lost, in some degree, the
memory of their ancient wrongs, desire to recall a dynasty which, thus
viewed, bears a not unfavourable comparison with their present state.[95]
Cairbré died after five years of most unprosperous royalty, and his son, the
wise and prudent Morann,[96] showed his wisdom and prudence by refusing
to succeed him. He advised that the rightful heirs should be recalled. His
advice was accepted. Fearadhach Finnfeachteach was invited to assume the
reins of government. "Good was Ireland during this his time. The seasons
were right tranquil; the earth brought forth its fruit; fishful its river-mouths;
milkful the kine; heavy-headed the woods."[97]
Another revolt of the Attacotti took place in the reign of Fiacha of the White
Cattle. He was killed by the provincial kings, at the slaughter of Magh
Bolg.[98] Elim, one of the perpetrators of this outrage, obtained the crown,
but his reign was singularly unprosperous; and Ireland was without corn,
without milk, without fruit, without fish, and without any other great
advantage, since the Aitheach Tuatha had killed Fiacha Finnolaidh in the
slaughter of Magh Bolg, till the time of Tuathal Teachtmar.[99]
Tuathal was the son of a former legitimate monarch, and had been invited to
Ireland by a powerful party. He was perpetually at war with the Attacotti,
but at last established himself firmly on the throne, by exacting an oath
from the people, "by the sun, moon, and elements," that his posterity should
not be deprived of the sovereignty. This oath was taken at Tara, where he
had convened a general assembly, as had been customary with his
predecessors at the commencement of each reign; but it was held by him
with more than usual state. His next act was to take a small portion of land
from each of the four provinces, forming what is now the present county of
Meath, and retaining it as the mensal portion of the Ard-Righ, or supreme
monarch. On each of these portions he erected a palace for the king of every

province, details of which will be given when we come to that period of our
history which refers to the destruction of Tara. Tuathal had at this time two
beautiful and marriageable daughters, named Fithir and Dairiné. Eochaidh
Aincheann, King of Leinster, sought and obtained the hand of the younger
daughter, Dairiné, and after her nuptials carried her to his palace at Naas, in
Leinster. Some time after, his people pursuaded him that he had made a bad
selection, and that the elder was the better of the two sisters; upon which
Eochaidh determined by stratagem to obtain the other daughter also. For
this purpose he shut the young queen up in a secret apartment of his palace,
and gave out a report that she was dead. He then repaired, apparently in
great grief to Tara, informed the monarch that his daughter was dead, and
demanded her sister in marriage. Tuathal gave his consent, and the false
king returned home with his new bride. Soon after her arrival at Naas, her
sister escaped from her confinement, and suddenly and unexpectedly
encountered the prince and Fithir. In a moment she divined the truth, and
had the additional anguish of seeing her sister, who was struck with horror
and shame, fall dead before her face. The death of the unhappy princess,
and the treachery of her husband, was too much for the young queen; she
returned to her solitary chamber, and in a very short time died of a broken
heart.
The insult offered to his daughters, and their untimely death, roused the
indignation of the pagan monarch, and was soon bitterly avenged. At the
head of a powerful force, he burned and ravaged Leinster to its utmost
boundary, and then compelled its humbled and terror-stricken people to
bind themselves and their descendants for ever to the payment of a triennial
tribute to the monarch of Erinn, which, from the great number of cows
exacted by it, obtained the name of the "Boromean Tribute"—bo being the
Gaedhilic for a cow.
The tribute is thus described in the old annals:

"The men of Leinster were obliged to pay
To Tuathal, and all the monarchs after him,
Three-score hundred of the fairest cows,
And three-score hundred ounces of pure silver,
And three-score hundred mantles richly woven,
And three-score hundred of the fattest hogs,

And three-score hundred of the largest sheep,
And three-score hundred cauldrons strong and polished[100]."
It is elsewhere described as consisting of five thousand ounces of silver,
five thousand mantles, five thousand fat cows, five thousand fat hogs, five
thousand wethers, and five thousand vessels of brass or bronze for the
king's laving, with men and maidens for his service.
The levying of the tribute was the cause of periodical and sanguinary wars,
from the time of Tuathal until the reign of Finnachta the Festive. About the
year 680 it was abolished by him, at the entreaty of St. Moling, of Tigh
Moling (now St. Mullen's, in the county Carlow). It is said by Keating, that
he a ailed himself of a pious ruse for this purpose,—asking the king to
pledge himself not to exact the tribute until after Monday, and then, when
his request was complied with, declaring that the Monday he intended was
the Monday after Doomsday. The tribute was again revived and levied by
Brian, the son of Cinneidigh, at the beginning of the eleventh century, as a
punishment on the Leinster men for their adherence to the Danish cause. It
was from this circumstance that Brian obtained the surname of Boroimhé.

LOUGH HYNE.

ORATORY AT GALLARUS, CO. KERRY.

CHAPTER VII.
Tuathal-Conn "of the Hundred Battles"—The Five Great Roads of
Ancient Erinn—Conn's Half—Conairé II.—The Three Cairbrés—
Cormac Mac Airt—His Wise Decision—Collects Laws—His Personal
Appearance-The Saltair of Tara written in Cormac's Reign—Finn Mac
Cumhaill—His Courtship with the Princess Ailbhé—The Pursuit of
Diarmaid and Grainné—Nial "of the Nine Hostages"—Dathi.

uathal reigned for thirty years, and is said to have fought no less than
133 battles with the Attacotti. He was at last slain himself by his
successor, Nial, who, in his turn, was killed by Tuathal's son. Conn
"of the Hundred Battles" is the next Irish monarch who claims more
than a passing notice. His exploits are a famous theme with the bards,
and a poem on his "Birth" forms part of the Liber Flavus
Fergusorum, a MS. volume of the fifteenth century. His reign is also
remarkable for the mention of five great roads[101] which were then
discovered or completed. One of these highways, the Eiscir Riada,
extended from the declivity on which Dublin Castle now stands, to the
peninsula of Marey, at the head of Galway Bay. It divided Conn's half of
Ireland from the half possessed by Eóghan Môr, with whom he lived in the
usual state of internecine feud which characterized the reigns of this early
period. One of the principal quarrels between these monarchs, was caused
by a complaint which Eóghan made of the shipping arrangements in
Dublin. Conn's half (the northern side) was preferred, and Eóghan
demanded a fair division. They had to decide their claims at the battle of
Magh Lena.[102] Eóghan was assisted by a Spanish chief, whose sister he
had married. But the Iberian and his Celtic brother-in-law were both slain,
and the mounds are still shown which cover their remains.
Conn was succeeded by Conairé II., the father of the three Cairbrés, who
were progenitors of important tribes. Cairbré Muse gave his name to six
districts in Munster; the territory of Corcabaiscinn, in Clare, was named
after Cairbré Bascain; and the Dalriada of Antrim were descended from

Cairbré Riada. He is also mentioned by Bede under the name of Reuda,[103]
as the leader of the Scots who came from Hibernia to Alba. Three centuries
later, a fresh colony of Dalriadans laid the foundation of the Scottish
monarchy under Fergus, the son of Erc. Mac Con was the next Ard-Righ or
chief monarch of Ireland. He obtained the royal power after a battle at
Magh Mucruimhé, near Athenry, where Art the Melancholy, son of Con of
the Hundred Battles, and the seven sons of Oilioll Oluim, were slain.
The reign of Cormac Mac Airt is unquestionably the most celebrated of all
our pagan monarchs. During his early years he had been compelled to
conceal himself among his mother's friends in Connaught; but the severe
rule of the usurper Mac Con excited a desire for his removal, and the
friends of the young prince were not slow to avail themselves of the popular
feeling. He, therefore, appeared unexpectedly at Tara, and happened to
arrive when the monarch was giving judgment in an important case, which
is thus related: Some sheep, the property of a widow, residing at Tara, had
strayed into the queen's private lawn, and eaten the grass. They were
captured, and the case was brought before the king. He decided that the
trespassers should be forfeited; but Cormac exclaimed that his sentence was
unjust, and declared that as the sheep had only eaten the fleece of the land,
they should only forfeit their own fleece. The vox populi applauded the
decision. Mac Con started from his seat, and exclaimed: "That is the
judgment of a king." At the same moment he recognized the prince, and
commanded that he should be seized; but he had already escaped. The
people now recognized their rightful king, and revolted against the usurper,
who was driven into Munster. Cormac assumed the reins of government at
Tara, and thus entered upon his brilliant and important career, A.D. 227.
Cormac commenced his government with acts of severity, which were,
perhaps, necessary to consolidate his power. This being once firmly
established, he devoted himself ardently to literary pursuits, and to regulate
and civilize his dominions. He collected the national laws, and formed a
code which remained in force until the English invasion, and was observed
for many centuries after outside the Pale. The bards dwell with manifest
unction on the "fruit and fatness" of the land in his time, and describe him
as the noblest and most bountiful of all princes. Indeed, we can scarcely
omit their account, since it cannot be denied that it pictures the costume of

royalty in Ireland at that period, however poetically the details may be
given. This, then, is the bardic photograph:—
"His hair was slightly curled, and of golden colour: a scarlet shield with
engraved devices, and golden hooks, and clasps of silver: a wide-folding
purple cloak on him, with a gem-set gold brooch over his breast; a gold
torque around his neck; a white-collared shirt, embroidered with gold, upon
him; a girdle with golden buckles, and studded with precious stones, around
him; two golden net-work sandals with golden buckles upon him; two
spears with golden sockets, and many red bronze rivets in his hand; while
he stood in the full glow of beauty, without defect or blemish. You would
think it was a shower of pearls that were set in his mouth; his lips were
rubies; his symmetrical body was as white as snow; his cheek was like the
mountain ash-berry; his eyes were like the sloe; his brows and eye-lashes
were like the sheen of a blue-black lance."[104]
The compilation of the Saltair of Tara, as we mentioned previously, is
attributed to this monarch. Even in Christian times his praises are loudly
proclaimed. The poet Maelmura, who lived in the eighth century, styles him
Ceolach, or the Musical, and Kenneth O'Hartigan, who died A.D. 973, gives
a glowing account of his magnificence and of his royal palace at Tara.
O'Flaherty quotes a poem, which he says contains an account of three
schools, instituted by Cormac at Tara; one for military discipline, one for
history, and the third for jurisprudence. The Four Masters say: "It was this
Cormac, son of Art, also, that collected the chronicles of Ireland to
Teamhair [Tara], and ordered them to write[105] the chronicles of Ireland in
one book, which was named the Saltair of Teamhair. In that book were
[entered] the coeval exploits and synchronisms of the kings of Ireland with
the kings and emperors of the world, and of the kings of the provinces with
the monarchs of Ireland. In it was also written what the monarchs of Ireland
were entitled to [receive] from the provincial kings, and the rents and dues
of the provincial kings from their subjects, from the noble to the subaltern.
In it, also, were [described] the boundaries and mears of Ireland from shore
to shore, from the provinces to the cantred, from the cantred to the
townland, from the townland to the traighedh of land."[106] Although the
Saltair of Tara has disappeared from our national records, a law tract, called
the Book of Acaill, is still in existence, which is attributed to this king. It is

always found annexed to a Law Treatise by Cennfaelad the Learned, who
died A.D. 677. In an ancient MS. in Trinity College, Dublin (Class H.L. 15,
p. 149), it is stated that it was the custom, at the inauguration of Irish chiefs,
to read the Instructions of the Kings (a work ascribed to Cormac) and his
Laws.
There is a tradition that Cormac became a Christian before his death. In the
thirty-ninth year of his reign, one of his eyes was thrust out by a spear, and
he retired in consequence to one of those peaceful abodes of learning which
were so carefully fostered in ancient Erinn. The high-minded nobility of this
people is manifest notably in the law which required that the king should
have no personal blemish; and in obedience to this law, Cormac vacated the
throne. He died A.D. 266, at Cleiteach, near Stackallen Bridge, on the south
bank of the Boyne. It is said that he was choked by a salmon bone, and that
this happened through the contrivances of the druids, who wished to avenge
themselves on him for his rejection of their superstitions.
This reign was made more remarkable by the exploits of his son-in-law, the
famous Finn Mac Cumhaill (pronounced "coole"). Finn was famous both as
a poet and warrior. Indeed, poetical qualifications were considered essential
to obtain a place in the select militia of which he was the last commander.
The courtship of the poet-warrior with the Princess Ailbhé, Cormac's
daughter, is related in one of the ancient historic tales called Tochmarca, or
Courtships. The lady is said to have been the wisest woman of her time, and
the wooing is described in the form of conversations, which savour more of
a trial of skill in ability and knowledge, than of the soft utterances which
distinguish such narratives in modern days. It is supposed that the Fenian
corps which he commanded was modelled after the fashion of the Roman
legions; but its loyalty is more questionable, for it was eventually disbanded
for insubordination, although the exploits of its heroes are a favourite topic
with the bards. The Fenian poems, on which Macpherson founded his
celebrated forgery, are ascribed to Finn's sons, Oísin and Fergus the
Eloquent, and to his kinsman Caeilté, as well as to himself. Five poems
only are ascribed to him, but these are found in MSS. of considerable
antiquity. The poems of Oísin were selected by the Scotch writer for his
grand experiment. He gave a highly poetical translation of what purported
to be some ancient and genuine composition, but, unfortunately for his
veracity, he could not produce the original. Some of the real compositions

of the Fenian hero are, however, still extant in the Book of Leinster, as well
as other valuable Fenian poems. There are also some Fenian tales in prose,
of which the most remarkable is that of the Pursuit of Diarmaid and Grainné
—a legend which has left its impress in every portion of the island to the
present day. Finn, in his old age, asked the hand of Grainné, the daughter of
Cormac Mac Airt; but the lady being young, preferred a younger lover. To
effect her purpose, she drugged the guest-cup so effectually, that Finn, and
all the guests invited with him, were plunged into a profound slumber after
they had partaken of it. Oísin and Diarmaid alone escaped, and to them the
Lady Grainné confided her grief. As true knights they were bound to rescue
her from the dilemma. Oísin could scarcely dare to brave his father's
vengeance, but Diarmaid at once fled with the lady. A pursuit followed,
which extended all over Ireland, during which the young couple always
escaped. So deeply is the tradition engraven in the popular mind, that the
cromlechs are still called the "Beds of Diarmaid and Grainné," and shown
as the resting-places of the fugitive lovers.
There are many other tales of a purely imaginative character, which, for
interest, might well rival the world-famous Arabian Nights' Entertainments;
and, for importance of details, illustrative of manners, customs, dress,
weapons, and localities, are, perhaps, unequalled.
Nial of the Nine Hostages and Dathi are the last pagan monarchs who
demand special notice. In the year 322, Fiacha Sraibhtine was slain by the
three Collas,[107] and a few short-lived monarchs succeeded. In 378,
Crimhthann was poisoned by his sister, who hoped that her eldest son,
Brian, might obtain the royal power. Her attempt failed, although she
sacrificed herself for its accomplishment, by taking the poisoned cup to
remove her brother's suspicions; and Nial of the Nine Hostages, the son of
her husband by a former wife, succeeded to the coveted dignity. This
monarch distinguished himself by predatory warfare against Albion and
Gaul. The "groans"[108] of the Britons testify to his success in that quarter,
which eventually obliged them to become an Anglo-Saxon nation; and the
Latin poet, Claudian, gives evidence that troops were sent by Stilicho, the
general of Theodosius the Great, to repel his successful forays. His
successor, Dathi, was killed by lightning at the foot of the Alps, and the

possibility of this occurrence is also strangely verified from extrinsic
sources.[109]

GAP OF DUNLOE, KILLARNEY.

ARMAGH.

CHAPTER VIII.
St. Patrick—How Ireland was first Christianized—Pagan Rome used
providentially to promote the Faith—The Mission of St. Palladius—
Innocent I. claims authority to found Churches and condemn Heresy—
Disputes concerning St. Patrick's Birthplace—Ireland receives the
Faith generously—Victoricus—St. Patrick's Vision—His Roman
Mission clearly proved—Subterfuges of those who deny it—Ancient
Lives of the Saint—St. Patrick's Canons—His Devotion and
Submission to the Holy See.

[A.D. 378-432.]

t has been conjectured that the great Apostle of Ireland, St. Patrick,
was carried captive to the land of his adoption, in one of the
plundering expeditions of the monarch Nial—an eminent instance of
the overruling power of Providence, and of the mighty effects
produced by causes the most insignificant and unconscious. As we
are not writing an ecclesiastical history of Ireland, and as we have a
work of that nature in contemplation, we shall only make brief
mention of the events connected with the life and mission of the saint
at present; but the Christianizing of any country must always form an
important epoch, politically and socially, and, as such, demands the careful
consideration of the historian. How and when the seed of faith was sown in
ancient Erinn before the time of the great Apostle, cannot now be
ascertained. We know the silent rapidity with which that faith spread, from
its first promulgation by the shores of the Galilean lake, until it became the
recognized religion of earth's mightiest empire. We know, also, that, by a
noticeable providence, Rome was chosen from the beginning as the source
from whence the light should emanate. We know how pagan Rome, which
had subdued and crushed material empires, and scattered nations and
national customs as chaff before the wind, failed utterly to subdue or crush
this religion, though promulgated by the feeblest of its plebeians. We know
how the material prosperity of that mighty people was overruled for the

furtherance of eternal designs; and as the invincible legions continually
added to the geographical extent of the empire they also added to the
number of those to whom the gospel of peace should be proclaimed.
The first Christian mission to Ireland, for which we have definite and
reliable data, was that of St. Palladius. St. Prosper, who held a high position
in the Roman Church, published a chronicle in the year 433, in which we
find the following register: "Palladius was consecrated by Pope Celestine,
and sent as the first Bishop to the Irish believing in Christ."[110] This
mission was unsuccessful. Palladius was repulsed by the inhabitants of
Wicklow,[111] where he landed. He then sailed northward, and was at last
driven by stress of weather towards the Orkneys, finding harbour,
eventually, on the shores of Kincardineshire. Several ancient tracts give the
details of his mission, its failure, and his subsequent career. The first of
those authorities is the Life of St. Patrick in the Book of Armagh; and in
this it is stated that he died in the "land of the Britons." The second Life of
St. Patrick, in Colgan's collection, has changed Britons into "Picts." In the
"Annotations of Tierchan," also preserved in the Book of Armagh,[112] it is
said that Palladius was also called Patricius,[113] and that he suffered
martyrdom among the Scots, "as ancient saints relate."

Prosper also informs us, that Palladius was a deacon[114] of the Roman
Church, and that he received a commission from the Holy See to send
Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre, to root out heresy,[115] and convert the
Britons to the Catholic faith. Thus we find the Church, even in the earliest
ages, occupied in her twofold mission of converting the heathen, and
preserving the faithful from error. St. Innocent I., writing to Decentius, in
the year 402, refers thus to this important fact: "Is it not known to all that
the things which have been delivered to the Roman Church by Peter, the
Prince of the Apostles, and preserved ever since, should be observed by all;
and that nothing is to be introduced devoid of authority, or borrowed
elsewhere? Especially, as it is manifest that no one has founded churches
for all Italy, the Gauls, Spain, Africa, and the interjacent islands, except
such as were appointed priests by the venerable Peter and his successors."
Palladius was accompanied by four companions: Sylvester and Solinus,
who remained after him in Ireland; and Augustinus and Benedictus, who

followed him[116] to Britain, but returned to their own country after his
death. The Vita Secunda mentions that he brought relics of the blessed Peter
and Paul, and other saints, to Ireland, as well as copies of the Old and New
Testament, all of which were given to him by Pope Celestine.
The birthplace of the great Apostle of Ireland has long been, and still
continues, a subject of controversy. St. Fiacc states that he was born at
Nemthur,[117] and the Scholiast on St. Fiacc's Hymn identifies this with
Alcuith, now Dumbarton, on the Firth of Clyde. The most reliable authority
unquestionably is St. Patrick's own statements, in his Confessio. He there
says (1) that his father had a farm or villa at Bonavem Taberniæ, from
whence he was taken captive. It does not follow necessarily from this, that
St. Patrick was born there; but it would appear probable that this was a
paternal estate. (2)The saint speaks of Britanniæ as his country. The
difficulty lies in the identification of these places. In the Vita Secunda,
Nemthur and Campus Taberniæ are identified. Probus writes, that he had
ascertained as a matter of certainty, that the Vicus Bannave Taburniæ
regionis was situated in Neustria. The Life supposed to be by St. Eleran,
states that the parents of the saint were of Strats-Cludi (Strath-Clyde), but
that he was born in Nemthur—"Quod oppidum in Campo Taburniæ est;"
thus indicating an early belief that France was the land of his nativity. St.
Patrick's mention of Britanniæ, however, appears to be conclusive. There
was a tribe called Brittani in northern France, mentioned by Pliny, and the
Welsh Triads distinctly declare that the Britons of Great Britain came from
thence.
There can be no doubt, however, that St. Patrick was intimately connected
with Gaul. His mother, Conchessa, was either a sister or niece of the great
St. Martin of Tours; and it was undoubtedly from Gaul that the saint was
carried captive to Ireland.
Patrick was not the baptismal name of the saint; it was given him by St.
Celestine[118] as indicative of rank, or it may be with some prophetic
intimation of his future greatness. He was baptized by the no less significant
appellation of Succat—"brave in battle." But his warfare was not with a
material foe. Erinn received the faith at his hands, with noble and
unexampled generosity; and one martyr, and only one, was sacrificed in
preference of ancient pagan rites; while we know that thousands have shed

their blood, and it maybe hundreds even in our own times have sacrificed
their lives, to preserve the treasure so gladly accepted, so faithfully
preserved.[119]
Moore, in his History of Ireland, exclaims, with the force of truth, and the
eloquence of poetry: "While in all other countries the introduction of
Christianity has been the slow work of time, has been resisted by either
government or people, and seldom effected without lavish effusion of
blood, in Ireland, on the contrary, by the influence of one zealous
missionary, and with but little previous preparation of the soil by other
hands, Christianity burst forth at the first ray of apostolic light, and, with
the sudden ripeness of a northern summer, at once covered the whole land.
Kings and princes, when not themselves amongst the ranks of the
converted, saw their sons and daughters joining in the train without a
murmur. Chiefs, at variance in all else, agreed in meeting beneath the
Christian banner; and the proud druid and bard laid their superstitions
meekly at the foot of the cross; nor, by a singular blessing of Providence—
unexampled, indeed, in the whole history of the Church—was there a single
drop of blood shed on account of religion through the entire course of this
mild Christian revolution, by which, in the space of a few years, all Ireland
was brought tranquilly under the dominion of the Gospel."
It is probable that St. Patrick was born in 387, and that in 403 he was made
captive and carried into Ireland. Those who believe Alcuith or Dumbarton
to have been his birthplace, are obliged to account for his capture in Gaul—
which has never been questioned—by supposing that he and his family had
gone thither to visit the friends of his mother, Conchessa. He was sold as a
slave, in that part of Dalriada comprised in the county of Antrim, to four
men, one of whom, Milcho, bought up their right from the other three, and
employed him in feeding sheep or swine. Exposed to the severity of the
weather day and night, a lonely slave in a strange land, and probably as
ignorant of the language as of the customs of his master, his captivity,
would, indeed, have been a bitter one, had he not brought with him, from a
holy home, the elements of most fervent piety. A hundred times in the day,
and a hundred times in the night, he lifted up the voice of prayer and
supplication to the Lord of the bondman and the free, and faithfully served
the harsh, and at times cruel, master to whom Providence had assigned him.

Perhaps he may have offered his sufferings for those who were serving a
master even more harsh and cruel.
After six years he was miraculously delivered. A voice, that was not of
earth, addressed him in the stillness of the night, and commanded him to
hasten to a certain port, where he would find a ship ready to take him to his
own country. "And I came," says the saint, "in the power of the Lord, who
directed my course towards a good end; and I was under no apprehension
until I arrived where the ship was. It was then clearing out, and I called for
a passage. But the master of the vessel got angry, and said to me, 'Do not
attempt to come with us.' On hearing this I retired, for the purpose of going
to the cabin where I had been received as a guest. And, on my way thither, I
began to pray; but before I had finished my prayer, I heard one of the men
crying out with a loud voice after me, 'Come, quickly; for they are calling
you,' and immediately I returned. And they said to me, 'Come, we receive
thee on trust. Be our friend, just as it may be agreeable to you.' We then set
sail, and after three days reached land." The two Breviaries of Rheims and
Fiacc's Hymn agree in stating that the men with whom Patrick embarked
were merchants from Gaul, and that they landed in a place called Treguir, in
Brittany, some distance from his native place. Their charity, however, was
amply repaid. Travelling through a desert country, they had surely perished
with hunger, had not the prayers of the saint obtained them a miraculous
supply of food.
It is said that St. Patrick suffered a second captivity, which, however, only
lasted sixty days; but of this little is known. Neither is the precise time
certain, with respect to these captivities, at which the events occurred which
we are about to relate. After a short residence at the famous monastery of
St. Martin, near Tours, founded by his saintly relative, he placed himself
(probably in his thirtieth year) under the direction of St. Germain of
Auxerre.
It was about this period that he was favoured with the remarkable vision or
dream relating to his Irish apostolate. He thus describes it in his Confessio:
—

"I saw, in a nocturnal vision, a man named Victoricus[120] coming as if from
Ireland, with a large parcel of letters, one of which he handed to me. On

reading the beginning of it, I found it contained these words: 'The voice of
the Irish;' and while reading it I thought I heard, at the same moment, the
voice of a multitude of persons near the Wood of Foclut, which is near the
western sea; and they cried out, as if with one voice, 'We entreat thee, holy
youth, to come and henceforth walk amongst us.' And I was greatly affected
in my heart, and could read no longer; and then I awoke."
St. Patrick retired to Italy after this vision, and there spent many years.
During this period he visited Lerins,[121] and other islands in the
Mediterranean. Lerins was distinguished for its religious and learned
establishments; and probably St. Germain,[122] under whose direction the
saint still continued, had recommended him to study there. It was at this
time that he received the celebrated staff, called the Bachall Isu, or Staff of
Jesus.
St. Bernard mentions this Bachall Isu, in his life of St. Malachy, as one of
those insignia of the see of Armagh, which were popularly believed to
confer upon the possessor a title to be regarded and obeyed as the successor
of St. Patrick. Indeed, the great antiquity of this long-treasured relic has
never been questioned; nor is there any reason to suppose that it was not in
some way a miraculous gift.
Frequent notices of this pastoral staff are found in ancient Irish history. St.
Fiacc speaks of it as having been richly adorned by an ecclesiastic
contemporary with the saint.
A curious MS. is still preserved in the Chapter House of Westminster
Abbey, containing an examination of "Sir Gerald Machshayne, knight,
sworn 19th March, 1529, upon the Holie Mase-booke and the great relicke
of Erlonde, called Baculum Christi, the presence of the Kynge's Deputie,
Chancellour, Tresoror, and Justice."
Perhaps it may be well to conclude the account of this interesting relic by a
notice of its wanton destruction, as translated from the Annals of Loch Cè
by Professor O'Curry:—
"The most miraculous image of Mary, which was at Bailé Atha Truim
(Trim), and which the Irish people had all honoured for a long time before
that, which used to heal the blind, the deaf, the lame, and every disease in

like manner, was burned by the Saxons. And the Staff of Jesus, which was
in Dublin, and which wrought many wonders and miracles in Erinn since
the time of Patrick down to that time, and which was in the hand of Christ
Himself, was burned by the Saxons in like manner. And not only that, but
there was not a holy cross, nor an image of Mary, nor other celebrated
image in Erinn over which their power reached, that they did not burn. Nor
was there one of the seven Orders which came under their power that they
did not ruin. And the Pope and the Church in the East and at home were
excommunicating the Saxons on that account, and they did not pay any
attention or heed unto that, &c. And I am not certain whether it was not in
the year preceding the above [A.D. 1537] that these relics were burned."
St. Patrick visited Rome about the year 431, accompanied by a priest named
Segetius, who was sent with him by St. Germanus to vouch for the sanctity
of his character, and his fitness for the Irish mission. Celestine received him
favourably, and dismissed him with his benediction and approbation. St.
Patrick then returned once more to his master, who was residing at Auxerre.
From thence he went into the north of Gaul, and there receiving intelligence
of the death of St. Palladius, and the failure of his mission, he was
immediately consecrated bishop by the venerable Amato, a prelate of great
sanctity, then residing in the neighbourhood of Ebovia. Auxilius, Isserninus,
and other disciples of the saint, received holy orders at the same time. They
were subsequently promoted to the episcopacy in the land of their adoption.
In the year 432 St. Patrick landed in Ireland. It was the first year of the
pontificate of St. Sixtus III., the successor of Celestine; the fourth year of
the reign of Laeghairé, son of Nial of the Nine Hostages, King of Ireland. It
is generally supposed that the saint landed first at a place called Inbher De,
believed to be the mouth of the Bray river, in Wicklow. Here he was
repulsed by the in habitants,—a circumstance which can be easily
accounted for from its proximity to the territory of King Nathi, who had so
lately driven away his predecessor, Palladius.
St. Patrick returned to his ship, and sailing towards the north landed at the
little island of Holm Patrick, near Skerries, off the north coast of Dublin.
After a brief stay he proceeded still farther northward, and finally entering
Strangford Lough, landed with his companions in the district of Magh-Inis,
in the present barony of Lecale. Having penetrated some distance into the

interior, they were encountered by Dicho, the lord of the soil, who, hearing
of their embarkation, and supposing them to be pirates, had assembled a
formidable body of retainers to expel them from his shores. But it is said
that the moment he perceived, Patrick, his apprehensions vanished. After
some brief converse, Dicho invited the saint and his companions to his
house, and soon after received himself the grace of holy baptism. Dicho
was St. Patrick's first convert, and the first who erected a Christian church
under his direction. The memory of this event is still preserved in the name
Saull, the modern contraction of Sabhall Padruic, or Patrick's Barn. The
saint was especially attached to the scene of his first missionary success,
and frequently retired to the monastery which was established there later.
After a brief residence with the new converts, Patrick set out for the
habitation of his old master, Milcho, who lived near Slieve Mis, in the
present county of Antrim, then part of the territory called Dalriada. It is said
that when Milcho heard of the approach of his former slave, he became so
indignant, that, in a violent fit of passion, he set fire to his house, and
perished himself in the flames. The saint returned to Saull, and from thence
journeyed by water to the mouth of the Boyne, where he landed at a small
port called Colp. Tara was his destination; but on his way thither he stayed a
night at the house of a man of property named Seschnan. This man and his
whole family were baptized, and one of his sons received the name of
Benignus from St. Patrick, on account of the gentleness of his manner. The
holy youth attached himself from this moment to his master, and was his
successor in the primatial see of Armagh.
Those who are anxious, for obvious reasons, to deny the fact of St. Patrick's
mission from Rome, do so on two grounds: first, the absence of a distinct
statement of this mission in one or two of the earliest lives of the saints; and
his not having mentioned it himself in his genuine writings. Second, by
underrating the value of those documents which do mention this Roman
mission. With regard to the first objection, it is obvious that a hymn which
was written merely as a panegyric (the Hymn of St. Fiacc) was not the place
for such details. But St. Fiacc does mention that Germanus was the saint's
instructor, and that "he read his canons," i.e., studied theology under him.

St. Patrick's Canons,[123] which even Usher admits to be genuine, contain
the following passage. We give Usher's own translation, as beyond all

controversy for correctness:—"Whenever any cause that is very difficult,
and unknown unto all the judges of the Scottish nation, shall arise, it is
rightly to be referred to the See of the Archbishop of the Irish (that is, of
Patrick), and to the examination of the prelate thereof. But if there, by him
and his wise men, a cause of this nature cannot easily be made up, we have
decreed it shall be sent to the See Apostolic, that is to say, to the chair of the
Apostle Peter, which hath the authority of the city of Rome." Usher's
translation of St. Patrick's Canon is sufficiently plain, and evidently he
found it inconveniently explicit, for he gives a "gloss" thereon, in which he
apologizes for St. Patrick's Roman predilections, by suggesting that the
saint was influenced by a "special regard for the Church of Rome." No
doubt this was true; it is the feeling of all good Catholics; but it requires
something more than a "special regard" to inculcate such absolute
submission; and we can scarcely think even Usher himself could have
gravely supposed, that a canon written to bind the whole Irish Church,
should have inculcated a practice of such importance, merely because St.
Patrick had a regard for the Holy See. This Canon was acted upon in the
Synod of Magh-Lene, in 630, and St. Cummian attests the fact thus:—"In
accordance with the canonical, decree, that if questions of grave moment
arise, they shall be referred to the head of cities, we sent such as we knew
were wise and humble men to Rome." But there is yet another authority for
St. Patrick's Roman mission. There is an important tract by Macutenius, in
the Book of Armagh. The authenticity of the tract has not, and indeed could
not, be questioned; but a leaf is missing: happily, however, the titles of the
chapters are preserved, so there can be no doubt as to what they contained.
In these headings we find the following:—
"5. De ætate ejus quando iens videre Sedem Apostolicam voluit discere
sapientiam."
"6. De inventione Sancti Germani in Galiis et ideo non exivit ultra."
Dr. Todd, by joining these two separate titles, with more ingenuity than
fairness, has made it appear that "St. Patrick desired to visit the Apostolic
See, and there to learn wisdom, but that meeting with St. Germanus in Gaul
he went no further."[124] Even could the headings of two separate chapters
be thus joined together, the real meaning of et ideo non exivit ultra would
be, that St. Patrick never again left Germanus,—a meaning too obviously

inadmissible to require further comment. But it is well known that the life
of St. Patrick which bears the name of Probus, is founded almost verbally
on the text of Macutenius, and this work supplies the missing chapters.
They clearly relate not only the Roman mission of the saint, but also the
saint's love of Rome, and his desire to obtain from thence "due authority"
that he might "preach with confidence."

ANCIENT SWORD, FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE R.I.A.,
FOUND AT HILLSWOOD, CO. GALWAY.

SCULPTURES AT DEVENISH.

CHAPTER IX.
St. Patrick visits Tara—Easter Sunday—St. Patrick's Hymn—Dubtach
salute him—He overthrows the Idols at Magh Slecht—The Princesses
Ethnea and Fethlimia—Their Conversion—Baptism of Aengus—St.
Patrick travels through Ireland—His Success in Munster—He blesses
the whole country from Cnoc Patrick—The First Irish Martyr—St.
Patrick's Death—Pagan Prophecies—Conor Mac Nessa—Death of
King Laeghairé—The Church did not and does not countenance Pagan
Superstition—Oilioll Molt—Death of King Aengus—Foundation of the
Kingdom of Scotland—St. Brigid—Shrines of the Three Saints—St
Patrick's Prayer for Ireland, and its Fulfilment.

[A.D. 432—543.]

n Holy Saturday St. Patrick arrived at Slane, where he caused a
tent to be erected, and lighted the paschal fire at nightfall,
preparatory to the celebration of the Easter festival. The princes
and chieftains of Meath were, at the same time, assembled at Tara,
where King Laeghairé was holding a great pagan festival. The
object of this meeting has been disputed, some authorities saying
that it was convoked to celebrate the Beltinne, or fire of Bal or
Baal; others, that the king was commemorating his own birthday.
On the festival of Beltinne it was forbidden to light any fire until a
flame was visible from the top of Tara Hill. Laeghairé was
indignant that this regulation should have been infringed; and probably the
representation of his druids regarding the mission of the great apostle, did
not tend to allay his wrath. Determined to examine himself into the
intention of these bold strangers, he set forth, accompanied, by his bards
and attendants, to the place where the sacred fire had been kindled, and
ordered the apostle to be brought before him strictly commanding, at the
same time, that no respect should be shown to him.
Notwithstanding the king's command, Erc, the son of Dego, rose up to
salute him, obtained the grace of conversion, and was subsequently

promoted to the episcopate. The result of this interview was the
appointment of a public discussion, to take place the next day at Tara,
between St. Patrick and the pagan bards.

St. Patrick going to Tara.

It was Easter Sunday—a day ever memorable for this event in the annals of
Erinn. Laeghairé and his court sat in state to receive the ambassador of the
Eternal King. Treacherous preparations had been made, and it was
anticipated that Patrick and his companions would scarcely reach Tara
alive. The saint was aware of the machinations of his enemies; but life was
of no value to him, save as a means of performing the great work assigned
him, and the success of that work was in the safe keeping of Another. The
old writers love to dwell on the meek dignity of the apostle during this day
of trial and triumph. He set forth with his companions, from where he had
encamped, in solemn procession, singing a hymn of invocation which he
had composed, in the Irish tongue, for the occasion, and which is still
preserved, and well authenticated.[125] He was clothed as usual, in white
robes; but he wore his mitre, and carried in his hand the Staff of Jesus.
Eight priests attended him, robed also in white, and his youthful convert,
Benignus, the son of Seschnan.
Thus, great in the arms of meekness and prayer, did the Christian hosts
calmly face the array of pagan pomp and pride. Again the monarch had
commanded that no honour should be paid to the saint, and again he was
disobeyed. His own chief poet and druid, Dubtach, rose up instantly on the
entrance of the strangers, and saluted the venerable apostle with affection
and respect. The Christian doctrine was then explained by St. Patrick to his
wondering audience, and such impression made, that although Laeghairé
lived and died an obstinate pagan, he nevertheless permitted the saint to
preach where and when he would, and to receive all who might come to
him for instruction or holy baptism.
On the following day St. Patrick repaired to Taillten, where the public
games were commencing; and there he remained for a week, preaching to
an immense concourse of people. Here his life was threatened by Cairbré, a
brother of King Laeghairé; but the saint was defended by another of the
royal brothers, named Conall Creevan, who was shortly after converted.
The church of Donough Patrick, in Meath, was founded by his desire. It is
said that all the Irish churches which begin with the name Donough were
founded by the saint, the foundation being always marked out by him on a
Sunday, for which Domhnach is the Gaedhilic term.

Having preached for some time in the western part of the territory of Meath,
the saint proceeded as far as Magh Slecht, where the great idol of the
nation, Ceann [or Crom] Cruach was solemnly worshipped. The legend of
its destruction, as given in the oldest annals, is singularly interesting. We
give a brief extract from Professor O'Curry's translation: "When Patrick saw
the idol from the water, which is named Guthard [loud voice] (i.e., he
elevated his voice); and when he approached near the idol, he raised his arm
to lay the Staff of Jesus on him, and it did not reach him; he bent back from
the attempt upon his right side, for it was to the south his face was; and the
mark of the staff lies in his left side still although the staff did not leave
Patrick's hand; and the earth swallowed the other twelve idols to their
heads; and they are in that condition in commemoration of the miracle. And
he called upon all the people cum rege Laeghuire; they it was that adored
the idol. And all the people saw him (i.e., the demon), and they dreaded
their dying if Patrick had not sent him to hell."[126]
After this glorious termination of Easter week, the saint made two other
important converts. He set out for Connaught; and when near Rath
Cruaghan, met the daughters of King Laeghairé, the princesses Ethnea and
Fethlimia, who were coming, in patriarchal fashion, to bathe in a
neighbouring well. These ladies were under the tuition of certain druids, or
magi; but they willingly listened to the instruction of the saint, and were
converted and baptized.
The interview took place at daybreak. The royal sisters heard the distant
chant of the priests, who were reciting matins as they walked along; and
when they approached and beheld them in their white garments, singing,
with books in their hands, it was naturally supposed that they were not
beings of earth.
"Who are ye?" they inquired of the saint and his companions. "Are ye of the
sea, the heavens, or the earth?"
St. Patrick explained to them such of the Christian mysteries as were most
necessary at the moment, and spoke of the one only true God.
"But where," they asked, "does your God dwell? Is it in the sun or on earth,
in mountains or in valleys, in the sea or in rivers?"

Then the apostle told them of his God,—the Eternal, the Invisible,—and
how He had indeed dwelt on earth as man, but only to suffer and die for
their salvation. And as the maidens listened to his words, their hearts were
kindled with heavenly love, and they inquired further what they could do to
show their gratitude to this great King. In that same hour they were
baptized; and in a short time they consecrated themselves to Him, the story
of whose surpassing charity had so moved their young hearts.
Their brother also obtained the grace of conversion; and an old Irish custom
of killing a sheep on St. Michael's Day, and distributing it amongst the poor,
is said to date from a miracle performed by St. Patrick for this royal
convert.
Nor is the story of Aengus, another royal convert, less interesting. About the
year 445, the saint, after passing through Ossory, and converting a great
number of people, entered the kingdom of Munster. His destination was
Cashel, from whence King Aengus, the son of Natfraech, came forth to
meet him with the utmost reverence.
This prince had already obtained some knowledge of Christianity, and
demanded the grace of holy baptism.
The saint willingly complied with his request. His courtiers assembled with
royal state to assist at the ceremony. St. Patrick carried in his hand, as usual,
the Bachall Isu; at the end of this crozier there was a sharp iron spike, by
which he could plant it firmly in the ground beside him while preaching, or
exercising his episcopal functions. On this occasion, however, he stuck it
down into the king's foot, and did not perceive his mistake until—

"The royal foot transfixed, the gushing blood
Enrich'd the pavement with a noble flood."

The ceremony had concluded, and the prince had neither moved nor
complained of the severe suffering he had endured. When the saint
expressed his deep regret for such an occurrence, Aengus merely replied
that he believed it to be a part of the ceremony, and did not appear to
consider any suffering of consequence at such a moment.[127]

When such was the spirit of the old kings of Erinn who received the faith of
Christ from Patrick, we can scarcely marvel that their descendants have
adhered to it with such unexampled fidelity.
After the conversion of the princesses Ethnea and Fethlimia, the daughters
of King Laeghairé, St. Patrick traversed almost every part of Connaught,
and, as our divine Lord promised to those whom He commissioned to teach
all nations, proved his mission by the exercise of miraculous powers. Some
of his early biographers have been charged with an excess of credulity on
this point. But were this the place or time for such a discussion, it might
easily be shown that miracles were to be expected when a nation was first
evangelized, and that their absence should be rather a matter of surprise
than their frequency or marvellousness. He who alone could give the
commission to preach, had promised that "greater things" than He Himself
did should be done by those thus commissioned. And after all, what greater
miracle could there be than that one who had been enslaved, and harshly, if
not cruelly treated, should become the deliverer of his enslavers from
spiritual bondage, and should sacrifice all earthly pleasures for their eternal
gain? Nor is the conversion of the vast multitude who listened to the
preaching of the saint, less marvellous than those events which we usually
term the most supernatural.

The saint's greatest success was in the land[128] of Tirawley, near the town
of Foclut, from whence he had heard the voice of the Irish even in his
native land. As he approached this district, he learned that the seven sons of
King Amalgaidh were celebrating a great festival. Their father had but
lately died, and it was said these youths exceeded all the princes of the land
in martial courage and skill in combat. St. Patrick advanced in solemn
procession even into the very midst of the assembly, and for his reward
obtained the conversion of the seven princes and twelve thousand of their
followers. It is said that his life was at this period in some danger, but that
Endeus, one of the converted princes, and his son Conall, protected him.
[129]
After seven years spent in Connaught, he passed into Ulster; there
many received the grace of holy baptism, especially in that district now
comprised in the county Monaghan.
It was probably about this time that the saint returned to Meath, and
appointed his nephew, St. Secundinus or Sechnal, who was bishop of the

place already mentioned as Domhnach Sechnail, to preside over the
northern churches during his own absence in the southern part of Ireland.
The saint then visited those parts of Leinster which had been already
evangelized by Palladius, and laid the foundation of many new churches.
He placed one of his companions, Bishop Auxilius, at Killossy, near Naas,
and another, Isserninus, at Kilcullen, both in the present county of Kildare.
At Leix, in the Queen's county, he obtained a great many disciples, and
from thence he proceeded to visit his friend, the poet Dubtach, who, it will
be remembered, paid him special honour at Tara, despite the royal
prohibition to the contrary. Dubtach lived in that part of the country called
Hy-Kinsallagh, now the county Carlow. It was here the poet Fiacc was first
introduced to the saint, whom he afterwards so faithfully followed. Fiacc
had been a disciple of Dubtach, and was by profession a bard, and a
member of an illustrious house. He was the first Leinster man raised to
episcopal dignity. It was probably at this period that St. Patrick visited
Munster, and the touching incident already related occurred at the baptism
of Aengus. This prince was singularly devoted to religion, as indeed his
conduct during the administration of the sacrament of regeneration could
not fail to indicate.
The saint's mission in Munster was eminently successful. Lonan, the chief
of the district of Ormonde, entertained him with great hospitality, and
thousands embraced the faith. Many of the inhabitants of Corca Baiscin
crossed the Shannon in their hidecovered boats (curaghs) when the saint
was on the southern side, in Hy-Figeinte, and were baptized by him in the
waters of their magnificent river. At their earnest entreaty, St. Patrick
ascended a hill which commanded a view of the country of the Dalcassians,
and gave his benediction to the whole territory. This hill is called Findine in
the ancient lives of the saint; but this name is now obsolete. Local tradition
and antiquarian investigation make it probable that the favoured spot is that
now called Cnoc Patrick, near Foynes Island.
The saint's next journey was in the direction of Kerry, where he prophesied
that "St. Brendan, of the race of Hua Alta, the great patriarch of monks and
star of the western world, would be born, and that his birth would take place
some years after his own death."[130]

We have now to record the obituary of the only Irish martyr who suffered
for the faith while Ireland was being evangelized. While the saint was
visiting Ui-Failghe, a territory now comprised in the King's county, a pagan
chieftain, named Berraidhe, formed a plan for murdering the apostle. His
wicked design came in some way to the knowledge of Odran, the saint's
charioteer, who so arranged matters as to take his master's place, and thus
received the fatal blow intended for him.
The See of Armagh was founded about the year 455, towards the close of
the great apostle's life. The royal palace of Emania, in the immediate
neighbourhood, was then the residence of the kings of Ulster. A wealthy
chief, by name Daire,[131] gave the saint a portion of land for the erection of
his cathedral, on an eminence called Druim-Sailech, the Hill of Sallows.
This high ground is now occupied by the city of Armagh (Ard-Macha).
Religious houses for both sexes were established near the church, and soon
were filled with ardent and devoted subjects.
The saint's labours were now drawing to a close, and the time of eternal rest
was at hand. He retired to his favourite retreat at Saull, and there probably
wrote his Confessio.[132] It is said that he wished to die in the ecclesiastical
metropolis of Ireland, and for this purpose, when he felt his end
approaching, desired to be conveyed thither; but even as he was on his
journey an angel appeared to him, and desired him to return to Saull. Here
he breathed his last, on Wednesday, the 17th of March, in the year of our
Lord 492. The holy viaticum and last anointing were administered to him
by St. Tussach.[133]
The saint's age at the time of his death, as also the length of his mission in
Ireland, has been put at a much longer period by some authors, but modern
research and correction of chronology have all but verified the statement
given above.
The intelligence of the death of St. Patrick spread rapidly through the
country; prelates and priests flocked from all parts to honour the mortal
remains of their glorious father. As each arrived at Saull, he proceeded to
offer the adorable sacrifice according to his rank. At night the plain
resounded with the chanting of psalms; and the darkness was banished by
the light of such innumerable torches, that it seemed even as if day had

hastened to dawn brightly on the beloved remains. St. Fiacc, in his often-
quoted Hymn, compares it to the long day caused by the standing of the sun
at the command of Joshua, when he fought against the Gabaonites.
It is said that the pagan Irish were not without some intimation of the
coming of their great apostle. Whether these prophecies were true or false is
a question we cannot pretend to determine; but their existence and
undoubted antiquity demand that they should have at least a passing notice.
Might not the Gaedhilic druid, as well as the Pythian priestess, have
received even from the powers of darkness, though despite their will, an
oracle[134] which prophesied truth?
There is a strange, wild old legend preserved in the Book of Leinster, which
indicates that even in ancient Erinn the awful throes of nature were felt
which were manifested in so many places, and in such various ways, during
those dark hours when the Son of God hung upon the accursed tree for the
redemption of His guilty creatures.
This tale or legend is called the Aideadh Chonchobair. It is one of that class
of narratives known under the generic title of Historical Tragedies, or
Deaths. The hero, Conor Mac Nessa, was King of Ulster at the period of the
Incarnation of our Lord. His succession to the throne was rather a fortuity
than the result of hereditary claim. Fergus Mac Nessa was rightfully king at
the time; but Conor's father having died while he was yet an infant, Fergus,
then the reigning monarch, proposed marriage to his mother when the youth
was about fifteen, and only obtained the consent of the celebrated beauty on
the strange condition that he should hand over the sovereignty of Ulster to
her son for a year. The monarch complied, glad to secure the object of his
affections on any terms. Conor, young as he was, governed with such
wisdom and discretion as to win all hearts; and when the assigned period
had arrived, the Ulster men positively refused to permit Fergus to resume
his rightful dignity. After much contention the matter was settled definitely
in favour of the young monarch, and Fergus satisfied himself with still
retaining the wife for whose sake he had willingly made such sacrifices.
Conor continued to give ample proofs of the wisdom of his people's
decision. Under his government the noble Knights of the Royal Branch
sprang up in Ulster, and made themselves famous both in field and court.

It was usual in those barbarous times, whenever a distinguished enemy was
killed in battle, to cleave open his head, and to make a ball of the brains by
mixing them with lime, which was then dried, and preserved as a trophy of
the warrior's valour. Some of these balls were preserved in the royal palace
at Emania. One, that was specially prized, passed accidentally into the
hands of a famous Connaught champion, who found a treacherous
opportunity of throwing it at Conor, while he was displaying himself,
according to the custom of the times, to the ladies of an opposing army,
who had followed their lords to the scene of action. The ball lodged in the
king's skull, and his physicians declared that an attempt to extract it would
prove fatal. Conor was carried home; he soon recovered, but he was strictly
forbidden to use any violent exercise, and required to avoid all excitement
or anger. The king enjoyed his usual health by observing those directions,
until the very day of the Crucifixion. But the fearful phenomena which then
occurred diverted his attention, and he inquired if Bacrach, his druid, could
divine the cause.
The druid consulted his oracles, and informed the king that Jesus Christ, the
Son of the living God, was, even at that moment, suffering death at the
hands of the Jews. "What crime has He committed?" said Conor. "None,"
replied the druid. "Then are they slaying Him innocently?" said Conor.
"They are," replied the druid.
It was too great a sorrow for the noble prince; he could not bear that his
God should die unmourned; and rushing wildly from where he sat to a
neighbouring forest, he began to hew the young trees down, exclaiming:
"Thus would I destroy those who were around my King at putting Him to
death." The excitement proved fatal; and the brave and good King Conor
Mac Nessa died[135] avenging, in his own wild pagan fashion, the death of
his Creator.
The secular history of Ireland, during the mission of St. Patrick, affords but
few events of interest or importance. King Laeghairé died, according to the
Four Masters, A.D. 458. The popular opinion attributed his demise to the
violation of his oath to the Leinster men. It is doubtful whether he died a
Christian, but the account of his burial[136] has been taken to prove the
contrary. It is much to be regretted that persons entirely ignorant of the
Catholic faith, whether that ignorance be wilful or invincible, should

attempt to write lives of Catholic saints, or histories of Catholic countries.
Such persons, no doubt unintentionally, make the most serious mistakes,
which a well-educated Catholic child could easily rectify. We find a
remarkable instance of this in the following passage, taken from a work
already mentioned: "Perhaps this [King Laeghairé's oath] may not be
considered an absolute proof of the king's paganism. To swear by the sun
and moon was apparently, no doubt, paganism. But is it not also paganism
to represent the rain and wind as taking vengeance? ... for this is the
language copied by all the monastic annalists, and even by the Four
Masters, Franciscan friars, writing in the seventeenth century." The passage
is improved by a "note," in which the author mentions this as a proof that
such superstitions would not have been necessarily regarded two centuries
ago as inconsistent with orthodoxy. Now, in the first place, the Catholic
Church has always[137] condemned superstition of every kind. It is true that
as there are good as well as bad Christians in her fold, there are also
superstitious as well as believing Christians; but the Church is not
answerable for the sins of her children. She is answerable for the doctrine
which she teaches; and no one can point to any place or time in which the
Church taught such superstitions. Secondly, the writers of history are
obliged to relate facts as they are. The Franciscan fathers do this, and had
they not done it carefully, and with an amount of labour which few indeed
have equalled, their admirable Annals would have been utterly useless.
They do mention the pagan opinion that it was "the sun and wind that killed
him [Laeghairé], because he had violated them;" but they do not say that
they believed this pagan superstition, and no one could infer it who read the
passage with ordinary candour.
It is probable that Oilioll Molt, who succeeded King Laeghairé, A.D. 459,
lived and died a pagan. He was slain, after a reign of twenty years, by
Laeghairé's son, Lughaidh, who reigned next. The good king Aengus[138]
died about this time. He was the first Christian King of Munster, and is the
common ancestor of the MacCarthys, O'Sullivans, O'Keeffes, and
O'Callahans. The foundation of the kingdom of Scotland by an Irish colony,
is generally referred to the year 503.[139] It has already been mentioned that
Cairbré Riada was the leader of an expedition thither in the reign of Conairé
II. The Irish held their ground without assistance from the mother country
until this period, when the Picts obtained a decisive victory, and drove them

from the country. A new colony of the Dalriada now went out under the
leadership of Loarn, Aengus, and Fergus, the sons of Erc. They were
encouraged and assisted in their undertaking by their relative Mortagh, the
then King of Ireland. It is said they took the celebrated Lia Fail to Scotland,
that Fergus might be crowned thereon. The present royal family of England
have their claim to the crown through the Stuarts, who were descendants of
the Irish Dalriada. Scotland now obtained the name of Scotia, from the
colony of Scots. Hence, for some time, Ireland was designated Scotia
Magna, to distinguish it from the country which so obtained, and has since
preserved, the name of the old race.
Muircheartach, A.D. 504, was the first Christian King of Ireland; but he was
constantly engaged in war with the Leinster men about the most unjust
Boromean tribute. He belonged to the northern race of Hy-Nial, being
descended from Nial of the Nine Hostages. On his death, the crown
reverted to the southern Hy-Nials in the person of their representative,
Tuathal Maelgarbh.
It would appear from a stanza in the Four Masters, that St. Brigid had some
prophetic intimation or knowledge of one of the battles fought by
Muircheartach. Her name is scarcely less famous for miracles than that of
the great apostle. Broccan's Hymn[140] contains allusions to a very great
number of these supernatural favours. Many of these marvels are of a
similar nature to those which the saints have been permitted to perform in
all ages of the Church's history.
Brigid belonged to an illustrious family, who were lineally descended from
Eochad, a brother of Conn of the Hundred Battles. She was born at
Fochard, near Dundalk, about the year 453, where her parents happened to
be staying at the time; but Kildare was their usual place of residence, and
there the holy virgin began her saintly career. In her sixteenth year she
received the white cloak and religious veil, which was then the distinctive
garment of those who were specially dedicated to Christ, from the hands of
St. Macaille, the Bishop of Usneach, in Westmeath. Eight young maidens of
noble birth took the veil with her. Their first residence was at a place in the
King's county, still called Brigidstown. The fame of her sanctity now
extended far and wide, and she was earnestly solicited from various parts of
the country to found similar establishments. Her first mission was to

Munster, at the request of Erc, the holy Bishop of Slane, who had a singular
respect for her virtue. Soon after, she founded a house of her order in the
plain of Cliach, near Limerick; but the people of Leinster at last became
fearful of losing their treasure, and sent a deputation requesting her return,
and offering land for the foundation of a large nunnery. Thus was
established, in 483, the famous Monastery of Kildare, or the Church of the
Oak.
At the request of the saint, a bishop was appointed to take charge of this
important work; and under the guidance of Conlaeth, who heretofore had
been a humble anchorite, it soon became distinguished for its sanctity and
usefulness. The concourse of strangers and pilgrims was immense; and in
the once solitary plain one of the largest cities of the time soon made its
appearance. It is singular and interesting to remark, how the call to a life of
virginity was felt and corresponded with in the newly Christianized country,
even as it had been in the Roman Empire, when it also received the faith.
Nor is it less noticeable how the same safeguards and episcopal rule
preserved the foundations of each land in purity and peace, and have
transmitted even to our own days, in the same Church, and in it only, that
privileged life.
The Four Masters give her obituary under the year 525. According to
Cogitosus, one of her biographers, her remains were interred in her own
church. Some authorities assert that her relics were removed to Down, when
Kildare was ravaged by the Danes, about the year 824.
It has been doubted whether Downpatrick could lay claim to the honour of
being the burial-place of Ireland's three great saints,[141] but there are good
arguments in its favour. An old prophecy of St. Columba regarding his
interment runs thus:—

"My prosperity in guiltless Hy,
And my soul in Derry,
And my body under the flag
Beneath which are Patrick and Brigid."

The relics of the three saints escaped the fury of the Danes, who burned the
town and pillaged the cathedral six or seven times, between the years 940
and 1111. In 1177, John de Courcy took possession of the town, and
founded a church attached to a house of Secular Canons, under the
invocation of the Blessed Trinity. In 1183 they were replaced by a
community of Benedictine monks, from St. Wirburgh's Abbey, at Chester.
Malachy, who was then bishop, granted the church to the English monks
and prior, and changed the name to that of the Church of St. Patrick. This
prelate was extremely anxious to discover the relics of the saints, which a
constant tradition averred were there concealed. It is said, that one day, as
he prayed in the church, his attention was directed miraculously to an
obscure part of it; or, according to another and more probable account, to a
particular spot in the abbey-yard, where, when the earth was removed, their
remains were found in a triple cave,—Patrick in the middle, Columba and
Brigid on either side.
At the request of De Courcy, delegates were despatched to Rome by the
bishop to acquaint Urban III. of the discovery of the bodies. His Holiness
immediately sent Cardinal Vivian to preside at the translation of the relics.
The ceremony took place on the 9th of June, 1186, that day being the feast
of St. Columba. The relics of the three saints were deposited in the same
monument at the right side of the high altar. The right hand of St. Patrick
was enshrined and placed on the high altar. In 1315, Edward Bruce invaded
Ulster, marched to Downpatrick, destroyed the abbey, and carried off the
enshrined hand. In 1538, Lord Grey, who marched into Lecale to establish
the supremacy of his master, Henry VIII., by fire and sword, "effaced the
statues of the three patron saints, and burned the cathedral, for which act,
along with many others equally laudable, he was beheaded three years
afterwards." The restoration of the old abbey-church was undertaken of late
years, and preceded by an act of desecration, which is still remembered
with horror. The church had been surrounded by a burying-ground, where
many had wished to repose, that they might, even in death, be near the

relics of the three great patron saints of Erinn. But the graves were exhumed
without mercy, and many were obliged to carry away the bones of their
relatives, and deposit them where they could. The "great tomb," in which it
was believed that "Patrick, Brigid, and Columkille" had slept for more than
six centuries, was not spared; the remains were flung out into the
churchyard, and only saved from further desecration by the piety of a
faithful people.
The shrine of St. Patrick's hand was in possession of the late Catholic
Bishop of Belfast. The relic itself has long disappeared; but the shrine, after
it was carried off by Bruce, passed from one trustworthy guardian to
another, until it came into his hands. One of these was a Protestant, who,
with noble generosity, handed it over to a Catholic as a more fitting
custodian. One Catholic family, into whose care it passed at a later period,
refused the most tempting offers for it, though pressed by poverty, lest it
should fall into the hands of those who might value it rather as a curiosity
than as an object of devotion.
This beautiful reliquary consists of a silver case in the shape of the hand
and arm, cut off a little below the elbow. It is considerably thicker than the
hand and arm of an ordinary man, as if it were intended to enclose these
members without pressing upon them too closely. The fingers are bent, so
as to represent the hand in the attitude of benediction.
But there is another relic of St. Patrick and his times of scarcely less
interest. The Domhnach Airgid[142] contains a copy of the Four Gospels,
which, there is every reason to believe, were used by the great apostle of
Ireland. The relic consists of two parts—the shrine or case and the
manuscript. The shrine is an oblong box, nine inches by seven, and five
inches in height. It is composed of three distinct covers, in the ages of
which there is obviously a great difference. The inner or first cover is of
wood, apparently yew, and may be coeval with the manuscript it is intended
to preserve. The second, which is of copper plated with silver, is assigned to
a period between the sixth and twelfth centuries, from the style of its scroll
or interlaced ornaments. The figures in relief, and letters on the third cover,
which is of silver plated with gold, leave no doubt of its being the work of
the fourteenth century.

The last or external cover is of great interest as a specimen of the skill and
taste in art of its time in Ireland, and also for the highly finished
representations of ancient costume which it preserves. The ornaments on
the top consist principally of a large figure of the Saviour in alto-relievo in
the centre, and eleven figures of saints in basso-relievo on each side in four
oblong compartments. There is a small square reliquary over the head of
our divine Lord, covered with a crystal, which probably contained a piece
of the holy cross. The smaller figures in relief are, Columba, Brigid, and
Patrick; those in the second compartment, the Apostles James, Peter, and
Paul; in the third, the Archangel Michael, and the Virgin and Child; in the
fourth compartment a bishop presents a cumdach, or cover, to an
ecclesiastic. This, probably, has a historical relation to the reliquary itself.
One prayer uttered by St. Patrick has been singularly fulfilled. "May my
Lord grant," he exclaims, "that I may never lose His people, which He has
acquired in the ends of the earth!" From hill and dale, from camp and
cottage, from plebeian and noble, there rang out a grand "Amen." The strain
was caught by Secundinus and Benignus, by Columba and Columbanus, by
Brigid and Brendan. It floated away from Lindisfarne and Iona, to Iceland
and Tarentum. It was heard on the sunny banks of the Rhine, at Antwerp
and Cologne, in Oxford, in Pavia, and in Paris. And still the old echo is
breathing its holy prayer. By the priest, who toils in cold and storm to the
"station" on the mountain side, far from his humble home. By the confessor,
who spends hour after hour, in the heat of summer and the cold of winter,
absolving the penitent children of Patrick. By the monk in his cloister. By
noble and true-hearted men, faithful through centuries of persecution. And
loudly and nobly, though it be but faint to human ears, is that echo uttered
also by the aged woman who lies down by the wayside to die in the famine
years,[143] because she prefers the bread of heaven to the bread of earth, and
the faith taught by Patrick to the tempter's gold. By the emigrant, who, with
broken heart bids a long farewell to the dear island home, to the old father,
to the grey-haired mother, because his adherence to his faith tends not to
further his temporal interest, and he must starve or go beyond the sea for
bread. Thus ever and ever that echo is gushing up into the ear of God, and
never will it cease until it shall have merged into the eternal alleluia which
the often-martyred and ever-faithful children of the saint shall shout with
him in rapturous voice before the Eternal Throne.

ST. PATRICK'S BELL.

CROMLECH, AT CASTLE MARY, CLOYNE.

CHAPTER X.
The Religion of Ancient Erinn—The Druids and their Teaching—The
Irish were probably Fire-worshippers—The Customs of Ancient Erinn
—Similarity between Eastern and Irish Customs—Beal Fires—
Hunting the Wren—"Jacks," a Grecian game—"Keen," an Eastern
Custom—Superstitions—The Meaning of the Word—What Customs
are Superstitious and what are not—Holy Wells—The Laws of Ancient
Erinn—Different kinds of Laws—The Lex non Scripta and the Lex
Scripta—Christianity necessitated the Revision of Ancient Codes—The
Compilation of the Brehon Laws—Proofs that St. Patrick assisted
thereat—Law of Distress—Law of Succession—The Language of
Ancient Erinn—Writing in pre-Christian Erinn—Ogham Writing—
Antiquities of pre-Christian Erinn—Round Towers—Cromlechs—
Raths—Crannoges.

astern customs and eastern superstitions, which undoubtedly are a
strong confirmatory proof of our eastern origin, abounded in ancient
Erinn. Druidism was the religion of the Celts, and druidism was
probably one of the least corrupt forms of paganism. The purity of
the divinely-taught patriarchal worship, became more and more
corrupted as it passed through defiled channels. Yet, in all pagan
mythologies, we find traces of the eternal verity in an obvious
prominence of cultus offered to one god above the rest; and obvious,
though grossly misapplied, glimpses of divine attributes, in the
many deified objects which seemed to symbolize his power and his
omnipotence.
The Celtic druids probably taught the same doctrine as the Greek
philosophers. The metempsychosis, a prominent article of this creed, may
have been derived from the Pythagoreans, but more probably it was one of
the many relics of patriarchal belief which were engrafted on all pagan
religions. They also taught that the universe would never be entirely
destroyed, supposing that it would be purified by fire and water from time

to time. This opinion may have been derived from the same source. The
druids had a pontifex maximus, to whom they yielded entire obedience,—an
obvious imitation of the Jewish custom. The nation was entirely governed
by its priests, though after a time, when the kingly power developed itself,
the priestly power gave place to the regal. Gaul was the head-quarters of
druidism; and thither we find the Britons, and even the Romans, sending
their children for instruction. Eventually, Mona became a chief centre for
Britain. The Gaedhilic druids, though probably quite as learned as their
continental brethren, were more isolated; and hence we cannot learn so
much of their customs from external sources. There is no doubt that the
druids of Gaul and Britain offered human sacrifices; it appears almost
certain the Irish druids did not.
Our principal and most reliable information about this religion, is derived
from Cæsar. His account of the learning of its druids, of their knowledge of
astronomy, physical science, mechanics, arithmetic, and medicine, however
highly coloured, is amply corroborated by the casual statements of other
authors.[144] He expressly states that they used the Greek character in their
writings, and mentions tables found in the camp of the Helvetii written in
these characters, containing an account of all the men capable of bearing
arms.
It is probable that Irish druidical rites manifested themselves principally in
Sun-worship. The name of Bel, still retained in the Celtic Beltinne,
indicates its Phoenician origin; Baal being the name under which they
adored that luminary. It is also remarkable that Grian, which signifies the
sun in Irish, resembles an epithet of Apollo given by Virgil,[145] who
sometimes styles him Grynæus. St. Patrick also confirms this conjecture, by
condemning Sun-worship in his Confession, when he says: "All those who
adore it shall descend into misery and punishment." If the well-known
passage of Diodorus Siculus may be referred to Ireland, it affords another
confirmation. Indeed, it appears difficult to conceive how any other place
but Ireland could be intended by the "island in the ocean over against Gaul,
to the north, and not inferior in size to Sicily, the soil of which is so fruitful
that they mow there twice in the year."[146] In this most remarkable passage,
he mentions the skill of their harpers, their sacred groves and singular
temple of round form, their attachment to the Greeks by a singular affection

from old times, and their tradition of having been visited by the Greeks,
who left offerings which were noted in Greek letters.
Toland and Carte assume that this passage refers to the Hebrides, Rowlands
applies it to the island of Anglesea; but these conjectures are not worth
regarding. We can scarcely imagine an unprejudiced person deciding
against Ireland; but where prejudice exists, no amount of proof will satisfy.
It has been suggested that the Irish pagan priests were not druids properly
so called, but magi;[147] and that the Irish word which is taken to mean
druid, is only used to denote persons specially gifted with wisdom.
Druidism probably sprung from magism, which was a purer kind of
worship, though it would be difficult now to define the precise limits which
separated these forms of paganism. If the original pagan religion of ancient
Erinn was magism, introduced by its Phoenician colonizers, it is probable
that it had gradually degenerated to the comparatively grosser rites of the
druid before the advent of St. Patrick. His destruction of the idols at Magh
Slecht is unquestionable evidence that idol worship[148] was then practised,
though probably in a very limited degree.
The folklore of a people is perhaps, next to their language, the best guide to
their origin. The editor of Bohn's edition of the Chronicle of Richard of
Cirencester remarks, that "many points of coincidence have been remarked
in comparing the religion of the Hindoos with that of the ancient Britons;
and in the language of these two people some striking similarities occur in
those proverbs and modes of expression which are derived from national
and religious ceremonies."[149] We are not aware of any British customs or
proverbs which bear upon this subject, nor does the writer mention any in
proof of his assertion: if, however, for Britons we read Irish, his
observations may be amply verified.
The kindly "God save you!" and "God bless all here!" of the Irish peasant,
finds its counterpart in the eastern "God be gracious to thee, my son!" The
partiality, if not reverence, for the number seven, is indicated in our
churches. The warm-hearted hospitality of the very poorest peasant, is a
practical and never-failing illustration of the Hindoo proverb, "The tree
does not withdraw its shade even from the woodcutter."

The celebration of St. John's Eve by watchfires, is undoubtedly a remnant
of paganism, still practised in many parts of Ireland, as we can aver from
personal knowledge; but the custom of passing cattle through the fire has
been long discontinued, and those who kindle the fires have little idea of its
origin, and merely continue it as an amusement. Kelly mentions, in his
Folklore, that a calf was sacrificed in Northamptonshire during the present
century, in one of these fires, to "stop the murrain." The superstitious use of
fire still continues in England and Scotland, though we believe the Beltinne
on St. John's Eve is peculiar to Ireland. The hunting of the wren[150] on St.
Stephen's Day, in this country, is said, by Vallancey, to have been originated
by the first Christian missionaries, to counteract the superstitious reverence
with which this bird was regarded by the druids. Classic readers will
remember the origin of the respect paid to this bird in pagan times. The
peasantry in Ireland, who have never read either Pliny or Aristotle, are
equally conversant with the legend.
The common and undignified game of "jacks" also lays claim to a noble
ancestry. In Mr. St. John's work on The Manners and Customs of Ancient
Greece, he informs us that the game was a classical one, and called
pentalitha. It was played with five astragals—knuckle-bones, pebbles, or
little balls—which were thrown up into the air, and then attempted to be
caught when falling on the back of the hand. Another Irish game, "pricking
the loop," in Greece is called himantiliginos, pricking the garter.
Hemestertius supposes the Gordian Knot to have been nothing but a variety
of the himantiliginos. The game consists in winding a thong in such an
intricate manner, that when a peg is inserted in the right ring, it is caught,
and the game is won; if the mark is missed, the thong unwinds without
entangling the peg.
The Irish keen [caoine] may still be heard in Algeria and Upper Egypt, even
as Herodotus heard it chanted by Lybian women. This wailing for the
deceased is a most ancient custom; and if antiquity imparts dignity, it can
hardly be termed barbarous. The Romans employed keeners at their
funerals, an idea which they probably borrowed from the Etruscans,[151]
with many others incomparably more valuable, but carefully self-
appropriated. Our wakes also may have had an identity of origin with the
funeral feasts of the Greeks, Etruscans, and Romans, whose customs were
all probably derived from a common source.

The fasting of the creditor on the debtor is still practised in India, and will
be noticed in connexion with the Brehon Laws. There is, however, a class
of customs which have obtained the generic term of superstitions, which
may not quite be omitted, and which are, for many reasons, difficult to
estimate rightly. In treating of this subject, we encounter, primâ facie, the
difficulty of giving a definition of superstition. The Irish are supposed to be
pre-eminently a superstitious people. Those who make this an accusation,
understand by superstition the belief in anything supernatural; and they
consider as equally superstitious, veneration of a relic, belief in a miracle, a
story of a banshee, or a legend of Finn Mac Cumhaill. Probably, if the Celts
did not venerate relics, and believe in the possibility of miracles, we should
hear far less of their superstitions. Superstition of the grossest kind is
prevalent among the lower orders in every part of England, and yet the
nation prides itself on its rejection of this weakness. But according to
another acceptation of the term, only such heathen customs as refer to the
worship of false gods, are superstitions. These customs remain,
unfortunately, in many countries, but in some they have been Christianized.
Those who use the term superstition generically, still call the custom
superstitious, from a latent and, perhaps, in some cases, unconscious
impression that there is no supernatural. Such persons commence with
denying all miraculous interventions except those which are recorded in
holy Scripture; and unhappily, in some cases, end by denying the miracles
of Scripture.
To salute a person who sneezed with some form of benediction, was a
pagan custom. It is said to have originated through an opinion of the danger
attending it; and the exclamation used was: "Jupiter help me!" In Ireland,
the pagan custom still remains, but it has been Christianized, and "God
bless you!" is substituted for the pagan form. Yet we have known persons
who considered the use of this aspiration superstitious, and are pleased to
assert that the Irish use the exclamation as a protection against evil spirits,
meaning thereby fairies. When a motive is persistently attributed which
does not exist, argument is useless.
Devotion to certain places, pilgrimages, even fasting and other bodily
macerations, were pagan customs. These, also, have been Christianized.
Buildings once consecrated to the worship of pagan gods, are now used as
Christian temples: what should we think of the person who should assert

that because pagan gods were once adored in these churches, therefore the
worship now offered in them was offered to pagan deities? The temples, lite
the customs, are Christianized.
The author of a very interesting article in the Ulster Archæological Journal
(vol. ix. p. 256), brings forward a number of Irish customs for which he
finds counterparts in India. But he forgets that in Ireland the customs are
Christianized, while in India, they remain pagan; and like most persons who
consider the Irish pre-eminently superstitious, he appears ignorant of the
teaching of that Church which Christianized the world. The special
"superstition" of this article is the devotion to holy wells. The custom still
exists in Hindostan; people flock to them for cure of their diseases, and
leave "rags" on the bushes as "scapegoats," ex votos, so to say, of cures, or
prayers for cures. In India, the prayer is made to a heathen deity; in Ireland,
the people happen to believe that God hears the prayers of saints more
readily than their own; and acting on the principle which induced persons,
in apostolic times, to use "handkerchiefs and aprons" which had touched the
person of St. Paul as mediums of cure, because of his virgin sanctity, in
preference to "handkerchiefs and aprons" of their own, they apply to the
saints and obtain cures. But they do not believe the saints can give what
God refuses, or that the saints are more merciful than God. They know that
the saints are His special friends, and we give to a friend what we might
refuse to one less dear. Lege totum, si vis scire totum, is a motto which
writers on national customs should not forget.
Customs were probably the origin of laws. Law, in its most comprehensive
sense, signifies a rule of action laid down[152] by a superior. Divine law is
manifested (1) by the law of nature, and (2) by revelation. The law of
nations is an arbitrary arrangement, founded on the law of nature and the
law of revelation: its perfection depends obviously on its correspondence
with the divine law. Hence, by common consent, the greatest praise is given
to those laws of ancient nations which approximate most closely to the law
of nature, though when such laws came to be revised by those who had
received the law of revelation, they were necessarily amended or altered in
conformity therewith. No government can exist without law; but as
hereditary succession preceded the law of hereditary succession, which was
at first established by custom, so the lex non scripta, or national custom,
preceded the lex scripta, or statute law. The intellectual condition of a

nation may be well and safely estimated by its laws. A code of laws that
were observed for centuries before the Christian era, and for centuries after
the Christian era, and which can bear the most critical tests of forensic
acumen in the nineteenth century, evidence that the framers of the code
were possessed of no slight degree of mental culture. Such are the Brehon
laws, by which pagan and Christian Erinn was governed for centuries.
The sixth century was a marked period of legal reform. The Emperor
Justinian, by closing the schools of Athens, gave a deathblow to Grecian
philosophy and jurisprudence. But Grecian influence had already acted on
the formation of Roman law, and probably much of the Athenian code was
embodied therein. The origin of Roman law is involved in the same
obscurity as the origin of the Brehon code. In both cases, the mist of ages
lies like a light, but impenetrable veil, over all that could give certainty to
conjecture. Before the era of the Twelve Tables, mention is made of laws
enacted by Romulus respecting what we should now call civil liabilities.
Laws concerning religion are ascribed to Numa, and laws of contract to
Servius Tullius, who is supposed to have collected the regulations made by
his predecessors. The Twelve Tables were notably formed on the legal
enactments of Greece. The cruel severity of the law for insolvent debtors,
forms a marked contrast to the milder and more equitable arrangements of
the Brehon code. By the Roman enactments, the person of the debtor was at
the mercy of his creditor, who might sell him for a slave beyond the Tiber.
The Celt allowed only the seizure of goods, and even this was under
regulations most favourable to the debtor. The legal establishment of
Christianity by Constantine, or we should rather say the existence of
Christianity, necessitated a complete revision of all ancient laws: hence we
find the compilation of the Theodosian code almost synchronizing with the
revision of the Brehon laws. The spread of Christianity, and the new modes
of thought and action which obtained thereby, necessitated the
reconstruction of ancient jurisprudence in lands as widely distant
geographically, and as entirely separated politically, as Italy and Ireland.
Those who have studied the subject most carefully, and who are therefore
most competent to give an opinion, accept the popular account of the
revision of our laws.

The Four Masters thus record this important event:—"The age of Christ
438. The tenth year of Laeghairé. The Feinchus of Ireland were purified and
written, the writings and old works of Ireland having been collected [and
brought] to one place at the request of St. Patrick. Those were the nine
supporting props by whom this was done: Laeghairé, i.e., King of Ireland,
Corc, and Daire, the three kings; Patrick, Benen, and Cairneach, the three
saints; Ross, Dubhthach, and Fearghus, the three antiquaries." Dr.
O'Donovan, in his note, shelters himself under an extract from Petrie's Tara;
but it is to be supposed that he coincides in the opinion of that gentleman.
Dr. Petrie thinks that "little doubt can be entertained that such a work was
compiled within a short period after the introduction of Christianity in the
country, and that St. Patrick may have laid the foundations of it;"[153]
though he gives no satisfactory reason why that saint should not have
assisted at the compilation, and why the statements of our annalists should
be refused on this subject, when they are accepted on others. A list of the
"family" [household] of Patrick is given immediately after, which Dr.
O'Donovan has taken great pains to verify, and with which he appears
satisfied. If the one statement is true, why should the other be false? Mr.
O'Curry, whose opinion on such subjects is admittedly worthy of the
highest consideration, expresses himself strongly in favour of receiving the
statements of our annalists, and thinks that both Dr. Petrie and Dr. Lanigan
are mistaken in supposing that the compilation was not effected by those to
whom it has been attributed. As to the antiquity of these laws, he observes
that Cormac Mac Cullinan quotes passages from them in his Glossary,
which was written not later than the ninth century, and then the language of
the Seanchus[154] Mor was so ancient that it had become obsolete. To these
laws, he well observes, the language of Moore, on the MSS. in the Royal
Irish Academy, may be applied: "They were not written by a foolish people,
nor for any foolish purpose;" and these were the "laws and institutions
which regulated the political and social system of a people the most
remarkable in Europe, from a period almost lost in the dark mazes of
antiquity, down to about within two hundred years of our own time, and
whose spirit and traditions influence the feelings and actions of the native
Irish even to this day."[155]
But we can adduce further testimony. The able editor and translator of the
Seanchus Mor, which forms so important a portion of our ancient code, has,

in his admirable Preface, fully removed all doubt on this question. He
shows the groundlessness of the objections (principally chronological)
which had been made regarding those who are asserted to have been its
compilers. He also makes it evident that it was a work in which St. Patrick
should have been expected to engage: (1) because, being a Roman citizen,
and one who had travelled much, he was probably well aware of the
Christian modifications which had already been introduced into the Roman
code. (2) That he was eminently a judicious missionary, and such a revision
of national laws would obviously be no slight support to the advancement
of national Christianity. It is also remarked, that St. Patrick may not
necessarily have assisted personally in writing the MS.; his confirmation of
what was compiled by others would be sufficient. St. Benignus, who is
known to be the author of other works,[156] probably acted as his
amanuensis.
The subject-matter of the portions of the Seanchus Mor which have been
translated, is the law of distress. Two points are noticeable in this: First, the
careful and accurate administration of justice which is indicated by the
details of these legal enactments; second, the custom therein sanctioned of
the creditor fasting upon the debtor, a custom which still exists in
Hindostan. Hence, in some cases, the creditor fasts on the debtor until he is
compelled to pay his debt, lest his creditor should die at the door; in other
cases, the creditor not only fasts himself, but also compels his debtor to fast,
by stopping his supplies. Elphinstone describes this as used even against
princes, and especially by troops to procure payment of arrears.[157]
One of the most noticeable peculiarities of the Brehon law is the
compensation for murder, called eric. This, however, was common to other
nations. Its origin is ascribed to the Germans, but the institution was
probably far more ancient. We find it forbidden[158] in the oldest code of
laws in existence; and hence the eric must have been in being at an early
period of the world's civil history.
The law of succession, called tanaisteacht, or tanistry, is one of the most
peculiar of the Brehon laws. The eldest son succeeded the father to the
exclusion of all collateral claimants, unless he was disqualified by
deformity, imbecility, or crime. In after ages, by a compact between parents
or mutual agreement, the succession was sometimes made alternate in two

or more families. The eldest son, being recognized as presumptive heir, was
denominated tanaiste, that is, minor or second; while the other sons, or
persons eligible in case of failure, were termed righdhamhua, which
literally means king-material, or king-makings. The tanaiste had a separate
establishment and distinct privileges. The primitive intention was, that the
"best man" should reign; but practically it ended in might being taken for
right, and often for less important qualifications.
The possession and inheritance of landed property was regulated by the law
called gavelkind (gavail-kinne), an ancient Celtic institution, but common
to Britons, Anglo-Saxons, and others. By this law, inherited or other
property was divided equally between the sons, to the exclusion of the
daughters (unless, indeed, in default of heirs male, when females were
permitted a life interest). The tanaiste, however, was allotted the dwelling-
house and other privileges.
The tenure of land was a tribe or family right; and, indeed, the whole
system of government and legislation was far more patriarchal than
Teutonic—another indication of an eastern origin. All the members of a
tribe or family had an equal right to their proportionate share of the land
occupied by the whole. This system created a mutual independence and
self-consciousness of personal right and importance, strongly at variance
with the subjugation of the Germanic and Anglo-Norman vassal.
The compilation of the Brehon laws originated in a question that arose as to
how the murderer of Odran, Patrick's charioteer, should be punished. The
saint was allowed to select whatever Brehon he pleased to give judgment.
He chose Dubhthach; and the result of his decision was the compilation of
these laws, as it was at once seen that a purely pagan code would not suit
Christian teaching.
The Celtic language is now admittedly one of the most ancient in existence.
Its affinity with Sanscrit, the eldest daughter of the undiscoverable mother-
tongue, has been amply proved,[159] and the study of the once utterly
despised Irish promises to be one which will abundantly repay the
philologist. It is to be regretted that we are indebted to German students for
the verification of these statements; but the Germans are manifestly born
philologists, and they have opportunities of leisure, and encouragement for

the prosecution of such studies, denied to the poorer Celt. It is probable that
Celtic will yet be found to have been one of the most important of the Indo-
European tongues. Its influence on the formation of the Romance languages
has yet to be studied in the light of our continually increasing knowledge of
its more ancient forms; and perhaps the conjectures of Betham will, by the
close of this century, receive as much respect as the once equally ridiculed
history of Keating.
It is almost impossible to doubt that the Irish nation had letters and some
form of writing before the arrival of St. Patrick. There are so many
references to the existence of writings in the most ancient MSS., that it
appears more rash to deny their statements than to accept them.

RUNES FROM THE RUNIC CROSS AT RUTHWELL.

The three principal arguments against a pre-Christian alphabet appears to
be: (1) The absence of any MS. of such writing. (2) The use of the Roman
character in all MSS. extant. (3) The universal opinion, scarcely yet
exploded, that the Irish Celts were barbarians. In reply to the first objection,
we may observe that St. Patrick is said to have destroyed all the remnants of
pagan writing.[160] Cæsar mentions that the druids of Gaul used Greek
characters. It appears impossible that the Irish druids, who were at least
their equals in culture, should have been destitute of any kind of written
character. The ancient form of Welsh letters were somewhat similar to the
runes of which we give a specimen, and this alphabet was called the
"alphabet of the bards," in contradistinction to which is placed the "alphabet
of the monks," or Roman alphabet. The alphabet of the Irish bard may have
been the Beith-luis-nion, represented by the Ogham character, of which
more hereafter.
The difficulty arising from the fact of St. Patrick's having given abgitorium,
or alphabets, to his converts, appears to us purely chimerical. Latin was
from the first the language of the Church, and being such, whether the Irish
converts had or had not a form of writing, one of the earliest duties of a
Christian missionary was to teach those preparing for the priesthood the
language in which they were to administer the sacraments. The alphabet
given by the saint was simply the common Roman letter then in use. The
Celtic characteristic veneration for antiquity and religion, has still preserved
it; and strange to say, the Irish of the nineteenth century alone use the letters
which were common to the entire Roman Empire in the fifth. The early
influence of ecclesiastical authority, and the circumstance that the priests of
the Catholic Church were at once the instructors in and the preservers of
letters, will account for the immediate disuse of whatever alphabet the
druids may have had. The third objection is a mere argumentum ad
ignorantiam.

CUNEIFORM CHARACTERS.

It is to be regretted that the subject of Ogham writing has not been taken up
by a careful and competent hand.[161] There are few people who have not
found out some method of recording their history, and there are few
subjects of deeper interest than the study of the efforts of the human mind to
perpetuate itself in written characters. The Easterns had their cuneiform or
arrow-headed symbols, and the Western world has even yet its quipus, and
tells its history by the number of its knots.

The Quipus

The peasant girl still knots her handkerchief as her memoria technica, and
the lady changes her ring from its accustomed finger. Each practice is quite
as primitive an effort of nature as the Ogham of the Celtic bard. He used a
stone pillar or a wooden stick for his notches,—a more permanent record
than the knot or the Indian quipus.[162] The use of a stick as a vehicle for
recording ideas by conventional marks, appears very ancient; and this in
itself forms a good argument for the antiquity of Ogham writing. Mr.
O'Curry has given it expressly as his opinion, "that the pre-Christian
Gaedhils possessed and practised a system of writing and keeping records
quite different from and independent of the Greek and Roman form and
characters, which gained currency in the country after the introduction of
Christianity." He then gives in evidence passages from our ancient writings
which are preserved, in which the use of the Ogham character is distinctly
mentioned. One instance is the relation in the Táin bó Chuailgné of
directions having been left on wands or hoops written in Ogham by
Cuchulainn for Méav. When these were found, they were read for her by
Fergus, who understood the character. We have not space for further details,
but Professor O'Curry devotes some pages to the subject, where fuller
information may be found. In conclusion, he expresses an opinion that the
original copies of the ancient books, such as the Cuilmenn and the Saltair of
Tara, were not written in Ogham. He supposes that the druids or poets, who,
it is well known, constantly travelled for educational purposes, brought
home an alphabet, probably the Roman then in use. "It is, at all events, quite
certain that the Irish druids had written books before the coming of St.
Patrick, in 432; since we find the statement in the Tripartite Life of the
saint, as well as in the Annotations of Tirechan, preserved in the Book of
Armagh, which were taken by him from the lips and books of his tutor, St.
Mochta, who was the pupil and disciple of St. Patrick himself."

Ogham stone

SAGRANI FILI CUNOTAMI

We give two illustrations of Ogham writing. The pillar-stone is from the
collection of the Royal Irish Academy. It is about four and a-half feet high,
and averages eleven inches across. It was found, with three others similarly
inscribed, built into the walls of a dwelling-house in the county Kerry, to
which it is believed they had been removed from the interior of a
neighbouring rath. The bilingual Ogham was found at St. Dogmael's, near
Cardiganshire. The Ogham alphabet is called beithluisnion, from the name
of its two first letters, beith, which signifies a birch-tree, and luis, the
mountain-ash. If this kind of writing had been introduced in Christian times,
it is quite unlikely that such names would have been chosen. They are
manifestly referable to a time when a tree had some significance beyond the
useful or the ornamental. It has been supposed that the names of the letters
were given to the trees, and not the names of the trees to the letters. It is at
least certain that the names of the trees and the letters coincide, and that the
trees are all indigenous to Ireland. The names of the letters in the Hebrew
alphabet are also significant, but appear to be chosen indiscriminately,
while there is a manifest and evidently arbitrary selection in the Celtic
appellations. The number of letters also indicate antiquity. The ancient Irish
alphabet had but sixteen characters, thus numerically corresponding with
the alphabet brought into Greece by Cadmus. This number was gradually
increased with the introduction of the Roman form, and the arrangement
was also altered to harmonize with it. The Ogham alphabet consists of lines,
which represent letters. They are arranged in an arbitrary manner to the
right or left of a stemline, or on the edge of the material on which they are
traced. Even the names of those letters, fleasg (a tree), seem an indication of
their origin. A cross has been found, sculptured more or less rudely, upon
many of these ancient monuments; and this has been supposed by some
antiquarians to indicate their Christian origin. Doubtless the practice of
erecting pillar-stones, and writing Oghams thereon, was continued after the
introduction of Christianity; but this by no means indicates their origin.
Like many other pagan monuments, they may have been consecrated by
having the sign of the cross engraven on them hundreds of years after their
erection.

During the few months which have elapsed between the appearance of the
first edition and the preparation of the second edition, my attention has been
called to this portion of the history by four or five eminent members of the
Royal Irish Academy, who express their regret that I should appear to have
adopted, or at least favoured, Mr. D'Alton's view of the Christian origin of
the round towers. I cannot but feel gratified at the interest which they
manifested, and not less so at their kind anxiety that my own views should
accord with those of the majority. I am quite aware that my opinion on such
a subject could have little weight. To form a decided opinion on this
subject, would require many years' study; but when one of these gentlemen,
the Earl of Dunraven, distinguished for his devotion to archæology, writes
to me that both Irish, English, and Continental scholars are all but
unanimous in ascribing a Christian origin to these remarkable buildings, I
cannot but feel that I am bound to accept this opinion, thus supported by an
overwhelming weight of authority. It may, however, be interesting to some
persons to retain an account of the opposing theories, and for this reason I
still insert page 115 of the original edition, only making such modifications
as my change of opinion make necessary.
The theories which have been advanced on this subject may be classified
under seven heads—
(1) That the Phoenicians erected them for fire temples.
(2) That the Christians built them for bell towers.
(3) That the Magians used them for astronomical purposes.
(4) That they were for Christian anchorites to shut themselves up in.
(5) That they were penitentiaries.
(6) That the Druids used them to proclaim their festivals.
(7) That the Christians used them to keep their church plate and treasures.

URN AND ITS CONTENTS FOUND IN A CROMLECH IN THE
PHOENIX PARK, DUBLIN.

Contradictory as these statements appear, they may easily be ranged into
two separate theories of pagan or Christian origin. Dr. Petrie has been the
great supporter of the latter opinion, now almost generally received. He
founds his opinion: (1) On the assumption that the Irish did not know the
use of lime mortar before the time of St. Patrick. For this assumption,
however, he gives no evidence. (2) On the presence of certain Christian
emblems on some of these towers, notably at Donaghmore and Antrim. But
the presence of Christian emblems, like the cross on the Ogham stones, may

merely indicate that Christians wished to consecrate them to Christian use.
(3) On the assumption that they were used as keeps or monastic castles, in
which church plate was concealed, or wherein the clergy could shelter
themselves from the fury of Danes, or other invaders. But it is obvious that
towers would have been built in a different fashion had such been the object
of those who erected them. The late Mr. D'Alton has been the most
moderate and judicious advocate of their pagan origin. He rests his theory
(1) on certain statements in our annals, which, if true, must at once decide
the dispute. The Annals of Ulster mention the destruction of fifty-seven of
them in consequence of a severe earthquake, A.D. 448. He adduces the
testimony of Giraldus Cambrensis, who confirms the account of the origin
of Lough Neagh by an inundation, A.D. 65, and adds: "It is no improbable
testimony to this event, that the fishermen beheld the religious towers
(turres ecclesiasticas), which, according to the custom of the country, are
narrow, lofty, and round, immersed under the waters; and they frequently
show them to strangers passing over them, and wondering at their purposes"
(reique causas admirantibus). This is all the better evidence of their then
acknowledged antiquity, because the subject of the writer was the formation
of the lough, and not the origin of the towers. Mr. D'Alton's (2) second
argument is, that it was improbable the Christians would have erected
churches of wood and bell towers of stone, or have bestowed incomparably
more care and skill on the erection of these towers, no matter for what use
they may have been intended, than on the churches, which should surely be
their first care.[163]
The cromlechs next claim our notice. There has been no question of their
pagan origin; and, indeed, this method of honouring or interring the dead,
seems an almost universal custom of ancient peoples.[164] Cremation does
not appear to have been the rule as to the mode of interment in ancient
Erinn, as many remains of skeletons have been found; and even those
antiquarians who are pleased entirely to deny the truth of the historical
accounts of our early annalists, accept their statements as to customs of the
most ancient date. When the dead were interred without cremation, the
body was placed either in a horizontal, sitting, or recumbent posture. When
the remains were burned, a fictile vessel was used to contain the ashes.
These urns are of various forms and sizes. The style of decoration also
differs widely, some being but rudely ornamented, while others bear

indications of artistic skill which could not have been exercised by a rude or
uncultivated people.

We give a full-page illustration of an urn and its contents, at present in the
collection of the Royal Irish Academy. This urn was found in a tumulus,
which was opened in the Phoenix Park, near Dublin, in the year 1838. The
tumulus was about 120 feet in diameter at the base, and fifteen feet high.
Four sepulchral vases, containing burnt ashes, were found within the tomb.
It also enclosed two perfect male skeletons, the tops of the femora of
another, and a bone of some animal. A number of shells[165] were found
under the head of each skeleton, of the kind known to conchologists as the
Nerita littoralis. The urn which we have figured is the largest and most
perfect, and manifestly the earliest of the set. It is six inches high, rudely
carved, yet not without some attempt at ornament. The bone pin was
probably used for the hair, and the shells are obviously strung for a
necklace. We give above a specimen of the highest class of cinerary urns. It
stands unrivalled, both in design and execution, among all the specimens
found in the British isles. This valuable remain was discovered in the
cutting of a railway, in a small stone chamber, at Knockneconra, near
Bagnalstown, county Carlow. Burned bones of an infant, or very young
child, were found in it, and it was inclosed in a much larger and ruder urn,
containing the bones of an adult. Possibly, suggests Sir W. Wilde, they may
have been the remains of mother and child.[166]

GOLD HEAD-DRESS, R.I.A.

The collection of antiquities in the Royal Irish Academy, furnishes abundant
evidence that the pagan Irish were well skilled in the higher arts of working
in metals. If the arbitrary division of the ages of stone, bronze, and iron, can
be made to hold good, we must either suppose that the Irish Celt was
possessed of extraordinary mental powers, by which he developed the
mechanical arts gradually, or that, with successive immigrations, he
obtained an increase of knowledge from exterior sources. The bardic annals
indicate the latter theory. We have already given several illustrations of the
ruder weapons. The illustration appended here may give some idea of the
skill obtained by our pagan ancestors in working gold. This ornament,
which is quite complete, though fractured in two places, stands 11-1/2
inches high. It weighs 16 oz. 10 dwts. 13 grs. The gold of which it is formed

is very red. It was procured with the Sirr Collection, and is said to have
been found in the county Clare.[167] Our readers are indebted to the
kindness of the Council of the Royal Irish Academy, for the permission to
depict these and the other rare articles from the collection which are
inserted in our pages.
The amount of gold ornaments which have been found in Ireland at various
times, has occasioned much conjecture as to whether the material was
found in Ireland or imported. It is probable that auriferous veins existed,
which were worked out, or that some may even now exist which are at
present unknown. The discovery of gold ornaments is one of the many
remarkable confirmations of the glowing accounts given by our bardic
annalists of Erinn's ancient glories. O'Hartigan thus describes the wealth
and splendour of the plate possessed by the ancient monarchs who held
court at Tara:—

"Three hundred cupbearers distributed
Three times fifty choice goblets
Before each party of great numbers,
Which were of pure strong carbuncle,[168]
Or gold or of silver all."

Dr. Petrie observes that this statement is amply verified by the magnificent
gold ornaments, found within a few yards of this very spot, now in the
possession of the Royal Irish Academy. We shall see, at a later period, when
the cursing of Tara will demand a special notice of its ancient glories, how
amply the same writer has vindicated the veracity of Celtic annalists on this
ground also.
A remarkable resemblance has been noticed between the pagan military
architecture of Ireland, and the early Pelasgian monuments in Greece. They
consist of enclosures, generally circular, of massive clay walls, built of
small loose stones, from six to sixteen feet thick. These forts or fortresses
are usually entered by a narrow doorway, wider at the bottom than at the
top, and are of Cyclopean architecture. Indeed, some of the remains in
Ireland can only be compared to the pyramids of Egypt, so massive are the
blocks of stone used in their construction. As this stone is frequently of a
kind not to be found in the immediate neighbourhood, the means used for

their transportation are as much a matter of surprise and conjecture, as those
by which they were placed in the position in which they are found. The
most remarkable of these forts may still be seen in the Isles of Arran, on the
west coast of Galway; there are others in Donegal, Mayo, and in Kerry.
Some of these erections have chambers in their massive walls, and in others
stairs are found round the interior of the wall; these lead to narrow
platforms, varying from eight to forty-three feet in length, on which the
warriors or defenders stood. The fort of Dunmohr, in the middle island of
Arran, is supposed to be at least 2,000 years old. Besides these forts, there
was the private house, a stone habitation, called a clochann, in which an
individual or family resided; the large circular dome-roofed buildings, in
which probably a community lived; and the rath, intrenched and stockaded.
But stone was not the only material used for places of defence or domestic
dwellings; the most curious and interesting of ancient Irish habitations is the
crannoge, a name whose precise etymology is uncertain, though there is
little doubt that it refers in some way to the peculiar nature of the structure.
The crannoges were formed on small islets or shallows of clay or marl in
the centre of a lake, which were probably dry in summer, but submerged in
winter. These little islands, or mounds, were used as a foundation for this
singular habitation. Piles of wood, or heaps of stone and bones driven into
or heaped on the soil, formed the support of the crannoge. They were used
as places of retreat or concealment, and are usually found near the ruins of
such old forts or castles as are in the vicinity of lakes or marshes.
Sometimes they are connected with the mainland by a causeway, but
usually there is no appearance of any; and a small canoe has been, with but
very few exceptions, discovered in or near each crannoge.
Since the investigation of these erections in Ireland, others have been
discovered in the Swiss lakes of a similar kind, and containing, or rather
formed on, the same extraordinary amount of bones heaped up between the
wooden piles.
The peculiar objects called celts, and the weapons and domestic utensils of
this or an earlier period, are a subject of scarcely less interest. The use of
the celt has fairly perplexed all antiquarian research. Its name is derived
not, as might be supposed, from the nation to whom this distinctive

appellation was given, but from the Latin word celtis, a chisel. It is not
known whether these celts, or the round, flat, sharp-edged chisels, were
called Lia Miledh, "warriors' stones." In the record of the battle of the Ford
of Comar, Westmeath, the use of this instrument is thus described:—
"There came not a man of Lohar's people without a broad green spear, nor
without a dazzling shield, nor without a Liagh-lamha-laich (a champion's
hand stone), stowed away in the hollow cavity of his shield.... And Lohar
carried his stone like each of his men; and seeing the monarch his father
standing in the ford with Ceat, son of Magach, at one side, and Connall
Cearnach at the other, to guard him, he grasped his battle-stone quickly and
dexterously, and threw it with all his strength, and with unerring aim, at the
king his father; and the massive stone passed with a swift rotatory motion
towards the king, and despite the efforts of his two brave guardians, it
struck him on the breast, and laid him prostrate in the ford. The king,
however, recovered from the shock, arose, and placing his foot upon the
formidable stone, pressed it into the earth, where it remains to this day, with
a third part of it over ground, and the print of the king's foot visible upon
it."
Flint proper, or chalk flint, is found but in few places in Ireland; these are
principally in the counties of Antrim, Down, and Derry. In the absence of a
knowledge of the harder metals, flint and such-like substances were
invaluable as the only material that could be fashioned into weapons of
defence, and used to shape such rude clothing as was then employed. The
scarcity of flint must have rendered these weapons of great value in other
districts. Splitting, chipping, and polishing, and this with tools as rude as
the material worked on, were the only means of manufacturing such
articles; and yet such was the perfection, and, if the expression be
applicable, the amount of artistic skill attained, that it seems probable flint-
chipping was a special trade, and doubtless a profitable one to those
engaged in it.
When flints were used as arrows, either in battle or in the chase, a bow was
easily manufactured from the oak and birch trees with which the island was
thickly wooded. It was bent by a leathern thong, or the twisted intestine of
some animal. The handles of the lance or javelin—formidable weapons, if
we may judge from the specimens in the Museum of the Royal Irish

Academy—were also formed of wood; but these have perished in the lapse
of ages, and left only the strangely and skilfully formed implement of
destruction.
Among primitive nations, the tool and the weapon differed but little. The
hatchet which served to fell the tree, was as readily used to cleave open the
head of an enemy. The knife, whether of stone or hard wood, carved the
hunter's prey, or gave a deathstroke to his enemy. Such weapons or
implements have, however, frequently been found with metal articles, under
circumstances which leave little doubt that the use of the former was
continued long after the discovery of the superior value of the latter.
Probably, even while the Tuatha De Danann artificers were framing their
more refined weapons for the use of nobles and knights, the rude fashioner
of flint-arrows and spear-heads still continued to exercise the craft he had
learned from his forefathers, for the benefit of poorer or less fastidious
warriors.

CROMLECH IN THE PHOENIX PARK. The urn and necklace,
figured at page 154, were found in this tomb.

CLONDALKIN ROUND TOWER.

CHAPTER XI.
Pestilence of the Blefed—The Cursing of Tara by St. Rodanus—Extent
and Importance of Ancient Tara—The First Mill in Ireland—The Lia
Fail—Cormac's House—The Rath of the Synods—The Banqueting
Hall—Chariots and Swords—St. Columba—St. Brendan and his
Voyages—Pre-Columbian Discovery of America—The Plague again—
St. Columba and St. Columbanus—Irish Saints and Irish Schools—
Aengus the Culdee.

[A.D. 543-693.]

rom time to time, in the world's history, terrible and mysterious
pestilences appear, which defy all calculation as to their cause or
probable reappearance. Such was the Blefed,[169] or Crom Chonaill,
which desolated Ireland in the year 543.
The plague, whatever its nature may have been, appears to have been
general throughout Europe. It originated in the East; and in Ireland
was preceded by famine, and followed by leprosy. St. Berchan of
Glasnevin and St. Finnen of Clonard were amongst its first victims.
Diarmaid, son of Fergus Keval, of the southern Hy-Nial race, was Ard-Righ
during this period. In his reign Tara was cursed by St. Rodanus of Lothra, in
Tipperary, in punishment for violation of sanctuary;[170] and so complete
was its subsequent desertion, that in 975 it was described as a desert
overgrown with grass and weeds.
But enough still remains to give ample evidence of its former magnificence.
An inspection of the site must convince the beholder of the vast extent of its
ancient palaces; nor can we, for a moment, coincide with those who are
pleased to consider that these palaces consisted merely of a few planks of
wood, rudely plastered over, or of hollow mounds of earth. It is true that,
from an association of ideas, the cause of so many fallacies, we naturally
connect "halls" with marble pavements, magnificently carved pillars, and

tesselated floors; but the harp that once resounded through Tara's halls, may
have had as appreciating, if not as critical, an audience as any which now
exists, and the "halls" may have been none the less stately, because their
floor was strewn with sand, or the trophies which adorned them fastened to
walls of oak.[171]
According to Celtic tradition, as embodied in our annals, Tara became the
chief residence of the Irish kings on the first establishment of a monarchical
government under Slainge:—
"Slaine of the Firbolgs was he by whom Temair was first raised."
One hundred and fifty monarchs reigned there from this period until its
destruction, in 563. The Fes, or triennial assembly, was instituted by
Ollamh Fodhla. The nature of these meetings is explained in a poem, which
Keating ascribes to O'Flynn, who died A.D. 984. It is clear that what was
then considered crime was punished in a very peremptory manner; for—

"Gold was not received as retribution from him,
But his soul in one hour."[172]

In the reign of Tuathal a portion of land was separated from each of the four
provinces, which met together at a certain place: this portion was
considered a distinct part of the country from the provinces. It was situated
in the present county of Meath.

In the tract separated from Munster, Tuathal[173] built the royal seat of
Tlachtga, where the fire of Tlachtga was ordained to be kindled. On the
night of All Saints, the druids assembled here to offer sacrifices, and it was
established, under heavy penalties that no fire should be kindled on that
night throughout the kingdom, so that the fire which was used afterwards
might be procured from it. To obtain this privilege, the people were obliged
to pay a scraball, or about three-pence, yearly, to the King of Munster.
On the 1st of May a convocation was held in the royal palace of the King of
Connaught. He obtained subsidies in horses and arms from those who came
to this assembly. On this occasion two fires were lit, between which cattle
were driven as a preventative or charm against the murrain and other

pestilential distempers. From this custom the feast of St. Philip and St.
James was anciently called Beltinne, or the Day of Bel's Fire.
The third palace, erected by Tuathal, was on the portion of land taken from
the province of Ulster. Here the celebrated fair of Tailtean was held, and
contracts of marriage were frequently made. The royal tribute was raised by
exacting an ounce of silver from every couple who were contracted and
married at that time. The fair of Tailtean had been instituted some years
before, in honour of Tailte, who was buried here. This fair, says Keating,
was then kept upon the day known in the Irish language as La Lughnasa, or
the day ordained by Lughaidh, and is called in English Lammas-day.
The fourth and the most important of the royal seats was the palace of
Temair, or Tara: here, with the greatest state and ceremony, the affairs of the
nation were discussed and decided. On these occasions, in order to preserve
the deliberations from the public, the most strict secrecy was observed, and
women were entirely excluded.
The Dinnseanchus, a topographical work, compiled in the twelfth century
from ancient MSS., is the principal source of information on this subject.
Dr. Petrie, in his famous Essay, has given both the original and translation
of this tract, and of other documents on the same subject; and he remarks
how exactly the accounts given by the poet historians coincide with the
remains which even now exist. In fact, each site has been ascertained with
precise accuracy—an accuracy which should very much enhance our
appreciation of the value of our ancient histories.
The well Neamhnach was first identified. Tradition asserts that the first
mill[174] erected in Ireland was turned by the stream which flowed from it,
and even at the present day a mill is still worked there. The situation of the
Rath-na-Riogh was then easily ascertained. This is the most important of
these ancient sites, but it is now, unfortunately, nearly levelled to the
ground. This rath is oval and measures about 853 feet from north to south; it
contains the ruins of the Forradh and of Teach Cormac (the House of
Cormac). A pillar-stone was removed in 1798 to the centre of the mound of
the Forradh. It formerly stood by the side of a small mound lying within the
enclosure of Rath-Riogh. This stone Dr. Petrie considers identical[175] with
the famous Lia Fail, or Stone of Destiny, which other authorities suppose to

have been removed to Scotland, and subsequently to Westminster. The
Rath-na-Riogh is identical with Teamur, and is, in fact, the ancient Tara, or
royal residence, around which other scarcely less important buildings were
gradually erected. It was also called Cathair Crofinn. The name of Cathair
was exclusively applied to circular stone fortifications built without cement;
and stones still remain which probably formed a portion of the original
building. In ancient Irish poems this fortification is sometimes called the
Strong Tower of Teamur, an appellation never applied to a rath, but
constantly to a Cathair, or circular stone fort.
The Rath of the Synods obtained its name at a comparatively recent period.
The situation is distinctly pointed out both in the prose and verse accounts.
Here was held the Synod of Patrick, the Synod of Ruadhan and Brendan,
and lastly, the Synod of Adamnan. The next existing monument which has
been identified with certainty, is the Teach-Miodhchuarta, or Banqueting
Hall, so famous in Irish history and bardic tradition. This was also the great
house of the thousand soldiers, and the place where the Fes or triennial
assemblies were held. It had fourteen doors—seven to the east and seven to
the west. Its length, taken from the road, is 759 feet, and its breadth was
probably about 90 feet. Kenneth O'Hartigan is the great, and indeed almost
the only authority for the magnificence and state with which the royal
banquets were held herein. As his descriptions are written in a strain of
eloquent and imaginative verse, his account has been too readily supposed
to be purely fictitious. But we have already shown that his description of
the gold vessels which were used, is amply corroborated by the discovery of
similar articles. His account of the extent, if not of the exterior
magnificence, of the building, has also been fully verified; and there
remains no reason to doubt that a "thousand soldiers" may have attended
their lord at his feasts, or that "three times fifty stout cooks" may have
supplied the viands. There was also the "House of the Women," a term
savouring strangely of eastern customs and ideas; and the "House of the
Fians," or commons soldiers.
Two poems are still preserved which contain ground-plans of the different
compartments of the house, showing the position allotted to different ranks
and occupations, and the special portion which was to be assigned to each.
The numerous distinctions of rank, and the special honours paid to the
learned, are subjects worthy of particular notice. The "saoi of literature" and

the "royal chief" are classed in the same category, and were entitled to a
primchrochait, or steak; nor was the Irish method of cooking barbarous, for
we find express mention of a spit for roasting meat, and of the skill of an
artificer who contrived a machine by which thirty spits could be turned at
once.[176] The five great Celtic roads[177] have already been mentioned.
Indistinct traces of them are still found at Tara. The Slighe Môr struck off
from the Slope of the Chariots,[178] at the northern head of the hill, and
joined the Eiscir Riada, or great Connaught road, from Dublin via Trim. Dr.
Petrie concludes his Essay on Tara thus: "But though the houses were
unquestionably of these materials [wood and clay, with the exception of the
Tuatha Dé Danann Cathair], it must not be inferred that they were
altogether of a barbarous structure. It is not probable that they were unlike
or inferior to those of the ancient Germans, of which Tacitus speaks in
terms of praise, and which he describes as being overlaid with an earth so
pure and splendid, that they resembled painting." And the historian Moore,
writing on the same subject, observes: "That these structures were in wood
is by no means conclusive either against the elegance of their structure, or
the civilization, to a certain extent, of those who erected them. It was in
wood that the graceful forms of Grecian architecture first unfolded their
beauties; and there is reason to believe that, at the time when Xerxes
invaded Greece, most of her temples were still of this perishable material."
But the cursing of Tara was by no means the only misfortune of Diarmaid's
reign. His unaccountable hostility to St. Columba involved him in many
troubles; and, in addition to these, despite famine and pestilence, the
country was afflicted with domestic wars. It is said that his war with Guaire,
King of Connaught, was undertaken as a chastisement for an injustice
committed by that monarch, who, according to an old chronicle, had
deprived a woman, who had vowed herself to a religious life, of a cow,
which was her only means of support. It is more probable, however, that the
motive was not quite so chivalric, and that extortion of a tribute to which he
had no right was the real cause. The high character for probity unanimously
attributed to Guaire, makes it extremely unlikely that he should have
committed any deliberate act of injustice.
The first great convention of the Irish states, after the abandonment of Tara,
was held in Drumceat, in 573, in the reign of Hugh, son of Ainmire. St.
Columba and the leading members of the Irish clergy attended. Precedence

was given to the saint by the prelates of North Britain, to honour his
capacity of apostle or founder of the Church in that country.
Two important subjects were discussed on this occasion, and on each the
opinion of St. Columba was accepted as definitive. The first referred to the
long-vexed question whether the Scottish colony of Alba should still be
considered dependent on the mother country. The saint, foreseeing the
annoyances to which a continuance of this dependence must give rise,
advised that it should be henceforth respected as an independent state. The
second question was one of less importance in the abstract, but far more
difficult to settle satisfactorily. The bards, or more probably persons who
wished to enjoy their immunities and privileges without submitting to the
ancient laws which obliged them to undergo a long and severe course of
study before becoming licentiates, if we may use the expression, of that
honorable calling, had become so numerous and troublesome, that loud
demands were made for their entire suppression. The king, who probably
suffered from their insolence as much as any of his subjects, was inclined to
comply with the popular wish, but yielded so far to the representations of
St. Columba, as merely to diminish their numbers, and place them under
stricter rules.
Hugh Ainmire was killed while endeavouring to exact the Boromean
Tribute. The place of his death was called Dunbolg, or the Fort of the Bags.
The Leinster king, Bran Dubh, had recourse to a stratagem, from whence
the name was derived. Finding himself unable to cope with the powerful
army of his opponent, he entered his camp disguised as a leper, and spread a
report that the Leinster men were preparing to submit.
In the evening a number of bullocks, laden with leathern bags, were seen
approaching the royal camp. The drivers, when challenged by the sentinels,
said that they were bringing provisions; and this so tallied with the leper's
tale, that they were permitted to deposit their burdens without further
inquiry. In the night, however, an armed man sprang from each bag, and
headed by their king, whose disguise was no longer needed, slaughtered the
royal army without mercy, Hugh himself falling a victim to the personal
bravery of Bran Dubh.

The deaths of several Irish saints, whose lives are of more than ordinary
interest, are recorded about this period. Amongst them, St. Brendan of
Clonfert demands more than a passing notice. His early youth was passed
under the care of St. Ita, a lady of the princely family of the Desii. By
divine command she established the Convent of Cluain Credhuil, in the
present county of Limerick, and there, it would appear, she devoted herself
specially to the care of youth. When Brendan had attained his fifth year, he
was placed under the protection of Bishop Ercus, from whom he received
such instruction as befitted his advancing years. But Brendan's tenderest
affection clung to the gentle nurse of his infancy; and to her, in after years,
he frequently returned, to give or receive counsel and sympathy.
The legend of his western voyage, if not the most important, is at least the
most interesting part of his history. Kerry was the native home of the
enterprising saint; and as he stood on its bold and beautiful shores, his
naturally contemplative mind was led to inquire what boundaries chained
that vast ocean, whose grand waters rolled in mighty waves beneath his
feet. His thoughtful piety suggested that where there might be a country
there might be life—human life and human souls dying day by day, and
hour by hour, and knowing of no other existence than that which at best is
full of sadness and decay.
Traditions of a far-away land had long existed on the western coast of
ancient Erinn. The brave Tuatha Dé Dananns were singularly expert in
naval affairs, and their descendants were by no means unwilling to impart
information to the saint.
The venerable St. Enda, the first Abbot of Arran, was then living, and
thither St. Brendan journeyed for counsel. Probably he was encouraged in
his design by the holy abbot; for, he proceeded along the coast of Mayo,
inquiring as he went for traditions of the western continent. On his return to
Kerry, he decided to set out on the important expedition. St. Brendan's Hill
still bears his name; and from the bay at the foot of this lofty eminence he
sailed for the "far west." Directing his course towards the south-west, with a
few faithful companions, in a well-provisioned bark, he came, after some
rough and dangerous navigation, to calm seas, where, without aid of oar or
sail, he was borne along for many weeks. It is probable that he had entered
the great Gulf Stream, which brought his vessel ashore somewhere on the

Virginian coasts. He landed with his companions, and penetrated into the
interior, until he came to a large river flowing from east to west, supposed
to be that now known as the Ohio. Here, according to the legend, he was
accosted by a man of venerable bearing, who told him that he had gone far
enough; that further discoveries were reserved for other men, who would in
due time come and christianize that pleasant land.
After an absence of seven years, the saint returned once more to Ireland,
and lived not only to tell of the marvels he had seen, but even to found a
college of three thousand monks at Clonfert. This voyage took place in the
year 545, according to Colgan; but as St. Brendan must have been at that
time at least sixty years old, an earlier date has been suggested as more
probable.[179]
The northern and southern Hy-Nials had long held rule in Ireland; but while
the northern tribe were ever distinguished, not only for their valour, but for
their chivalry in field or court, the southern race fell daily lower in the
estimation of their countrymen. Their disgrace was completed when two
kings, who ruled Erinn jointly, were treacherously slain by Conall Guthvin.
For this crime the family were excluded from regal honours for several
generations.
Home dissensions led to fatal appeals for foreign aid, and this frequently
from the oppressing party. Thus, Congal Caech, who killed the reigning
sovereign in 623, fled to Britain, and after remaining there nine years,
returned with foreign troops, by whose assistance he hoped to attain the
honours unlawfully coveted. The famous battle of Magh-Rath,[180] in which
the auxiliaries were utterly routed and the false Congal slain, unfortunately
did not deter his countrymen from again and again attempting the same
suicidal course.
In 656 the country was once more visited by the fatal Crom Chonaill, and
again holy prelates and sainted religious were foremost amongst its victims.
Many orphans were of necessity thrown on the mercy of those to whom
charity was their only claim. Nor was the call unheeded. The venerable
Bishop of Ardbraccan, St. Ultan, whom we may perhaps term the St.
Vincent of Ireland, gathered these hapless little ones into a safe asylum, and
there, with a thoughtfulness which in such an age could scarcely have been

expected, sought to supply by artificial means for the natural nourishment
of which they had been deprived.
Venerable Bede mentions this pestilence, and gives honorable testimony to
the charity of the Irish, not only to their own people, but even to strangers.
He says: "This pestilence did no less harm, in the island of Ireland. Many of
the nobility and of the lower ranks of the English nation were there at that
time, who, in the days of Bishop Finan and Colman, forsaking their native
land, retired thither, either for the sake of divine studies, or for a more
continent life. The Scots willingly received them all, and took care to
supply them with food, as also to furnish them with books to read and their
teaching gratis."[181]
In 673 Finnachta Fleadhach, or the Hospitable, began his reign. He yielded
to the entreaties of St. Moling, and remitted the Boromean Tribute, after he
had forced it from the Leinster men in a bloody battle. In 687 he abdicated,
and showed his respect for religion still further by embracing the monastic
state himself. In 684 the Irish coasts were devastated, and even the churches
pillaged, by the soldiers of Egfrid, the Saxon King of Northumbria.
Venerable Bede attributes his subsequent defeat and death, when fighting
against the Picts, to the judgment of God, justly merited by these
unprovoked outrages on a nation which had always been most friendly to
the English (nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam).
It has been supposed that revenge may have influenced Egfrid's conduct:
this, however, does not make it more justifiable in a Christian king. Ireland
was not merely the refuge of men of learning in that age; it afforded shelter
to more than one prince driven unjustly from his paternal home. Alfred, the
brother of the Northumbrian monarch, had fled thither from his treachery,
and found a generous welcome on its ever-hospitable shores. He succeeded
his brother in the royal dignity; and when St. Adamnan visited his court to
obtain the release of the Irish captives whom Egfrid's troops had torn from
their native land, he received him with the utmost kindness, and at once
acceded to his request.
St. Adamnan, whose fame as the biographer of St. Columba has added even
more to the lustre of his name than his long and saintly rule over the
Monastery of Iona, was of the race of the northern Hy-Nials. He was born

in the territory of Tir-Connell, about the year 627. Little is known of his
early history; it is generally supposed that he was educated at Iona, and that,
having embraced the monastic rule, he returned to his own country to
extend its observance there. He presided over the great Abbey of Raphoe, of
which he was the founder, until the year 679, when he was raised to the
government of his order, and from that period he usually resided at Iona.
The fact of his having been chosen to such an important office, is a
sufficient testimony to his virtues, and of the veneration and respect in
which he was held by his contemporaries.
St. Adamnan paid more than one visit to his friend the Northumbrian
monarch (regem Alfridem amicum). On the second occasion he went with
the Abbot Ceolfrid, and after some conversation with him and other learned
ecclesiastics, he adopted the Roman paschal computation. Yet, with all his
influence and eloquence, he was unable to induce his monks to accept it;
and it was not until the year 716 that they yielded to the persuasions of
Egbert, a Northumbrian monk. Adamnan was more successful in his own
country. In 697 he visited Ireland, and took an important part in a legislative
council held at Tara. On this occasion he procured the enactment of a law,
which was called the Canon of Adamnan, or the Law of the Innocents, and
sometimes "the law not to kill women." We have already referred to the
martial tendencies of the ladies of ancient Erinn—a tendency, however,
which was by no means peculiar at that period of the world's history. The
propensity for military engagements was not confined to queens and
princesses—women of all ranks usually followed their lords to the field of
battle; but as the former are generally represented as having fallen victims
to each other's prowess in the fight, it appears probable that they had their
own separate line of battle, or perhaps fought out the field in a common
mêlée of feminine forces.
Had we not the abundant testimony of foreign writers to prove the influence
and importance of the missions undertaken by Irish saints at this period of
her history, it might be supposed that the statements of her annalists were
tinged with that poetic fancy in which she has ever been so singularly
prolific, and that they rather wrote of what might have been than of what
was. But the testimony of Venerable Bede (to go no further) is most ample
on this subject.

Irish missionary zeal was inaugurated in the person of St. Columba,
although its extension to continental Europe was commenced by another,
who, from similarity of name, has been frequently confounded with the
national apostle.
St. Columbanus was born about the year 539. The care of his education was
confided to the venerable Senile, who was eminent for his sanctity and
knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. It was probably through his influence
that the young man resolved to devote himself to the monastic life. For this
purpose he placed himself under the direction of St. Comgall, who then
governed the great Monastery of Bangor (Banchorr).
It was not until he entered his fiftieth year that he decided on quitting his
native land, so that there can be no reason to doubt that his high intellectual
attainments were acquired and perfected in Ireland.
With the blessing of his superior, and the companionship of twelve faithful
monks, he set forth on his arduous mission; and arduous truly it proved to
be. The half-barbarous Franks, then ruled by Thierry or Theodoric, lived
more a pagan than a Christian life, and could ill brook the stern lessons of
morality which they heard from, and saw practised by, their new teacher.
The saint did not spare the demoralized court, and the Queen-Dowager
Brunehalt became his bitterest foe. He had already established two
monasteries: one at Luxovium, or Luxeuil, in a forest at the foot of the
Vosges; the other, on account of its numerous springs, was called Ad-
fontanas (Fontaines). Here the strict discipline of the Irish monks was
rigidly observed, and the coarsest fare the only refection permitted to the
religious.
For a time they were allowed to continue their daily routine of prayer and
penance without molestation; but the relentless Brunehalt, who, from the
basest motives, had encouraged the young king in every vice, could no
longer brave either the silent preaching of the cloister or the bold
denunciations of the saint. As Columbanus found that his distant
remonstrances had no effect on the misguided monarch, for whose eternal
welfare he felt the deep interest of true sanctity, he determined to try a
personal interview. For a brief space his admonitions were heard with
respect, and even the haughty queen seemed less bent on her career of

impiety and deceit; but the apparent conversion passed away as a summer
breeze, and once more the saint denounced and threatened in vain.
Strict enclosure had been established in the monasteries professing the
Columbanian rule[182] and this afforded a pretext for the royal vengeance.
Theodoric attempted to violate the sanctuary in person; but though he was
surrounded by soldiers, he had to encounter one whose powers were of
another and more invincible character. The saint remained in the sanctuary,
and when the king approached addressed him sternly:
"If thou, sire," he exclaimed, "art come hither to violate the discipline
already established, or to destroy the dwellings of the servants of God,
know that in heaven there is a just and avenging power; thy kingdom shall
be taken from thee, and both thou and thy royal race shall be cut off and
destroyed on the earth."
The undaunted bearing of Columbanus, and, perhaps, some lingering light
of conscience, not yet altogether extinguished, had its effect upon the angry
monarch. He withdrew; but he left to others the task he dared not attempt in
person. The saint was compelled by armed men to leave his monastery, and
only his Irish and British subjects were permitted to bear him company.
They departed in deep grief, not for the cruel treatment they suffered, but
for their brethren from whom they were thus rudely torn. As the monks who
were left behind clung weeping to their father, he consoled them with these
memorable words: "God will be to you a Father, and reward you with
mansions where the workers of sacrilege can never enter."
Nantes was the destination of the exiled religious. Here they were put on
board a vessel bound for Ireland; but scarcely had they reached the open
sea, when a violent storm arose, by which the vessel was driven back and
stranded on the shore, where it lay all night. The captain attributed the
misfortune to his travelling companions, and refused to carry them any
farther. Columbanus, perceiving in this accident an indication of the will of
heaven in their regard, determined to seek a settlement in some other part of
the Continent. In the third year after his expulsion from Luxeuil, he arrived
at Milan, where he was hospitably received by the Lombard king, A.D. 612.
On his journey thither he had evangelised Austrasia, then governed by
Theodebert. This prince, though a brother of the monarch by whom he had

been expelled, entertained him with the utmost courtesy. At Mentz, the
bishop vainly endeavoured to detain him. Zeal for the conversion of souls
led the saint to desire a less cultivated field of labour. As he passed along
the Lake of Zurich, and in the Canton of Zug, he reaped a rich harvest;
from, thence he directed his course to Bregentz, then inhabited by an
idolatrous people.
Here he was repulsed by those who most needed his apostolic labours; but,
undaunted, he retired to the neighbouring county, where he secured a band
of zealous converts. Surrounded by these, and attended by his faithful
monks, he once more entered the idolatrous city, and proceeded boldly to
the temple where their false gods were enshrined. Here he invoked the Holy
Name, and by its power the idols were miraculously overthrown, and a
multitude of the people were converted, including in their number some of
the principal inhabitants of Bregentz.
The theological controversy, known as that of the "Three Chapters," was
now prevalent in northern Italy. A letter is still extant which St. Columbanus
addressed to Pope Boniface on this subject, in which, while he uses the
privilege of free discussion on questions not defined by the Church, he is
remarkably, and perhaps for some inconveniently, explicit as to his belief in
papal supremacy. A brief extract from this important document will show
that the faith for which Ireland has suffered, and still suffers so much, was
the same in the "early ages" as it is now. He writes thus to the Holy Father:
—
"For we Irish [Scoti] are disciples of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the
divinely inspired canonical writers, adhering constantly to the evangelical
and apostolical doctrine. Amongst us neither Jew, heretic, nor schismatic
can be found; but the Catholic faith, entire and unshaken, precisely as we
have received it from you, who are the successors of the holy Apostles. For,
as I have already said, we are attached to the chair of St. Peter; and although
Rome is great and renowned, yet with us it is great and distinguished only
on account of that apostolic chair. Through the two Apostles of Christ you
are almost celestial, and Rome is the head of the churches of the world."
[183]

In the year 613 St. Columbanus founded the world-famed Monastery of
Bovium, or Bobbio,[184] in a magnificently romantic site on the Apennines.
Near his church was an oratory dedicated to the Mother of God, who, as we
shall presently see, was as devoutly worshipped in ancient as in modern
Erinn.
Agilulph, the Lombardian monarch, was ever a warm patron of the monks.
Clothaire had now ascended the French throne. He earnestly pressed the
saint to return to Luxeuil, but Columbanus excused himself on the plea of
age and infirmities. He did not fail, however, to send advice for the
government of the monasteries which he had founded, where his rule had
continued to be observed with the utmost fervour.
St. Columbanus died at Bobbio, on the 21st of November, 615, at the age of
seventy-two years. His name is still preserved in the town of St.
Columbano. His memory has been ever venerated in France and Italy.
While the saint was evangelizing in Switzerland, one of his disciples
became seriously ill, and was unable to travel farther. It was a providential
sickness for the Helvetians. The monk was an eloquent preacher, and well
acquainted with their language, which was a dialect of that of the Franks.
He evangelized the country, and the town of St. Gall still bears the name of
the holy Irishman, while his abbey contains many precious relics of the
literature and piety of his native land. St. Gall died on the 16th October,
645, at a very advanced age. The monastery was not erected until after his
decease, and it was not till the year 1798 that the abbey lands were
aggregated to the Swiss Confederation as one of the cantons.
Another Irish saint, who evangelized in France, was St. Fiacre. He erected a
monastery to the Blessed Virgin in a forest near Meaux. The fame of his
sanctity became so great, and the pilgrimage to his tomb so popular, that the
French hackney coaches (fiacre) obtained their name from their constant
employment in journeys to his shrine.
About the same period, St. Fursey founded a monastery near Burgh Castle,
in Suffolk, where he was kindly received by Sigbert, King of the East
Angles. From thence he proceeded to Lagny, in France, where his
missionary zeal was long remembered. His brothers, St. Foillan and St.
Altan, were his constant companions. St. Fursey died on the 16th January,

650, at Macerius. His remains were subsequently translated to Peronne, in
Picardy. The evangelic labours of many of his Irish disciples, are matter of
history in the Gallic Church. It is said that the fame of the Irish for their
skill in music, was so well known on the Continent at this period, that St.
Gertrude, daughter of King Pepin, and Abbess of Nivelle, in Brabant,
invited the brothers of St. Fursey to instruct her community in sacred music.
They complied with her request, and soon after erected a monastery at
Fosse, near Nivelle. Nor were the Scoti without their missionary martyrs,
amongst whom the great St. Kilian holds a distinguished place. The spirit of
devotion to the Holy See seems almost to be an heirloom in the little island
of the western sea. True to the instincts of his native land, the martyr-saint
would not undertake his mission in Franconia, great as was its necessity,
until he knelt at the feet of the Vicar of Christ to obtain his permission and
blessing. Thus fortified, he commenced his glorious race, so happily
crowned with the martyr's palm. His bold rebuke of the open scandal given
by the conduct of the ruling prince, was the immediate cause of his
obtaining this favour. St. Kilian was assassinated at midnight, while singing
the Divine Office, with two of his faithful companions. Their remains were
interred in the church of Wurtzberg, where St. Kilian is still revered as its
patron and apostle.
We can but name St. Mailduf, from whom Malmsbury has been named; St.
Livin, who converted the inhabitants of Flanders and Brabant; St. Cataldus
and his brother, St. Donatus, the former patron of the metropolitan see of
Tarentum, and whose name is still preserved in the little town of San
Cataldo, the latter Bishop of Lecce, in the kingdom of Naples, and both
famous for miracles and sanctity of life; St. Virgilius, called in the ancient
annals "Ferghil the Geometer," and by Latin writers Solivagus,[185] or the
"solitary wanderer," who died Bishop of Saltzburg, distinguished for
literary fame; St. Fridolin, "the traveller," son of an Irish king, who
evangelized Thuringia, and was appointed by the Pope Bishop of
Buraburgh, near Fritzlar, in the year 741; St. Sedulius the younger, who
wrote commentaries on Holy Scripture, and assisted at a council held in
Rome, in the year 721, under Gregory II. It is noticeable that this saint was
consecrated Bishop of Oreto, in Spain, while in Rome. When he entered on
the mission thus confided to him, he wrote a treatise to prove that, being

Irish, he was of Spanish descent; thus showing that at this period the idea of
a Milesian origin was common to men of learning in Ireland.[186]
But if Ireland gave saints and martyrs to foreign lands, her charity was in
some measure repaid in kind. True, she needed not the evangelic labours of
other missionaries, for the gospel-seed had taken deep root, and borne a rich
harvest on her happy shores; still, as the prayers of saints are the very life
and joy of the Church, she could not choose but rejoice in the hundreds of
pure and saintly souls who gathered round her altars at home, who crowded
her monasteries, or listened devoutly to the teachers of her distinguished
schools. In the Litany of Aengus the Culdee[187] we find hundreds of
foreign saints invoked, each grouped according to their nation. "The oldest
tract, or collection of the pedigrees of the saints of Erinn," says Professor
O'Curry, "of which we have now any recognizable copy remaining, is that
which is ascribed to Aengus Ceilé Dé, commonly called Aengus the Culdee.
The genuineness of this composition is admitted by all writers of modern
times, Protestant and Catholic, by Usher and Ware as well as by Colgan."
Aengus wrote about the year 798. He was descended from the illustrious
chieftains of Dalriada, and completed his education in the Monastery of
Cluain Eidhneach, in the present Queen's county. The remains of a church
he founded at Disert Aengusa, near Ballingarry, in the county of Limerick,
may still be seen.
The Monastery of Tamhlacht (Tallaght), near Dublin, was founded in the
year 769, by St. Maelruain, on a site offered "to God, to Michael the
Archangel, and to Maelruain," by Donnach, the pious and illustrious King
of Leinster. St. Aengus presented himself at this monastery as a poor man
seeking for service, and was employed for some time in charge of the mill
or kiln, the ruins of which have but lately yielded to "the improving hand of
modern progress." Here he remained hidden for many years, until, by some
happy accident, his humility and his learning were at once discovered.
Aengus composed his "Festology" in the reign of Hugh Oirdnidhe (the
Legislator), who was Monarch of Ireland from the year 793 to the year 817.
Hugh commenced his reign by attaching the province of Leinster, and then
marched to the confines of Meath. The Archbishop of Armagh and all his
clergy were commanded to attend this expedition, for such had hitherto

been the custom. The ecclesiastics, however, protested against the
summons, and complained to the king of the injustice and inconsistency of
demanding their presence on such occasions. Hugh referred the matter to
Fothadh, his poet and adviser. The learning and piety of the bard were well
known; and a decision favourable to the clergy was the result. This decision
was given in a short poem of four quatrains which is preserved in the
preface to the "Martyrology" of Aengus. The following is a literal
translation:—

"The Church of the living God,
Touch her not, nor waste;
Let her rights be reserved,
As best ever they were.

"Every true monk who is
Possessed of a pious conscience,
To the church to which it is due
Let him act as any servant.

"Every faithful servant from that out,
Who is not bound by vows of obedience,
Has liberty to join in the battles
Of Aedh (Hugh) the Great, son of Nial.

"This is the proper rule,
Certain it is not more, not less:
Let every one serve his lot,
Without defect, and without refusal."

This decision obtained the name of a canon, and henceforth its author was
distinguished as Fothadh na Canoiné, or Fothadh of the Canons.
At the time of the promulgation of this canon, Aengus was residing at his
church of Disert Bethech, near the present town of Monasterevan, not far
from where the Irish monarch had pitched his camp.
The poet visited Aengus, and showed him the canon before presenting it to
the king. An intimacy was thus commenced, which must have proved one

of singular pleasure to both parties. Aengus had just finished his
"Festology," and showed it for the first time to his brother poet, who
expressed the warmest approbation of the work.
This composition consists of three parts. The first part is a poem of five
quatrains, invoking the grace and sanctification of Christ for the poet and
his undertaking:—

"Sanctify, O Christ! my words:
O Lord of the seven heavens!
Grant me the gift of wisdom,
O Sovereign of the bright sun!

"O bright Sun, who dost illuminate
The heavens with all Thy holiness!
O King, who governest the angels!
O Lord of all the people!

"O Lord of the people!
O King, all righteous and good!
May I receive the full benefit
Of praising Thy royal hosts.

"Thy royal hosts I praise,
Because Thou art my sovereign;
I have disposed my mind
To be constantly beseeching Thee.

"I beseech a favour from Thee,
That I be purified from my sins,
Through the peaceful bright-shining flock,
The royal host whom I celebrate."

Then follows a metrical preface, consisting of eighty stanzas. These verses
are in the same measure[188] as the invocation, Englished by modern
Gaedhilic scholars as "chain-verse;" that is, an arrangement of metre by
which the first words of every succeeding quatrain are identical with the
last words of the preceding one.

After the invocation follows a preface, the second part of this remarkable
poem. In this there is a glowing account of the tortures and sufferings of the
early Christian martyrs; it tells "how the names of the persecutors are
forgotten, while the names of their victims are remembered with honour,
veneration, and affection; how Pilate's wife is forgotten, while the Blessed
Virgin Mary is remembered and honoured from the uttermost bounds of the
earth to its centre." The martyrology proper, or festology, comes next, and
consists of 365 quatrains, or a stanza for each day in the year.
It commences with the feast of the Circumcision:—

"At the head of the congregated saints
Let the King take the front place;
Unto the noble dispensation did submit
Christ—on the kalends of January."

St. Patrick is commemorated thus, on the 17th of March:—

"The blaze of a splendid sun,
The apostle of stainless Erinn,
Patrick, with his countless thousands,
May he shelter our wretchedness."

On the 13th of April, Bishop Tussach, one of the favourite companions of
the great saint, is also mentioned as—

"The kingly bishop Tussach,
Who administered, on his arrival,
The Body of Christ, the truly powerful King,
And the Communion to Patrick."

It will be remembered it was from this saint that the great apostle received
the holy viaticum. In the third division of his great work, Aengus explains
its use, and directs the people how to read it.
It will be manifest from these poems that the religious principles of the
Culdees and of the Irish ecclesiastics generally, were those of the Universal
Church at this period. We find the rights of the Church respected and
advocated; the monarchs submitting to the decision of the clergy;

invocation of the saints; the practice of administering the holy viaticum; and
the commemoration of the saints on the days devoted to their honour.
Usher observes, that the saints of this period might be grouped into a fourth
order.[189] Bede says: "That many of the Scots [Irish] came daily into
Britain, and with great devotion preached the word and administered
baptism.... The English, great and small, were by their Scottish [Irish]
masters instructed in the rules and observances of regular discipline."[190]
Eric of Auxerre writes thus to Charles the Bald: "What shall I say of
Ireland, which, despising the dangers of the deep, is migrating with her
whole train of philosophers to our coast?" Rency, after describing the poetry
and literature of ancient Erinn as perhaps the most cultivated of all Western
Europe, adds, that Ireland "counted a host of saints and learned men,
venerated in England[191] and Gaul; for no country had furnished more
Christian missionaries." It is said that three thousand students, collected
from all parts of Europe, attended the schools of Armagh; and, indeed, the
regulations which were made for preserving scholastic discipline, are
almost sufficient evidence on this subject.
The discussions of the Irish and English ecclesiastics on the time of keeping
of Easter, with their subsequent decision, and all details concerning
domestic regulations as to succession to office and church lands, are more
properly matters for elucidation in a Church History, for which we reserve
their consideration.

ANCIENT ADZE, FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE ROYAL
IRISH ACADEMY.

CROSS AT FINGLAS.

CHAPTER XII.
Christianity improves the Social State of Ireland—A Saxon Invasion of
Ireland—Domestic Wars—The English come to Ireland for Instruction
—A Famine and Tempests—The First Danish Invasion—Cruelty of the
Danes—The Black and White Gentiles—King Cormac Mac Cullinan—
Cashel—Amlaff the Dane—Plunder of the Towns—Arrival of Sitric—
Death of Nial Glundubh—The Circuit of Ireland—Malachy the Second
—Entries in the Annals.

[A.D. 693-926.]

ery few events of any special interest occur between the
commencement of the seventh century and the Danish invasion.
The obituaries of ecclesiastics and details of foreign missions,
which we have already recorded, are its salient points. The wars of
the Saxon Heptarchy and the Celtic Pentarchy almost synchronize,
though we find several Irish kings influenced by the examples of
sanctity with which they were surrounded, and distinguished for
piety, while Charlemagne pronounces their neighbours a perfidious
and perverse race, worse than pagans. There can be no doubt that
Charlemagne's high opinion of the Irish was caused by the fact, that
so many of the heads of his schools were of that nation, which was then in
the vanguard of civilization and progress. The cloister, always the nursery
of art, the religious, always the promoters of learning, were pre-eminent in
this age for their devotion to literary pursuits. In the present work it is
impossible to give details of their MSS. still preserved, of their wonderful
skill in caligraphy, still the admiration of the most gifted, and of the
perfection to which they brought the science of music; but I turn from this
attractive subject with less regret, from the hope of being soon able to
produce an Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, in which such details will find
their proper place, and will be amply expanded.[192] The revolution of social
feeling which was effected in Ireland by the introduction of Christianity, is
strongly marked. Before the advent of St. Patrick, few Irish monarchs died a

natural death—ambition or treachery proved a sufficient motive for murder
and assassination; while of six kings who reigned during the eighth and
ninth centuries, only one died a violent death, and that death was an
exception, which evidently proved the rule, for Nial was drowned in a
generous effort to save the life of one of his own servants.
The fatal pestilence, already recorded, did not appear again after its severe
visitation, which terminated in 667. In 693 Finnachta Fleadhach (the
Hospitable) commenced his reign. He remitted the Boromean Tribute at the
request of St. Moling, and eventually abdicated, and embraced a religious
life. In the year 684, Egfrid, the Saxon King of Northumberland, sent an
army to Ireland, which spared neither churches nor monasteries, and carried
off a great number of the inhabitants as slaves. Bede denounces and laments
this barbarous invasion, attributing the defeat and death of King Egfrid,
which took place in the following year, to the vengeance of heaven.[193] St.
Adamnan was sent to Northumbria, after the death of this prince, to obtain
the release of the captives. His mission was successful, and he was
honoured there as the worker of many miracles.
The generosity of Finnachta failed in settling the vexed question of tribute.
Comgal, who died in 708, ravaged Leinster as fiercely as his predecessors,
and Fearghal, his successor, invaded it "five times in one year." Three
wonderful showers are said to have fallen in the eighth year of his reign
(A.D. 716 according to the Four Masters)—a shower of silver, a shower of
honey, and a shower of blood. These were, of course, considered portents of
the awful Danish invasions. Fearghal was killed at the battle of Almhain
(Allen, near Kildare), in 718. In this engagement, the Leinster men only
numbered nine thousand, while their opponents numbered twenty-one
thousand. The Leinster men, however, made up for numbers by their valour;
and it is said that the intervention of a hermit, who reproached Fearghal
with breaking the pacific promise of his predecessor, contributed to the
defeat of the northern forces. Another battle took place in 733, when Hugh
Allan, King of Ireland, and Hugh, son of Colgan, King of Leinster, engaged
in single combat. The latter was slain, and the Leinster men "were killed,
slaughtered, cut off, and dreadfully exterminated." In fact, the Leinster men
endured so many "dreadful exterminations," that one almost marvels how
any of their brave fellows were left for future feats of arms. The "northerns
were joyous after this victory, for they had wreaked their vengeance and

their animosity upon the Leinster men," nine thousand of whom were slain.
St. Samhthann, a holy nun, who died in the following year, is said to have
predicted the fate of Aedh, Comgal's son, if the two Aedhs (Hughs) met.
Aedh Allan commemorated her virtues in verse, and concludes thus:—

"In the bosom of the Lord, with a pure death, Samhthann passed from her
sufferings."

Indeed, the Irish kings of this period manifested their admiration of
peaceful living, and their desire for holy deaths, in a more practical way
than by poetic encomiums on others. In 704 Beg Boirche "took a pilgrim's
staff, and died on his pilgrimage." In 729 Flahertach renounced his regal
honours, and retired to Armagh, where he died. In 758 Donal died on a
pilgrimage at Iona, after a reign of twenty years; and in 765 his successor,
Nial Frassagh, abdicated the throne, and became a monk at Iona. Here he
died in 778, and was buried in the tomb of the Irish kings in that island.
An Irish poet, who died in 742, is said to have played a clever trick on the
"foreigners" of Dublin. He composed a poem for them, and then requested
payment for his literary labours. The Galls,[194] who were probably Saxons,
refused to meet his demand, but Rumrann said he would be content with
two pinguins (pennies) from every good man, and one from each bad one.
The result may be anticipated. Rumrann is described as "an adept in
wisdom, chronology, and poetry;" we might perhaps add, and in knowledge
of human nature. In the Book of Ballymote he is called the Virgil of Ireland.
A considerable number of Saxons were now in the country; and it is said
that a British king, named Constantine, who had become a monk, was at
that time Abbot of Rahen, in the King's county, and that at Cell-Belaigh
there were seven streets[195] of those foreigners. Gallen, in the King's
county, was called Galin of the Britons, and Mayo was called Mayo of the
Saxons, from the number of monasteries therein, founded by members of
these nations.
The entries during the long reign of Domhnall contain little save obituaries
of abbots and saints. The first year of the reign of Nial Frassagh is
distinguished by a shower of silver, a shower of wheat, and a shower of
honey. The Annals of Clonmacnois say that there was a most severe famine
throughout the whole kingdom during the early part of his reign, so much

that the king himself had very little to live upon. Then the king prayed very
fervently to God, being in company with seven holy bishops; and he asked
that he might die rather than see so many of his faithful subjects perishing,
while he was helpless to relieve them. At the conclusion of his prayer, the
"three showers" fell from heaven; and then the king and the seven bishops
gave great thanks to the Lord.
But a more terrible calamity than famine was even then impending, and, if
we may believe the old chroniclers, not without marvellous
prognostications of its approach. In the year 767 there occurred a most
fearful storm of thunder and lightning, with "terrific and horrible signs." It
would appear that the storm took place while a fair was going on, which
obtained the name of the "Fair of the clapping of hands." Fear and horror
seized the men of Ireland, so that their religious seniors ordered them to
make two fasts, together with fervent prayer, and one meal between them,
to protect and save them from a pestilence, precisely at Michaelmas.[196]
The first raid of the Danish pirates is recorded thus: "The age of Christ 790
[recte 795]. The twenty-fifth year of Donnchadh. The burning of
Reachrainn[197] by plunderers; and its shrines were broken and plundered."
They had already attacked the English coasts, "whilst the pious King Bertric
was reigning over its western division." Their arrival was sudden and so
unexpected, that the king's officer took them for merchants, paying with his
life for the mistake.[198] A Welsh chronicle, known by the name of Brut y
Tywysogion, or the Chronicle of the Chieftains, has a corresponding record
under the year 790: "Ten years with fourscore and seven hundred was the
age of Christ when the pagans went to Ireland." Three MSS. add, "and
destroyed Rechren." Another chronicle mentions, that the black pagans,
who were the first of their nation to land in Ireland, had previously been
defeated in Glamorganshire, and after their defeat they had invaded Ireland,
and devastated Rechru.
If by bravery we understand utter recklessness of life, and utter recklessness
in inflicting cruelties on others, then the Vikings may be termed brave. The
heroism of patient endurance was a bravery but little understood at that
period. If the heathen Viking was brave when he plundered and burned
monastic shrines—when he massacred the defenceless with wanton cruelty
—when he flung little children on the points of spears, and gloated over

their dying agonies; perhaps we may also admit those who endured such
torments, either in their own persons, or in the persons of those who were
dear to them, and yet returned again and again to restore the shrine so
rudely destroyed, have also their claim to be termed brave, and may
demand some commendation for that virtue from posterity.
As plunder was the sole object of these barbarians, they naturally sought it
first where it could be obtained most easily and surely. The islands on the
Irish coast were studded with monasteries. Their position was chosen as one
which seemed peculiarly suitable for a life of retreat from worldly turmoil,
and contemplation of heavenly things. They were richly endowed, for
ancient piety deemed it could never give enough to God. The shrines were
adorned with jewels, purchased with the wealth which the monks had
renounced for their own use; the sacred vessels were costly, the gifts of
generous hearts. The Danes commenced their work of plunder and
devastation in the year 795. Three years after, A.D. 798, they ravaged Inis-
patrick of Man and the Hebrides. In 802 they burned "Hi-Coluim-Cille." In
806 they attacked the island again, and killed sixty-eight of the laity and
clergy. In 807 they became emboldened by success, and for the first time
marched inland; and after burning Inishmurray, they attacked Roscommon.
During the years 812 and 813 they made raids in Connaught and Munster,
but not without encountering stout resistance from the native forces. After
this predatory and internecine warfare had continued for about thirty years,
Turgesius, a Norwegian prince, established himself as sovereign of the
Vikings, and made Armagh his head-quarters, A.D. 830. If the Irish
chieftains had united their forces, and acted in concert, the result would
have been the expulsion of the intruders; but, unhappily, this unity of
purpose in matters political has never existed. The Danes made and broke
alliances with the provincial kings at their own convenience, while these
princes gladly availed themselves of even temporary assistance from their
cruel foes, while engaged in domestic wars, which should never have been
undertaken. Still the Northmen were more than once driven from the
country by the bravery of the native commanders, and they often paid
dearly for the cruel wrongs they inflicted on their hapless victims.
Sometimes the Danish chiefs mustered all their forces, and left the island
for a brief period, to ravage the shores of England or Scotland; but they
soon returned to inflict new barbarities on the unfortunate Irish.[199]

Burning churches or destroying monasteries was a favourite pastime of
these pirates, wherever they could obtain a landing on Christian shores; and
the number of religious houses in Ireland afforded them abundant means of
gratifying their barbarous inclinations. But when they became so far
masters as to have obtained some permanent settlement, this mode of
proceeding was considered either more troublesome or less profitable than
that of appropriating to themselves the abbeys and churches. Turgesius, it is
said, placed an abbot of his own in every monastery; and as he had already
conferred ecclesiastical offices on himself and on his lady, we may presume
he was not very particular in his selections. The villages, too, were placed
under the rule of a Danish captain; and each family was obliged to maintain
a soldier of that nation, who made himself master of the house, using and
wasting the food for lack of which the starving children of the lawful owner
were often dying of hunger.
All education was strictly forbidden; books and manuscripts were burned
and drowned; and the poets, historians, and musicians imprisoned and
driven to the woods and mountains. Martial sports were interdicted, from
the lowest to the highest rank. Even nobles and princes were forbidden to
wear their usual habiliments, the cast-off clothes of the Danes being
considered sufficiently good for slaves.
The clergy, who had been driven from their monasteries, concealed
themselves as best they could, continuing still their prayers and fasts, and
the fervent recital of the Divine Office. The Irish, true to their faith in every
trial, were not slow to attribute their deliverance to the prayers of these holy
men.
In 831 Nial Caille led an army against them, and defeated them at Derry;
but in the meanwhile, Felim, King of Cashel, with contemptible selfishness,
marched into Leinster to claim tribute, and plundered every one, except the
Danes, who should have been alone considered as enemies at such a time.
Even the churches were not spared by him, for he laid waste the termon-
lands of Clonmacnois, "up to the church door." After his death,[200] A.D.
843, a brave and good king came to the rescue of his unfortunate country.
While still King of Meath, Meloughlin had freed the nation from Turgesius,
one of its worst tyrants, by drowning him in Lough Owel. His death was a
signal for a general onslaught on the Danes. The people rose

simultaneously, and either massacred their enemies, or drove them to their
ships. In 846 Meloughlin met their forces at Skreen, where they were
defeated; they also suffered a reverse at Kildare.
The Danes themselves were now divided into two parties—the Dubh Galls,
or Black Gentiles; and the Finn Galls, or White Gentiles. A fierce conflict
took place between them in the year 850, in which the Dubh Galls
conquered.[201] In the following year, however, both parties submitted to
Amlaff, son of the Norwegian king; and thus their power was once more
consolidated. Amlaff remained in Dublin; his brothers, Sitric and Ivar,
stationed themselves in Waterford and Limerick. A great meeting was now
convened by the ecclesiastics of Ireland at Rathugh, for the purpose of
establishing peace and concord amongst the native princes. The northern
Hy-Nials alone remained belligerent; and to defend themselves, pursued the
usual suicidal course of entering into an alliance with the Danes. Upon the
death of the Irish monarch, the northern chief, Hugh Finnlaith, succeeded to
the royal power; broke his treaty with Amlaff, which had been only one of
convenience; and turned his arms vigorously against the foreigners. This
prince was married to a daughter of Kenneth M'Alpine, the first sole
Monarch of Scotland. After the death of the Irish prince, his wife married
his successor, Flann, who, according to the alternate plan of succession,
came of the southern Hy-Nial family, and was a son of Meloughlin, once
the formidable opponent of the lady's former husband. During the reign of
Flann, Cormac Mac Cullinan, a prelate distinguished for his learning and
sanctity, was obliged to unite the office of priest and king. This unusual
combination, however, was not altogether without precedent. The
archbishopric of Cashel owes its origin remotely to this great man; as from
the circumstance of the city of Cashel having been the seat of royalty in the
south, and the residence of the kings of Munster, it was exalted, in the
twelfth century, to the dignity of an archiepiscopal see.
Of Cormac, however interesting his history, we can only give a passing
word. His reign commenced peaceably; and so wise—perhaps we should
rather say, so holy—was his rule, that his kingdom once more enjoyed
comparative tranquillity, and religion and learning flourished again as it had
done in happier times.

But the kingdom which he had been compelled to rule, was threatened by
the very person who should have protected it most carefully; and Cormac,
after every effort to procure peace, was obliged to defend his people against
the attacks of Flann. Even then a treaty might have been made with the
belligerent monarch; but Cormac, unfortunately for his people and himself,
was guided by an abbot, named Flahertach, who was by no means so
peaceably disposed as his good master. This unruly ecclesiastic urged war
on those who were already too willing to undertake it; and then made such
representations to the bishop-king, as to induce him to yield a reluctant
consent. It is said that Cormac had an intimation of his approaching end. It
is at least certain, that he made preparations for death, as if he believed it to
be imminent.
On the eve of the fatal engagement he made his confession, and added some
articles to his will, in which he left large bounties to many of the religious
houses throughout the kingdom. To Lismore he bequeathed a golden chalice
and some rich vestments; to Armagh, twenty-four ounces of gold and silver;
to his own church of Cashel, a golden and a silver chalice, with the famous
Saltair. Then he retired to a private place for prayer, desiring the few
persons whom he had informed of his approaching fate to keep their
information secret, as he knew well the effect such intelligence would have
on his army, were it generally known.

ROCK OF CASHEL.

Though the king had no doubt that he would perish on the field, he still
showed the utmost bravery, and made every effort to cheer and encourage
his troops; but the men lost spirit in the very onset of the battle, and
probably were terrified at the numerical strength of their opponents. Six
thousand Munster men were slain, with many of their princes and
chieftains. Cormac was killed by falling under his horse, which missed its
footing on a bank slippery with the blood of the slain. A common soldier,
who recognized the body, cut off his head, and brought it as a trophy to
Flann; but the monarch bewailed the death of the good and great prince, and
reproved the indignity with which his remains had been treated. This battle
was fought at a place called Bealagh Mughna, now Ballaghmoon, in the
county of Kildare, a few miles from the town of Carlow.[202]
Flahertach survived the battle, and, after some years spent in penance,
became once more minister, and ultimately King of Munster. As he
advanced in years, he learned to love peace, and his once irascible temper
became calm and equable.
The Rock of Cashel, and the ruins of a small but once beautiful chapel, still
preserve the memory of the bishop-king. His literary fame also has its
memorials. His Rule is contained in a poem of fourteen stanzas, written in
the most pure and ancient style of Gaedhilic, of which, as well as of many
other languages, the illustrious Cormac was so profound a master. This Rule
is general in several of its inculcations; but it appears to have been written
particularly as an instruction to a priest, for the moral and spiritual direction
of himself and his flock. He was also skilled in the Ogham writings, as may
be gathered from a poem written by a contemporary, who, in paying
compliments to many of the Irish kings and chiefs, addresses the following
stanza to Cormac:—

"Cormac of Cashel, with his champions,
Munster is his,—may he long enjoy it!
Around the King of Raith-Bicli are cultivated
The letters and the trees."

The death of Cormac is thus pathetically deplored by Dallan, son of Môr:—

"The bishop, the soul's director, the renowned, illustrious doctor,

King of Caiseal, King of Farnumha: O God! alas for Cormac!"
Flann's last years were disturbed by domestic dissensions. His sons,
Donough and Conor, both rebelled against him; but Nial Glundubh (of the
black knee), a northern Hy-Nial chief, led an army against them, and
compelled them to give hostages to their father. Flann died the following
year, A.D. 914, and was succeeded by the prince who had so ably defended
him. Meanwhile, the Danes were not idle. Amlaff[203] has signalized his
advent by drowning Conchobhar, "heir apparent of Tara;" by slaying all the
chieftains of the Deisi at Cluain-Daimh; by killing the son of Clennfaeladh,
King of Muscraighe Breoghain; by smothering Machdaighren in a cave, and
by the destruction of Caitill Find (Ketill the White) and his whole garrison.
Oisill is the next chief of importance; and he "succeeded in plundering the
greatest part of Ireland." It is not recorded how long he was occupied in
performing this exploit, but he was eventually slain, and his army cut off,
by the men of Erinn. The deaths of several Danish chieftains occured about
this period, and are referred to the vengeance of certain saints, whose
shrines they had desecrated. In A.D. 864 according to the Four Masters, 867
according to O'Flaherty, the Danes were defeated at Lough Foyle, by Hugh
Finnliath, King of Ireland. Soon after, Leinster and Munster were plundered
by a Scandinavian chief, named Baraid, who advanced as far as Ciarraighe
(Kerry): "And they left not a cave under ground that they did not explore;
and they left nothing, from Limerick to Cork, that they did not ravish."
What treasures the antiquarian of the nineteenth century must have lost by
this marauder! How great must have been the wealth of the kings and
princes of ancient Erinn, when so much remains after so much was taken!
In 877 the Black Gentiles took refuge in Scotland, after suffering a defeat in
an engagement with the White Gentiles. They were, however, consoled by a
victory over the men of Alba, in which Constantine, son of Kenneth, was
slain, and many others with him. Their success proved beneficial to Ireland,
for we are told that a period of "rest to the men of Erinn" ensued. The
Danes still held their own in Dublin and at Limerick, occasionally
plundered the churches, and now and then had a skirmish with the "men of
Erinn;" but for forty years the country was free from the foreign fleets, and,
therefore, enjoyed a time of comparative quiet.
In the year 913 new fleets arrived. They landed in the harbour of Waterford,
where they had a settlement formerly; but though they obtained assistance

here, they were defeated by the native Irish, both in Kerry and in Tipperary.
Sitric came with another fleet in 915, and settled at Cenn-Fuait.[204] Here he
was attacked by the Irish army, but they were repulsed with great slaughter.
Two years after they received another disastrous defeat at Cill-Mosanhog,
near Rathfarnham. A large cromlech, still in that neighbourhood, probably
marks the graves of the heroes slain in that engagement. Twelve kings fell
in this battle. Their names are given in the Wars of the Gaedhil, and by
other authorities, though in some places the number is increased. Nial
Glundubh was amongst the slain. He is celebrated in pathetic verse by the
bards. Of the battle was said:—

"Fierce and hard was the Wednesday
On which hosts were strewn under the fall of shields;
It shall be called, till judgment's day,
The destructive burning of Ath-cliath."

The lamentation of Nial was, moreover, said:—

"Sorrowful this day is sacred Ireland,
Without a valiant chief of hostage reign!
It is to see the heavens without a sun,
To view Magh-Neill[205] without a Nial."

"There is no cheerfulness in the happiness of men;
There is no peace or joy among the hosts;
No fair can be celebrated
Since the sorrow of sorrow died."

Donough, son of Flann Sinna, succeeded, and passed his reign in obscurity,
with the exception of a victory over the Danes at Bregia. Two great
chieftains, however, compensated by their prowess for his indifference;
these were Muircheartach, son of the brave Nial Glundubh, the next heir to
the throne, and Callaghan of Cashel, King of Munster. The northern prince
was a true patriot, willing to sacrifice every personal feeling for the good of
his country: consequently, he proved a most formidable foe to the Danish
invader. Callaghan of Cashel was, perhaps, as brave, but his name cannot be
held up to the admiration of posterity. The personal advancement of the

southern Hy-Nials was more to him than the political advancement of his
country; and he disgraced his name and his nation by leaguing with the
invaders. In the year 934 he pillaged Clonmacnois. Three years later he
invaded Meath and Ossory, in conjunction with the Danes. Muircheartach
was several times on the eve of engagements with the feeble monarch who
nominally ruled the country, but he yielded for the sake of peace, or, as the
chroniclers quaintly say, "God pacified them." After one of these
pacifications, they joined forces, and laid "siege to the foreigners of Ath-
cliath, so that they spoiled and plundered all that was under the dominion of
the foreigners, from Ath-cliath to Ath-Truisten."[206]
In the twenty-second year of Donough, Muircheartach determined on a
grand expedition for the subjugation of the Danes. He had already
conducted a fleet to the Hebrides, from whence he returned flushed with
victory. His first care was to assemble a body of troops of special valour;
and he soon found himself at the head of a thousand heroes, and in a
position to commence "his circuit of Ireland." The Danish chief, Sitric, was
first seized as a hostage. He then carried off Lorcan, King of Leinster. He
next went to the Munster men, who were also prepared for battle; but they
too yielded, and gave up their monarch also, "and a fetter was put on him
by Muircheartach." He afterwards proceeded into Connaught, where
Conchobhar, son of Tadhg, came to meet him, "but no gyve or lock was put
upon him." He then returned to Oileach, carrying these kings with him as
hostages. Here he feasted them for five months with knightly courtesy, and
then sent them to the Monarch Donough.
After these exploits we cannot be surprised that Muircheartach should be
styled the Hector of the west of Europe. But he soon finds his place in the
never-ceasing obituary. In two years after his justly famous exploit, he was
slain by "Blacaire, son of Godfrey, lord of the foreigners." This event
occurred on the 26th of March, A.D. 941, according to the chronology of
the Four Masters. The true year, however, is 943. The chroniclers briefly
observe, that "Ard-Macha was plundered by the same foreigners, on the day
after the killing of Muircheartach."[207]
Donough died in 942, after a reign of twenty-five years. He was succeeded
by Congallach, who was killed by the Danes, A.D. 954. Donnell O'Neill, a
son of the brave Muircheartach, now obtained the royal power, such as it

was; and at his death the throne reverted to Maelseachlainn, or Malachy II.,
the last of his race who ever held the undisputed sovereignty of Ireland. But
it must not be supposed that murders and massacres are the staple
commodities of our annals during this eventful period. Every noteworthy
event is briefly and succinctly recorded. We find, from time to time,
mention of strange portents, such as double suns, and other celestial
phenomena of a more or less remarkable character. Fearful storms are also
chronicled, which appear to have occurred at certain intervals, and hard
frosts, which proved almost as trying to the "men of Erinn" as the wars of
the Gentiles, black or white. But the obituaries of abbots or monks, with the
quaint remarks appended thereto, and epitomes of a lifetime in a sentence,
are by no means the least interesting portion of those ancient tomes. In one
page we may find record of the Lord of Aileach, who takes a pilgrim's staff;
in another, we have mention of the Abbot Muireadhach and others, who
were "destroyed in the refectory" of Druim-Mesclainn by Congallach; and
we read in the lamentation of Muireadhach, that he was "the lamp of every
choir." Then we are told simply how a nobleman "died in religion," as if
that were praise enough for him; though another noble, Domhnall, is said to
have "died in religion, after a good life." Of some abbots and bishops there
is nothing more than the death record; but in the age of Christ 926, when
Celedabhaill, son of Scannal, went to Rome on his pilgrimage from the
abbacy of Beannchair, we are given in full the four quatrains which he
composed at his departure,—a composition which speaks highly for the
poetic powers and the true piety of the author. He commences thus:—

"Time for me to prepare to pass from the shelter of a habitation,
To journey as a pilgrim over the surface of the noble lively sea;
Time to depart from the snares of the flesh, with all its guilt;
Time now to ruminate how I may find the great Son of Mary;
Time to seek virtue, to trample upon the will with sorrow;
Time to reject vices, and to renounce the demon.

"Time to barter the transitory things for the country of the King of heaven;
Time to defy the ease of the little earthly world of a hundred pleasures;
Time to work at prayer in adoration of the high King of angels."

The obituary notices, however, were not always complimentary. We find the
following entry in the Annals of Clonmacnois:—"Tomhair Mac Alchi, King
of Denmark, is reported to go [to have gone] to hell with his pains, as he
deserved."

GREY MAN'S PATH, GIANT'S CAUSEWAY.

RATH AT LEIGHLIN, CARLOW

CHAPTER XIII.
The Battle of Dundalk—The Danes supposed to be Christianized—
Brian Boroimhé and his Brother Mahoun—The Dalcassians fight the
Danes—Mahoun is assassinated—Brian revenges his Brother's Murder
—Malachy's Exploits against the Danes—Malachy and Brian form a
Treaty and fight the Danes—Malachy wins "the Collar of Gold"—
Brian's "Happy Family" at Kincora—He usurps the Supreme Power,
and becomes Monarch of Ireland—Remote Causes of the Battle of
Clontarf—Gormflaith is "grim" with Brian—Blockade of Dublin—
The Danes prepare for a Fierce Conflict—Brian prepares also—The
Battle of Clontarf—Disposition of the Forces—Brian's Death—Defeat
of the Danes.

[A.D. 926-1022.]

any of the sea-coast towns were now in possession of the Danes.
They had founded Limerick, and, indeed, Wexford and Waterford
almost owe them the debt of parentage. Obviously, the ports were
their grand securities—a ready refuge if driven by native valour to
embark in their fleets; convenient head-quarters when marauding
expeditions to England or Scotland were in preparation. But the
Danes never obtained the same power in Ireland as in the sister
country. The domestic dissensions of the men of Erinn, ruinous as
they were to the nation, gave it at least the advantage of having a
brave and resolute body of men always in arms, and ready to face
the foe at a moment's notice, when no selfish policy interfered. In
937 Athelstane gained his famous victory over the Danes at Brunanbriegh
in Northumberland, and came triumphantly to reclaim the dagger[208] which
he had left at the shrine of St. John of Beverley. After his death, in 941,
Amlaff returned to Northumberland, and once more restored the Danish
sway. From this time, until the accession of the Danish King Canute,
England was more or less under the dominion of these ruthless tyrants.[209]

"The Danes of Ireland, at this period, were ruled by Sitric, son of Turgesius,
whose name was sufficient to inspire the Irish with terror. Through policy
he professed willingness to enter into a treaty of peace with Callaghan,
King of Munster; and, as proof of his sincerity, offered him his sister, the
Princess Royal of Denmark, in marriage. The Irish king had fallen in love
with this amiable and beautiful princess, and he readily consented to the fair
and liberal measures proposed. He sent word to Sitric he would visit him;
and, attended by a royal retinue, to be followed in a little time by his
guards, as escort for his future queen, proceeded to meet his royal bride.
"Sitric's project of inveigling the King of Munster into his district, in order
to make him prisoner, under the expectation of being married to the
Princess of Denmark, having been disclosed to his wife, who was of Irish
birth, she determined to warn the intended victim of the meditated
treachery, and accordingly she disguised herself, and placed herself in a
pass which Callaghan should traverse, and met him. Here she informed him
who she was, the design of Sitric against him, and warned him to return as
fast as possible. This was not practicable. Sitric had barred the way with
armed men; and Callaghan and his escort, little prepared for an encounter,
found themselves hemmed in by an overwhelming Danish force. To submit
without a struggle was never the way with the Momonians. They formed a
rampart round the person of their king, and cut through the Danish ranks.
Fresh foes met them on every side; and, after a bloody struggle, the men of
Munster were conquered. Callaghan, the king, and Prince Duncan, son of
Kennedy, were brought captives to Dublin. Then the royal prisoners were
removed to Armagh, and their safe keeping entrusted to nine Danish earls,
who had a strong military force at their orders to guard them.
"The news of this insidious act rapidly fanned the ardour of the Munster
troops to be revenged for the imprisonment of their beloved king. Kennedy,
the Prince of Munster, father of Duncan, was appointed regent, with ample
powers to govern the country in the king's absence. The first step was to
collect an army to cope with the Danes. To assemble a sufficient body of
troops on land was easy; but the great strength of the northern rovers lay in
their swift-sailing ships. 'It must strike the humblest comprehension with
astonishment,' says Marmion, 'that the Irish, although possessed of an island
abounding with forests of the finest oak, and other suitable materials for
ship-building—enjoying also the most splendid rivers, loughs, and

harbours, so admirably adapted to the accommodation of extensive fleets,
should, notwithstanding, for so many centuries, allow the piratical ravages
of the Danes, and subsequently the more dangerous subversion of their
independence by the Anglo-Normans, without an effort to build a navy that
could cope with those invaders on that element from which they could
alone expect invasion from a foreign foe.' This neglect has also been
noticed by the distinguished Irish writer—Wilde—who, in his admirably
executed Catalogue of the Antiquities in the Royal Irish Academy, observes:
—'Little attention has been paid to the subject of the early naval
architecture of this country. So far as we yet know, two kinds of boats
appear to have been in use in very early times in the British Isles—the
canoe and the corragh; the one formed of a single piece of wood, the other
composed of wickerwork, covered with hides.' Larger vessels there must
have been; though, from the length of time which has since elapsed, we
have no traces of them now. Kennedy not only collected a formidable army
by land, but 'he fitted out a fleet of ships, and manned it with able seamen,
that he might make sure of his revenge, and attack the enemy by sea and
land.' The command of the fleet was conferred on an admiral perfectly
skilled in maritime affairs, Failbhe Fion, King of Desmond.
"When the army of Munster arrived near Armagh, they learnt the prisoners
had been removed thence by Sitric, and placed on board ship. Enraged at
this disappointment, they gave no quarter to the Danes, and advanced
rapidly to Dundalk, where the fleet lay, with the king and young prince on
board. Sitric, unable to withstand the opposing army on shore, ordered his
troops to embark, and resolved to avoid the encounter through means of his
ships. While the baffled Irish army were chafing at this unexpected delay to
their hoped for vengeance, they espied, from the shore of Dundalk, where
they encamped, a sail of ships, in regular order, steering with a favourable
gale towards the Danish fleet moored in Dundalk bay. Joy instantly filled
their hearts; for they recognized the fleet of Munster, with the admiral's
vessel in the van, and the rest ranged in line of battle. The Danes were taken
by surprise; they beheld an enemy approach from a side where they rather
expected the raven flag of their country floating on the ships. The Munster
admiral gave them no time to form. He steered straight to Sitric's vessel,
and, with his hardy crew, sprang on board. Here a sight met his gaze which
filled his heart with rage; he saw his beloved monarch, Callaghan, and the

young prince, tied with cords to the main-mast. Having, with his men,
fought through the Danish troops to the side of the king and prince, he cut
the cords and set them free. He then put a sword into the hands of the
rescued king, and they fought side by side: Meanwhile Sitric, and his
brothers, Tor and Magnus, did all they could to retrieve the fortunes of the
day. At the head of a chosen band they attacked the Irish admiral, and he
fell, covered with wounds. His head, exposed by Sitric on a pole, fired the
Danes with hope—the Irish with tenfold rage. Fingal, next in rank to
Failbhe Fion, took the command, and determined to avenge his admiral.
Meeting the Danish ruler in the combat, he seized Sitric round the neck, and
flung himself with his foe into the sea, where both perished. Seagdor and
Connall, two captains of Irish ships, imitated this example—threw
themselves upon Tor and Magnus, Sitric's brothers, and jumped with them
overboard, when all were drowned. These desperate deeds paralysed the
energy of the Danes, and the Irish gained a complete victory in Dundalk
bay.
"The Irish fleet having thus expelled the pirates from their coast, came into
harbour, where they were received with acclamations of joy by all who
witnessed their bravery. Such is a summary of Keating's poetic account of
this day's achievements; and there are extant fuller accounts in various
pieces of native poetry, especially one entitled 'The Pursuit after Callaghan
of Cashel, by the Chief of Munster, after he had been entrapped by the
Danes.'"
The year 948 has generally been assigned as that of the conversion of the
Danes to Christianity; but, whatever the precise period may have been, the
conversion was rather of a doubtful character as we hear of their burning
churches, plundering shrines, and slaughtering ecclesiastics with apparently
as little remorse as ever. In the very year in which the Danes of Dublin are
said to have been converted, they burned the belfry of Slane while filled
with religious who had sought refuge there. Meanwhile the Irish
monarchies were daily weakened by divisions and domestic wars.
Connaught was divided between two or three independent princes, and
Munster into two kingdoms.
The ancient division of the country into five provinces no longer held good;
and the Ard-Righ, or chief monarch, was such only in name. Even the great

northern Hy-Nials, long the bravest and most united of the Irish clans, were
now divided into two portions, the Cinel-Connaill and Cinel-Owen; the
former of whom had been for some time excluded from the alternate
accession of sovereignty, which was still maintained between the two great
families of the race of Nial. But, though this arrangement was persevered in
with tolerable regularity, it tended little to the promotion of peace, as the
northern princes were ever ready to take advantage of the weakness of the
Meath men, who were their inferiors both in numbers and in valour.
The sovereignty of Munster had also been settled on the alternate principle,
between the great tribe of Dalcassians, or north Munster race, and the
Eoghanists, or southeners. This plan of succession, as may be supposed,
failed to work peaceably; and, in 942, Kennedy, the father of the famous
Brian Boroimhé, contested the sovereignty with the Eoghanist prince,
Callaghan Cashel, but yielded in a chivalrous spirit, not very common under
such circumstances, and joined his former opponent in his contests with the
Danes. The author of the Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gall gives a glowing
account of the genealogy of Brian and his eldest brother, Mathgamhain.
They are described as "two fierce, magnificent heroes, the two stout, able,
valiant pillars," who then governed the Dalcassian tribes; Mathgamhain
(Mahoun) being the actual chieftain, Brian the heir apparent. A guerilla war
was carried on for some time in the woods of Thomond, in which no quarter
was given on either side, and wherein it was "woe to either party to meet
the other." Mahoun at last proposed a truce, but Brian refused to consent to
this arrangement. He continued the war until he found his army reduced to
fifteen men. Mahoun then sent for him. An interview took place, which is
described in the form of a poetic dialogue, between the two brothers. Brian
reproached Mahoun with cowardice; Mahoun reproached Brian with
imprudence. Brian hints broadly that Mahoun had interested motives in
making this truce, and declares that neither Kennedy, their father, nor
Lorcan, their grandfather, would have been so quiescent towards the
foreigners for the sake of wealth, nor would they have given them even as
much time as would have sufficed to play a game of chess[210] on the green
of Magh Adhair. Mahoun kept his temper, and contented himself with
reproaching Brian for his recklessness, in sacrificing the lives of so many of
his faithful followers to no purpose. Brian replied that he would never

abandon his inheritance, without a contest, to "such foreigners as Black
Grim Gentiles."
The result was a conference of the tribe, who voted for war, and marched
into the country of the Eoghanists (the present co. Kerry), who at once
joined the standard of the Dalcassians. The Danes suffered severely in
Munster. This aroused the Limerick Danes; and their chieftain, Ivar,
attacked the territory of Dal-Cais, an exploit in which he was joined, to their
eternal shame, by several native princes and tribes, amongst whom were
Maolmuadh (Molloy), son of Braun, King of Desmond, and Donabhan
(Donovan), son of Cathal, King of Ui Cairbhri. The result was a fierce
battle at Sulcoit, near Tipperary, wherein the Danes were gloriously
defeated. The action was commenced by the Northmen. It continued from
sunrise till mid-day, and terminated in the rout of the foreigners, who fled
"to the ditches, and to the valleys, and to the solitudes of the great sweet
flower plain," where they were followed by the conquerors, and massacred
without mercy.
The Dalcassians now obtained possession of Limerick, with immense spoils
of jewels, gold and silver, foreign saddles, "soft, youthful, bright girls,
blooming silk-clad women, and active well-formed boys." The active boys
were soon disposed of, for we find that they collected the prisoners on the
hillocks of Saingel, where "every one that was fit for war was put to death,
and every one that was fit for a slave was enslaved." This event is dated
A.D. 968.
Mahoun was now firmly established on the throne, but his success procured
him many enemies. A conspiracy was formed against him under the
auspices of Ivar of Limerick and his son, Dubhcenn. The Eoghanist clans
basely withdrew their allegiance from their lawful sovereign, allied
themselves with the Danes, and became principals in the plot of
assassination. Their motive was as simple as their conduct was vile. The
two Eoghanist families were represented by Donovan and Molloy. They
were descendants of Oilioll Oluim, from whom Mahoun was also
descended, but his family were Dalcassians. Hitherto the Eoghanists had
succeeded in depriving the tribes of Dal-Cais of their fair share of alternate
succession to the throne of Munster; they became alarmed at and jealous of
the advancement of the younger tribe, and determined to do by treachery

what they could not do by force. With the usual headlong eagerness of
traitors, they seem to have forgotten Brian, and quite overlooked the
retribution they might expect at his hands for their crime. There are two
different accounts of the murder, which do not coincide in detail. The main
facts, however, are reliable: Mahoun was entrapped in some way to the
house of Donovan, and there he was basely murdered, in violation of the
rights of hospitality, and in defiance of the safe-conduct of the bishop,
which he secured before his visit.
The traitors gained nothing by their treachery except the contempt of
posterity. Brian was not slow in avenging his brother. "He was not a stone
in place of an egg, nor a wisp of hay in place of a club; but he was a hero in
place of a hero, and valour after valour."[211]
Public opinion was not mistaken in its estimate of his character. Two years
after the death of Mahoun, Brian invaded Donovan's territory, drove off his
cattle, took the fortress of Cathair Cuan, and slew Donovan and his Danish
ally, Harolt. He next proceeded to settle accounts with Molloy. Cogarán is
sent to the whole tribe of Ui Eachach, to know "the reason why" they killed
Mahoun, and to declare that no cumhal or fine would be received, either in
the shape of hostages, gold, or cattle, but that Molloy must himself be given
up. Messages were also sent to Molloy, both general and particular—the
general message challenged him to battle at Belach-Lechta; the particular
message, which in truth he hardly deserved, was a challenge to meet
Murrough, Brian's son, in single combat. The result was the battle of
Belach-Lechta,[212] where Molloy was slain, with twelve hundred of his
troops, both native and foreign. Brian remained master of the field and of
the kingdom, A.D. 978.
Brian was now undisputed King of Munster. In 984 he was acknowledged
Monarch of Leth Mogha, the southern half of Ireland. Meanwhile Malachy,
who governed Leth Cuinn, or the northern half of Ireland, had not been idle.
He fought a battle with the Danes in 979, near Tara, in which he defeated
their forces, and slew Raguall, son of Amlaibh, King of Dublin. Amlaibh
felt the defeat so severely, that he retired to Iona, where he died of a broken
heart. Donough O'Neill, son of Muircheartach, died this year, and Malachy
obtained the regal dignity. Emboldened by his success at Tara, he resolved
to attack the foreigners in Dublin; he therefore laid siege to that city, and

compelled it to surrender after three days, liberated two thousand prisoners,
including the King of Leinster, and took abundant spoils. At the same time
he issued a proclamation, freeing every Irishman then in bondage to the
Danes, and stipulating that the race of Nial should henceforth be free from
tribute to the foreigners.
It is probable that Brian had already formed designs for obtaining the royal
power. The country resounded with the fame of his exploits, and Malachy
became aware at last that he should either have him for an ally or an enemy.
He prudently chose the former alternative, and in the nineteenth year of his
reign (997 according to the Four Masters) he made arrangements with Brian
for a great campaign against the common enemy. Malachy surrendered all
hostages to Brian, and Brian agreed to recognize Malachy as sole Monarch
of northern Erinn, "without war or trespass." This treaty was absolutely
necessary, in order to offer effective resistance to the Danes. The conduct of
the two kings towards each other had not been of a conciliatory nature
previously. In 981 Malachy had invaded the territory of the Dalcassians,
and uprooted the great oak-tree of Magh Adair, under which its kings were
crowned—an insult which could not fail to excite bitter feelings both in
prince and people. In 989 the monarch occupied himself fighting the Danes
in Dublin, to whom he laid siege for twenty nights, reducing the garrison to
such straits that they were obliged to drink the salt water when the tide rose
in the river. Brian then made reprisals on Malachy, by sending boats up the
Shannon burning the royal rath of Dun Sciath. Malachy, in his turn,
recrossed the Shannon, burned Nenagh, plundered Ormonde, and defeated
Brian himself in battle. He then marched again to Dublin, and once more
attacked "the proud invader." It was on this occasion that he obtained the
"collar of gold," which Moore has immortalized in his world-famous
"Melodies."
When the kings had united their forces, they obtained another important
victory at Glen-Mama.[213] Harolt, son of Olaf Cuaran, the then Danish
king, was slain, and four thousand of his followers perished with him. The
victorious army marched at once to Dublin. Here they obtained spoils of
great value, and made many slaves and captives. According to some
accounts, Brian remained in Dublin until the feast of St. Brigid (February
1st); other annalists say he only remained from Great Christmas to Little
Christmas. Meanwhile there can be but little doubt that Brian had in view

the acquisition of the right to be called sole monarch of Ireland. It is a blot
on an otherwise noble character—an ugly spot in a picture of more than
ordinary interest. Sitric, another son of Olaf's, fled for protection to Aedh
and Eochaidh, two northern chieftains; but they gave him up, from motives
of fear or policy to Brian's soldiers, and after due submission he was
restored to his former position. Brian then gave his daughter in marriage to
Sitric, and completed the family alliance by espousing Sitric's mother,
Gormflaith, a lady of rather remarkable character, who had been divorced
from her second husband, Malachy. Brian now proceeded to depose
Malachy. The account of this important transaction is given in so varied a
manner by different writers, that it seems almost impossible to ascertain the
truth. The southern annalists are loud in their assertions of the incapacity of
the reigning monarch, and would have it believed that Brian only yielded to
the urgent entreaties of his countrymen in accepting the proffered crown.
But the warlike exploits of Malachy have been too faithfully recorded to
leave any doubt as to his prowess in the field; and we may probably class
the regret of his opponent in accepting his position, with similar
protestations made under circumstances in which such regret was as little
likely to be real.
The poet Moore, with evident partiality for the subject of his song, declares
that the magnanimous character of Malachy was the real ground of peace
under such provocation, and that he submitted to the encroachments of his
rival rather from motives of disinterested desire for his country's welfare,
than from any reluctance or inability to fight his own battle.
But Brian had other chieftains to deal with, of less amiable or more warlike
propensities: the proud Hy-Nials of the north were long in yielding to his
claims; but even these he at length subdued, compelling the Cinel-Eoghain
to give him hostages, and carrying off the Lord of Cinel-Connaill bodily to
his fortress at Kincora. Here he had assembled a sort of "happy family,"
consisting of refractory princes and knights, who, refusing hostages to keep
the peace with each other, were obliged to submit to the royal will and
pleasure, and at least to appear outwardly in harmony.
These precautionary measures, however summary, and the energetic
determination of Brian to have peace kept either by sword or law, have
given rise to the romantic ballad of the lady perambulating Erinn with a

gold ring and white wand, and passing unmolested through its once
belligerent kingdoms.
Brian now turned his attention to the state of religion and literature,
restoring the churches and monasteries which had been plundered and burnt
by the Danes. He is said also to have founded the churches of Killaloe and
Iniscealtra, and to have built the round tower of Tomgrany, in the present
county Clare. A gift of twenty ounces of gold to the church of Armagh,—a
large donation for that period,—is also recorded amongst his good deeds.
[214]

There is some question as to the precise year in which Brian obtained or
usurped the authority and position of Ard-Righ: A.D. 1002, however, is the
date most usually accepted. He was probably about sixty-one years of age,
and Malachy was then about fifty-three.[215]
It will be remembered that Brian had married the Lady Gormflaith. Her
brother, Maelmordha, was King of Leinster, and he had obtained his throne
through the assistance of the Danes. Brian was Gormflaith's third husband.
In the words of the Annals, she had made three leaps—"jumps which a
woman should never jump"—a hint that her matrimonial arrangements had
not the sanction of canon law. She was remarkable for her beauty, but her
temper was proud and vindictive. This was probably the reason why she
was repudiated both by Malachy and Brian. There can be no doubt that she
and her brother, Maelmordha, were the remote causes of the famous battle
of Clontarf. The story is told thus: Maelmordha came to Brian with an
offering of three large pine-trees to make masts for shipping. These were
probably a tribute which he was bound to pay to his liege lord. The trees
had been cut in the great forest of Leinster, called Fidh-Gaibhli.[216] Some
other tribes were bringing their tree-tributes at the same time; and as they
all journeyed over the mountains together, there was a dispute for
precedency. Maelmordha decided the question by assisting to carry the tree
of the Ui-Faelain. He had on a tunic of silk which Brian had given[217] him,
with a border of gold round it and silver buttons. One of the buttons came
off as he lifted the tree. On his arrival at Kincora, he asked his sister,
Gormflaith, to replace it for him; but she at once flung the garment into the
fire, and then bitterly reproached her brother with having accepted this
token of vassalage. The Sagas say she was "grim" against Brian, which was

undoubtedly true. This excited Maelmordha's temper. An opportunity soon
offered for a quarrel. Brian's eldest son, Murrough,[218] was playing a game
of chess with his cousin, Conoing; Maelmordha was looking on, and
suggested a move by which Murrough lost the game. The young prince
exclaimed: "That was like the advice you gave the Danes, which lost them
Glen-Mama." "I will give them advice now, and they shall not be defeated,"
replied the other. "Then you had better remind them to prepare a yew-
tree[219] for your reception," answered Murrough.
Early the next morning Maelmordha left the place, "without permission and
without taking leave." Brian sent a messenger after him to pacify him, but
the angry chief, for all reply, "broke all the bones in his head." He now
proceeded to organize a revolt against Brian, and succeeded. Several of the
Irish princes flocked to his standard. An encounter took place in Meath,
where they slew Malachy's grandson, Domhnall, who should have been heir
if the usual rule of succession had been observed. Malachy marched to the
rescue, and defeated the assailants with great slaughter, A.D. 1013. Fierce
reprisals now took place on each side. Sanctuary was disregarded, and
Malachy called on Brian to assist him. Brian at once complied. After
successfully ravaging Ossory he marched to Dublin, where he was joined
by Murrough, who had devastated Wicklow, burning, destroying, and
carrying off captives, until he reached Cill Maighnenn (Kilmainham). They
now blockaded Dublin, where they remained from St. Ciaran's in harvest
(Sept. 9th) until Christmas Day. Brian was then obliged to raise the siege
and return home for want of provisions.
The storm was now gathering in earnest, and the most active preparations
were made on both sides for a mighty and decisive conflict. The Danes had
already obtained possession of England, a country which had always been
united in its resistance to their power, a country numerically superior to
Ireland: why should they not hope to conquer, with at least equal facility, a
people who had so many opposing interests, and who rarely sacrificed these
interests to the common good? Still they must have had some fear of the
result, if we may judge by the magnitude of their preparations. They
despatched ambassadors in all directions to obtain reinforcements. Brodir,
the earl, and Amlaibh, son of the King of Lochlann, "the two Earls of Cair,
and of all the north of Saxon land,"[220] came at the head of 2,000 men;

"and there was not one villain of that 2,000 who had not polished, strong,
triple-plated armour of refined iron, or of cooling, uncorroding brass,
encasing their sides and bodies from head to foot." Moreover, the said
villains "had no reverence, veneration, or respect, or mercy for God or man,
for church or for sanctuary; they were cruel, ferocious, plundering, hard-
hearted, wonderful Dannarbrians, selling and hiring themselves for gold and
silver, and other treasure as well." Gormflaith was evidently "head centre"
on the occasion; for we find wonderful accounts of her zeal and efforts in
collecting forces. "Other treasure" may possibly be referred to that lady's
heart and hand, of which she appears to have been very liberal on this
occasion. She despatched her son, Sitric, to Siguard, Earl of the Orkneys,
who promised his assistance, but he required the hand of Gormflaith as
payment for his services, and that he should be made King of Ireland. Sitric
gave the required promise, and found, on his return to Dublin, that it met
with his mother's entire approbation. She then despatched him to the Isle of
Man, where there were two Vikings, who had thirty ships, and she desired
him to obtain their co-operation "at any price." They were the brothers
Ospak and Brodir. The latter demanded the same conditions as the Earl
Siguard, which were promised quite as readily by Sitric, only he charged
the Viking to keep the agreement secret, and above all not to mention it to
Siguard.

Brodir,[221] according to the Saga, was an apostate Christian, who had
"thrown off his faith, and become God's dastard." He was both tall and
strong, and had such long black hair that he tucked it under his belt; he had
also the reputation of being a magician. The Viking Ospak refused to fight
against "the good King Brian," and, touched by some prodigies, became a
convert to Christianity, joined the Irish monarch at Kincora, on the
Shannon, and received holy baptism.[222] The author of the Wars of the
Gaedhil gives a formidable list of the other auxiliaries who were invited by
the Dublin Danes. The Annals of Loch Cé also give an account of the fleet
he assembled, and its "chosen braves." Maelmordha had mustered a large
army also; indeed, he was too near the restless and revengeful Larmflaith to
have taken matters quietly, even had he been so inclined.
Meanwhile Brian had been scarcely less successful, and probably not less
active. He now marched towards Dublin, "with all that obeyed him of the
men of Ireland." These were the provincial troops of Munster and

Connaught and the men of Meath. His march is thus described in the Wars
of the Gaedhil:—"Brian looked out behind him, and beheld the battle
phalanx—compact, huge, disciplined, moving in silence, mutely, bravely,
haughtily, unitedly, with one mind, traversing the plain towards them;
threescore and ten banners over them—of red, and of yellow, and of green,
and of all kinds of colours; together with the everlasting, variegated, lucky,
fortunate banner, that had gained the victory in every battle, and in every
conflict, and in every combat."[223] The portion of the narrative containing
this account is believed to be an interpolation, but the description may not
be the less accurate. Brian plundered and destroyed as usual on his way to
Dublin. When he had encamped near that city, the Danes came out to give
him battle on the plain of Magh-n-Ealta.[224] The king then held a council of
war, and the result, apparently, was a determination to give battle in the
morning. It is said that the Northmen pretended flight in order to delay the
engagement. The Njal Saga says the Viking Brodir had found out by his
sorcery, "that if the fight were on Good Friday, King Brian would fall, but
win the day; but if they fought before, they would all fall who were against
him." Some authorities also mention a traitor in Brian's camp, who had
informed the Danes that his forces had been weakened by the absence of his
son Donough, whom he had sent to devastate Leinster. Malachy has the
credit of this piece of treachery, with other imputations scarcely less
disreputable.
The site of the battle has been accurately defined. It took place on the plain
of Clontarf,[225] and is called the Battle of the Fishing Weir of Clontarf. The
weir was at the mouth of the river Tolka, where the bridge of Ballybough
now stands. The Danish line was extended along the coast, and protected at
sea by their fleets. It was disposed in three divisions, and comprised about
21,000 men, the Leinster forces being included in the number. The first
division or left wing was the nearest to Dublin. It was composed of the
Danes of Dublin, and headed by Sitric, who was supported by the thousand
mail-clad Norwegians, commanded by Carlus and Anrud. In the centre were
the Lagennians, under the command of Maelmordha. The right wing
comprised the foreign auxiliaries, under the command of Brodir and
Siguard.[226]

Brian's army was also disposed in three divisions. The first was composed
of his brave Dalcassians, and commanded by his son Murrough, assisted by
his four brothers, Teigue, Donough, Connor, and Flann, and his youthful
heir, Turlough, who perished on the field. The second division or centre was
composed of troops from Munster, and was commanded by Mothla,
grandson of the King of the Deisi, of Waterford, assisted by many native
princes. The third battalion was commanded by Maelruanaidh (Mulrooney
of the Paternosters) and Teigue O'Kelly, with all the nobles of Connaught.
Brian's army numbered about twenty thousand men. The accounts which
relate the position of Malachy, and his conduct on this occasion, are
hopelessly conflicting. It appears quite impossible to decide whether he was
a victim to prejudice, or whether Brian was a victim to his not unnatural
hostility.
On the eve of the battle, one of the Danish chiefs, Plait, son of King
Lochlainn, sent a challenge to Domhnall, son of Emhin, High Steward of
Mar. The battle commenced at daybreak. Plait came forth and exclaimed
three times, "Faras Domhnall?" (Where is Domhnall?) Domhnall replied:
"Here, thou reptile." A terrible hand-to-hand combat ensued. They fell dead
at the same moment, the sword of each through the heart of the other, and
the hair of each in the clenched hand of the other. And the combat of those
two was the first combat of the battle.
Before the engagement Brian harangued his troops, with the crucifix in one
hand and a sword in the other. He reminded them of all they had suffered
from their enemies, of their tyranny, their sacrilege, their innumerable
perfidies; and then, holding the crucifix aloft, he exclaimed: "The great God
has at length looked down upon our sufferings, and endued you with the
power and the courage this day to destroy for ever the tyranny of the Danes,
and thus to punish them for their innumerable crimes and sacrileges by the
avenging power of the sword. Was it not on this day that Christ Himself
suffered death for you?"
He was then compelled to retire to the rear, and await the result of the
conflict; but Murrough performed prodigies of valour. Even the Danish
historians admit that he fought his way to their standard, and cut down two
successive bearers of it.

The mailed armour of the Danes seems to have been a source of no little
dread to their opponents. But the Irish battle-axe might well have set even
more secure protection at defiance. It was wielded with such skill and force,
that frequently a limb was lopped off with a single blow, despite the mail in
which it was encased; while the short lances, darts, and slinging-stones
proved a speedy means of decapitating or stunning a fallen enemy.
The Dalcassians surpassed themselves in feats of arms. They hastened from
time to time to refresh their thirst and cool their hands in a neighbouring
brook; but the Danes soon filled it up, and deprived them of this resource. It
was a conflict of heroes—a hand-to-hand fight. Bravery was not wanting on
either side, and for a time the result seemed doubtful. Towards the
afternoon, as many of the Danish leaders were cut down, their followers
began to give way, and the Irish forces prepared for a final effort. At this
moment the Norwegian prince, Anrud, encountered Murrough, whose arms
were paralyzed from fatigue; he had still physical strength enough to seize
his enemy, fling him on the ground, and plunge his sword into the body of
his prostrate foe. But even as he inflicted the death-wound, he received a
mortal blow from the dagger of the Dane, and the two chiefs fell together.
The mêlée was too general for an individual incident, however important in
itself, to have much effect. The Northmen and their allies were flying hard
and fast, the one towards their ships, the others towards the city. But as they
fled across the Tolka, they forgot that it was now swollen with the incoming
tide, and thousands perished by water who had escaped the sword. The
body of Brian's grandson, the boy Turlough, was found in the river after the
battle, with his hands entangled in the hair of two Danish warriors, whom
he had held down until they were drowned. Sitric and his wife had watched
the combat from the battlements of Dublin. It will be remembered that this
lady was the daughter of King Brian, and her interests were naturally with
the Irish troops. Some rough words passed between her and her lord, which
ended in his giving her so rude a blow, that he knocked out one of her teeth.
But we have yet to record the crowning tragedy of the day. Brian had retired
to his tent to pray, at the commencement of the conflict. When the forces
met, he began his devotions, and said to his attendant: "Watch thou the
battle and the combats, whilst I say the psalms." After he had recited fifty
psalms, fifty collects, and fifty paternosters, he desired the man to look out
and inform him how the battle went, and the position of Murrough's

standard. He replied the strife was close and vigorous, and the noise was as
if seven battalions were cutting down Tomar's wood; but the standard was
safe. Brian then said fifty more psalms, and made the same inquiry. The
attendant replied that all was in confusion, but that Murrough's standard still
stood erect, and moved westwards towards Dublin. "As long as that
standard remains erect," replied Brian, "it shall go well with the men of
Erinn." The aged king betook himself to his prayers once more, saying
again fifty psalms[227] and collects; then, for the last time, he asked
intelligence of the field. Latean replied: "They appear as if Tomar's wood
was on fire, and its brushwood all burned down;" meaning that the private
soldiers of both armies were nearly all slain, and only a few of the chiefs
had escaped; adding the most grievous intelligence of all, that Murrough's
standard had fallen. "Alas!" replied Brian, "Erinn has fallen with it: why
should I survive such losses, even should I attain the sovereignty of the
world?" His attendant then urged him to fly, but Brian replied that flight
was useless, for he had been warned of his fate by Aibinn (the banshee of
his family), and that he knew his death was at hand. He then gave directions
about his will and his funeral, leaving 240 cows to the "successor of
Patrick." Even at this moment the danger was impending. A party of Danes
approached, headed by Brodir. The king sprang up from the cushion where
he had been kneeling, and unsheathed his sword. At first Brodir did not
know him, and thought he was a priest from finding him at prayer; but one
of his followers informed him that it was the Monarch of Ireland. In a
moment the fierce Dane had opened his head with his battle-axe. It is said
that Brian had time to inflict a wound on the Viking, but the details of this
event are so varied that it is impossible to decide which account is most
reliable. The Saga states that Brodir knew Brian,[228] and, proud of his
exploit, held up the monarch's reeking head, exclaiming, "Let it be told
from man to man that Brodir felled Brian." All accounts agree in stating that
the Viking was slain immediately, if not cruelly, by Brian's guards, who thus
revenged their own neglect of their master. Had Brian survived this conflict,
and had he been but a few years younger, how different might have been the
political and social state of Ireland even at the present day! The Danish
power was overthrown, and never again obtained an ascendency in the
country. It needed but one strong will, one wise head, one brave arm, to
consolidate the nation, and to establish a regular monarchy; for there was

mettle enough in the Celt, if only united, to resist foreign invasion for all
time to come.

King Brian Boroimhé killed by the Viking.

On Easter Monday the survivors were employed in burying the dead and
attending to the wounded. The remains of more than thirty chieftains were

borne off to their respective territorial churches for interment. But even on
that very night dissension arose in the camp. The chieftains of Desmond,
seeing the broken condition of the Dalcassian force, renewed their claim to
the alternate succession. When they had reached Rath Maisten
(Mullaghmast, near Athy) they claimed the sovereignty of Munster, by
demanding hostages. A battle ensued, in which even the wounded
Dalcassians joined. Their leader desired them to be placed in the fort of
Maisten, but they insisted on being fastened to stakes, firmly planted in the
ground to support them, and stuffing their wounds with moss, they awaited
the charge of the enemy. The men of Ossory, intimidated by their bravery,
feared to give battle. But many of the wounded men perished from
exhaustion—a hundred and fifty swooned away, and never recovered
consciousness again. The majority were buried where they stood; a few of
the more noble were carried to their ancestral resting-places. "And thus far
the wars of the Gall with the Gaedhil, and the battle of Clontarf."
The Annals state that both Brian and his son, Murrough, lived to receive the
rites of the Church, and that their remains were conveyed by the monks to
Swords, and from thence, through Duleek and Louth, to Armagh, by
Archbishop Maelmuire, the "successor of St. Patrick." Their obsequies were
celebrated with great splendour, for twelve days and nights, by the clergy;
after which the body of Brian was deposited in a stone coffin, on the north
side of the high altar, in the cathedral. Murrough was buried on the south
side. Turlough was interred in the old churchyard of Kilmainham, where the
shaft of an ancient cross still marks the site.
Malachy once more assumed the reins of government by common consent,
and proved himself fully equal to the task. A month before his death he
gained an important victory over the Danes at Athboy, A.D. 1022. An
interregnum of twenty years followed his death, during which the country
was governed by two wise men, Cuan O'Lochlann, a poet, and Corcran
Cleireach, an anchoret. The circumstances attending Malachy's death are
thus related by the Four Masters:—"The age of Christ 1022.
Maelseachlainn Môr, pillar of the dignity and nobility of the west of the
world, died in Croinis Locha-Aininn, in the seventy-third year of his age, on
the 4th of the nones of September, on Sunday precisely, after intense
penance for his sins and transgressions, after receiving the body of Christ
and His blood, after being anointed by the hands of Amhalgaidh, successor

of Patrick, for he and the successor of Colum-Cille, and the successors of
Ciaran, and most of the seniors of Ireland were present [at his death], and
they sung masses, hymns, psalms, and canticles for the welfare of his soul."

COVER OF ST. PATRICK'S BELL.

DESMOND CASTLE AND RATH, LIMERICK.

CHAPTER XIV.
Distinguished Irish Scholars and Religious—Domestic Feuds—
O'Brien's Illness caused by Fright—Pestilence and Severe Winters—
Contentions between the Northerns and Southerns—Murtough's
Circuit of Ireland—The Danes attempt an Invasion—An Irish King
sent to the Isle of Man—Destruction of Kincora—St. Celsus makes
Peace—The Synod of Fidh Aengussa—Subjects considered by the
Synod: (1) The Regulation of the Number of Dioceses, (2) the
Sacrament of Matrimony, (3) the Consecration of Bishops, (4)
Ceremonies at Baptism—St. Malachy—The Traitor Dermod—Synod at
Mellifont Abbey—St. Laurence O'Toole.

[A.D. 1022-1167.]

omestic wars were, as usual, productive of the worst consequences,
as regards the social state of the country. The schools and colleges,
which had been founded and richly endowed by the converted Irish,
were now, without exception, plundered of their wealth, and, in
many cases, deprived of those who had dispensed that wealth for
the common good. It has been already shown that men lived holy
lives, and died peaceful deaths, during the two hundred years of
Danish oppression; we shall now find that schools were revived,
monasteries repeopled, and missionaries sent to convert and instruct
in foreign lands. A few monks from Ireland settled in Glastonbury
early in the tenth century, where they devoted themselves to the
instruction of youth. St. Dunstan, who was famous for his skill in music,
was one of their most illustrious pupils: he was a scholar, an artist, and a
musician. But English writers, who give him the credit of having brought
"Englishmen to care once more for learning, after they had quite lost the
taste for it, and had sunk back into ignorance and barbarism," forget to
mention who were his instructors.
St. Maccallin, another Irishman, was teaching in France at the same period;
and Duncan, who governed the Monastery of St. Remigius, at Rheims, was

writing books of instruction for his students, which are still extant.
Marianus Scotus, whose chronicles are considered the most perfect
compositions of their times, was teaching at Cologne. St. Fingen, who
succeeded St. Cadroe as Abbot of the Monastery of St. Felix at Metz, was
invested with the government of the Monastery of St. Symphorian in that
city[229]. It was then ordered by the bishop, that none but Irish monks
should be received into his house, unless their supply failed. In 975 the
Monastery of St. Martin, near Cologne, was made over to the Irish monks
in perpetuity. Happily, however, Ireland still retained many of her pious and
gifted sons. We have mentioned elsewhere the Annals of Tighernach, and
the remarkable erudition they evince. The name of Cormac Mac Cullinan
may also be added to the list of literary men of the period. The poems of
Kenneth O'Hartigan are still extant, as well as those of Eochd O'Flynn. The
authorship of the Wars of the Gaedhil and the Gall, has been attributed to
Brian Boroimhé's secretary, Mac Liag; it is, at least, tolerably certain that it
was written by one who witnessed the events described. The obituaries of
several saints also occur at the close of the tenth and commencement of the
eleventh centuries. Amongst these we find St. Duncheadh, Abbot of
Clonmacnois, who is said to have been the last Irish saint who raised the
dead. St. Aedh (Hugh) died in the year 1004, "after a good life, at Ard-
Macha, with great honour and veneration." And in the year 1018, we have
the mortuary record of St. Gormgal, of Ardvilean, "the remains of whose
humble oratory and cloghan cell are still to be seen on that rocky island,
amid the surges of the Atlantic, off the coast of Connemara."[230]
Dr. Todd has well observed, in his admirably written "Introduction" to the
Wars of the Gaedhil and the Gall, that from the death of Malachy to the
days of Strongbow, the history of Ireland is little more than a history of the
struggles for ascendency between the great clans or families of O'Neill,
O'Connor, O'Brien, and the chieftains of Leinster.
After the death of Brian Boroimhé, his son Donough obtained the
undisputed sovereignty of Munster. He defeated the Desmonians, and
instigated the murder of his brother Teigue. His next step was to claim the
title of King of Ireland, but he had a formidable opponent in Dermod Mac
Mael-na-mbo, King of Leinster. Strange to say, though he had the guilt of
fratricide on his conscience, he assembled the clergy and chieftains of
Munster at Killaloe, in the year 1050, to pass laws for the protection of life

and property—a famine, which occurred at this time, making such
precautions of the first necessity. In 1033, his nephew, Turlough, avenged
the death of Teigue, in a battle, wherein Donough was defeated. After his
reverse he went on a pilgrimage to Rome, where he died in the following
year, after doing penance for his brother's murder. The Annals say that "he
died under the victory of penance, in the Monastery of Stephen the Martyr."
[231] Dermod Mac Mael-na-mbo was killed in battle by the King of Meath,

A.D. 1072, and Turlough O'Brien, consequently, was regarded as his
successor to the monarchy of Ireland. Turlough, as usual, commenced by
taking hostages, but he found serious opposition from the northern Hy-
Nials. His principal opponents were the Mac Loughlins of Aileach, and the
O'Melaghlins of Meath. In 1079 O'Brien invaded the territory of Roderic
O'Connor, King of Connaught, expelled him from his kingdom, and
plundered it as far as Croagh Patrick. Next year he led an army to Dublin,
and received the submission of the men of Meath, appointing his son
Murtough lord of the Danes of Dublin. The Annals of the Four Masters give
a curious account of O'Brien's death. They say that the head of Connor
O'Melaghlin, King of Meath, was taken from the church of Clonmacnois,
and brought to Thomond, by his order. When the king took the head in his
hand, a mouse ran out of it, and the shock was so great that "he fell ill of a
sore disease by the miracles (intervention) of St. Ciaran." This happened on
the night of Good Friday. The day of the resurrection (Easter Sunday) the
head was restored, with two rings of gold as a peace-offering. But Turlough
never recovered from the effects of his fright, and lingered on in bad health
until the year 1086, when he died. He is called the "modest Turlough" in the
Annals, for what special reason does not appear. It is also recorded that he
performed "intense penance for his sins"—a grace which the kings and
princes of Ireland seem often to have needed, and, if we may believe the
Annals, always to have obtained.
A period of anarchy ensued, during which several princes contended for
royal honours. This compliment was finally awarded to Mac Loughlin,
King of Aileach, and a temporary peace ensued. Its continuance was brief.
In 1095 there was a pestilence all over Europe, "and some say that the
fourth part of the men of Ireland died of the malady." A long list is given of
its victims, lay and ecclesiastical. Several severe winters are recorded as
having preceded this fatal event; probably they were its remote cause. In the

year 1096, the festival of St. John Baptist fell on Friday. This event caused
general consternation, in consequence of some old prophecy. A resolution
"of the clergy of Ireland, with the successor of St. Patrick[232] at their head,"
enjoined a general abstinence from Wednesday to Sunday every month,
with other penitential observances; and "the men of Ireland were saved for
that time from the fire of vengeance."[233]
But the most important event of the period was the contention between the
northern and southern Hy-Nials. Murtough was planning, with great
military ability, to obtain the supreme rule. The Archbishop of Armagh and
the clergy strove twice to avert hostilities, but their interference was almost
ineffectual. "A year's peace" was all they could obtain. In the year 1100,
Murtough brought a Danish fleet against the northerns, but they were cut
off by O'Loughlin, "by killing or drowning." He also assembled an army at
Assaroe, near Ballyshannon, "with the choice part of the men of Ireland,"
but the Cinel-Connaill defended their country bravely, and compelled him
to retire "without booty, without hostages, without pledges." In 1101, when
the twelvemonths' truce obtained by the clergy had expired, Murtough
collected a powerful army, and devastated the north, without opposition. He
demolished the palace of the Hy-Nials, called the Grianan of Aileach.[234]
This was an act of revenge for a similar raid, committed a few years before,
on the stronghold of the O'Briens, at Kincora, by O'Loughlin. So
determined was he on devastation, that he commanded a stone to be carried
away from the building in each of the sacks which had contained provisions
for the army. He then took hostages of Ulidia, and returned to the south,
having completed the circuit of Ireland in six weeks. The expedition was
called the "circuitous hosting." His rather original method of razing a
palace, is commemorated in the following quatrain:—

"I never heard of the billeting of grit stones,
Though I heard [sic] of the billeting of companies,
Until the stones of Aileach was billeted
On the horses of the king of the west."[235]

Murtough appears to have been a not unusual compound of piety and
profanity. We read in one place of his reckless exploits in burning churches

and desecrating shrines, and in others of his liberal endowments of the
same.
The Danes had now settled quietly in the mercantile towns which they had
mainly contributed to form, and expended all their energies on commerce
instead of war; but the new generation of Northmen, who had not yet
visited Ireland, could not so easily relinquish the old project of conquering
it. About the year 1101, Magnus planned an expedition to effect this
purpose. He arrived in Dublin the following year; a "hosting of the men of
Ireland came to oppose him;"[236] but they made peace with him for one
year, and Murtough gave his daughter in marriage to his son Sitric, "with
many jewels and gifts." The year 1103 was distinguished for sanguinary
conflicts. Murdhadh Drun was killed on a predatory excursion in Magh
Cobha. Raghnall Ua h-Ocain,[237] lawgiver of Felach Og, was slain by the
men of Magh Itha. There was a "great war" between the Cinel-Eoghain and
the Ulidians; and Murtough O'Brien, with the men of Munster, Leinster, and
Ossory, the chiefs of Connaught, and the men of Meath and their kings,
proceeded to Magh Cobha (Donaghmore, co. Down) to relieve the Ulidians.
When the men of Munster "were wearied," Murtough proceeded to Ard-
Macha, and left eight ounces of gold upon the altar, and promised
eightscore cows. The northern Hy-Nials then attacked the camp of the
Leinster men, and a spirited battle was fought. The Cinel-Eoghain and
Cinel-Connaill returned victoriously and triumphantly to their forts, with
valuable jewels and much wealth, together with the royal tent, the standard,
and jewels.
Magnus, King of Lochlann and the Isles, was slain by the Ulidians this year.
It is noticeable that, in the Annals of the Four Masters, obituaries of saints
or good men always occupy the first place. The Annals of this year are of
unusual length; but they commence with the obituary of Murchadh
O'Flanaghan, Arrchinneach of Ardbo, a paragon of wisdom and instruction,
who died on his pilgrimage at Ard-Macha. A priest of Kildare is also
mentioned, and the Tanist-Abbot of Clonmacnois, a prosperous and affluent
man.
It would appear that the Irish were sufficiently occupied with domestic wars
to prevent their offering assistance elsewhere. This, however, was not the

case. When Harold returned to England, his brother-in-law, Donough, lent
him nine ships; and we find the Irish affording assistance in several other
feuds of the Anglo-Saxons of this period. A deputation of the nobles of Man
and other islands visited Dublin, and waited on Murtough O'Brien to solicit
a king. He sent his nephew, Donnell; but he was soon expelled on account
of his tyranny. Another Donnell O'Brien, his cousin, was, at the same time,
lord of the Danes in Dublin. In 1114 Murtough O'Brien was obliged to
resign the crown in consequence of ill-health; the Annals say that he
became a living skeleton. His brother, Dermod, took advantage of this
circumstance to declare himself King of Munster. This obliged Murtough to
resume the reins of government, and put himself at the head of his army. He
succeeded in making Dermod prisoner, but eventually he was obliged to
resign the kingdom to him, and retired into the Monastery of Lismore,
where he died in 1119. The Annals call him the prop of the glory and
magnificence of the western world. In the same year Nial Mac Lochlann,
royal heir of Aileach and of Ireland, fell by the Cinel-Moain, in the twenty-
eighth year of his age. He was the "paragon of Ireland, for personal form,
sense, hospitality, and learning." The Chief Ollamh of Ireland, Cucollchoille
ua Biagheallain, was killed by the men of Lug and Tuatha-ratha (Tooragh,
co. Fermanagh), with his wife, "two very good sons," and five-and-thirty
persons in one house, on the Saturday before Little Easter. The cause of this
outrage is not mentioned. The Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of
Ulster record the same event, and mention that he was distinguished for
charity, hospitality, and universal benevolence.
Donnell O'Loughlin died in 1121, in the Monastery of St. Columba, at
Derry. He is styled King of Ireland, although the power of his southern rival
preponderated during the greater part of his reign. In 1118 Rory O'Connor
died in the Monastery of Clonmacnois. He had been blinded some years
previously by the O'Flaherties. This cruel custom was sometimes practised
to prevent the succession of an obnoxious person, as freedom from every
blemish was a sine qua non in Erinn for a candidate to royal honours.
Teigue Mac Carthy, King of Desmond, died, "after penance," at Cashel,
A.D. 1124. From the time of Murtough O'Brien's illness, Turlough
O'Connor, son of the prince who had been blinded, comes prominently
forward in Irish history. His object was to exalt the Eoghanists or
Desmonian family, who had been virtually excluded from the succession

since the time of Brian Boroimhé. In 1116 he plundered Thomond as far as
Limerick. In 1118 he led an army as far as Glanmire (co. Cork), and divided
Munster, giving Desmond to Mac Carthy, and Thomond to the sons of
Dermod O'Brien. He then marched to Dublin, and took hostages from the
Danes, releasing Donnell, son of the King of Meath, whom they had in
captivity. The following year he sailed down the Shannon with a fleet, and
destroyed the royal palace of Kincora, hurling its stones and timber beams
into the river. He then devoted himself to wholesale plundering, and
expelled his late ally and father-in-law from Meath, ravaging the country
from Traigh Li (Tralee) to the sanctuary lands of Lismore. In 1126 he
bestowed the kingdom of Dublin on his son Cormac. In 1127 he drove
Cormac Mac Carthy from his kingdom, and divided Munster in three parts.
In fact, there was such a storm of war throughout the whole country, that St.
Celsus was obliged to interfere. He spent a month and a year trying to
establish peace, and promulgating rules and good customs in every district,
among the laity and clergy. His efforts to teach "good rules and manners"
seem to have been scarcely effectual, for we find an immediate entry of the
decapitation of Ruaidhri, after he had made a "treacherous prey" in
Aictheara. In the year 1128 the good Archbishop succeeded in making a
year's truce between the Connaught men and the men of Munster. The
following year the saint died at Ardpatrick, where he was making a
visitation. He was only fifty years of age, but anxiety and care had worn
him old. St. Celsus was buried at Lismore, and interred in the cemetery of
the bishops.
We must now give a brief glance at the ecclesiastical history of Ireland,
before narrating the events which immediately preceded the English
invasion.
In the year 1111 a synod was convened at Fidh Aengussa, or Aengus Grove,
near the Hill of Uisneach, in Westmeath. It was attended by fifty bishops,
300 priests, and 3,000 religious. Murtough O'Brien was also permitted to be
present, and some of the nobles of his province. The object of the synod
was to institute rules of life and manners for the clergy and people. St.
Celsus, the Archbishop of Armagh, and Maelmuire[238] or Marianus
O'Dunain, Archbishop of Cashel, were present. Attention had already been
directed to certain abuses in ecclesiastical discipline. Such abuses must
always arise from time to time in the Church, through the frailty of her

members; but these abuses are always carefully reprehended as they arise,
so that she is no longer responsible for them. It is remarkable that men of
more than ordinary sanctity have usually been given to the Church at such
periods. Some have withheld heretical emperors from deeds of evil, and
some have braved the fury of heretical princes. In Ireland, happily, the
rulers needed not such opposition; but when the country had been again and
again devastated by war, whether from foreign or domestic sources, the
intervention of saintly men was especially needed to restore peace, and to
repair, as far as might be, the grievous injury which war always inflicts on
the social state of those who have suffered from its devastations.
Lanfranc, the great Archbishop of Canterbury, had already noticed the state
of the Irish Church. He was in constant communication with the Danish
bishops, who had received consecration from him; and their accounts were
probably true in the main, however coloured by prejudice. He wrote an
earnest epistle to Turlough O'Brien, whom he addresses respectfully as
King of Ireland, and whose virtues as a Christian prince he highly
commends. His principal object appears to have been to draw the king's
attention to an abuse, of which the Danes had informed him, with regard to
the sacrament of matrimony. This subject shall be noticed again. Pope
Gregory VII. also wrote to Turlough, but principally on the temporal
authority of the Holy See.
The synod had four special subjects for consideration: (1) First, to regulate
the number of bishops—an excessive and undue multiplication of episcopal
dignity having arisen from the custom of creating chorepiscopi or rural
bishops. It was now decided that there should be but twenty-four dioceses
—twelve for the northern and twelve for the southern half of Ireland.
Cashel was also recognized as an archiepiscopal see, and the successor of
St. Jarlath was sometimes called Archbishop of Connaught. The custom of
lay appropriations, which had obtained in some places, was also firmly
denounced. This was an intolerable abuse. St. Celsus, the Archbishop of
Armagh, though himself a member of the family who had usurped this
office, made a special provision in his will that he should be succeeded by
St. Malachy. This saint obtained a final victory over the sacrilegious
innovators, but not without much personal suffering.[239]

The (2) second abuse which was now noticed, referred to the sacrament of
matrimony. The Irish were accused of abandoning their lawful wives and
taking others, of marrying within the degrees of consanguinity, and it was
said that in Dublin wives were even exchanged. Usher, in commenting on
the passage in Lanfranc's letter which refers to these gross abuses, observes
that the custom of discarding wives was prevalent among the Anglo-Saxons
and in Scotland. This, however, was no excuse for the Irish. The custom
was a remnant of pagan contempt of the female sex,—a contempt from
which women were never fully released, until Christianity restored the
fallen, and the obedience of the second Eve had atoned for the disobedience
of the first. It appears, however, that these immoralities were almost
confined to the half-Christianized Danes, who still retained many of their
heathen customs. The canons of St. Patrick, which were always respected
by the native Irish, forbid such practices; and the synod, therefore, had only
to call on the people to observe the laws of the Church more strictly.
Two other subjects, (3) one regarding the consecration of bishops, the other
(4) referring to the ceremonies of baptism, were merely questions of
ecclesiastical discipline, and as such were easily arranged by competent
authority. In St. Anselm's correspondence with the prelates of the south of
Ireland, he passes a high eulogium on their zeal and piety, while he deplores
certain relaxations of discipline, which they were as anxious to reform as he
could desire.
We have already mentioned that St. Celsus appointed St. Malachy his
successor in the Archiepiscopal See of Armagh. Malachy had been educated
by the Abbot Imar O'Hagan, who presided over the great schools of that
city; and the account given of his early training, sufficiently manifests the
ability of his gifted instructor, and the high state of intellectual culture
which existed in Ireland. While still young, St. Malachy undertook the
restoration of the famous Abbey of Bangor. Here he erected a small oratory
of wood, and joined himself to a few devoted men ardent for the perfection
of a religious life. He was soon after elected Bishop of Connor. With the
assistance of some of his faithful monks, he restored what war and rapine
had destroyed; and was proceeding peacefully and successfully in his noble
work, when he was driven from his diocese by a hostile prince. He now fled
to Cormac Mac Carthy, King of Desmond;[240] but he was not permitted to
remain here long. The See of Armagh was vacated by the death of St.

Celsus, and Malachy was obliged to commence another arduous mission. It
is said that it almost required threats of excommunication to induce him to
undertake the charge. Bishop Gilbert of Limerick, the Apostolic-Delegate,
and Bishop Malchus of Lismore, with other bishops and several chieftains,
visited him in the monastery which he had erected at Ibrach,[241] and at last
obtained compliance by promising him permission to retire when he had
restored order in his new diocese.

BANGOR CASTLE.

St. Malachy found his mission as painful as he had anticipated. The lay
intruders were making a last attempt to keep up their evil custom; and, after
the death of the usurper who made this false claim, another person
attempted to continue it; but popular feeling was so strong against the
wretched man, that he was obliged to fly. Ecclesiastical discipline was soon
restored; and after Malachy had made a partition of the diocese, he was
permitted to resign in favour of Gelasius, then Abbot of the great
Columbian Monastery of Derry.
But peace was not yet established in Ireland. I shall return again to the
narrative of domestic feuds, which made it a "trembling sod," the
O'Loughlins of Tyrone being the chief aggressors; for the present we must
follow the course of ecclesiastical history briefly. St. Malachy was now

appointed Bishop of Down, to which his old see of Connor was united. He
had long a desire to visit Rome—a devotional pilgrimage of the men of
Erinn from the earliest period. He was specially anxious to obtain a formal
recognition of the archiepiscopal sees in Ireland, by the granting of
palliums. On his way to the Holy City he visited St. Bernard at Clairvaux,
and thus commenced and cemented the friendship which forms so
interesting a feature in the lives of the French and Irish saints. It is probable
that his account of the state of the Irish Church took a tinge of gloom from
the heavy trials he had endured in his efforts to remove its temporary
abuses. St. Bernard's ardent and impetuous character, even his very
affectionateness, would lead him also to look darkly on the picture: hence
the somewhat over-coloured accounts he has given of its state at that
eventful period. St. Malachy returned to Ireland after an interview with the
reigning Pontiff, Pope Innocent II. His Holiness had received him with open
arms, and appointed him Apostolic Legate; but he declined to give the
palliums, until they were formally demanded by the Irish prelates.
In virtue of his legatine power, the saint assembled local synods in several
places. He rebuilt and restored many churches; and in 1142 he erected the
famous Cistercian Abbey of Mellifont, near Drogheda. This monastery was
liberally endowed by O'Carroll, King of Oriel, and was peopled by Irish
monks, whom St. Malachy had sent to Clairvaux, to be trained in the
Benedictine rule and observances. But his great act was the convocation of
the Synod of Inis Padraig. It was held in the year 1148. St. Malachy
presided as Legate of the Holy See; fifteen bishops, two hundred priests,
and some religious were present at the deliberations, which lasted for four
days. The members of the synod were unwilling that Malachy should leave
Ireland again; but Eugene III., who had been a Cistercian monk, was
visiting Clairvaux, and it was hoped he might grant the favour there. The
Pope had left the abbey when the saint arrived, who, in a few days after,
was seized with mortal sickness, and died on the 2nd November, 1148. His
remains were interred at Clairvaux. His feast was changed from the 2nd of
November, All Souls, to the 3rd, by "the seniors," that he might be the more
easily revered and honoured.
In 1151 Cardinal Paparo arrived in Ireland with the palliums which had
been solicited by St. Malachy. The insignia of dignity were conferred the
following year, at the Council of Kells. Tithes were then introduced for the

first time in Ireland, but they were not enforced until after the English
invasion.
It will be remembered that we turned to ecclesiastical history, after
mentioning the year's truce (A.D. 1128) which had been made, through the
intervention of St. Celsus, between the men of Munster and Connaught. In
1129 the great Church of Clonmacnois was robbed[242] of some of its
greatest treasures. Amongst these was a model of Solomon's Temple,
presented by a prince of Meath, and a silver chalice burnished with gold,
which had been engraved by a sister of King Turlough O'Connor—an
evidence that the ladies of Ireland were by no means behind the age in taste
and refinement.
After the death of Donnell O'Loughlin, Turlough had full scope for the
exercise of his ambitious projects; but in 1131 he found serious opposition
from Connor O'Brien, who had succeeded his father, Dermod, on the throne
of Munster. Connor now carried off hostages from Leinster and Meath, and
defeated the cavalry of Connaught. The following year he sent a fleet to the
western coast of Ireland. Eventually Turlough O'Connor was glad to make a
truce with his opponents. In 1184 the consecration of a church at Cashel
was celebrated. This is still known as Cormac's Chapel, and was long
supposed to have been erected by the more ancient monarch of that name.
But the good king was soon after treacherously slain in his own house, by
Turlough O'Connor and the two sons of the O'Connor of Kerry. Turlough
was unquestionably somewhat Spartan in his severities, if not Draconian in
his administration of justice. In 1106 he put out the eyes of his own son,
Hugh, and in the same year he imprisoned another son, named Roderic. The
nature of their offences is not manifest; but Roderic was liberated through
the interference of the clergy. Seven years after he was again imprisoned,
"in violation of the most solemn pledges and guarantees." The clergy again
interfered; from which we may infer that he was a favourite. They even held
a public feast at Rathbrendan on his behalf; but he was not released until the
following year. In the year 1136 we find the obituary of the chief keeper of
the calendar of Ard-Macha, on the night of Good Friday. He is also
mentioned as its chief antiquary and librarian, an evidence that the old
custom was kept up to the very eve of the English invasion. The obituary of
Donnell O'Duffy, Archbishop of Connaught, is also given. He died after
Mass and celebration; according to the Annals of Clonmacnois, he had

celebrated Mass by himself, at Clonfert, on St. Patrick's Day, and died
immediately after. About the same time the Breinemen behaved "so
exceedingly outrageous," that they irreverently stript O'Daly, arch-poet of
Ireland, "of all his clothes."
In the meantime domestic wars multiplied with extraordinary rapidity.
Dermod Mac Murrough, the infamous King of Leinster, now appears for the
first time in the history of that country which he mainly contributed to bring
under the English yoke. He commenced his career of perfidy by carrying
off the Abbess of Kildare from her cloister, killing 170 of the people of
Kildare, who interfered to prevent this wanton and sacrilegious outrage. In
1141 he endeavoured to crush the opposers of his atrocious tyranny by a
barbarous onslaught, in which he killed two nobles, put out the eyes of
another, and blinded[243] seventeen chieftains of inferior rank. A fitting
commencement of his career of treachery towards his unfortunate country!
In 1148 a temporary peace was made by the Primate of Armagh between the
northern princes, who had carried on a deadly feud; but its duration, as
usual, was brief. Turlough O'Brien was deposed by Teigue in 1151. He was
assisted by Turlough O'Connor and the infamous Dermod. The united
armies plundered as far as Moin Môr,[244] where they encountered the
Dalcassian forces returning from the plunder of Desmond. A sanguinary
combat ensued, and the men of north Munster suffered a dreadful slaughter,
leaving 7,000 dead upon the field of battle. This terrible sacrifice of life is
attributed to the mistaken valour of the Dal-Cais, who would neither fly nor
ask quarter.
In 1157 a synod was held in the Abbey of Mellifont, attended by the Bishop
of Lismore, Legate of the Holy See, the Primate, and seventeen other
bishops. Murtough O'Loughlin, the Monarch of Ireland, and several other
kings, were also present. The principal object of this meeting was the
consecration of the abbey church and the excommunication of Donough
O'Melaghlin, who had become the common pest of the country. He was, as
might be expected, the particular friend and ally of Dermod Mac Murrough.
His last exploit was the murder of a neighbouring chief, despite the most
solemn pledges. In an old translation of the Annals of Ulster, he is termed,
with more force than elegance, "a cursed atheist." After his
excommunication, his brother Dermod was made King of Meath, in his
place.

At this synod several rich gifts were made to the abbey. O'Carroll, Prince of
Oriel, presented sixty ounces of gold. O'Loughlin made a grant of lands,
gave one hundred and forty cows and sixty ounces of gold. The Lady
Dervorgil gave the same donation in gold, together with a golden chalice
for the altar of Mary, with gifts for each of the other nine altars of the
church. Dervorgil was the wife of Tiernan O'Rourke, Lord of Breffni, who
had been dispossessed of his territories in 1152; at the same time she was
carried off by Dermod Mac Murrough. Her abduction seems to have been
effected with her own consent, as she carried off the cattle which had
formed her dowry. Her husband, it would appear, had treated her harshly.
Eventually she retired to the Monastery of Mellifont, where she
endeavoured to atone for her past misconduct by a life of penance.
Another synod was held in the year 1158, at Trim. Derry was then erected
into an episcopal see, and Flahertach O'Brolchain, Abbot of St. Columba's
Monastery, was consecrated its first bishop. The bishops of Connaught were
intercepted and plundered by Dermod's soldiers; they therefore returned and
held a provincial synod in Roscommon.
In 1162 St. Laurence O'Toole was chosen to succeed Greine, or Gregory,
the Danish Archbishop of Dublin. He belonged to one of the most noble
ancient families of Leinster. His father was chieftain of the district of Hy-
Muirahy, a portion of the present county Kildare. St. Laurence had chosen
the ecclesiastical state early in life; at the age of twenty-five he was chosen
Abbot of St. Kevin's Monastery, at Glendalough. The Danish Bishop of
Dublin had been consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, but the saint
received the episcopal office from the successor of St. Patrick. A synod was
held at Clane the year of his consecration; it was attended by twenty-six
prelates and many other ecclesiastics. The college of Armagh was then
virtually raised to the rank of a university, as it was decreed that no one,
who had not been an alumnus of Armagh, should be appointed lector or
professor of theology in any of the diocesan schools in Ireland. Indeed, the
clergy at this period were most active in promoting the interests of religion,
and most successful in their efforts, little anticipating the storm which was
then impending over their country.
In 1166 the Irish Monarch, O'Loughlin, committed a fearful outrage on
Dunlevy, Prince of Dalriada. A peace had been ratified between them, but,

from some unknown cause, O'Loughlin suddenly became again the
aggressor, and attacked the northern chief, when he was unprepared, put out
his eyes, and killed three of his leading officers. This cruel treachery so
provoked the princes who had guaranteed the treaty, that they mustered an
army at once and proceeded northwards. The result was a sanguinary
engagement, in which the Cinel-Eoghan were defeated, and the Monarch,
O'Loughlin, was slain. Roderick O'Connor immediately assumed the reins
of government, and was inaugurated in Dublin with more pomp than had
ever been manifested on such an occasion. It was the last glittering flicker
of the expiring lamp. Submission was made to him on every side; and had
he only possessed the ability or the patriotism to unite the forces under his
command, he might well have set all his enemies at defiance. An assembly
of the clergy and chieftains of Ireland was convened in 1167, which is said
to have emulated, if it did not rival, the triennial Fes of ancient Tara. It was
but the last gleam of sunlight, which indicates the coming of darkness and
gloom. The traitor already had his plans prepared, and was flying from a
country which scorned his meanness, to another country where that
meanness was made the tool of political purposes, while the unhappy traitor
was probably quite as heartily despised.

ARDMORE ROUND TOWER.

CHAPTER XV.
Social life previous to the English Invasion—Domestic Habitations—
Forts—Granard and Staigue—Crannoges and Log-houses—Interior of
the Houses—The Hall—Food and Cooking Utensils—Regulations
about Food—The Kind of Food used—Animal Food—Fish—Game—
Drink and Drinking Vessels—Whisky—Heath Beer—Mead—Animal
Produce—Butter and Cheese—Fire—Candles—Occupations and
Amusements—Chess—Music—Dress—Silk—Linen—Ancient Woollen
Garments—Gold Ornaments—Trade—General Description of the
Fauna and Flora of the Country.

ustoms which illustrate the social life of our ancestors, are scarcely
the least interesting or important elements of history. Before we enter
upon that portion of our annals which commences with the English
invasion, under the auspices of Henry II., we shall give a brief
account of the habitations, manners, customs, dress, food, and
amusements of the people of Ireland. Happily there is abundant and
authentic information on this subject, though we may be obliged to
delve beneath the tertiary deposits of historical strata in order to
obtain all that is required. English society and English social life
were more or less influenced by Ireland from the fifth to the twelfth century.
The monks who had emigrated to "Saxon land" were men of considerable
intellectual culture, and, as such, had a preponderating influence, creditable
alike to themselves and to those who bowed to its sway. From the twelfth to
the sixteenth century, English manners and customs were introduced in
Ireland within the Pale. The object of the present chapter is to show the
social state of the country before the English invasion—a condition of
society which continued for some centuries later in the western and
southern parts of the island.
The pagan architecture of public erections has already been as fully
considered as our limits would permit. Let us turn from pillar-stones,
cromlechs, and cairns, to the domestic habitations which preceded

Christianity, and continued in use, with gradual improvements, until the
period when English influence introduced the comparative refinements
which it had but lately received from Norman sources. The raths, mounds,
and forts, whose remains still exist throughout the country, preceded the
castellated edifices, many of which were erected in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, principally by English settlers. The rath was probably
used for the protection and enclosure of cattle; and as the wealth of the
country consisted principally in its herds, it was an important object. Its
form is circular, having an internal diameter averaging from forty to two
hundred feet, encompassed by a mound and outer fosse or ditch. In some
localities, where stone is abundant and the soil shallow, rude walls have
been formed: the raths, however, are principally earthwork alone. Forts
were erected for defence, and the surrounding fosse was filled with water.
They were, in fact, the prototypes of the more modern castle and moat.
These forts were sometimes of considerable size, and in such cases were
surrounded by several fosses and outworks. They were approached by a
winding inclined plane, which at once facilitated the entrance of friends,
and exposed comers with hostile intentions to the concentrated attacks of
the garrison. The fort at Granard is a good example of this kind of building.
It is probably of considerable antiquity, though it has been improved and
rebuilt in some portions at a more modern period. The interior of it
evidences the existence of several different apartments. An approach
internally has been exposed on one side, and exhibits a wide, flat arch of
common masonry, springing from the top of two side walls, the whole well-
constructed.
Forts of dry-wall masonry, which are, undoubtedly, the more ancient, are
very numerous in the south-west of Ireland. It is probable that similar
erections existed throughout the country at a former period, and that their
preservation is attributable to the remoteness of the district. The most
perfect of these ancient habitations is that of Staigue Fort, near Derryquin
Castle, Kenmare. This fort has an internal diameter of eighty-eight feet. The
masonry is composed of flat-bedded stones of the slate rock of the country,
which show every appearance of being quarried, or carefully broken from
larger blocks. There is no appearance of dressed work in the construction;
but the slate would not admit of this, as it splinters away under the slightest
blow. Still the building is an admirable example of constructive masonry; it

is almost impossible to dislodge any fragment from off the filling stones
from the face of the wall. A competent authority has pronounced that these
structures cannot be equalled by any dry masonry elsewhere met with in the
country, nor by any masonry of the kind erected in the present day.[245]
Some small stone buildings are also extant in this part of Ireland, but it is
doubtful whether they were used for ecclesiastical or domestic purposes.
The crannoge was another kind of habitation, and one evidently much used,
and evincing no ordinary skill in its construction. From the remains found
in these island habitations, we may form a clear idea of the customs and
civilization of their inmates: their food is indicated by the animal remains,
which consist of several varieties of oxen, deer, goats, and sheep; the
implements of cookery remain, even to the knife, and the blocks of stone
blackened from long use as fire-places; the arrows, which served for war or
chase, are found in abundance; the personal ornaments evidence the taste of
the wearers, and the skill of the artist; while the canoe, usually of solid oak,
and carefully hidden away, tells its own tale how entrance and exit were
effected. One of the earliest crannoges which was discovered and examined
in modern times, was that of Lagere, near Dunshaughlin, county Meath. It
is remarkable that Loch Gabhair is said to have been one of the nine lakes
which burst forth in Ireland, A.M. 3581. The destruction of this crannoge is
recorded by the Four Masters, A.D. 933, giving evidence that it was
occupied up to that period. In 1246 there is a record of the escape of
Turlough O'Connor from a crannoge, after he had drowned his keepers;
from which it would appear such structures might be used for prisons, and,
probably, would be specially convenient for the detention of hostages. In
1560 we read that Teigue O'Rourke was drowned as he was going across a
lake to sleep in a crannoge; and even so late as the sixteenth century,
crannoges were declared to be the universal system of defence in the north
of Ireland.

CELT.

Log-houses were also used, and were constructed of beams and planks of
timber, something like the Swiss chalet. One of these ancient structures was
discovered in Drumhalin bog, county Donegal, in 1833. The house
consisted of a square structure, twelve feet wide and nine feet high: it was
formed of rough planks and blocks of timber; the mortises were very
roughly cut—a stone celt,[246] which was found lying upon the floor, was,
probably, the instrument used to form them. The logs were most likely
formed by a stone axe.[247] The roof was flat, and the house consisted of
two compartments, one over the other, each four feet high. A paved
causeway led from the house to the fire-place, on which was a quantity of
ashes, charred wood, half-burnt turf, and hazle-nuts. So ancient was this
habitation, that twenty-six feet of bog had grown up around and over it. It is
supposed that this was only one portion of a collection of houses, which
were used merely as sleeping-places. A slated enclosure was also traced,

portions of the gates of which were discovered. A piece of a leathern sandal,
an arrow-headed flint, and a wooden sword, were also found in the same
locality.

STONE AXE.

It is probable that wattles and clay formed the staple commodity for
building material in ancient Erinn. Planks and beams, with rough blocks of
wood or stone, were most likely reserved for the dwelling-place of
chieftains. Such were the material used also for the royal residence in
Thorney Island, a swampy morass in the Thames, secured by its insular
position, where the early English kings administered justice; and such,
probably, were the material of the original Palais de Justice, where the
kings of Gaul entrenched themselves in a pal-lis, or impaled fort.

From the description which Wright[248] gives of Anglo-Saxon domestic
architecture, it appears to have differed but little from that which was in use
at the same period in Ireland. The hall[249] was the most important part of
the building, and halls of stone are alluded to in a religious poem at the
beginning of the Exeter Book: "Yet, in the earlier period at least, there can
be little doubt that the materials of building were chiefly wood." The hall,
both in Erinn and Saxon land, was the place of general meeting for all
domestic purposes. Food was cooked and eaten in the same apartment; the
chief and his followers eat at the same time and in the same place. On the
subject of food we have ample details scattered incidentally through our
annals. Boiling was probably the principal method of preparing meat, and
for this purpose the Irish were amply provided with vessels. A brazen
cauldron is lithographed in the Ulster Archæological Journal, which is a
most interesting specimen of its kind. It was found in a turf bog in the

county Down, at a depth of five feet from the surface; and as this bog has
been used from time immemorial for supplying the neighbourhood with
fuel, and is remembered to have been forty feet above its present level by a
generation now living, the antiquity of the vessel is unquestionable. As a
specimen of superior workmanship, the cauldron has been greatly admired.
It is made of sheets of gold-coloured bronze, evidently formed by
hammering: the rim is of much thicker metal than the rest, and is rendered
stiffer by corrugation—a process which has been patented in England
within the last dozen years, as a new and valuable discovery.[250]
Cauldrons are constantly mentioned in the Book of Rights, in a manner
which shows that these vessels were in constant use. It was one of the
tributes to be presented in due form by the King of Cashel to the King of
Tara; and in the will of Cahir Môr, Monarch of Ireland in the second
century, fifty copper cauldrons are amongst the items bequeathed to his
family. Probably the poorer classes, who could not afford such costly
vessels, may have contented themselves with roasting their food
exclusively, unless, indeed, they employed the primitive method of casting
red hot stones into water when they wished it boiled.
The exact precision which characterizes every legal enactment in ancient
Erinn, and which could not have existed in a state of barbarism, is
manifested even in the regulations about food. Each member of the
chieftain's family had his appointed portion, and there is certainly a
quaintness in the parts selected for each. The saoi of literature and the king
were to share alike, as we observed when briefly alluding to this subject in
the chapter on ancient Tara; their portion was a prime steak. Cooks and
trumpeters were specially to be supplied with "cheering mead," it is to be
supposed because their occupations required more than ordinary libations;
the historian was to have a crooked bone; the hunter, a pig's shoulder: in
fact, each person and each office had its special portion assigned[251] to it,
and the distinction of ranks and trades affords matter of the greatest interest
and of the highest importance to the antiquarian. There can be but little
doubt that the custom of Tara was the custom of all the other kings and
chieftains, and that it was observed throughout the country in every family
rich enough to have dependents. This division of food was continued in the
Highlands of Scotland until a late period. Dr. Johnson mentions it, in his

Tour in the Hebrides, as then existing. He observes that he had not
ascertained the details, except that the smith[252] had the head.

The allowance for each day is also specified. Two cows, and two tinnés,[253]
and two pigs was the quantity for dinner. This allowance was for a hundred
men. The places which the household were to occupy were also specified;
so that while all sat at a common table,[254] there was, nevertheless, a
certain distinction of rank. At Tara there were different apartments, called
imdas, a word now used in the north of Ireland to denote a couch or bed.
The name probably originated in the custom of sleeping in those halls, on
the benches which surrounded them, or on the floor near the fire-place. In
the ground plan of the banqueting hall at Tara, the house is shown as
divided into five parts, which are again divided into others. Each of the two
divisions extending along the side wall, is shown as subdivided into twelve
imdas, which here mean seats; the central division is represented as
containing three fires at equal distances, a vat, and a chandelier.
Benches were the seats used, even by persons of rank, until a late period. In
the French Carlovingian romances, even princes and great barons sat on
them. Chairs were comparatively rare, and only used on state occasions, as
late as the twelfth century. Wright gives some curious woodcuts of persons
conversing together, who are seated on settles, or on seats formed in the
walls round the room; such as may still be seen in monastic cloisters and
the chapter houses of our old cathedrals. Food which had been roasted was
probably handed round to the guests on the spit on which it had been
cooked.[255] Such at least was the Anglo-Saxon fashion; and as the Irish had
spits, and as forks were an unknown luxury for centuries later, we may
presume they were served in a similar manner. The food was varied and
abundant, probably none the less wholesome for being free from the Anglo-
Norman refinements of cookery, introduced at a later period. For animal
diet there were fat beeves, dainty venison, pork, fresh and salted, evidently
as favourite a dish with the ancients as with the moderns—except, alas! that
in the good old times it was more procurable. Sheep and goats also varied
the fare, with "smaller game," easily procured by chase, or shot down with
arrows or sling stones. The land abounded in "milk and honey." Wheat was
planted at an early period; and after the introduction of Christianity, every
monastic establishment had its mill. There were "good old times" in Ireland

unquestionably. Even an English prince mentions "the honey and wheat, the
gold and silver," which he found in "fair Innis-fail." It is probable that land
was cultivated then which now lies arid and unreclaimed, for a writer in the
Ulster Archæological Journal mentions having found traces of tillage, when
laying out drains in remote unproductive districts, several feet beneath the
peaty soil. Dr. O'Donovan also writes in the same journal: "I believe the
Irish have had wheat in the more fertile valleys and plains from a most
remote period. It is mentioned constantly in the Brehon laws and in our
most ancient poems."[256] Nor should we omit to mention fish in the list of
edibles. During the summer months, fishing was a favourite and lucrative
occupation; and if we are to believe a legend quoted in the Transactions of
the Ossianic Society, the Fenians enjoyed a monopoly in the trade, for no
man dare take a salmon, "dead or alive," excepting a man in the Fenian
ranks; and piscatory squabbles seem to have extended themselves into
downright battles between the Northmen and the natives, when there was
question of the possession of a weir.[257]
Drinking vessels, of various shapes and materials, are constantly mentioned
in the Book of Rights. There were drinking-horns with handsome handles,
carved drinking-horns, variegated drinking-horns, drinking-horns of various
colours, and drinking-horns of gold.[258] Even in pagan times, cups or
goblets were placed beside the public wells; and it is related that, in the
reign of Conn of the Hundred Battles, Ireland was so prosperous, so
wealthy, and so civilized (circa A.D. 123) that those cups were made of
silver. Brian revived this custom nearly a thousand years later. The Danes
probably carried off most of these valuables, as there are no remains of
them at present. We are able, however, to give an illustration of a stone
drinking-cup, which is considered a very beautiful specimen of its kind.
This great rarity was found in the Shannon excavations. We give a specimen
below of a celt, and on page 246 of a celt mould, for which we have also to
acknowledge our grateful obligations to the Council of the Royal Irish
Academy.

STONE DRINKING-CUP.

Drink was usually served to the guests after meals. Among the seven
prerogatives for the King of Teamhair (Tara) we find:

"The fruits of Manann, a fine present;
And the heath fruit of Brigh Leithe;
The venison of Nas; the fish of the Boinn;
The cresses of the kindly Brosnach."

PALSTAVE CELT.

Dr. O'Donovan suggests that the "heath fruit" may have been bilberries or
whortleberries, and adds that some of the old Irish suppose that this, and not
the heath, was the shrub from which the Danes brewed their beer.[259] It
would appear that the Celts were not in the habit of excessive drinking until
a comparatively recent period. In the year 1405 we read of the death of a
chieftain who died of "a surfeit in drinking;" but previous to this entry we
may safely assert that the Irish were comparatively a sober race. The origin
of the drink called whisky in modern parlance, is involved in considerable
obscurity. Some authorities consider that the word is derived from the first
part of the term usquebaugh; others suppose it to be derived from the name
of a place, the Basque provinces, where some such compound was

concocted in the fourteenth century. In Morewood's History of Inebriating
Liquors, he gives a list of the ingredients used in the composition of
usquebaugh, and none of these are Irish productions.
There is a nice distinction between aqua vitæ and aqua vini in the Red Book
of Ossory, which was rescued by Dr. Graves from a heap of rubbish, the
result of a fire in Kilkenny Castle in 1839. MacGeoghegan, in his
annotations on the death of the chieftain above-mentioned, observes that the
drink was not aqua vitæ to him, but rather aqua mortis; and he further
remarks, that this is the first notice of the use of aqua vitæ, usquebaugh, or
whisky, in the Irish annals. Mead was made from honey, and beer from
malt; and these were, probably, the principal liquors at the early period[260]
of which we are now writing. As to the heath beer of Scandinavian fame, it
is probable that the heather was merely used as a tonic or aromatic
ingredient, although the author of a work, published in London in 1596,
entitled Sundrie Newe and Artificial Remedies against Famine, does
suggest the use of heath tops to make a "pleasing and cheape drink for Poor
Men, when Malt is extream Deare;" much, we suppose, on the same
principle that shamrocks and grass were used as a substitute for potatoes in
the famine year, when the starving Irish had no money to buy Indian corn.
But famine years were happily rare in Ireland in the times of which we
write; and it will be remembered that on one such occasion the Irish king
prayed to God that he might die, rather than live to witness the misery he
could not relieve.

MOULD FOR CASTING BRONZE CELTS.

It would appear that butter was also a plentiful product then as now.
Specimens of bog butter are still preserved, and may be found in the
collection of the Royal Irish Academy. The butter was thus entombed either
for safety, or to give it that peculiar flavour which makes it resemble the old
dry Stilton cheese, so much admired by the modern bon vivant. A writer in
the Ulster Archæological Journal mentions that he found a quantity of red
cows' hair mixed with this butter, when boring a hole in it with a gouge. It
would appear from this as if the butter had been made in a cow-skin, a
fashion still in use among the Arabs. A visitor to the Museum (Mr. Wilmot
Chetwode) asked to see the butter from Abbeyleix. He remarked that some
cows' heads had been discovered in that neighbourhood, which belonged to

the old Irish long-faced breed of cattle; the skin and hair remained on one
head, and that was red. An analysis of the butter proved that it was probably
made in the same way as the celebrated Devonshire cream, from which the
butter in that part of England is generally prepared. The Arabs and Syrians
make their butter now in a similar manner. There is a curious account of
Irish butter in the Irish Hudibras, by William Moffat, London, 1755, from
which it appears that bog butter was then well known:—

"But let his faith be good or bad,
He in his house great plenty had
Of burnt oat bread, and butter found,
With garlick mixt, in boggy ground;
So strong, a dog, with help of wind,
By scenting out, with ease might find."

A lump of butter was found, twelve feet deep, in a bog at Gortgole, county
Antrim, rolled up in a coarse cloth. It still retains visibly the marks of the
finger and thumb of the ancient dame who pressed it into its present shape.
Specimens of cheese of great antiquity have also been discovered. It was
generally made in the shape of bricks,[261] probably for greater convenience
of carriage and pressure in making. Wax has also been discovered, which is
evidently very ancient. A specimen may be seen in the collection of the
Royal Irish Academy. According to the Book of Rights, the use of wax
candles was a royal prerogative:—

"A hero who possesses five prerogatives,
Is the King of Laighlin of the fort of Labhraidh:
The fruit of Almhain [to be brought to him] to his house;
And the deer of Gleann Searraigh;
To drink by [the light of] fair wax candles,
At Din Riogh, is very customary to the king."[262]

In this matter, at least, the Irish kings and princes were considerably in
advance of their Anglo-Saxon neighbours. Wright informs us[263] that their
candle was a mere mass of fat, plastered round a wick, and stuck upon an
upright stick: hence the name candlestick.

It is probable that fire-light was, however, the principal means of assisting
the visual organs after dark in both countries. Until comparatively recent
times, fires were generally made on square, flat stones, and these could be
placed, as appears to have been the case at Tara, in different parts of any
large hall or apartment. There was sometimes a "back stone" to support the
pile of wood and turf. The smoke got out how best it might, unless where
there was a special provision made for its exit, in the shape of a round hole
in the roof. At a later period a "brace" was sometimes made for conducting
it. The brace was formed of upright stakes, interlaced with twigs, and
plastered over, inside and outside, with prepared clay—the earliest idea of
the modern chimney.

Macaulay[264] gives us a picture of an ancient Roman fire-side, and the
occupations of those who sat round it. We can, perhaps, form a more
accurate and reliable idea of the dress, amusements, and occupations of
those who surrounded the hall-fires of ancient Tara, or the humble,
domestic hearths of the crannoges or wattled houses.
The amusements of the pre-Christian Celt were, undeniably, intellectual.
Chess has already been mentioned more than once in this work as a
constant occupation of princes and chieftains. Indeed, they appear to have
sat down to a game with all the zest of a modern amateur. A few specimens
of chessmen have been discovered: a king, elaborately carved, is figured in
the Introduction to the Book of Rights. It belonged to Dr. Petrie, and was
found, with some others, in a bog in the county Meath. The chessmen of
ancient times appear to have been rather formidable as weapons. In the Táin
bó Chuailgné, Cuchullain is represented as having killed a messenger, who
told him a lie, with a chessman, "which pierced him to the centre of his
brain." English writers speak of the use of chess immediately after the
Conquest, and say that the Saxons learned the game from the Danes. The
Irish were certainly acquainted with it at a much earlier period; if we are to
credit the Annals, it was well known long before the introduction of
Christianity. Wright gives an engraving of a Quarrel at Chess, in which
Charles, the son of the Emperor Charlemagne, is represented knocking out
the brains of his adversary with a chessboard. The illustration is ludicrously
graphic, and the unfortunate man appears to submit to his doom with a
touching grace of helpless resignation.

We may then suppose that chess was a favourite evening amusement of the
Celt. Chessboards at least were plentiful, for they are frequently mentioned
among the rights of our ancient kings. But music was the Irish amusement
par excellence; and it is one of the few arts for which they are credited. The
principal Irish instruments were the harp, the trumpet, and the bagpipe. The
harp in the Museum of Trinity College, Dublin, usually known as Brian
Boroimhé's harp, is supposed, by Dr. Petrie, to be the oldest instrument of
the kind now remaining in Europe. It had but one row of strings, thirty in
number; the upright pillar is of oak, and the sound-board of red sallow. The
minute and beautiful carving on all parts of the instrument, attests a high
state of artistic skill at whatever period it was executed. As the harp is only
thirty-two inches high, it is supposed that it was used by ecclesiastics in the
church services, Cambrensis[265] mentions this custom; and there is
evidence of its having existed from the first introduction of Christianity.
Harps of this description are figured on the knees of ecclesiastics on several
of our ancient stone crosses.
The subject of Irish music would require a volume, and we cannot but
regret that it must be dismissed so briefly. The form of the harp has been
incorrectly represented on our coins. It was first assumed in the national
arms about the year 1540. When figured on the coins of Henry VIII., the
artist seems to have taken the Italian harp of twenty-four strings for his
model; but in the national arms sketched on the map of Ireland in the State
Papers, executed in the year 1567, the form is more correct. That the Irish
possessed this musical instrument in pre-Christian times, cannot be
doubted. The ornamental cover of an Irish MS., which Mr. Ferguson
considers to date prior to A.D. 1064, contains five examples of the harp of
that period. This, and the sculptured harp at Nieg, in Rosshire, are believed
to be the earliest delineations of the perfect harp. Dr. Bunting gives a sketch
of a harp and harper, taken from one of the compartments of a sculptured
cross at Ullard, county Kilkenny. This is a remarkable example. The cross is
supposed to be older than that of Monasterboice, which was erected A.D.
830, and this is believed to be the first specimen of a harp without a fore
pillar that has been discovered out of Egypt. If the Irish harp be really a
variety of the cithara, derived through an Egyptian channel, it would form
another important link in the chain of evidence, which leads us back to
colonization from Egypt through Scythia. Captain Wilford observes,[266]

that there may be a clue to the Celtic word bard in the Hindoo bárdátri; but
the Irish appellation appears to be of comparatively modern use. It is,
however, a noticeable fact, that the farther we extend our inquiries, the more
forcibly we are directed to the East as the cradle of our music. Several
recent travellers have mentioned the remarkable similarity between Celtic
airs and those which they heard in different parts of Asia.[267] Sir W.
Ouseley observed, at the close of the last century, that many Hindoo
melodies possessed the plaintive simplicity of the Scotch and Irish.
A German scholar has written a work, to prove that the pentatonic scale was
brought over by the Celts from Asia, and that it was preserved longer in
Scotland than elsewhere, on account of the isolated position of that country.
[268]
The Phoenicians are supposed to have invented the kinnor, trigonon,
and several other of the most remarkable instruments of antiquity. Their
skill as harpists, and their love of music, are indicated by the prophetic
denunciation in Ezechiel, where the ceasing of songs and the sound of the
harp are threatened as a calamity they were likely specially to feel.
We give at least one evidence that the Irish monks practised the choral
performance of rhythmical hymns. Colgan supplies the proof, which we
select from one of the Latin hymns of St. Columba:—

"Protegat nos altissimus,
De suis sanctis sedibus,
Dum ibi hymnos canimus,
Decem statutis vicibus."

Mr. O'Curry gives the names of all the ancient Irish musical instruments as
follows:—Cruit, a harp; Timpan, a drum, or tambourine; Corn, a trumpet;
Stoc, a clarion; Pipai, the pipes; Fidil, the fiddle. He adds: "All those are
mentioned in an ancient poem in the Book of Leinster, a MS. of about the
year 1150, now in the Library of Trinity College. The first four are found in
various old tales and descriptions of battles."
We shall find how powerful was the influence of Irish music on the Irish
race at a later period of our history, when the subject of political ballads will
be mentioned.

The dress of the rich and the poor probably varied as much in the century of
which we write as at the present day. We have fortunately remains of almost
every description of texture in which the Irish Celt was clad; so that, as Sir
W. Wilde has well observed, we are not left to conjecture, or forced to draw
analogies from the habits of half-civilized man in other countries at the
present day.
In the year 1821 the body of a male adult was found in a bog on the lands of
Gallagh, near Castleblakeney, county Galway, clad in its antique garb of
deerskin. A few fragments of the dress are preserved, and may be seen in
the collection of the Royal Irish Academy. Portions of the seams still
remain, and are creditable specimens of early needlework. The material
employed in sewing was fine gut of three strands, and the regularity and
closeness of the stitching cannot fail to excite admiration. It is another of
the many proofs that, even in the earliest ages, the Celt was gifted with
more than ordinary skill in the execution of whatever works he took in
hand. After all, the skin of animals is one of the most costly and appreciated
adornments of the human race, even at the present day; and our ancestors
differ less from us in the kind of clothes they wore, than in the refinements
by which they are fashioned to modern use. It is stated in the old bardic tale
of the Táin bó Chuailgné, that the charioteer of the hero was clothed in a
tunic of deerskin. This statement, taken in connexion with the fact above-
mentioned, is another evidence that increased knowledge is daily producing
increased respect for the veracity of those who transmitted the accounts of
our ancestral life, which, at one time, were supposed to be purely mythical.
Skin or leather garments were in use certainly until the tenth century, in the
form of cloaks. It is supposed that Muircheartach obtained the soubriquet
"of the leathern cloaks," from the care which he took in providing his
soldiers with them; and it is said that, in consequence of this precaution,
there was not a single man lost in this campaign.

ANCIENT BOOT.

We give a specimen of an ancient shoe and boot, from the collection of the
Royal Irish Academy. It would appear as if the Celt was rather in advance
of the Saxon in the art of shoemaking; for Mr. Fairholt has been obliged to
give an illustration selected from Irish remains, in his history, although it is
exclusively devoted to British costume. In illustrating the subject of gold
ornaments, he has also made a selection from the same source. Some
curious specimens of shoes joined together, and therefore perfectly useless
for ordinary wear, have also been discovered. Sir W. Wilde conjectures they
may have been used by chieftains as inauguration shoes.[269]

ANCIENT SHOE.

Saffron was a favourite colour, though it does not appear evident how the
dye was procured. There is no doubt the Irish possessed the art of dyeing
from an early period. Its introduction is attributed to King Tighearnmas,
who reigned from A.M. 3580 to 3664. It is probable the Phoenicians
imparted this knowledge to our ancestors. Although our old illuminations
are not as rich in figures as those from which English historians have
obtained such ample information regarding the early costume of that
country, we have still some valuable illustrations of this interesting subject.
These representations also are found to correspond faithfully, even in the
details of colour, with the remains which have been discovered from time to
time. Our ancient crosses give immense scope for antiquarian research,
though the costumes are principally ecclesiastical, and hence are not of so
much general interest. But the Book of Rights[270] affords ample
information, as far as mere description, of the clothing of a higher class.
While the peasant was covered with a garment of untanned skin or fur,
however artistically sown together, the bards, the chieftains, and the
monarchs had their tunics [imar] of golden borders, their mantles [leanna]
or shirts of white wool or deep purple, their fair beautiful matals, and their
cloaks of every colour. If we add to this costume the magnificent ornaments
which still remain to attest the truth of the bardic accounts of Erinn's ancient
greatness, we may form a correct picture of the Celtic noble as he stood in
Tara's ancient palace; and we must coincide in the opinion of the learned
editor of the Catalogue of the Royal Irish Academy, that "the variegated and
glowing colours, as well as the gorgeous decorations of the different articles
of dress enumerated in the Book of Rights, added to the brilliancy of the
arms, must have rendered the Irish costume of the eighth and ninth
centuries very attractive."
With a passing glance at our ancient Fauna and Flora, and the physical
state of the country at this period, we must conclude briefly.
It is probable that the province of Ulster, which was styled by statute, in
Queen Elizabeth's time, "the most perilous place in all the isle," was much
in the same state as to its physical characteristics in the century of which we
write. It was densely wooded, and strong in fortresses, mostly placed on
lakes, natural or artificial. Two great roads led to this part of Ireland—the
"Gap of the North," by Carrickmacross, and the historically famous pass by
Magh-Rath. From the former place to Belturbet the country was nearly

impassable, from its network of bogs, lakes, and mountains. We shall find at
a later period what trouble these natural defences gave to the English
settlers.
Munster so abounded in woods, that it was proposed, in 1579, to employ
4,000 soldiers for the sole purpose of hewing them down. Indeed, its five
great forests were the strongholds of the Earls of Desmond; and enough
evidence still remains at Glengariff and Killarney, to manifest the value of
their sylvan possessions. The cold and withering blasts of the great Atlantic,
appear to have stunted or hindered the growth of trees in Connaught. In
1210 the Four Masters mention the wilderness of Cinel-Dorfa, its principal
forest; but it was amply provided with other resources for the protection of
native princes. In 1529 Chief Baron Finglas gave a list of dangerous passes,
with the recommendation that the "Lord Deputy be eight days in every
summer cutting passes into the woods next adjoining the king's subjects."

HEAD OF OX.

In Leinster the forests had been cleared at an earlier period; and the country
being less mountainous, was more easily cultivated. But this portion of
Ireland contained the well-known Curragh of Kildare, which has its history
also, and a more ancient one than its modern visitors are likely to suppose.
The Curragh is mentioned for the first time in the Liber Hymnorum, in a
hymn in praise of St. Brigid. The Scholiast in a contemporary gloss says:
"Currech, a cursu equorum dictus est." It is also mentioned in Cormac's
Glossary, where the etymology is referred to running or racing. But the
most important notice is contained in the historical tale of the destruction of
the mansion of Dá Derga.[271] In this, Connairé Môr, who was killed A.D.
60, is represented as having gone to the games at the Curragh with four
chariots. From this and other sources we may conclude, that chariot-races
preceded horse-races in ancient Erinn, and that the Curragh has been used
as a place of public amusement for the last 2,000 years. It would appear that
every province in Ireland possessed an Aenach or "fair-green," where the
men assembled to celebrate their games and festivals. In an old list of Irish
Triads, the three great Aenachs of Ireland are said to have been Aenach
Crogan, in Connaught; Aenach Taillten, in Meath; and Aenach Colmain, the
Curragh. The last would appear, however, to have been frequented by
persons from all parts of Ireland; and it is not a little strange that it should
still be used in a similar manner as a place of public amusement. Ireland in
the tenth century and Ireland in the nineteenth form a painful contrast,
notwithstanding the boasted march of intellect. The ancient forests have
been hewn down with little profit[272] to the spoiler, and to the injury in
many ways of the native. The noble rivers are there still, and the mountains
look as beautiful in the sunsets of this year of grace as they did so many
hundred years before; but the country, which was in "God's keeping" then,
has but little improved since it came into the keeping of man; for the poor
tenant, who may be here to-day, and to-morrow cast out on the wayside, has
but substituted ill-fenced and ill-cultivated fields for wide tracts of heather
and moorland, which had at least the recommendation of attractive scenery,
and of not suggesting painful reflections.

HEADS OF IRISH WOLF DOGS.

The most formidable, if not the largest, of the carnivora in this island, was
the brown bear. The wolf lingered on until the beginning of the last century;
and the Irish greyhound has passed with it also. The gigantic Irish elk,
Cervus megaseros, belongs more to the palaeontologist than to the
historian, as it is supposed to have existed only in pre-historic times. A
smaller variety has been found in peat overlaying the clay, from which it is
inferred that some species may have been contemporary with the human
race. The horse co-existed with the elephant. The red deer was the principal

object of chase from an early period. The wild boar found abundant food
from our noble oaks; and the hare, the rabbit, the goat, and the sheep
supplied the wants of the Celt in ancient as in modern times. But the great
wealth of Ireland consisted in her cows, which then, as now, formed a staple
article of commerce. Indeed, most of the ancient feuds were simply cattle
raids, and the successful party signalized his victory by bearing off the
bovine wealth of the vanquished enemy.
It is impossible exactly to estimate the population of Ireland at this period
with any degree of reliable exactitude. The only method of approximating
thereto should be based on a calculation of the known or asserted number of
men in arms at any given time. When Roderic and his allies invested the
Normans in Dublin, he is said to have had 50,000 fighting men. Supposing
this to include one-fourth of all the men of the military age in the country,
and to bear the proportion of one-fifth to the total number of the inhabitants,
it would give a population of about a million, which would probably be
rather under than over the correct estimate.

FERRITER'S CASTLE.

CHAPTER XVI.
The English Invasion—Dermod's Interview with Henry II.—Henry
grants Letters-patent—Dermod obtains the assistance of Strongbow,
Earl de Clare—He returns to Ireland—Arrival of English Forces under
FitzStephen—Fatal Indifference of Roderic, the Irish Monarch—He is
at last roused to action, but acknowledges Dermod's Authority almost
without a Struggle—Strongbow's Genealogy—He obtains a Tacit
Permission to invade Ireland—His Arrival in Ireland—Marriage of
Strongbow and Eva—Death of Dermod Mac Murrough—Strongbow
proclaims himself King of Leinster—Difficulties of his Position—Siege
of Dublin—Strongbow's Retreat—He returns to England.

[A.D. 1168-1171.]

ntil this period (A.D. 1168) the most friendly relations appear to
have existed between England and Ireland. Saxon nobles and
princes had fled for shelter, or had come for instruction to the
neighbouring shores. The assistance of Irish troops had been sought
and readily obtained by them. Irish merchants[273] had taken their
goods to barter in English markets; but when the Norman had won
the Saxon crown, and crushed the Saxon race under his iron heel,
the restless spirit of the old Viking race looked out for a new quarry,
and long before Dermod had betrayed his country, that country's fate
was sealed.
William Rufus is reported to have said, as he stood on the rocks near St.
David's, that he would make a bridge with his ships from that spot to
Ireland—a haughty boast, not quite so easily accomplished. His speech was
repeated to the King of Leinster, who inquired "if the king, in his great
threatening, had added, 'if it so please God'?" The reporter answered in the
negative. "Then," said he, "seeing this king putteth his trust only in man,
and not in God, I fear not his coming." When Dermod Mac Murrough was
driven in disgrace from Ireland, he fled at once to Bristol. There he learned

that Henry was still in Aquitaine, and thither, with a perseverance worthy of
a better cause, he followed the English king. Henry was only too happy to
listen to his complaints, and forward his views; but he was too much
occupied with his personal affairs to attempt the conquest of a kingdom.
Letters-patent were incomparably more convenient than men-at-arms, and
with letters-patent the renegade was fain to be content. Dermod only asked
help to recover the kingdom from which he had been expelled for his
crimes; Henry pretended no more than to give the assistance asked, and for
all reward only wished that Dermod should pay a vassal's homage to the
English king. Henry may have known that his client was a villain, or he
may not. Henry may have intended to annex Ireland to the British
dominions (if he could), or he may merely have hoped for some temporary
advantage from the new connexion. Whatever he knew or whatever he
hoped, he received Dermod "into the bosom of his grace and benevolence,"
and he did but distantly insinuate his desires by proclaiming him his
"faithful and liege subject." The royal letter ran thus:—"Henry, King of
England, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Earl of Anjou, to all his
liegemen, English, Norman, Welsh, and Scotch, and to all the nation under
his dominion, sends greeting. As soon as the present letter shall come to
your hands, know that Dermod, Prince of Leinster, has been received into
the bosom of our grace and benevolence: wherefore, whosoever, within the
ample extent of our territories, shall be willing to lend aid towards this
prince as our faithful and liege subject, let such person know that we do
hereby grant to him for said purpose our licence and favour."
In this document there is not even the most remote reference to the Bull of
Adrian, conferring the island of Ireland on Henry, although this Bull had
been obtained some time before. In whatever light we may view this
omission, it is certainly inexplicable.
For some time Dermod failed in his efforts to obtain assistance. After some
fruitless negotiations with the needy and lawless adventurers who thronged
the port of Bristol, he applied to the Earl of Pembroke, Richard de Clare.
This nobleman had obtained the name of Strongbow, by which he is more
generally known, from his skill in archery. Two other young men of rank
joined the party; they were sons of the beautiful and infamous Nesta,[274]
once the mistress of Henry I., but now the wife of Gerald, Governor of
Pembroke and Lord of Carew. The knights were Maurice FitzGerald and

Robert FitzStephen. Dermod had promised them the city of Wexford and
two cantreds of land as their reward. Strongbow was to succeed him on the
throne of Leinster, and to receive the hand of his young and beautiful
daughter, Eva, in marriage.
There is considerable uncertainty as to the real date and the precise
circumstances of Dermod's arrival in Ireland. According to one account, he
returned at the close of the year 1168, and concealed himself during the
winter in a monastery of Augustinian Canons at Ferns, which he had
founded. The two principal authorities are Giraldus Cambrensis and
Maurice Regan; the latter was Dermod Mac Murrough's secretary.
According to his account, Robert FitzStephen landed at Bannow, near
Waterford, in May, 1169, with an army of three hundred archers, thirty
knights, and sixty men-at-arms.[275] A second detachment arrived the next
day, headed by Maurice de Prendergast, a Welsh gentleman, with ten
knights and sixty archers. Dermod at once assembled his men, and joined
his allies. He could only muster five hundred followers; but with their
united forces, such as they were, the outlawed king and the needy
adventurers laid siege to the city of Wexford. The brave inhabitants of this
mercantile town at once set forth to meet them; but, fearing the result if
attacked in open field by well-disciplined troops, they fired the suburbs, and
entrenched themselves in the town. Next morning the assaulting party
prepared for a renewal of hostilities, but the clergy of Wexford advised an
effort for peace: terms of capitulation were negotiated, and Dermod was
obliged to pardon, when he would probably have preferred to massacre. It is
said that FitzStephen burned his little fleet, to show his followers that they
must conquer or die. Two cantreds of land, comprising the present baronies
of Forth and Bargy,[276] were bestowed on him: and thus was established
the first English colony in Ireland. The Irish princes and chieftains appear to
have regarded the whole affair with silent contempt. The Annals say they
"set nothing by the Flemings;"[277] practically, they set nothing by any of
the invaders. Could they have foreseen, even for one moment, the
consequences of their indifference, we cannot doubt but that they would
have acted in a very different manner. Roderic, the reigning monarch, was
not the man either to foresee danger, or to meet it when foreseen; though we
might pardon even a more sharp-sighted and vigilant warrior, for
overlooking the possible consequence of the invasion of a few mercenary