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Title: Stones of Venice [introductions]

Author: John Ruskin

Release date: February 1, 2006 [eBook #9804]
Most recently updated: January 2, 2021

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STONES OF
VENICE [INTRODUCTIONS] ***

STONES OF VENICE

By John Ruskin

CONTENTS
THE STONES OF VENICE:
PREFACE.
THE STONES OF VENICE
CHAPTER I. — THE QUARRY.
CHAPTER II. — THE THRONE.
CHAPTER III. — TORCELLO.
CHAPTER IV. — ST. MARK'S.
CHAPTER V. — THE DUCAL PALACE.
NOTE.

THE STONES OF VENICE:
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERS AND LOCAL INDICES

(PRINTED SEPARATELY)

FOR THE USE OF TRAVELLERS WHILE STAYING IN
VENICE AND VERONA.

PREFACE.
This volume is the first of a series designed by the Author with the
purpose of placing in the hands of the public, in more serviceable form,
those portions of his earlier works which he thinks deserving of a
permanent place in the system of his general teaching. They were at first
intended to be accompanied by photographic reductions of the principal
plates in the larger volumes; but this design has been modified by the
Author's increasing desire to gather his past and present writings into a
consistent body, illustrated by one series of plates, purchasable in separate
parts, and numbered consecutively. Of other prefatory matter, once
intended,—apologetic mostly,—the reader shall be spared the cumber: and
a clear prospectus issued by the publisher of the new series of plates, as
soon as they are in a state of forwardness.
The second volume of this edition will contain the most useful matter out
of the third volume of the old one, closed by its topical index, abridged and
corrected.

BRANTWOOD,

3rd May, 1879.

THE STONES OF VENICE

CHAPTER I. — THE QUARRY.
[FIRST OF THE OLD EDITION.]

SECTION I. Since the first dominion of men was asserted over the
ocean, three thrones, of mark beyond all others, have been set upon its
sands: the thrones of Tyre, Venice, and England. Of the First of these great
powers only the memory remains; of the Second, the ruin; the Third, which
inherits their greatness, if it forget their example, may be led through
prouder eminence to less pitied destruction.
The exaltation, the sin, and the punishment of Tyre have been recorded
for us, in perhaps the most touching words ever uttered by the Prophets of
Israel against the cities of the stranger. But we read them as a lovely song;
and close our ears to the sternness of their warning: for the very depth of the
Fall of Tyre has blinded us to its reality, and we forget, as we watch the
bleaching of the rocks between the sunshine and the sea, that they were
once "as in Eden, the garden of God."
Her successor, like her in perfection of beauty, though less in endurance
of dominion, is still left for our beholding in the final period of her decline:
a ghost upon the sands of the sea, so weak—so quiet,—so bereft of all but
her loveliness, that we might well doubt, as we watched her faint reflection
in the mirage of the lagoon, which was the City, and which the Shadow.
I would endeavor to trace the lines of this image before it be for ever lost,
and to record, as far as I may, the warning which seems to me to be uttered
by every one of the fast-gaining waves, that beat, like passing bells, against
the STONES OF VENICE.
SECTION II. It would be difficult to overrate the value of the lessons
which might be derived from a faithful study of the history of this strange
and mighty city: a history which, in spite of the labor of countless
chroniclers, remains in vague and disputable outline,—barred with
brightness and shade, like the far away edge of her own ocean, where the
surf and the sand-bank are mingled with the sky. The inquiries in which we

have to engage will hardly render this outline clearer, but their results will,
in some degree, alter its aspect; and, so far as they bear upon it at all, they
possess an interest of a far higher kind than that usually belonging to
architectural investigations. I may, perhaps, in the outset, and in few words,
enable the general reader to form a clearer idea of the importance of every
existing expression of Venetian character through Venetian art, and of the
breadth of interest which the true history of Venice embraces, than he is
likely to have gleaned from the current fables of her mystery or
magnificence.
SECTION III. Venice is usually conceived as an oligarchy: She was so
during a period less than the half of her existence, and that including the
days of her decline; and it is one of the first questions needing severe
examination, whether that decline was owing in any wise to the change in
the form of her government, or altogether as assuredly in great part, to
changes, in the character of the persons of whom it was composed.
The state of Venice existed Thirteen Hundred and Seventy-six years,
from the first establishment of a consular government on the island of the
Rialto, [Footnote: Appendix I., "Foundations of Venice."] to the moment
when the General-in-chief of the French army of Italy pronounced the
Venetian republic a thing of the past. Of this period, Two Hundred and
Seventy-six years [Footnote: Appendix II., "Power of the Doges."] were
passed in a nominal subjection to the cities of old Venetia, especially to
Padua, and in an agitated form of democracy, of which the executive
appears to have been entrusted to tribunes, [Footnote: Sismondi, Hist. des
Rép. Ital., vol. i. ch. v.] chosen, one by the inhabitants of each of the
principal islands. For six hundred years, [Footnote: Appendix III., "Serrar
del Consiglio."] during which the power of Venice was continually on the
increase, her government was an elective monarchy, her King or doge
possessing, in early times at least, as much independent authority as any
other European sovereign, but an authority gradually subjected to
limitation, and shortened almost daily of its prerogatives, while it increased
in a spectral and incapable magnificence. The final government of the
nobles, under the image of a king, lasted for five hundred years, during
which Venice reaped the fruits of her former energies, consumed them,—
and expired.

SECTION IV. Let the reader therefore conceive the existence of the
Venetian state as broadly divided into two periods: the first of nine hundred,
the second of five hundred years, the separation being marked by what was
called the "Serrar del Consiglio;" that is to say, the final and absolute
distinction of the nobles from the commonalty, and the establishment of the
government in their hands to the exclusion alike of the influence of the
people on the one side, and the authority of the doge on the other.
Then the first period, of nine hundred years, presents us with the most
interesting spectacle of a people struggling out of anarchy into order and
power; and then governed, for the most part, by the worthiest and noblest
man whom they could find among them, [Footnote: "Ha saputo trovar modo
che non uno, non pochi, non molti, signoreggiano, ma molti buoni, pochi
migliori, e insiememente, un ottimo solo." (Sansovino,) Ah, well done,
Venice! Wisdom this, indeed.] called their Doge or Leader, with an
aristocracy gradually and resolutely forming itself around him, out of
which, and at last by which, he was chosen; an aristocracy owing its origin
to the accidental numbers, influence, and wealth of some among the
families of the fugitives from the older Venetia, and gradually organizing
itself, by its unity and heroism, into a separate body.
This first period includes the rise of Venice, her noblest achievements,
and the circumstances which determined her character and position among
European powers; and within its range, as might have been anticipated, we
find the names of all her hero princes,—of Pietro Urseolo, Ordalafo Falier,
Domenico Michieli, Sebastiano Ziani, and Enrico Dandolo.
SECTION V. The second period opens with a hundred and twenty years,
the most eventful in the career of Venice—the central struggle of her life—
stained with her darkest crime, the murder of Carrara—disturbed by her
most dangerous internal sedition, the conspiracy of Falier—oppressed by
her most fatal war, the war of Chiozza—and distinguished by the glory of
her two noblest citizens (for in this period the heroism of her citizens
replaces that of her monarchs), Vittor Pisani and Carlo Zeno.
I date the commencement of the Fall of Venice from the death of Carlo
Zeno, 8th May, 1418; [Footnote: Daru, liv. xii. ch. xii.] the visible
commencement from that of another of her noblest and wisest children, the

Doge Tomaso Mocenigo, who expired five years later. The reign of Foscari
followed, gloomy with pestilence and war; a war in which large acquisitions
of territory were made by subtle or fortunate policy in Lombardy, and
disgrace, significant as irreparable, sustained in the battles on the Po at
Cremona, and in the marshes of Caravaggio. In 1454, Venice, the first of the
states of Christendom, humiliated herself to the Turk in the same year was
established the Inquisition of State, [Footnote: Daru, liv. xvi. cap. xx. We
owe to this historian the discovery of the statutes of the tribunal and date of
its establishment.] and from this period her government takes the perfidious
and mysterious form under which it is usually conceived. In 1477, the great
Turkish invasion spread terror to the shores of the lagoons; and in 1508 the
league of Cambrai marks the period usually assigned as the commencement
of the decline of the Venetian power; [Footnote: Ominously signified by
their humiliation to the Papal power (as before to the Turkish) in 1509, and
their abandonment of their right of appointing the clergy of their territories.]
the commercial prosperity of Venice in the close of the fifteenth century
blinding her historians to the previous evidence of the diminution of her
internal strength.
SECTION VI. Now there is apparently a significative coincidence
between the establishment of the aristocratic and oligarchical powers, and
the diminution of the prosperity of the state. But this is the very question at
issue; and it appears to me quite undetermined by any historian, or
determined by each in accordance with his own prejudices. It is a triple
question: first, whether the oligarchy established by the efforts of individual
ambition was the cause, in its subsequent operation, of the Fall of Venice; or
(secondly) whether the establishment of the oligarchy itself be not the sign
and evidence, rather than the cause, of national enervation; or (lastly)
whether, as I rather think, the history of Venice might not be written almost
without reference to the construction of her senate or the prerogatives of her
Doge. It is the history of a people eminently at unity in itself, descendants
of Roman race, long disciplined by adversity, and compelled by its position
either to live nobly or to perish:—for a thousand years they fought for life;
for three hundred they invited death: their battle was rewarded, and their
call was heard.
SECTION VII. Throughout her career, the victories of Venice, and, at
many periods of it, her safety, were purchased by individual heroism; and

the man who exalted or saved her was sometimes (oftenest) her king,
sometimes a noble, sometimes a citizen. To him no matter, nor to her: the
real question is, not so much what names they bore, or with what powers
they were entrusted, as how they were trained; how they were made masters
of themselves, servants of their country, patient of distress, impatient of
dishonor; and what was the true reason of the change from the time when
she could find saviours among those whom she had cast into prison, to that
when the voices of her own children commanded her to sign covenant with
Death. [Footnote: The senate voted the abdication of their authority by a
majority of 512 to 14. (Alison, ch. xxiii.)]
SECTION VIII. On this collateral question I wish the reader's mind to be
fixed throughout all our subsequent inquiries. It will give double interest to
every detail: nor will the interest be profitless; for the evidence which I
shall be able to deduce from the arts of Venice will be both frequent and
irrefragable, that the decline of her political prosperity was exactly
coincident with that of domestic and individual religion.
I say domestic and individual; for—and this is the second point which I
wish the reader to keep in mind—the most curious phenomenon in all
Venetian history is the vitality of religion in private life, and its deadness in
public policy. Amidst the enthusiasm, chivalry, or fanaticism of the other
states of Europe, Venice stands, from first to last, like a masked statue; her
coldness impenetrable, her exertion only aroused by the touch of a secret
spring. That spring was her commercial interest,—this the one motive of all
her important political acts, or enduring national animosities. She could
forgive insults to her honor, but never rivalship in her commerce; she
calculated the glory of her conquests by their value, and estimated their
justice by their facility. The fame of success remains; when the motives of
attempt are forgotten; and the casual reader of her history may perhaps be
surprised to be reminded, that the expedition which was commanded by the
noblest of her princes, and whose results added most to her military glory,
was one in which while all Europe around her was wasted by the fire of its
devotion, she first calculated the highest price she could exact from its piety
for the armament she furnished, and then, for the advancement of her own
private interests, at once broke her faith [Footnote: By directing the arms of
the Crusaders against a Christian prince. (Daru, liv. iv. ch. iv. viii.)] and
betrayed her religion.

SECTION IX. And yet, in the midst of this national criminality, we shall
be struck again and again by the evidences of the most noble individual
feeling. The tears of Dandolo were not shed in hypocrisy, though they could
not blind him to the importance of the conquest of Zara. The habit of
assigning to religion a direct influence over all his own actions, and all the
affairs of his own daily life, is remarkable in every great Venetian during the
times of the prosperity of the state; nor are instances wanting in which the
private feeling of the citizens reaches the sphere of their policy, and even
becomes the guide of its course where the scales of expediency are
doubtfully balanced. I sincerely trust that the inquirer would be
disappointed who should endeavor to trace any more immediate reasons for
their adoption of the cause of Alexander III. against Barbarossa, than the
piety which was excited by the character of their suppliant, and the noble
pride which was provoked by the insolence of the emperor. But the heart of
Venice is shown only in her hastiest councils; her worldly spirit recovers the
ascendency whenever she has time to calculate the probabilities of
advantage, or when they are sufficiently distinct to need no calculation; and
the entire subjection of private piety to national policy is not only
remarkable throughout the almost endless series of treacheries and tyrannies
by which her empire was enlarged and maintained, but symbolized by a
very singular circumstance in the building of the city itself. I am aware of
no other city of Europe in which its cathedral was not the principal feature.
But the principal church in Venice was the chapel attached to the palace of
her prince, and called the "Chiesa Ducale." The patriarchal church,
[Footnote: Appendix 4, "San Pietro di Castello."] inconsiderable in size and
mean in decoration, stands on the outermost islet of the Venetian group, and
its name, as well as its site, is probably unknown to the greater number of
travellers passing hastily through the city. Nor is it less worthy of remark,
that the two most important temples of Venice, next to the ducal chapel,
owe their size and magnificence, not to national effort, but to the energy of
the Franciscan and Dominican monks, supported by the vast organization of
those great societies on the mainland of Italy, and countenanced by the most
pious, and perhaps also, in his generation, the most wise, of all the princes
of Venice, [Footnote: Tomaso Mocenigo, above named, Section V.] who
now rests beneath the roof of one of those very temples, and whose life is
not satirized by the images of the Virtues which a Tuscan sculptor has
placed around his tomb.

SECTION X. There are, therefore, two strange and solemn lights in
which we have to regard almost every scene in the fitful history of the Rivo
Alto. We find, on the one hand, a deep, and constant tone of individual
religion characterizing the lives of the citizens of Venice in her greatness;
we find this spirit influencing them in all the familiar and immediate
concerns of life, giving a peculiar dignity to the conduct even of their
commercial transactions, and confessed by them with a simplicity of faith
that may well put to shame the hesitation with which a man of the world at
present admits (even if it be so in reality) that religious feeling has any
influence over the minor branches of his conduct. And we find as the
natural consequence of all this, a healthy serenity of mind and energy of
will expressed in all their actions, and a habit of heroism which never fails
them, even when the immediate motive of action ceases to be praiseworthy.
With the fulness of this spirit the prosperity of the state is exactly
correspondent, and with its failure her decline, and that with a closeness and
precision which it will be one of the collateral objects of the following
essay to demonstrate from such accidental evidence as the field of its
inquiry presents. And, thus far, all is natural and simple. But the stopping
short of this religious faith when it appears likely to influence national
action, correspondent as it is, and that most strikingly, with several
characteristics of the temper of our present English legislature, is a subject,
morally and politically, of the most curious interest and complicated
difficulty; one, however, which the range of my present inquiry will not
permit me to approach, and for the treatment of which I must be content to
furnish materials in the light I may be able to throw upon the private
tendencies of the Venetian character.

SECTION XI. There is, however, another most interesting feature
in the
policy of Venice which will be often brought before us; and
which a
Romanist would gladly assign as the reason of its irreligion;
namely,
the magnificent and successful struggle which she maintained
against the
temporal authority of the Church of Rome. It is true that, in a
rapid
survey of her career, the eye is at first arrested by the
strange drama

to which I have already alluded, closed by that ever memorable
scene in
the portico of St. Mark's, [Footnote:
"In that temple porch,
(The brass is gone, the porphyry remains,)
Did BARBAROSSA fling his mantle off,
And kneeling, on his neck receive the foot
Of the proud Pontiff—thus at last consoled
For flight, disguise, and many an aguish shake
On his stony pillow."

I need hardly say whence the lines are taken: Rogers' "Italy" has, I
believe, now a place in the best beloved compartment of all libraries, and
will never be removed from it. There is more true expression of the spirit of
Venice in the passages devoted to her in that poem, than in all else that has
been written of her.] the central expression in most men's thoughts of the
unendurable elevation of the pontifical power; it is true that the proudest
thoughts of Venice, as well as the insignia of her prince, and the form of her
chief festival, recorded the service thus rendered to the Roman Church. But
the enduring sentiment of years more than balanced the enthusiasm of a
moment; and the bull of Clement V., which excommunicated the Venetians
and their doge, likening them to Dathan, Abiram, Absalom, and Lucifer, is a
stronger evidence of the great tendencies of the Venetian government than
the umbrella of the doge or the ring of the Adriatic. The humiliation of
Francesco Dandolo blotted out the shame of Barbarossa, and the total
exclusion of ecclesiastics from all share in the councils of Venice became an
enduring mark of her knowledge of the spirit of the Church of Rome, and of
her defiance of it.
To this exclusion of Papal influence from her councils, the Romanist will
attribute their irreligion, and the Protestant their success. [Footnote: At
least, such success as they had. Vide Appendix 5, "The Papal Power in
Venice."]
The first may be silenced by a reference to the character of the policy of
the Vatican itself; and the second by his own shame, when he reflects that
the English legislature sacrificed their principles to expose themselves to
the very danger which the Venetian senate sacrificed theirs to avoid.
SECTION XII. One more circumstance remains to be noted respecting
the Venetian government, the singular unity of the families composing it,—

unity far from sincere or perfect, but still admirable when contrasted with
the fiery feuds, the almost daily revolutions, the restless successions of
families and parties in power, which fill the annals of the other states of
Italy. That rivalship should sometimes be ended by the dagger, or enmity
conducted to its ends under the mask of law, could not but be anticipated
where the fierce Italian spirit was subjected to so severe a restraint: it is
much that jealousy appears usually unmingled with illegitimate ambition,
and that, for every instance in which private passion sought its gratification
through public danger, there are a thousand in which it was sacrificed to the
public advantage. Venice may well call upon us to note with reverence, that
of all the towers which are still seen rising like a branchless forest from her
islands, there is but one whose office was other than that of summoning to
prayer, and that one was a watch-tower only [Footnote: Thus literally was
fulfilled the promise to St. Mark,—Pax e.] from first to last, while the
palaces of the other cities of Italy were lifted into sullen fortitudes of
rampart, and fringed with forked battlements for the javelin and the bow,
the sands of Venice never sank under the weight of a war tower, and her
roof terraces were wreathed with Arabian imagery, of golden globes
suspended on the leaves of lilies. [Footnote: The inconsiderable
fortifications of the arsenal are no exception to this statement, as far as it
regards the city itself. They are little more than a semblance of precaution
against the attack of a foreign enemy.]
SECTION XIII. These, then, appear to me to be the points of chief
general interest in the character and fate of the Venetian people. I would
next endeavor to give the reader some idea of the manner in which the
testimony of Art bears upon these questions, and of the aspect which the
arts themselves assume when they are regarded in their true connection with
the history of the state.
1st. Receive the witness of Painting.
It will be remembered that I put the commencement of the Fall of Venice
as far back as 1418.
Now, John Bellini was born in 1423, and Titian in 1480. John Bellini, and
his brother Gentile, two years older than he, close the line of the sacred
painters of Venice. But the most solemn spirit of religious faith animates

their works to the last. There is no religion in any work of Titian's: there is
not even the smallest evidence of religious temper or sympathies either in
himself, or in those for whom he painted. His larger sacred subjects are
merely themes for the exhibition of pictorial rhetoric,—composition and
color. His minor works are generally made subordinate to purposes of
portraiture. The Madonna in the church of the Frari is a mere lay figure,
introduced to form a link of connection between the portraits of various
members of the Pesaro family who surround her.
Now this is not merely because John Bellini was a religious man and
Titian was not. Titian and Bellini are each true representatives of the school
of painters contemporary with them; and the difference in their artistic
feeling is a consequence not so much of difference in their own natural
characters as in their early education: Bellini was brought up in faith; Titian
in formalism. Between the years of their births the vital religion of Venice
had expired.
SECTION XIV. The vital religion, observe, not the formal. Outward
observance was as strict as ever; and doge and senator still were painted, in
almost every important instance, kneeling before the Madonna or St. Mark;
a confession of faith made universal by the pure gold of the Venetian
sequin. But observe the great picture of Titian's in the ducal palace, of the
Doge Antonio Grimani kneeling before Faith: there is a curious lesson in it.
The figure of Faith is a coarse portrait of one of Titian's least graceful
female models: Faith had become carnal. The eye is first caught by the flash
of the Doge's armor. The heart of Venice was in her wars, not in her
worship.
The mind of Tintoret, incomparably more deep and serious than that of
Titian, casts the solemnity of its own tone over the sacred subjects which it
approaches, and sometimes forgets itself into devotion; but the principle of
treatment is altogether the same as Titian's: absolute subordination of the
religious subject to purposes of decoration or portraiture.
The evidence might be accumulated a thousandfold from the works of
Veronese, and of every succeeding painter,—that the fifteenth century had
taken away the religious heart of Venice.

SECTION XV. Such is the evidence of Painting. To collect that of
Architecture will be our task through many a page to come; but I must here
give a general idea of its heads.
Philippe de Commynes, writing of his entry into Venice in 1495, says,—
"Chascun me feit seoir au meillieu de ces deux ambassadeurs qui est
l'honneur d'Italie que d'estre au meillieu; et me menerent au long de la grant
rue, qu'ilz appellent le Canal Grant, et est bien large. Les gallees y passent à
travers et y ay veu navire de quatre cens tonneaux ou plus pres des maisons:
et est la plus belle rue que je croy qui soit en tout le monde, et la mieulx
maisonnee, et va le long de la ville. Les maisons sont fort grandes et
haultes, et de bonne pierre, et les anciennes toutes painctes; les aul tres
faictes depuis cent ans: toutes ont le devant de marbre blanc, qui leur vient
d'Istrie, à cent mils de la, et encores maincte grant piece de porphire et de
sarpentine sur le devant.... C'est la plus triumphante cité que j'aye jamais
veue et qui plus faict d'honneur à ambassadeurs et estrangiers, et qui plus
saigement se gouverne, et où le service de Dieu est le plus sollennellement
faict: et encores qu'il y peust bien avoir d'aultres faultes, si croy je que Dieu
les a en ayde pour la reverence qu'ilz portent au service de l'Eglise."
[Footnote: Mémoires de Commynes, liv. vii. ch. xviii.]
SECTION XVI. This passage is of peculiar interest, for two reasons.
Observe, first, the impression of Commynes respecting the religion of
Venice: of which, as I have above said, the forms still remained with some
glimmering of life in them, and were the evidence of what the real life had
been in former times. But observe, secondly, the impression instantly made
on Commynes' mind by the distinction between the elder palaces and those
built "within this last hundred years; which all have their fronts of white
marble brought from Istria, a hundred miles away, and besides, many a
large piece of porphyry and serpentine upon their fronts."
On the opposite page I have given two of the ornaments of the palaces
which so struck the French ambassador. [Footnote: Appendix 6,
"Renaissance Ornaments."] He was right in his notice of the distinction.
There had indeed come a change over Venetian architecture in the fifteenth
century; and a change of some importance to us moderns: we English owe
to it our St. Paul's Cathedral, and Europe in general owes to it the utter

degradation or destruction of her schools of architecture, never since
revived. But that the reader may understand this, it is necessary that he
should have some general idea of the connection of the architecture of
Venice with that of the rest of Europe, from its origin forwards.
SECTION XVII. All European architecture, bad and good, old and new,
is derived from Greece through Rome, and colored and perfected from the
East. The history of architecture is nothing but the tracing of the various
modes and directions of this derivation. Understand this, once for all: if you
hold fast this great connecting clue, you may string all the types of
successive architectural invention upon it like so many beads. The Doric
and the Corinthian orders are the roots, the one of all Romanesque, massy-
capitaled buildings—Norman, Lombard, Byzantine, and what else you can
name of the kind; and the Corinthian of all Gothic, Early English, French,
German, and Tuscan. Now observe: those old Greeks gave the shaft; Rome
gave the arch; the Arabs pointed and foliated the arch. The shaft and arch,
the frame-work and strength of architecture, are from the race of Japheth:
the spirituality and sanctity of it from Ismael, Abraham, and Shem.
SECTION XVIII. There is high probability that the Greek received his
shaft system from Egypt; but I do not care to keep this earlier derivation in
the mind of the reader. It is only necessary that he should be able to refer to
a fixed point of origin, when the form of the shaft was first perfected. But it
may be incidently observed, that if the Greeks did indeed receive their
Doric from Egypt, then the three families of the earth have each contributed
their part to its noblest architecture: and Ham, the servant of the others,
furnishes the sustaining or bearing member, the shaft; Japheth the arch;
Shem the spiritualization of both.
SECTION XIX. I have said that the two orders, Doric and Corinthian, are
the roots of all European architecture. You have, perhaps, heard of five
orders; but there are only two real orders, and there never can be any more
until doomsday. On one of these orders the ornament is convex: those are
Doric, Norman, and what else you recollect of the kind. On the other the
ornament is concave: those are Corinthian, Early English, Decorated, and
what else you recollect of that kind. The transitional form, in which the
ornamental line is straight, is the centre or root of both. All other orders are

varieties of those, or phantasms and grotesques altogether indefinite in
number and species. [Footnote: Appendix 7, "Varieties of the Orders."]
SECTION XX. This Greek architecture, then, with its two orders, was
clumsily copied and varied by the Romans with no particular result, until
they begun to bring the arch into extensive practical service; except only
that the Doric capital was spoiled in endeavors to mend it, and the
Corinthian much varied and enriched with fanciful, and often very beautiful
imagery. And in this state of things came Christianity: seized upon the arch
as her own; decorated it, and delighted in it; invented a new Doric capital to
replace the spoiled Roman one: and all over the Roman empire set to work,
with such materials as were nearest at hand, to express and adorn herself as
best she could. This Roman Christian architecture is the exact expression of
the Christianity of the time, very fervid and beautiful—but very imperfect;
in many respects ignorant, and yet radiant with a strong, childlike light of
imagination, which flames up under Constantine, illumines all the shores of
the Bosphorus and the Aegean and the Adriatic Sea, and then gradually, as
the people give themselves up to idolatry, becomes Corpse-light. The
architecture sinks into a settled form—a strange, gilded, and embalmed
repose: it, with the religion it expressed; and so would have remained for
ever,—so does remain, where its languor has been undisturbed. [Footnote:
The reader will find the weak points of Byzantine architecture shrewdly
seized, and exquisitely sketched, in the opening chapter of the most
delightful book of travels I ever opened,— Curzon's "Monasteries of the
Levant."] But rough wakening was ordained.
SECTION XXI. This Christian art of the declining empire is divided into
two great branches, western and eastern; one centred at Rome, the other at
Byzantium, of which the one is the early Christian Romanesque, properly
so called, and the other, carried to higher imaginative perfection by Greek
workmen, is distinguished from it as Byzantine. But I wish the reader, for
the present, to class these two branches of art together in his mind, they
being, in points of main importance, the same; that is to say, both of them a
true continuance and sequence of the art of old Rome itself, flowing
uninterruptedly down from the fountain-head, and entrusted always to the
best workmen who could be found—Latins in Italy and Greeks in Greece;
and thus both branches may be ranged under the general term of Christian
Romanesque, an architecture which had lost the refinement of Pagan art in

the degradation of the empire, but which was elevated by Christianity to
higher aims, and by the fancy of the Greek workmen endowed with brighter
forms. And this art the reader may conceive as extending in its various
branches over all the central provinces of the empire, taking aspects more or
less refined, according to its proximity to the seats of government;
dependent for all its power on the vigor and freshness of the religion which
animated it; and as that vigor and purity departed, losing its own vitality,
and sinking into nerveless rest, not deprived of its beauty, but benumbed
and incapable of advance or change.
SECTION XXII. Meantime there had been preparation for its renewal.
While in Rome and Constantinople, and in the districts under their
immediate influence, this Roman art of pure descent was practised in all its
refinement, an impure form of it—a patois of Romanesque—was carried by
inferior workmen into distant provinces; and still ruder imitations of this
patois were executed by the barbarous nations on the skirts of the empire.
But these barbarous nations were in the strength of their youth; and while,
in the centre of Europe, a refined and purely descended art was sinking into
graceful formalism, on its confines a barbarous and borrowed art was
organizing itself into strength and consistency. The reader must therefore
consider the history of the work of the period as broadly divided into two
great heads: the one embracing the elaborately languid succession of the
Christian art of Rome; and the other, the imitations of it executed by nations
in every conceivable phase of early organization, on the edges of the
empire, or included in its now merely nominal extent.
SECTION XXIII. Some of the barbaric nations were, of course, not
susceptible of this influence; and when they burst over the Alps, appear, like
the Huns, as scourges only, or mix, as the Ostrogoths, with the enervated
Italians, and give physical strength to the mass with which they mingle,
without materially affecting its intellectual character. But others, both south
and north of the empire, had felt its influence, back to the beach of the
Indian Ocean on the one hand, and to the ice creeks of the North Sea on the
other. On the north and west the influence was of the Latins; on the south
and east, of the Greeks. Two nations, pre-eminent above all the rest,
represent to us the force of derived mind on either side. As the central
power is eclipsed, the orbs of reflected light gather into their fulness; and
when sensuality and idolatry had done their work, and the religion of the

empire was laid asleep in a glittering sepulchre, the living light rose upon
both horizons, and the fierce swords of the Lombard and Arab were shaken
over its golden paralysis.
SECTION XXIV. The work of the Lombard was to give hardihood and
system to the enervated body and enfeebled mind of Christendom; that of
the Arab was to punish idolatry, and to proclaim the spirituality of worship.
The Lombard covered every church which he built with the sculptured
representations of bodily exercises—hunting and war. [Footnote: Appendix
8, "The Northern Energy."] The Arab banished all imagination of creature
form from his temples, and proclaimed from their minarets, "There is no
god but God." Opposite in their character and mission, alike in their
magnificence of energy, they came from the North, and from the South, the
glacier torrent and the lava stream: they met and contended over the wreck
of the Roman empire; and the very centre of the struggle, the point of pause
of both, the dead water of the opposite eddies, charged with embayed
fragments of the Roman wreck, is VENICE.
The Ducal palace of Venice contains the three elements in exactly equal
proportions—the Roman, Lombard, and Arab. It is the central building of
the world.
SECTION XXV. The reader will now begin to understand something of
the importance of the study of the edifices of a city which includes, within
the circuit of some seven or eight miles, the field of contest between the
three pre-eminent architectures of the world:—each architecture expressing
a condition of religion; each an erroneous condition, yet necessary to the
correction of the others, and corrected by them.
SECTION XXVI. It will be part of my endeavor, in the following work,
to mark the various modes in which the northern and southern architectures
were developed from the Roman: here I must pause only to name the
distinguishing characteristics of the great families. The Christian Roman
and Byzantine work is round-arched, with single and well-proportioned
shafts; capitals imitated from classical Roman; mouldings more or less so;
and large surfaces of walls entirely covered with imagery, mosaic, and
paintings, whether of scripture history or of sacred symbols.

The Arab school is at first the same in its principal features, the
Byzantine workmen being employed by the caliphs; but the Arab rapidly
introduces characters half Persepolitan, half Egyptian, into the shafts and
capitals: in his intense love of excitement he points the arch and writhes it
into extravagant foliations; he banishes the animal imagery, and invents an
ornamentation of his own (called Arabesque) to replace it: this not being
adapted for covering large surfaces, he concentrates it on features of
interest, and bars his surfaces with horizontal lines of color, the expression
of the level of the Desert. He retains the dome, and adds the minaret. All is
done with exquisite refinement.
SECTION XXVII. The changes effected by the Lombard are more
curious still, for they are in the anatomy of the building, more than its
decoration. The Lombard architecture represents, as I said, the whole of that
of the northern barbaric nations. And this I believe was, at first, an imitation
in wood of the Christian Roman churches or basilicas. Without staying to
examine the whole structure of a basilica, the reader will easily understand
thus much of it: that it had a nave and two aisles, the nave much higher than
the aisles; that the nave was separated from the aisles by rows of shafts,
which supported, above, large spaces of flat or dead wall, rising above the
aisles, and forming the upper part of the nave, now called the clerestory,
which had a gabled wooden roof.
These high dead walls were, in Roman work, built of stone; but in the
wooden work of the North, they must necessarily have been made of
horizontal boards or timbers attached to uprights on the top of the nave
pillars, which were themselves also of wood. [Footnote: Appendix 9,
"Wooden Churches of the North."] Now, these uprights were necessarily
thicker than the rest of the timbers, and formed vertical square pilasters
above the nave piers. As Christianity extended and civilization increased,
these wooden structures were changed into stone; but they were literally
petrified, retaining the form which had been made necessary by their being
of wood. The upright pilaster above the nave pier remains in the stone
edifice, and is the first form of the great distinctive feature of Northern
architecture—the vaulting shaft. In that form the Lombards brought it into
Italy, in the seventh century, and it remains to this day in St. Ambrogio of
Milan, and St. Michele of Pavia.

SECTION XXVIII. When the vaulting shaft was introduced in the
clerestory walls, additional members were added for its support to the nave
piers. Perhaps two or three pine trunks, used for a single pillar, gave the first
idea of the grouped shaft. Be that as it may, the arrangement of the nave
pier in the form of a cross accompanies the superimposition of the vaulting
shaft; together with corresponding grouping of minor shafts in doorways
and apertures of windows. Thus, the whole body of the Northern
architecture, represented by that of the Lombards, may be described as
rough but majestic work, round-arched, with grouped shafts, added vaulting
shafts, and endless imagery of active life and fantastic superstitions.
SECTION XXIX. The glacier stream of the Lombards, and the following
one of the Normans, left their erratic blocks, wherever they had flowed; but
without influencing, I think, the Southern nations beyond the sphere of their
own presence. But the lava stream of the Arab, even after it ceased to flow,
warmed the whole of the Northern air; and the history of Gothic
architecture is the history of the refinement and spiritualization of Northern
work under its influence. The noblest buildings of the world, the Pisan-
Romanesque, Tuscan (Giottesque) Gothic, and Veronese Gothic, are those
of the Lombard schools themselves, under its close and direct influence; the
various Gothics of the North are the original forms of the architecture
which the Lombards brought into Italy, changing under the less direct
influence of the Arab.
SECTION XXX. Understanding thus much of the formation of the great
European styles, we shall have no difficulty in tracing the succession of
architectures in Venice herself. From what I said of the central character of
Venetian art, the reader is not, of course, to conclude that the Roman,
Northern, and Arabian elements met together and contended for the mastery
at the same period. The earliest element was the pure Christian Roman; but
few, if any, remains of this art exist at Venice; for the present city was in the
earliest times only one of many settlements formed on the chain of marshy
islands which extend from the mouths of the Isonzo to those of the Adige,
and it was not until the beginning of the ninth century that it became the
seat of government; while the cathedral of Torcello, though Christian
Roman in general form, was rebuilt in the eleventh century, and shows
evidence of Byzantine workmanship in many of its details. This cathedral,
however, with the church of Santa Fosca at Torcello, San Giacomo di Rialto

at Venice, and the crypt of St. Mark's, forms a distinct group of buildings, in
which the Byzantine influence is exceedingly slight; and which is probably
very sufficiently representative of the earliest architecture on the islands.
SECTION XXXI. The Ducal residence was removed to Venice in 809,
and the body of St. Mark was brought from Alexandria twenty years later.
The first church of St. Mark's was, doubtless, built in imitation of that
destroyed at Alexandria, and from which the relics of the saint had been
obtained. During the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, the architecture of
Venice seems to have been formed on the same model, and is almost
identical with that of Cairo under the caliphs, [Footnote: Appendix 10,
"Church of Alexandria."] it being quite immaterial whether the reader
chooses to call both Byzantine or both Arabic; the workmen being certainly
Byzantine, but forced to the invention of new forms by their Arabian
masters, and bringing these forms into use in whatever other parts of the
world they were employed.
To this first manner of Venetian architecture, together with such vestiges
as remain of the Christian Roman, I shall devote the first division of the
following inquiry. The examples remaining of it consist of three noble
churches (those of Torcello, Murano, and the greater part of St. Mark's), and
about ten or twelve fragments of palaces.
SECTION XXXII. To this style succeeds a transitional one, of a
character much more distinctly Arabian: the shafts become more slender,
and the arches consistently pointed, instead of round; certain other changes,
not to be enumerated in a sentence, taking place in the capitals and
mouldings. This style is almost exclusively secular. It was natural for the
Venetians to imitate the beautiful details of the Arabian dwelling-house,
while they would with reluctance adopt those of the mosque for Christian
churches.
I have not succeeded in fixing limiting dates for this style. It appears in
part contemporary with the Byzantine manner, but outlives it. Its position is,
however, fixed by the central date, 1180, that of the elevation of the granite
shafts of the Piazetta, whose capitals are the two most important pieces of
detail in this transitional style in Venice. Examples of its application to

domestic buildings exist in almost every street of the city, and will form the
subject of the second division of the following essay.
SECTION XXXIII. The Venetians were always ready to receive lessons
in art from their enemies (else had there been no Arab work in Venice). But
their especial dread and hatred of the Lombards appears to have long
prevented them from receiving the influence of the art which that people
had introduced on the mainland of Italy. Nevertheless, during the practice of
the two styles above distinguished, a peculiar and very primitive condition
of pointed Gothic had arisen in ecclesiastical architecture. It appears to be a
feeble reflection of the Lombard-Arab forms, which were attaining
perfection upon the continent, and would probably, if left to itself, have
been soon merged in the Venetian-Arab school, with which it had from the
first so close a fellowship, that it will be found difficult to distinguish the
Arabian ogives from those which seem to have been built under this early
Gothic influence. The churches of San Giacopo dell' Orio, San Giovanni in
Bragora, the Carmine, and one or two more, furnish the only important
examples of it. But, in the thirteenth century, the Franciscans and
Dominicans introduced from the continent their morality and their
architecture, already a distinct Gothic, curiously developed from Lombardic
and Northern (German?) forms; and the influence of the principles
exhibited in the vast churches of St. Paul and the Frari began rapidly to
affect the Venetian-Arab school. Still the two systems never became united;
the Venetian policy repressed the power of the church, and the Venetian
artists resisted its example; and thenceforward the architecture of the city
becomes divided into ecclesiastical and civil: the one an ungraceful yet
powerful form of the Western Gothic, common to the whole peninsula, and
only showing Venetian sympathies in the adoption of certain characteristic
mouldings; the other a rich, luxuriant, and entirely original Gothic, formed
from the Venetian-Arab by the influence of the Dominican and Franciscan
architecture, and especially by the engrafting upon the Arab forms of the
most novel feature of the Franciscan work, its traceries. These various
forms of Gothic, the distinctive architecture of Venice, chiefly represented
by the churches of St. John and Paul, the Frari, and San Stefano, on the
ecclesiastical side, and by the Ducal palace, and the other principal Gothic
palaces, on the secular side, will be the subject of the third division of the
essay.

SECTION XXXIV. Now observe. The transitional (or especially Arabic)
style of the Venetian work is centralized by the date 1180, and is
transformed gradually into the Gothic, which extends in its purity from the
middle of the thirteenth to the beginning of the fifteenth century; that is to
say, over the precise period which I have described as the central epoch of
the life of Venice. I dated her decline from the year 1418; Foscari became
doge five years later, and in his reign the first marked signs appear in
architecture of that mighty change which Philippe de Commynes notices as
above, the change to which London owes St. Paul's, Rome St. Peter's,
Venice and Vicenza the edifices commonly supposed to be their noblest,
and Europe in general the degradation of every art she has since practised.
SECTION XXXV. This change appears first in a loss of truth and vitality
in existing architecture all over the world. (Compare "Seven Lamps," chap.
ii.)
All the Gothics in existence, southern or northern, were corrupted at
once: the German and French lost themselves in every species of
extravagance; the English Gothic was confined, in its insanity, by a strait-
waistcoat of perpendicular lines; the Italian effloresced on the main land
into the meaningless ornamentation of the Certosa of Pavia and the
Cathedral of Como, (a style sometimes ignorantly called Italian Gothic),
and at Venice into the insipid confusion of the Porta della Carta and wild
crockets of St. Mark's. This corruption of all architecture, especially
ecclesiastical, corresponded with, and marked the state of religion over all
Europe,—the peculiar degradation of the Romanist superstition, and of
public morality in consequence, which brought about the Reformation.
SECTION XXXVI. Against the corrupted papacy arose two great
divisions of adversaries, Protestants in Germany and England, Rationalists
in France and Italy; the one requiring the purification of religion, the other
its destruction. The Protestant kept the religion, but cast aside the heresies
of Rome, and with them her arts, by which last rejection he injured his own
character, cramped his intellect in refusing to it one of its noblest exercises,
and materially diminished his influence. It may be a serious question how
far the Pausing of the Reformation has been a consequence of this error.

The Rationalist kept the arts and cast aside the religion. This rationalistic
art is the art commonly called Renaissance, marked by a return to pagan
systems, not to adopt them and hallow them for Christianity, but to rank
itself under them as an imitator and pupil. In Painting it is headed by Giulio
Romano and Nicolo Poussin; in Architecture by Sansovino and Palladio.
SECTION XXXVII. Instant degradation followed in every direction,—a
flood of folly and hypocrisy. Mythologies ill understood at first, then
perverted into feeble sensualities, take the place of the representations of
Christian subjects, which had become blasphemous under the treatment of
men like the Caracci. Gods without power, satyrs without rusticity, nymphs
without innocence, men without humanity, gather into idiot groups upon the
polluted canvas, and scenic affectations encumber the streets with
preposterous marble. Lower and lower declines the level of abused intellect;
the base school of landscape [Footnote: Appendix II, "Renaissance
Landscape."] gradually usurps the place of the historical painting, which
had sunk into prurient pedantry,—the Alsatian sublimities of Salvator, the
confectionery idealities of Claude, the dull manufacture of Gaspar and
Canaletto, south of the Alps, and on the north the patient devotion of
besotted lives to delineation of bricks and fogs, fat cattle and ditchwater.
And thus Christianity and morality, courage, and intellect, and art all
crumbling together into one wreck, we are hurried on to the fall of Italy, the
revolution in France, and the condition of art in England (saved by her
Protestantism from severer penalty) in the time of George II.
SECTION XXXVIII. I have not written in vain if I have heretofore done
anything towards diminishing the reputation of the Renaissance landscape
painting. But the harm which has been done by Claude and the Poussins is
as nothing when compared to the mischief effected by Palladio, Scamozzi,
and Sansovino. Claude and the Poussins were weak men, and have had no
serious influence on the general mind. There is little harm in their works
being purchased at high prices: their real influence is very slight, and they
may be left without grave indignation to their poor mission of furnishing
drawing-rooms and assisting stranded conversation. Not so the Renaissance
architecture. Raised at once into all the magnificence of which it was
capable by Michael Angelo, then taken up by men of real intellect and
imagination, such as Scamozzi, Sansovino, Inigo Jones, and Wren, it is
impossible to estimate the extent of its influence on the European mind; and

that the more, because few persons are concerned with painting, and, of
those few, the larger number regard it with slight attention; but all men are
concerned with architecture, and have at some time of their lives serious
business with it. It does not much matter that an individual loses two or
three hundred pounds in buying a bad picture, but it is to be regretted that a
nation should lose two or three hundred thousand in raising a ridiculous
building. Nor is it merely wasted wealth or distempered conception which
we have to regret in this Renaissance architecture: but we shall find in it
partly the root, partly the expression, of certain dominant evils of modern
times—over-sophistication and ignorant classicalism; the one destroying
the healthfulness of general society, the other rendering our schools and
universities useless to a large number of the men who pass through them.
Now Venice, as she was once the most religious, was in her fall the most
corrupt, of European states; and as she was in her strength the centre of the
pure currents of Christian architecture, so she is in her decline the source of
the Renaissance. It was the originality and splendor of the palaces of
Vicenza and Venice which gave this school its eminence in the eyes of
Europe; and the dying city, magnificent in her dissipation, and graceful in
her follies, obtained wider worship in her decrepitude than in her youth, and
sank from the midst of her admirers into the grave.
SECTION XXXIX. It is in Venice, therefore, and in Venice only that
effectual blows can be struck at this pestilent art of the Renaissance.
Destroy its claims to admiration there, and it can assert them nowhere else.
This, therefore, will be the final purpose of the following essay. I shall not
devote a fourth section to Palladio, nor weary the reader with successive
chapters of vituperation; but I shall, in my account of the earlier
architecture, compare the forms of all its leading features with those into
which they were corrupted by the Classicalists; and pause, in the close, on
the edge of the precipice of decline, so soon as I have made its depths
discernible. In doing this I shall depend upon two distinct kinds of
evidence:—the first, the testimony borne by particular incidents and facts to
a want of thought or of feeling in the builders; from which we may
conclude that their architecture must be bad:—the second, the sense, which
I doubt not I shall be able to excite in the reader, of a systematic ugliness in
the architecture itself. Of the first kind of testimony I shall here give two

instances, which may be immediately useful in fixing in the reader's mind
the epoch above indicated for the commencement of decline.
SECTION XL. I must again refer to the importance which I have above
attached to the death of Carlo Zeno and the doge Tomaso Mocenigo. The
tomb of that doge is, as I said, wrought by a Florentine; but it is of the same
general type and feeling as all the Venetian tombs of the period, and it is
one of the last which retains it. The classical element enters largely into its
details, but the feeling of the whole is as yet unaffected. Like all the lovely
tombs of Venice and Verona, it is a sarcophagus with a recumbent figure
above, and this figure is a faithful but tender portrait, wrought as far as it
can be without painfulness, of the doge as he lay in death. He wears his
ducal robe and bonnet—his head is laid slightly aside upon his pillow—his
hands are simply crossed as they fall. The face is emaciated, the features
large, but so pure and lordly in their natural chiselling, that they must have
looked like marble even in their animation. They are deeply worn away by
thought and death; the veins on the temples branched and starting; the skin
gathered in sharp folds; the brow high-arched and shaggy; the eye-ball
magnificently large; the curve of the lips just veiled by the light mustache at
the side; the beard short, double, and sharp-pointed: all noble and quiet; the
white sepulchral dust marking like light the stern angles of the cheek and
brow.
This tomb was sculptured in 1424, and is thus described by one of the
most intelligent of the recent writers who represent the popular feeling
respecting Venetian art.

"Of the Italian school is also the rich but ugly (ricco ma
non
bel) sarcophagus in which repose the ashes of Tomaso
Mocenigo.
It may be called one of the last links which connect the
declining art of the Middle Ages with that of the
Renaissance,
which was in its rise. We will not stay to particularize
the
defects of each of the seven figures of the front and
sides,
which represent the cardinal and theological virtues; nor
will

we make any remarks upon those which stand in the niches
above
the pavilion, because we consider them unworthy both of the
age
and reputation of the Florentine school, which was then
with
reason considered the most notable in Italy." [Footnote:
Selvatico, "Architettura di Venezia," p. 147.]

It is well, indeed, not to pause over these defects; but it might have been
better to have paused a moment beside that noble image of a king's
mortality.
SECTION XLI. In the choir of the same church, St. Giov. and Paolo, is
another tomb, that of the Doge Andrea Vendramin. This doge died in 1478,
after a short reign of two years, the most disastrous in the annals of Venice.
He died of a pestilence which followed the ravage of the Turks, carried to
the shores of the lagoons. He died, leaving Venice disgraced by sea and
land, with the smoke of hostile devastation rising in the blue distances of
Friuli; and there was raised to him the most costly tomb ever bestowed on
her monarchs.
SECTION XLII. If the writer above quoted was cold beside the statue of
one of the fathers of his country, he atones for it by his eloquence beside the
tomb of the Vendramin. I must not spoil the force of Italian superlative by
translation.

"Quando si guarda a quella corretta eleganza di profili e
di
proporzioni, a quella squisitezza d'ornamenti, a quel certo
sapore antico che senza ombra d' imitazione traspareda
tutta l'
opera"—&c. "Sopra ornatissimo zoccolo fornito di squisiti
intagli s' alza uno stylobate"—&c. "Sotto le colonne, il
predetto stilobate si muta leggiadramente in piedistallo,
poi
con bella novita di pensiero e di effetto va coronato da un
fregio il piu gentile che veder si possa"—&c. "Non puossi
lasciar senza un cenno l' arca dove sta chiuso il doge;
capo lavoro di pensiero e di esecuzione," etc.

There are two pages and a half of closely printed praise, of which the
above specimens may suffice; but there is not a word of the statue of the
dead from beginning to end. I am myself in the habit of considering this
rather an important part of a tomb, and I was especially interested in it here,
because Selvatico only echoes the praise of thousands. It is unanimously
declared the chef d'oeuvre of Renaissance sepulchral work, and pronounced
by Cicognara (also quoted by Selvatico).

"Il vertice a cui l'arti Veneziane si spinsero col
ministero del
scalpello,"—"The very culminating point to which the
Venetian
arts attained by ministry of the chisel."

To this culminating point, therefore, covered with dust and cobwebs, I
attained, as I did to every tomb of importance in Venice, by the ministry of
such ancient ladders as were to be found in the sacristan's keeping. I was
struck at first by the excessive awkwardness and want of feeling in the fall
of the hand towards the spectator, for it is thrown off the middle of the body
in order to show its fine cutting. Now the Mocenigo hand, severe and even
stiff in its articulations, has its veins finely drawn, its sculptor having justly
felt that the delicacy of the veining expresses alike dignity and age and
birth. The Vendramin hand is far more laboriously cut, but its blunt and
clumsy contour at once makes us feel that all the care has been thrown
away, and well it may be, for it has been entirely bestowed in cutting gouty
wrinkles about the joints. Such as the hand is, I looked for its fellow. At first
I thought it had been broken off, but, on clearing away the dust, I saw the
wretched effigy had only one hand, and was a mere block on the inner side.
The face, heavy and disagreeable in its features, is made monstrous by its
semi-sculpture. One side of the forehead is wrinkled elaborately, the other
left smooth; one side only of the doge's cap is chased; one cheek only is
finished, and the other blocked out and distorted besides; finally, the ermine
robe, which is elaborately imitated to its utmost lock of hair and of ground
hair on the one side, is blocked out only on the other: it having been
supposed throughout the work that the effigy was only to be seen from
below, and from one side.

SECTION XLIII. It was indeed to be seen by nearly every one; and I do
not blame—I should, on the contrary, have praised—the sculptor for
regulating his treatment of it by its position; if that treatment had not
involved, first, dishonesty, in giving only half a face, a monstrous mask,
when we demanded true portraiture of the dead; and, secondly, such utter
coldness of feeling, as could only consist with an extreme of intellectual
and moral degradation: Who, with a heart in his breast, could have stayed
his hand as he drew the dim lines of the old man's countenance—unmajestic
once, indeed, but at least sanctified by the solemnities of death—could have
stayed his hand, as he reached the bend of the grey forehead, and measured
out the last veins of it at so much the zecchin.
I do not think the reader, if he has feeling, will expect that much talent
should be shown in the rest of his work, by the sculptor of this base and
senseless lie. The whole monument is one wearisome aggregation of that
species of ornamental flourish, which, when it is done with a pen, is called
penmanship, and when done with a chisel, should be called chiselmanship;
the subject of it being chiefly fat-limbed boys sprawling on dolphins,
dolphins incapable of swimming, and dragged along the sea by expanded
pocket-handkerchiefs.
But now, reader, comes the very gist and point of the whole matter. This
lying monument to a dishonored doge, this culminating pride of the
Renaissance art of Venice, is at least veracious, if in nothing else, in its
testimony to the character of its sculptor. He was banished from Venice for
forgery in 1487. [Footnote: Selvatico, p. 221.]
SECTION XLIV. I have more to say about this convict's work hereafter;
but I pass at present, to the second, slighter, but yet more interesting piece
of evidence, which I promised.
The ducal palace has two principal façades; one towards the sea, the
other towards the Piazzetta. The seaward side, and, as far as the seventh
main arch inclusive, the Piazzetta side, is work of the early part of the
fourteenth century, some of it perhaps even earlier; while the rest of the
Piazzetta side is of the fifteenth. The difference in age has been gravely
disputed by the Venetian antiquaries, who have examined many documents
on the subject, and quoted some which they never examined. I have myself

collated most of the written documents, and one document more, to which
the Venetian antiquaries never thought of referring,—the masonry of the
palace itself.
SECTION XLV. That masonry changes at the centre of the eighth arch
from the sea angle on the Piazzetta side. It has been of comparatively small
stones up to that point; the fifteenth century work instantly begins with
larger stones, "brought from Istria, a hundred miles away." [Footnote: The
older work is of Istrian stone also, but of different quality.] The ninth shaft
from the sea in the lower arcade, and the seventeenth, which is above it, in
the upper arcade, commence the series of fifteenth century shafts. These
two are somewhat thicker than the others, and carry the party-wall of the
Sala del Scrutinio. Now observe, reader. The face of the palace, from this
point to the Porta della Carta, was built at the instance of that noble Doge
Mocenigo beside whose tomb you have been standing; at his instance, and
in the beginning of the reign of his successor, Foscari; that is to say, circa
1424. This is not disputed; it is only disputed that the sea façade is earlier;
of which, however, the proofs are as simple as they are incontrovertible: for
not only the masonry, but the sculpture, changes at the ninth lower shaft,
and that in the capitals of the shafts both of the upper and lower arcade: the
costumes of the figures introduced in the sea façade being purely
Giottesque, correspondent with Giotto's work in the Arena Chapel at Padua,
while the costume on the other capitals is Renaissance-Classic: and the
lions' heads between the arches change at the same point. And there are a
multitude of other evidences in the statues of the angels, with which I shall
not at present trouble the reader.
SECTION XLVI. Now, the architect who built under Foscari, in 1424
(remember my date for the decline of Venice, 1418), was obliged to follow
the principal forms of the older palace. But he had not the wit to invent new
capitals in the same style; he therefore clumsily copied the old ones. The
palace has seventeen main arches on the sea façade, eighteen on the
Piazzetta side, which in all are of course carried by thirty-six pillars; and
these pillars I shall always number from right to left, from the angle of the
palace at the Ponte della Paglia to that next the Porta della Carta. I number
them in this succession, because I thus have the earliest shafts first
numbered. So counted, the 1st, the 18th, and the 36th, are the great supports
of the angles of the palace; and the first of the fifteenth century series,

being, as above stated, the 9th from the sea on the Piazzetta side, is the 26th
of the entire series, and will always in future be so numbered, so that all
numbers above twenty-six indicate fifteenth century work, and all below it,
fourteenth century, with some exceptional cases of restoration.
Then the copied capitals are: the 28th, copied from the 7th; the 29th,
from the 9th; the 30th, from the 10th; the 31st, from the 8th; the 33d, from
the 12th; and the 34th, from the 11th; the others being dull inventions of the
15th century, except the 36th; which is very nobly designed.
SECTION XLVII. The capitals thus selected from the earlier portion of
the palace for imitation, together with the rest, will be accurately described
hereafter; the point I have here to notice is in the copy of the ninth capital,
which was decorated (being, like the rest, octagonal) with figures of the
eight Virtues:—Faith, Hope, Charity, Justice, Temperance, Prudence,
Humility (the Venetian antiquaries call it Humanity!), and Fortitude. The
Virtues of the fourteenth century are somewhat hard-featured; with vivid
and living expression, and plain every-day clothes of the time. Charity has
her lap full of apples (perhaps loaves), and is giving one to a little child,
who stretches his arm for it across a gap in the leafage of the capital.
Fortitude tears open a lion's jaws; Faith lays her hand on her breast, as she
beholds the Cross; and Hope is praying, while above her a hand is seen
emerging from sunbeams—the hand of God (according to that of
Revelations, "The Lord God giveth them light"); and the inscription above
is, "Spes optima in Deo."
SECTION XLVIII. This design, then, is, rudely and with imperfect
chiselling, imitated by the fifteenth century workmen: the Virtues have lost
their hard features and living expression; they have now all got Roman
noses, and have had their hair curled. Their actions and emblems are,
however, preserved until we come to Hope: she is still praying, but she is
praying to the sun only: The hand of God is gone.
Is not this a curious and striking type of the spirit which had then become
dominant in the world, forgetting to see God's hand in the light He gave; so
that in the issue, when the light opened into the Reformation on the one
side, and into full knowledge of ancient literature on the other, the one was
arrested and the other perverted?

SECTION XLIX. Such is the nature of the accidental evidence on which
I shall depend for the proof of the inferiority of character in the Renaissance
workmen. But the proof of the inferiority of the work itself is not so easy,
for in this I have to appeal to judgments which the Renaissance work has
itself distorted. I felt this difficulty very forcibly as I read a slight review of
my former work, "The Seven Lamps," in "The Architect:" the writer noticed
my constant praise of St. Mark's: "Mr. Ruskin thinks it a very beautiful
building! We," said the Architect, "think it a very ugly building." I was not
surprised at the difference of opinion, but at the thing being considered so
completely a subject of opinion. My opponents in matters of painting
always assume that there is such a thing as a law of right, and that I do not
understand it: but my architectural adversaries appeal to no law, they simply
set their opinion against mine; and indeed there is no law at present to
which either they or I can appeal. No man can speak with rational decision
of the merits or demerits of buildings: he may with obstinacy; he may with
resolved adherence to previous prejudices; but never as if the matter could
be otherwise decided than by a majority of votes, or pertinacity of
partisanship. I had always, however, a clear conviction that there was a law
in this matter: that good architecture might be indisputably discerned and
divided from the bad; that the opposition in their very nature and essence
was clearly visible; and that we were all of us just as unwise in disputing
about the matter without reference to principle, as we should be for
debating about the genuineness of a coin, without ringing it. I felt also
assured that this law must be universal if it were conclusive; that it must
enable us to reject all foolish and base work, and to accept all noble and
wise work, without reference to style or national feeling; that it must
sanction the design of all truly great nations and times, Gothic or Greek or
Arab; that it must cast off and reprobate the design of all foolish nations and
times, Chinese or Mexican, or modern European: and that it must be easily
applicable to all possible architectural inventions of human mind. I set
myself, therefore, to establish such a law, in full belief that men are
intended, without excessive difficulty, and by use of their general common
sense, to know good things from bad; and that it is only because they will
not be at the pains required for the discernment, that the world is so widely
encumbered with forgeries and basenesses. I found the work simpler than I
had hoped; the reasonable things ranged themselves in the order I required,
and the foolish things fell aside, and took themselves away so soon as they

were looked in the face. I had then, with respect to Venetian architecture,
the choice, either to establish each division of law in a separate form, as I
came to the features with which it was concerned, or else to ask the reader's
patience, while I followed out the general inquiry first, and determined with
him a code of right and wrong, to which we might together make
retrospective appeal. I thought this the best, though perhaps the dullest way;
and in these first following pages I have therefore endeavored to arrange
those foundations of criticism, on which I shall rest in my account of
Venetian architecture, in a form clear and simple enough to be intelligible
even to those who never thought of architecture before. To those who have,
much of what is stated in them will be well known or self-evident; but they
must not be indignant at a simplicity on which the whole argument depends
for its usefulness. From that which appears a mere truism when first stated,
they will find very singular consequences sometimes following,—
consequences altogether unexpected, and of considerable importance; I will
not pause here to dwell on their importance, nor on that of the thing itself to
be done; for I believe most readers will at once admit the value of a
criterion of right and wrong in so practical and costly an art as architecture,
and will be apt rather to doubt the possibility of its attainment than dispute
its usefulness if attained. I invite them, therefore, to a fair trial, being certain
that even if I should fail in my main purpose, and be unable to induce in my
reader the confidence of judgment I desire, I shall at least receive his thanks
for the suggestion of consistent reasons, which may determine hesitating
choice, or justify involuntary preference. And if I should succeed, as I hope,
in making the Stones of Venice touchstones, and detecting, by the
mouldering of her marble, poison more subtle than ever was betrayed by the
rending of her crystal; and if thus I am enabled to show the baseness of the
schools of architecture and nearly every other art, which have for three
centuries been predominant in Europe, I believe the result of the inquiry
may be serviceable for proof of a more vital truth than any at which I have
hitherto hinted. For observe: I said the Protestant had despised the arts, and
the Rationalist corrupted them. But what has the Romanist done
meanwhile? He boasts that it was the papacy which raised the arts; why
could it not support them when it was left to its own strength? How came it
to yield to Classicalism which was based on infidelity, and to oppose no
barrier to innovations, which have reduced the once faithfully conceived
imagery of its worship to stage decoration? [Footnote: Appendix XII.,

"Romanist Modern Art."] Shall we not rather find that Romanism, instead
of being a promoter of the arts, has never shown itself capable of a single
great conception since the separation of Protestantism from its side?
[Footnote: Perfectly true: but the whole vital value of the truth was lost by
my sectarian ignorance. Protestantism (so far as it was still Christianity, and
did not consist merely in maintaining one's own opinion for gospel) could
not separate itself from the Catholic Church. The so-called Catholics
became themselves sectarians and heretics in casting them out; and Europe
was turned into a mere cockpit, of the theft and fury of unchristian men of
both parties; while innocent and silent on the hills and fields, God's people
in neglected peace, everywhere and for ever Catholics, lived and died.] So
long as, corrupt though it might be, no clear witness had been borne against
it, so that it still included in its ranks a vast number of faithful Christians, so
long its arts were noble. But the witness was borne—the error made
apparent; and Rome, refusing to hear the testimony or forsake the
falsehood, has been struck from that instant with an intellectual palsy,
which has not only incapacitated her from any further use of the arts which
once were her ministers, but has made her worship the shame of its own
shrines, and her worshippers their destroyers. Come, then, if truths such as
these are worth our thoughts; come, and let us know, before we enter the
streets of the Sea city, whether we are indeed to submit ourselves to their
undistinguished enchantment, and to look upon the last changes which were
wrought on the lifted forms of her palaces, as we should on the capricious
towering of summer clouds in the sunset, ere they sank into the deep of
night; or, whether, rather, we shall not behold in the brightness of their
accumulated marble, pages on which the sentence of her luxury was to be
written until the waves should efface it, as they fulfilled—"God has
numbered thy kingdom, and finished it."

CHAPTER II. — THE THRONE.
[FIRST OF SECOND VOLUME IN OLD EDITION.]

SECTION I. In the olden days of travelling, now to return no more, in
which distance could not be vanquished without toil, but in which that toil
was rewarded, partly by the power of deliberate survey of the countries
through which the journey lay, and partly by the happiness of the evening
hours, when, from the top of the last hill he had surmounted, the traveller
beheld the quiet village where he was to rest, scattered among the meadows
beside its valley stream; or, from the long-hoped-for turn in the dusty
perspective of the causeway, saw, for the first time, the towers of some
famed city, faint in the rays of sunset—hours of peaceful and thoughtful
pleasure, for which the rush of the arrival in the railway station is perhaps
not always, or to all men, an equivalent,—in those days, I say, when there
was something more to be anticipated and remembered in the first aspect of
each successive halting-place, than a new arrangement of glass roofing and
iron girder, there were few moments of which the recollection was more
fondly cherished by the traveller than that which, as I endeavored to
describe in the close of the last chapter, brought him within sight of Venice,
as his gondola shot into the open lagoon from the canal of Mestre. Not but
that the aspect of the city itself was generally the source of some slight
disappointment, for, seen in this direction, its buildings are far less
characteristic than those of the other great towns of Italy; but this inferiority
was partly disguised by distance, and more than atoned for by the strange
rising of its walls and towers out of the midst, as it seemed, of the deep sea,
for it was impossible that the mind or the eye could at once comprehend the
shallowness of the vast sheet of water which stretched away in leagues of
rippling lustre to the north and south, or trace the narrow line of islets
bounding it to the east. The salt breeze, the white moaning sea-birds, the
masses of black weed separating and disappearing gradually, in knots of
heaving shoal, under the advance of the steady tide, all proclaimed it to be
indeed the ocean on whose bosom the great city rested so calmly; not such
blue, soft, lake-like ocean as bathes the Neapolitan promontories, or sleeps

beneath the marble rocks of Genoa, but a sea with the bleak power of our
own northern waves, yet subdued into a strange spacious rest, and changed
from its angry pallor into a field of burnished gold, as the sun declined
behind the belfry tower of the lonely island church, fitly named "St. George
of the Seaweed." As the boat drew nearer to the city, the coast which the
traveller had just left sank behind him into one long, low, sad-colored line,
tufted irregularly with brushwood and willows: but, at what seemed its
northern extremity, the hills of Arqua rose in a dark cluster of purple
pyramids, balanced on the bright mirage of the lagoon; two or three smooth
surges of inferior hill extended themselves about their roots, and beyond
these, beginning with the craggy peaks above Vicenza, the chain of the Alps
girded the whole horizon to the north—a wall of jagged blue, here and there
showing through its clefts a wilderness of misty precipices, fading far back
into the recesses of Cadore, and itself rising and breaking away eastward,
where the sun struck opposite upon its snow, into mighty fragments of
peaked light, standing up behind the barred clouds of evening, one after
another, countless, the crown of the Adrian Sea, until the eye turned back
from pursuing them, to rest upon the nearer burning of the campaniles of
Murano, and on the great city, where it magnified itself along the waves, as
the quick silent pacing of the gondola drew nearer and nearer. And at last,
when its walls were reached, and the outmost of its untrodden streets was
entered, not through towered gate or guarded rampart, but as a deep inlet
between two rocks of coral in the Indian sea; when first upon the traveller's
sight opened the long ranges of columned palaces,—each with its black
boat moored at the portal,—each with its image cast down, beneath its feet,
upon that green pavement which every breeze broke into new fantasies of
rich tessellation; when first, at the extremity of the bright vista, the shadowy
Rialto threw its colossal curve slowly forth from behind the palace of the
Camerlenghi; that strange curve, so delicate, so adamantine, strong as a
mountain cavern, graceful as a bow just bent; when first, before its
moonlike circumference was all risen, the gondolier's cry, "Ah! Stali,"
[Footnote: Appendix I, "The Gondolier's Cry."] struck sharp upon the ear,
and the prow turned aside under the mighty cornices that half met over the
narrow canal, where the plash of the water followed close and loud, ringing
along the marble by the boat's side, and when at last that boat darted forth
upon the breadth of silver sea, across which the front of the Ducal palace,
flushed with its sanguine veins, looks to the snowy dome of Our Lady of

Salvation, [Footnote: Appendix II, "Our Lady of Salvation."] it was no
marvel that the mind should be so deeply entranced by the visionary charm
of a scene so beautiful and so strange, as to forget the darker truths of its
history and its being. Well might it seem that such a city had owed her
existence rather to the rod of the enchanter, than the fear of the fugitive; that
the waters which encircled her had been chosen for the mirror of her state,
rather than the shelter of her nakedness; and that all which in nature was
wild or merciless,—Time and Decay, as well as the waves and tempests,—
had been won to adorn her instead of to destroy, and might still spare, for
ages to come, that beauty which seemed to have fixed for its throne the
sands of the hour-glass as well as of the sea.
SECTION II. And although the last few eventful years, fraught with
change to the face of the whole earth, have been more fatal in their
influence on Venice than the five hundred that preceded them; though the
noble landscape of approach to her can now be seen no more, or seen only
by a glance, as the engine slackens its rushing on the iron line; and though
many of her palaces are for ever defaced, and many in desecrated ruins,
there is still so much of magic in her aspect, that the hurried traveller, who
must leave her before the wonder of that first aspect has been worn away,
may still be led to forget the humility of her origin, and to shut his eyes to
the depth of her desolation. They, at least, are little to be envied, in whose
hearts the great charities of the imagination lie dead, and for whom the
fancy has no power to repress the importunity of painful impressions, or to
raise what is ignoble, and disguise what is discordant, in a scene so rich in
its remembrances, so surpassing in its beauty. But for this work of the
imagination there must be no permission during the task which is before us.
The impotent feeling of romance, so singularly characteristic of this
century, may indeed gild, but never save the remains of those mightier ages
to which they are attached like climbing flowers; and they must be torn
away from the magnificent fragments, if we would see them as they stood
in their own strength. Those feelings, always as fruitless as they are fond,
are in Venice not only incapable of protecting, but even of discerning, the
objects of which they ought to have been attached. The Venice of modern
fiction and drama is a thing of yesterday, a mere efflorescence of decay, a
stage dream which the first ray of daylight must dissipate into dust. No
prisoner, whose name is worth remembering, or whose sorrow deserved

sympathy, ever crossed that "Bridge of Sighs," which is the centre of the
Byronic ideal of Venice; no great merchant of Venice ever saw that Rialto
under which the traveller now passes with breathless interest: the statue
which Byron makes Faliero address as of one of his great ancestors was
erected to a soldier of fortune a hundred and fifty years after Faliero's death;
and the most conspicuous parts of the city have been so entirely altered in
the course of the last three centuries, that if Henry Dandolo or Francis
Foscari could be summoned from their tombs, and stood each on the deck
of his galley at the entrance of the Grand Canal, that renowned entrance, the
painter's favorite subject, the novelist's favorite scene, where the water first
narrows by the steps of the Church of La Salute,—the mighty Doges would
not know in what spot of the world they stood, would literally not recognize
one stone of the great city, for whose sake, and by whose ingratitude, their
gray hairs had been brought down with bitterness to the grave. The remains
of their Venice lie hidden behind the cumbrous masses which were the
delight of the nation in its dotage; hidden in many a grass-grown court, and
silent pathway, and lightless canal, where the slow waves have sapped their
foundations for five hundred years, and must soon prevail over them for
ever. It must be our task to glean and gather them forth, and restore out of
them some faint image of the lost city, more gorgeous a thousand-fold than
that which now exists, yet not created in the day-dream of the prince, nor by
the ostentation of the noble, but built by iron hands and patient hearts,
contending against the adversity of nature and the fury of man, so that its
wonderfulness cannot be grasped by the indolence of imagination, but only
after frank inquiry into the true nature of that wild and solitary scene, whose
restless tides and trembling sands did indeed shelter the birth of the city, but
long denied her dominion.
SECTION III. When the eye falls casually on a map of Europe, there is
no feature by which it is more likely to be arrested than the strange
sweeping loop formed by the junction of the Alps and the Apennines, and
enclosing the great basin of Lombardy. This return of the mountain chain
upon itself causes a vast difference in the character of the distribution of its
débris on its opposite sides. The rock fragments and sediment which the
torrents on the north side of the Alps bear into the plains are distributed
over a vast extent of country, and, though here and there lodged in beds of
enormous thickness, soon permit the firm substrata to appear from

underneath them; but all the torrents which descend from the southern side
of the High Alps, and from the northern slope of the Apennines, meet
concentrically in the recess or mountain bay which the two ridges enclose;
every fragment which thunder breaks out of their battlements, and every
grain of dust which the summer rain washes from their pastures, is at last
laid at rest in the blue sweep of the Lombardic plain; and that plain must
have risen within its rocky barriers as a cup fills with wine, but for two
contrary influences which continually depress, or disperse from its surface,
the accumulation of the ruins of ages.
SECTION IV. I will not tax the reader's faith in modern science by
insisting on the singular depression of the surface of Lombardy, which
appears for many centuries to have taken place steadily and continually; the
main fact with which we have to do is the gradual transport, by the Po and
its great collateral rivers, of vast masses of the finer sediment to the sea.
The character of the Lombardic plains is most strikingly expressed by the
ancient walls of its cities, composed for the most part of large rounded
Alpine pebbles alternating with narrow courses of brick; and was curiously
illustrated in 1848, by the ramparts of these same pebbles thrown up four or
five feet high round every field, to check the Austrian cavalry in the battle
under the walls of Verona. The finer dust among which these pebbles are
dispersed is taken up by the rivers, fed into continual strength by the Alpine
snow, so that, however pure their waters may be when they issue from the
lakes at the foot of the great chain, they become of the color and opacity of
clay before they reach the Adriatic; the sediment which they bear is at once
thrown down as they enter the sea, forming a vast belt of low land along the
eastern coast of Italy. The powerful stream of the Po of course builds
forward the fastest; on each side of it, north and south, there is a tract of
marsh, fed by more feeble streams, and less liable to rapid change than the
delta of the central river. In one of these tracts is built RAVENNA, and in
the other VENICE.
SECTION V. What circumstances directed the peculiar arrangement of
this great belt of sediment in the earliest times, it is not here the place to
inquire. It is enough for us to know that from the mouths of the Adige to
those of the Piave there stretches, at a variable distance of from three to five
miles from the actual shore, a bank of sand, divided into long islands by
narrow channels of sea. The space between this bank and the true shore

consists of the sedimentary deposits from these and other rivers, a great
plain of calcareous mud, covered, in the neighborhood of Venice, by the sea
at high water, to the depth in most places of a foot or a foot and a half, and
nearly everywhere exposed at low tide, but divided by an intricate network
of narrow and winding channels, from which the sea never retires. In some
places, according to the run of the currents, the land has risen into marshy
islets, consolidated, some by art, and some by time, into ground firm
enough to be built upon, or fruitful enough to be cultivated: in others, on the
contrary, it has not reached the sea-level; so that, at the average low water,
shallow lakelets glitter among its irregularly exposed fields of seaweed. In
the midst of the largest of these, increased in importance by the confluence
of several large river channels towards one of the openings in the sea bank,
the city of Venice itself is built, on a clouded cluster of islands; the various
plots of higher ground which appear to the north and south of this central
cluster, have at different periods been also thickly inhabited, and now bear,
according to their size, the remains of cities, villages, or isolated convents
and churches, scattered among spaces of open ground, partly waste and
encumbered by ruins, partly under cultivation for the supply of the
metropolis.
SECTION VI. The average rise and fall of the tide is about three feet
(varying considerably with the seasons; [Footnote: Appendix III, "Tides of
Venice."]) but this fall, on so flat a shore, is enough to cause continual
movement in the waters, and in the main canals to produce a reflux which
frequently runs like a mill stream. At high water no land is visible for many
miles to the north or south of Venice, except in the form of small islands
crowned with towers or gleaming with villages: there is a channel, some
three miles wide, between the city and the mainland, and some mile and a
half wide between it and the sandy breakwater called the Lido, which
divides the lagoon from the Adriatic, but which is so low as hardly to
disturb the impression of the city's having been built in the midst of the
ocean, although the secret of its true position is partly, yet not painfully,
betrayed by the clusters of piles set to mark the deep-water channels, which
undulate far away in spotty chains like the studded backs of huge sea-
snakes, and by the quick glittering of the crisped and crowded waves that
flicker and dance before the strong winds upon the unlifted level of the
shallow sea. But the scene is widely different at low tide. A fall of eighteen

or twenty inches is enough to show ground over the greater part of the
lagoon; and at the complete ebb the city is seen standing in the midst of a
dark plain of seaweed, of gloomy green, except only where the larger
branches of the Brenta and its associated streams converge towards the port
of the Lido. Through this salt and sombre plain the gondola and the fishing-
boat advance by tortuous channels, seldom more than four or five feet deep,
and often so choked with slime that the heavier keels furrow the bottom till
their crossing tracks are seen through the clear sea water like the ruts upon
a. wintry road, and the oar leaves blue gashes upon the ground at every
stroke, or is entangled among the thick weed that fringes the banks with the
weight of its sullen waves, leaning to and fro upon the uncertain sway of the
exhausted tide. The scene is often profoundly oppressive, even at this day,
when every plot of higher ground bears some fragment of fair building: but,
in order to know what it was once, let the traveller follow in his boat at
evening the windings of some unfrequented channel far into the midst of
the melancholy plain; let him remove, in his imagination, the brightness of
the great city that still extends itself in the distance, and the walls and
towers from the islands that are near; and so wait, until the bright
investiture and, sweet warmth of the sunset are withdrawn from the waters,
and the black desert of their shore lies in its nakedness beneath the night,
pathless, comfortless, infirm, lost in dark languor and fearful silence, except
where the salt runlets plash into the tideless pools, or the seabirds flit from
their margins with a questioning cry; and he will be enabled to enter in
some sort into the horror of heart with which this solitude was anciently
chosen by man for his habitation. They little thought, who first drove the
stakes into the sand, and strewed the ocean reeds for their rest, that their
children were to be the princes of that ocean, and their palaces its pride; and
yet, in the great natural laws that rule that sorrowful wilderness, let it be
remembered what strange preparation had been made for the things which
no human imagination could have foretold, and how the whole existence
and fortune of the Venetian nation were anticipated or compelled, by the
setting of those bars and doors to the rivers and the sea. Had deeper currents
divided their islands, hostile navies would again and again have reduced the
rising city into servitude; had stronger surges beaten their shores, all the
richness and refinement of the Venetian architecture must have been
exchanged for the walls and bulwarks of an ordinary sea-port. Had there
been no tide, as in other parts of the Mediterranean, the narrow canals of the

city would have become noisome, and the marsh in which it was built
pestiferous. Had the tide been only a foot or eighteen inches higher in its
rise, the water-access to the doors of the palaces would have been
impossible: even as it is, there is sometimes a little difficulty, at the ebb, in
landing without setting foot upon the lower and slippery steps: and the
highest tides sometimes enter the courtyards, and overflow the entrance
halls. Eighteen inches more of difference between the level of the flood and
ebb would have rendered the doorsteps of every palace, at low water, a
treacherous mass of weeds and limpets, and the entire system of water-
carriage for the higher classes, in their easy and daily intercourse, must
have been done away with. The streets of the city would have been
widened, its network of canals filled up, and all the peculiar character of the
place and the people destroyed.
SECTION VII. The reader may perhaps have felt some pain in the
contrast between this faithful view of the site of the Venetian Throne, and
the romantic conception of it which we ordinarily form; but this pain, if he
have felt it, ought to be more than counterbalanced by the value of the
instance thus afforded to us at once of the inscrutableness and the wisdom
of the ways of God. If, two thousand years ago, we had been permitted to
watch the slow settling of the slime of those turbid rivers into the polluted
sea, and the gaining upon its deep and fresh waters of the lifeless,
impassable, unvoyageable plain, how little could we have understood the
purpose with which those islands were shaped out of the void, and the
torpid waters enclosed with their desolate walls of sand! How little could
we have known, any more than of what now seems to us most distressful,
dark, and objectless, the glorious aim which was then in the mind of Him in
whose hand are all the corners of the earth! how little imagined that in the
laws which were stretching forth the gloomy margins of those fruitless
banks, and feeding the bitter grass among their shallows, there was indeed a
preparation, and the only preparation possible, for the founding of a city
which was to be set like a golden clasp on the girdle of the earth, to write
her history on the white scrolls of the sea-surges, and to word it in their
thunder, and to gather and give forth, in world-wide pulsation, the glory of
the West and of the East, from the burning heart of her Fortitude and
Splendor.

CHAPTER III. — TORCELLO.
[SECOND OF SECOND VOLUME IN OLD EDITION.]

SECTION I. Seven miles to the north of Venice, the banks of sand, which
near the city rise little above low-water mark, attain by degrees a higher
level, and knit themselves at last into fields of salt morass, raised here and
there into shapeless mounds, and intercepted by narrow creeks of sea. One
of the feeblest of these inlets, after winding for some time among buried
fragments of masonry, and knots of sunburnt weeds whitened with webs of
fucus, stays itself in an utterly stagnant pool beside a plot of greener grass
covered with ground ivy and violets. On this mound is built a rude brick
campanile, of the commonest Lombardic type, which if we ascend towards
evening (and there are none to hinder us, the door of its ruinous staircase
swinging idly on its hinges), we may command from it one of the most
notable scenes in this wide world of ours. Far as the eye can reach, a waste
of wild sea moor, of a lurid ashen gray; not like our northern moors with
their jet-black pools and purple heath, but lifeless, the color of sackcloth,
with the corrupted sea-water soaking through the roots of its acrid weeds,
and gleaming hither and thither through its snaky channels. No gathering of
fantastic mists, nor coursing of clouds across it; but melancholy clearness of
space in the warm sunset, oppressive, reaching to the horizon of its level
gloom. To the very horizon, on the north-east; but, to the north and west,
there is a blue line of higher land along the border of it, and above this, but
farther back, a misty band of mountains, touched with snow. To the east, the
paleness and roar of the Adriatic, louder at momentary intervals as the surf
breaks on the bars of sand; to the south, the widening branches of the calm
lagoon, alternately purple and pale green, as they reflect the evening clouds
or twilight sky; and almost beneath our feet, on the same field which
sustains the tower we gaze from, a group of four buildings, two of them
little larger than cottages (though built of stone, and one adorned by a
quaint belfry), the third an octagonal chapel, of which we can see but little
more than the flat red roof with its rayed tiling, the fourth, a considerable
church with nave and aisles, but of which, in like manner, we can see little

but the long central ridge and lateral slopes of roof, which the sunlight
separates in one glowing mass from the green field beneath and gray moor
beyond. There are no living creatures near the buildings, nor any vestige of
village or city round about them. They lie like a little company of ships
becalmed on a far-away sea.
SECTION II. Then look farther to the south. Beyond the widening
branches of the lagoon, and rising out of the bright lake into which they
gather, there are a multitude of towers, dark, and scattered among square-set
shapes of clustered palaces, a long and irregular line fretting the southern
sky.
Mother and daughter, you behold them both in their widowhood,—
TORCELLO and VENICE.
Thirteen hundred years ago, the gray moorland looked as it does this day,
and the purple mountains stood as radiantly in the deep distances of
evening; but on the line of the horizon, there were strange fires mixed with
the light of sunset, and the lament of many human voices mixed with the
fretting of the waves on their ridges of sand. The flames rose from the ruins
of Altinum; the lament from the multitude of its people, seeking, like Israel
of old, a refuge from the sword in the paths of the sea.
The cattle are feeding and resting upon the site of the city that they left;
the mower's scythe swept this day at dawn over the chief street of the city
that they built, and the swathes of soft grass are now sending up their scent
into the night air, the only incense that fills the temple of their ancient
worship. Let us go down into that little space of meadow land.
SECTION III. The inlet which runs nearest to the base of the campanile
is not that by which Torcello is commonly approached. Another, somewhat
broader, and overhung by alder copse, winds out of the main channel of the
lagoon up to the very edge of the little meadow which was once the Piazza
of the city, and there, stayed by a few grey stones which present some
semblance of a quay, forms its boundary at one extremity. Hardly larger
than an ordinary English farmyard, and roughly enclosed on each side by
broken palings and hedges of honeysuckle and briar, the narrow field retires
from the water's edge, traversed by a scarcely traceable footpath, for some
forty or fifty paces, and then expanding into the form of a small square,

with buildings on three sides of it, the fourth being that which opens to the
water. Two of these, that on our left and that in front of us as we approach
from the canal, are so small that they might well be taken for the out-houses
of the farm, though the first is a conventual building, and the other aspires
to the title of the "Palazzo publico," both dating as far back as the beginning
of the fourteenth century; the third, the octagonal church of Santa Fosca, is
far more ancient than either, yet hardly on a larger scale. Though the pillars
of the portico which surrounds it are of pure Greek marble, and their
capitals are enriched with delicate sculpture, they, and the arches they
sustain, together only raise the roof to the height of a cattle-shed; and the
first strong impression which the spectator receives from the whole scene
is, that whatever sin it may have been which has on this spot been visited
with so utter a desolation, it could not at least have been ambition. Nor will
this impression be diminished as we approach, or enter, the larger church to
which the whole group of building is subordinate. It has evidently been
built by men in flight and distress, [Footnote: Appendix IV, "Date of the
Duomo of Torcello."] who sought in the hurried erection of their Island
church such a shelter for their earnest and sorrowful worship as, on the one
hand, could not attract the eyes of their enemies by its splendor, and yet, on
the other, might not awaken too bitter feelings by its contrast with the
churches which they had seen destroyed.
There is visible everywhere a simple and tender effort to recover some of
the form of the temples which they had loved, and to do honor to God by
that which they were erecting, while distress and humiliation prevented the
desire, and prudence precluded the admission, either of luxury of ornament
or magnificence of plan. The exterior is absolutely devoid of decoration,
with the exception only of the western entrance and the lateral door, of
which the former has carved sideposts and architrave, and the latter, crosses
of rich sculpture; while the massy stone shutters of the windows, turning on
huge rings of stone, which answer the double purpose of stanchions and
brackets, cause the whole building rather to resemble a refuge from Alpine
storm than the cathedral of a populous city; and, internally, the two solemn
mosaics of the eastern and western extremities,—one representing the Last
Judgment, the other the Madonna, her tears falling as her hands are raised to
bless,—and the noble range of pillars which enclose the space between,
terminated by the high throne for the pastor and the semicircular raised

seats for the superior clergy, are expressive at once of the deep sorrow and
the sacred courage of men who had no home left them upon earth, but who
looked for one to come, of men "persecuted but not forsaken, cast down but
not destroyed."
SECTION IV. For observe this choice of subjects. It is indeed possible
that the walls of the nave and aisles, which are now whitewashed, may have
been covered with fresco or mosaic, and thus have supplied a series of
subjects, on the choice of which we cannot speculate. I do not, however,
find record of the destruction of any such works; and I am rather inclined to
believe that at any rate the central division of the building was originally,
decorated, as it is now, simply by mosaics representing Christ, the Virgin,
and the apostles, at one extremity, and Christ coming to judgment at the
other. And if so, I repeat, observe the significance of this choice. Most other
early churches are covered with imagery sufficiently suggestive of the vivid
interest of the builders in the history and occupations of the world. Symbols
or representations of political events, portraits of living persons, and
sculptures of satirical, grotesque, or trivial subjects are of constant
occurrence, mingled with the more strictly appointed representations of
scriptural or ecclesiastical history; but at Torcello even these usual, and one
should have thought almost necessary, successions of Bible events do not
appear. The mind of the worshipper was fixed entirely upon two great facts,
to him the most precious of all facts,—the present mercy of Christ to His
Church, and His future coming to judge the world. That Christ's mercy was,
at this period, supposed chiefly to be attainable through the pleading of the
Virgin, and that therefore beneath the figure of the Redeemer is seen that of
the weeping Madonna in the act of intercession, may indeed be matter of
sorrow to the Protestant beholder, but ought not to blind him to the
earnestness and singleness of the faith with which these men sought their
sea-solitudes; not in hope of founding new dynasties, or entering upon new
epochs of prosperity, but only to humble themselves before God, and to
pray that in His infinite mercy He would hasten the time when the sea
should give up the dead which were in it, and Death and Hell give up the
dead which were in them, and when they might enter into the better
kingdom, "where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at
rest."

SECTION V. Nor were the strength and elasticity of their minds, even in
the least matters, diminished by thus looking forward to the close of all
things. On the contrary, nothing is more remarkable than the finish and
beauty of all the portions of the building, which seem to have been actually
executed for the place they occupy in the present structure. The rudest are
those which they brought with them from the mainland; the best and most
beautiful, those which appear to have been carved for their island church: of
these, the new capitals already noticed, and the exquisite panel ornaments
of the chancel screen, are the most conspicuous; the latter form a low wall
across the church between the six small shafts whose places are seen in the
plan, and serve to enclose a space raised two steps above the level of the
nave, destined for the singers, and indicated also in the plan by an open line
a b c d. The bas-reliefs on this low screen are groups of peacocks and lions,
two face to face on each panel, rich and fantastic beyond description,
though not expressive of very accurate knowledge either of leonine or
pavonine forms. And it is not until we pass to the back of the stair of the
pulpit, which is connected with the northern extremity of this screen, that
we find evidence of the haste with which the church was constructed.
SECTION VI. The pulpit, however, is not among the least noticeable of
its features. It is sustained on the four small detached shafts marked at p in
the plan, between the two pillars at the north side of the screen; both pillars
and pulpit studiously plain, while the staircase which ascends to it is a
compact mass of masonry (shaded in the plan), faced by carved slabs of
marble; the parapet of the staircase being also formed of solid blocks like
paving-stones, lightened by rich, but not deep, exterior carving. Now these
blocks, or at least those which adorn the staircase towards the aisle, have
been brought from the mainland; and, being of size and shape not easily to
be adjusted to the proportions of the stair, the architect has cut out of them
pieces of the size he needed, utterly regardless of the subject or symmetry
of the original design. The pulpit is not the only place where this rough
procedure has been permitted: at the lateral door of the church are two
crosses, cut out of slabs of marble, formerly covered with rich sculpture
over their whole surfaces, of which portions are left on the surface of the
crosses; the lines of the original design being, of course, just as arbitrarily
cut by the incisions between the arms, as the patterns upon a piece of silk
which has been shaped anew. The fact is, that in all early Romanesque

work, large surfaces are covered with sculpture for the sake of enrichment
only; sculpture which indeed had always meaning, because it was easier for
the sculptor to work with some chain of thought to guide his chisel, than
without any; but it was not always intended, or at least not always hoped,
that this chain of thought might be traced by the spectator. All that was
proposed appears to have been the enrichment of surface, so as to make it
delightful to the eye; and this being once understood, a decorated piece of
marble became to the architect just what a piece of lace or embroidery is to
a dressmaker, who takes of it such portions as she may require, with little
regard to the places where the patterns are divided. And though it may
appear, at first sight, that the procedure is indicative of bluntness and
rudeness of feeling,—we may perceive, upon reflection, that it may also
indicate the redundance of power which sets little price upon its own
exertion. When a barbarous nation builds its fortress-walls out of fragments
of the refined architecture it has overthrown, we can read nothing but its
savageness in the vestiges of art which may thus chance to have been
preserved; but when the new work is equal, if not superior, in execution, to
the pieces of the older art which are associated with it, we may justly
conclude that the rough treatment to which the latter have been subjected is
rather a sign of the hope of doing better things, than of want of feeling for
those already accomplished. And, in general, this careless fitting of
ornament is, in very truth, an evidence of life in the school of builders, and
of their making a due distinction between work which is to be used for
architectural effect, and work which is to possess an abstract perfection; and
it commonly shows also that the exertion of design is so easy to them, and
their fertility so inexhaustible, that they feel no remorse in using somewhat
injuriously what they can replace with so slight an effort.
SECTION VII. It appears however questionable in the present instance,
whether, if the marbles had not been carved to his hand, the architect would
have taken the trouble to enrich them. For the execution of the rest of the
pulpit is studiously simple, and it is in this respect that its design possesses,
it seems to me, an interest to the religious spectator greater than he will take
in any other portion of the building. It is supported, as I said, on a group of
four slender shafts; itself of a slightly oval form, extending nearly from one
pillar of the nave to the next, so as to give the preacher free room for the
action of the entire person, which always gives an unaffected

impressiveness to the eloquence of the southern nations. In the centre of its
curved front, a small bracket and detached shaft sustain the projection of a
narrow marble desk (occupying the place of a cushion in a modern pulpit),
which is hollowed out into a shallow curve on the upper surface, leaving a
ledge at the bottom of the slab, so that a book laid upon it, or rather into it,
settles itself there, opening as if by instinct, but without the least chance of
slipping to the side, or in any way moving beneath the preacher's hands. Six
balls, or rather almonds, of purple marble veined with white are set round
the edge of the pulpit, and form its only decoration. Perfectly graceful, but
severe and almost cold in its simplicity, built for permanence and service,
so that no single member, no stone of it, could be spared, and yet all are
firm and uninjured as when they were first set together, it stands in
venerable contrast both with the fantastic pulpits of mediaeval cathedrals
and with the rich furniture of those of our modern churches. It is worth
while pausing for a moment to consider how far the manner of decorating a
pulpit may have influence on the efficiency of its service, and whether our
modern treatment of this, to us all-important, feature of a church be the best
possible. [Footnote: Appendix V., "Modern Pulpits."]
SECTION VIII. When the sermon is good we need not much concern
ourselves about the form of the pulpit. But sermons cannot always be good;
and I believe that the temper in which the congregation set themselves to
listen may be in some degree modified by their perception of fitness or
unfitness, impressiveness or vulgarity, in the disposition of the place
appointed for the speaker,—not to the same degree, but somewhat in the
same way, that they may be influenced by his own gestures or expression,
irrespective of the sense of what he says. I believe, therefore, in the first
place, that pulpits ought never to be highly decorated; the speaker is apt to
look mean or diminutive if the pulpit is either on a very large scale or
covered with splendid ornament, and if the interest of the sermon should
flag the mind is instantly tempted to wander. I have observed that in almost
all cathedrals, when the pulpits are peculiarly magnificent, sermons are not
often preached from them; but rather, and especially if for any important
purpose, from some temporary erection in other parts of the building:—and
though this may often be done because the architect has consulted the effect
upon the eye more than the convenience of the ear in the placing of his
larger pulpit, I think it also proceeds in some measure from a natural dislike

in the preacher to match himself with the magnificence of the rostrum, lest
the sermon should not be thought worthy of the place. Yet this will rather
hold of the colossal sculptures, and pyramids of fantastic tracery which
encumber the pulpits of Flemish and German churches, than of the delicate
mosaics and ivory-like carving of the Romanesque basilicas, for when the
form is kept simple, much loveliness of color and costliness of work may be
introduced, and yet the speaker not be thrown into the shade by them.
SECTION IX. But, in the second place, whatever ornaments we admit
ought clearly to be of a chaste, grave, and noble kind; and what furniture we
employ, evidently more for the honoring of God's word than for the ease of
the preacher. For there are two ways of regarding a sermon, either as a
human composition, or a Divine message. If we look upon it entirely as the
first, and require our clergymen to finish it with their utmost care and
learning, for our better delight whether of ear or intellect, we shall
necessarily be led to expect much formality and stateliness in its delivery,
and to think that all is not well if the pulpit have not a golden fringe round
it, and a goodly cushion in front of it, and if the sermon be not fairly written
in a black book, to be smoothed upon the cushion in a majestic manner
before beginning; all this we shall duly come to expect: but we shall at the
same time consider the treatise thus prepared as something to which it is our
duty to listen without restlessness for half an hour or three quarters, but
which, when that duty has been decorously performed, we may dismiss
from our minds in happy confidence of being provided with another when
next it shall be necessary. But if once we begin to regard the preacher,
whatever his faults, as a man sent with a message to us, which it is a matter
of life or death whether we hear or refuse; if we look upon him as set in
charge over many spirits in danger of ruin, and having allowed to him but
an hour or two in the seven days to speak to them; if we make some
endeavor to conceive how precious these hours ought to be to him, a small
vantage on the side of God after his flock have been exposed for six days
together to the full weight of the world's temptation, and he has been forced
to watch the thorn and the thistle springing in their hearts, and to see what
wheat had been scattered there snatched from the wayside by this wild bird
and the other, and at last, when breathless and weary with the week's labor
they give him this interval of imperfect and languid hearing, he has but
thirty minutes to get at the separate hearts of a thousand men, to convince

them of all their weaknesses, to shame them for all their sins, to warn them
of all their dangers, to try by this way and that to stir the hard fastenings of
those doors where the Master himself has stood and knocked yet none
opened, and to call at the openings of those dark streets where Wisdom
herself hath stretched forth her hands and no man regarded,—thirty minutes
to raise the dead in,—let us but once understand and feel this, and we shall
look with changed eyes upon that frippery of gay furniture about the place
from which the message of judgment must be delivered, which either
breathes upon the dry bones that they may live, or, if ineffectual, remains
recorded in condemnation, perhaps against the utterer and listener alike, but
assuredly against one of them. We shall not so easily bear with the silk and
gold upon the seat of judgment, nor with ornament of oratory in the mouth
of the messenger: we shall wish that his words may be simple, even when
they are sweetest, and the place from which he speaks like a marble rock in
the desert, about which the people have gathered in their thirst.
SECTION X. But the severity which is so marked in the pulpit at
Torcello is still more striking in the raised seats and episcopal throne which
occupy the curve of the apse. The arrangement at first somewhat recalls to
the mind that of the Roman amphitheatres; the flight of steps which lead up
to the central throne divides the curve of the continuous steps or seats (it
appears in the first three ranges questionable which were intended, for they
seem too high for the one, and too low and close for the other), exactly as in
an amphitheatre the stairs for access intersect the sweeping ranges of seats.
But in the very rudeness of this arrangement, and especially in the want of
all appliances of comfort (for the whole is of marble, and the arms of the
central throne are not for convenience, but for distinction, and to separate it
more conspicuously from the undivided seats), there is a dignity which no
furniture of stalls nor carving of canopies ever could attain, and well worth
the contemplation of the Protestant, both as sternly significative of an
episcopal authority which in the early days of the Church was never
disputed, and as dependent for all its impressiveness on the utter absence of
any expression either of pride or self-indulgence.
SECTION XI. But there is one more circumstance which we ought to
remember as giving peculiar significance to the position which the
episcopal throne occupies in this island church, namely, that in the minds of
all early Christians the Church itself was most frequently symbolized under

the image of a ship, of which the bishop was the pilot. Consider the force
which this symbol would assume in the imaginations of men to whom the
spiritual Church had become an ark of refuge in the midst of a destruction
hardly less terrible than that from which the eight souls were saved of old, a
destruction in which the wrath of man had become as broad as the earth and
as merciless as the sea, and who saw the actual and literal edifice of the
Church raked up, itself like an ark in the midst of the waters. No marvel if
with the surf of the Adriatic rolling between them and the shores of their
birth, from which they were separated for ever, they should have looked
upon each other as the disciples did when the storm came down on the
Tiberias Lake, and have yielded ready and loving obedience to those who
ruled them in His name, who had there rebuked the winds and commanded
stillness to the sea. And if the stranger would yet learn in what spirit it was
that the dominion of Venice was begun, and in what strength she went forth
conquering and to conquer, let him not seek to estimate the wealth of her
arsenals or number of her armies, nor look upon the pageantry of her
palaces, nor enter into the secrets of her councils; but let him ascend the
highest tier of the stern ledges that sweep round the altar of Torcello, and
then, looking as the pilot did of old along the marble ribs of the goodly
temple-ship, let him repeople its veined deck with the shadows of its dead
mariners, and strive to feel in himself the strength of heart that was kindled
within them, when first, after the pillars of it had settled in the sand, and the
roof of it had been closed against the angry sky that was still reddened by
the fires of their homesteads,—first, within the shelter of its knitted walls,
amidst the murmur of the waste of waves and the beating of the wings of
the sea-birds round the rock that was strange to them,—rose that ancient
hymn, in the power of their gathered voices:

THE SEA IS HIS, AND HE MADE IT,
AND HIS HANDS PREPARED THE DRY LAND.

CHAPTER IV. — ST. MARK'S.
SECTION I. "And so Barnabas took Mark, and sailed unto Cyprus." If as
the shores of Asia lessened upon his sight, the spirit of prophecy had
entered into the heart of the weak disciple who had turned back when his
hand was on the plough, and who had been judged, by the chiefest of
Christ's captains, unworthy thenceforward to go forth with him to the work,
[Footnote: Acts, xiii. 13; xv. 38, 39.] how wonderful would he have thought
it, that by the lion symbol in future ages he was to be represented among
men! how woful, that the war-cry of his name should so often reanimate the
rage of the soldier, on those very plains where he himself had failed in the
courage of the Christian, and so often dye with fruitless blood that very
Cypriot Sea, over whose waves, in repentance and shame, he was following
the Son of Consolation!
SECTION II. That the Venetians possessed themselves of his body in the
ninth century, there appears no sufficient reason to doubt, nor that it was
principally in consequence of their having done so, that they chose him for
their patron saint. There exists, however, a tradition that before he went into
Egypt he had founded the Church at Aquileia, and was thus, in some sort,
the first bishop of the Venetian isles and people. I believe that this tradition
stands on nearly as good grounds as that of St. Peter having been the first
bishop of Rome; [Footnote: The reader who desires to investigate it may
consult Galliciolli, "Delle Memorie Venete" (Venice, 1795), tom. ii. p. 332,
and the authorities quoted by him.] but, as usual, it is enriched by various
later additions and embellishments, much resembling the stories told
respecting the church of Murano. Thus we find it recorded by the Santo
Padre who compiled the "Vite de' Santi spettanti alle Chiese di Venezia,"
[Footnote: Venice, 1761, tom. i. p. 126.] that "St. Mark having seen the
people of Aquileia well grounded in religion, and being called to Rome by
St. Peter, before setting off took with him the holy bishop Hermagoras, and
went in a small boat to the marshes of Venice. There were at that period
some houses built upon a certain high bank called Rialto, and the boat being
driven by the wind was anchored in a marshy place, when St. Mark,
snatched into ecstasy, heard the voice of an angel saying to him: 'Peace be

to thee, Mark; here shall thy body rest.'" The angel goes on to foretell the
building of "una stupenda, ne più veduta Città;" but the fable is hardly
ingenious enough to deserve farther relation.
SECTION III. But whether St. Mark was first bishop of Aquileia or not,
St. Theodore was the first patron of the city; nor can he yet be considered as
having entirely abdicated his early right, as his statue, standing on a
crocodile, still companions the winged lion on the opposing pillar of the
piazzetta. A church erected to this Saint is said to have occupied, before the
ninth century, the site of St. Mark's; and the traveller, dazzled by the
brilliancy of the great square, ought not to leave it without endeavoring to
imagine its aspect in that early time, when it was a green field cloister-like
and quiet, [Footnote: St. Mark's Place, "partly covered by turf, and planted
with a few trees; and on account of its pleasant aspect called Brollo or
Broglio, that is to say, Garden." The canal passed through it, over which is
built the bridge of the Malpassi. Galliciolli, lib. I, cap. viii.] divided by a
small canal, with a line of trees on each side; and extending between the
two churches of St. Theodore and St. Geminian, as the little piazza, of
Torcello lies between its "palazzo" and cathedral.
SECTION IV. But in the year 813, when the seat of government was
finally removed to the Rialto, a Ducal Palace, built on the spot where the
present one stands, with a Ducal Chapel beside it, [Footnote: My authorities
for this statement are given below, in the chapter on the Ducal Palace.] gave
a very different character to the Square of St. Mark; and fifteen years later,
the acquisition of the body of the Saint, and its deposition in the Ducal
Chapel, perhaps not yet completed, occasioned the investiture of that chapel
with all possible splendor. St. Theodore was deposed from his patronship,
and his church destroyed, to make room for the aggrandizement of the one
attached to the Ducal Palace, and thenceforward known as "St. Mark's."
[Footnote: In the Chronicles, "Sancti Marci Ducalis Cappella."]
SECTION V. This first church was however destroyed by fire, when the
Ducal Palace was burned in the revolt against Candiano, in 976. It was
partly rebuilt by his successor, Pietro Orseolo, on a larger scale; and with
the assistance of Byzantine architects, the fabric was carried on under
successive Doges for nearly a hundred years; the main building being
completed in 1071, but its incrustation with marble not till considerably

later. It was consecrated on the 8th of October, 1085, [Footnote: "To God
the Lord, the glorious Virgin Annunciate, and the Protector St. Mark."—
Corner, p. 14. It is needless to trouble the reader with the various
authorities for the above statements: I have consulted the best. The previous
inscription once existing on the church itself:

"Anno milleno transacto bisque trigeno
Desuper undecimo fuit facta primo,"

is no longer to be seen, and is conjectured by Corner, with much
probability, to have perished "in qualche ristauro."] according to Sansovino
and the author of the "Chiesa Ducale di S. Marco," in 1094 according to
Lazari, but certainly between 1084 and 1096, those years being the limits of
the reign of Vital Falier; I incline to the supposition that it was soon after
his accession to the throne in 1085, though Sansovino writes, by mistake,
Ordelafo instead of Vital Falier. But, at all events, before the close of the
eleventh century the great consecration of the church took place. It was
again injured by fire in 1106, but repaired; and from that time to the fall of
Venice there was probably no Doge who did not in some slight degree
embellish or alter the fabric, so that few parts of it can be pronounced
boldly to be of any given date. Two periods of interference are, however,
notable above the rest: the first, that in which the Gothic school had
superseded the Byzantine towards the close of the fourteenth century, when
the pinnacles, upper archivolts, and window traceries were added to the
exterior, and the great screen, with various chapels and tabernacle-work, to
the interior; the second, when the Renaissance school superseded the
Gothic, and the pupils of Titian and Tintoret substituted, over one half of the
church, their own compositions for the Greek mosaics with which it was
originally decorated; [Footnote: Signed Bartolomeus Bozza, 1634, 1647,
1656, etc.] happily, though with no good will, having left enough to enable
us to imagine and lament what they destroyed. Of this irreparable loss we
shall have more to say hereafter; meantime, I wish only to fix in the reader's
mind the succession of periods of alteration as firmly and simply as
possible.
SECTION VI. We have seen that the main body of the church may be
broadly stated to be of the eleventh century, the Gothic additions of the
fourteenth, and the restored mosaics of the seventeenth. There is no

difficulty in distinguishing at a glance the Gothic portions from the
Byzantine; but there is considerable difficulty in ascertaining how long,
during the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, additions were
made to the Byzantine church, which cannot be easily distinguished from
the work of the eleventh century, being purposely executed in the same
manner. Two of the most important pieces of evidence on this point are, a
mosaic in the south transept, and another over the northern door of the
façade; the first representing the interior, the second the exterior, of the
ancient church.
SECTION VII. It has just been stated that the existing building was
consecrated by the Doge Vital Falier. A peculiar solemnity was given to that
of consecration, in the minds of the Venetian people, by what appears to
have been one of the best arranged and most successful impostures ever
attempted by the clergy of the Romish church. The body of St. Mark had,
without doubt, perished in the conflagration of 976; but the revenues of the
church depended too much upon the devotion excited by these relics to
permit the confession of their loss. The following is the account given by
Corner, and believed to this day by the Venetians, of the pretended miracle
by which it was concealed.
"After the repairs undertaken by the Doge Orseolo, the place in which the
body of the holy Evangelist rested had been altogether forgotten, so that the
Doge Vital Falier was entirely ignorant of the place of the venerable
deposit. This was no light affliction, not only to the pious Doge, but to all
the citizens and people; so that at last, moved by confidence in the Divine
mercy, they determined to implore, with prayer and fasting, the
manifestation of so great a treasure, which did not now depend upon any
human effort. A general fast being therefore proclaimed, and a solemn
procession appointed for the 25th day of June, while the people assembled
in the church interceded with God in fervent prayers for the desired boon,
they beheld, with as much amazement as joy, a slight shaking in the marbles
of a pillar (near the place where the altar of the Cross is now), which,
presently falling to the earth, exposed to the view of the rejoicing people the
chest of bronze in which the body of the Evangelist was laid."
SECTION VIII. Of the main facts of this tale there is no doubt. They
were embellished afterwards, as usual, by many fanciful traditions; as, for

instance, that, when the sarcophagus was discovered, St. Mark extended his
hand out of it, with a gold ring on one of the fingers, which he permitted a
noble of the Dolfin family to remove; and a quaint and delightful story was
further invented of this ring, which I shall not repeat here, as it is now as
well known as any tale of the Arabian Nights. But the fast and the discovery
of the coffin, by whatever means effected, are facts; and they are recorded
in one of the best-preserved mosaics of the north transept, executed very
certainly not long after the event had taken place, closely resembling in its
treatment that of the Bayeux tapestry, and showing, in a conventional
manner, the interior of the church, as it then was, filled by the people, first
in prayer, then in thanksgiving, the pillar standing open before them, and
the Doge, in the midst of them, distinguished by his crimson bonnet
embroidered with gold, but more unmistakably by the inscription "Dux"
over his head, as uniformly is the case in the Bayeux tapestry, and most
other pictorial works of the period. The church is, of course, rudely
represented, and the two upper stories of it reduced to a small scale in order
to form a background to the figures; one of those bold pieces of picture
history which we in our pride of perspective, and a thousand things besides,
never dare attempt. We should have put in a column or two of the real or
perspective size, and subdued it into a vague background: the old workman
crushed the church together that he might get it all in, up to the cupolas; and
has, therefore, left us some useful notes of its ancient form, though any one
who is familiar with the method of drawing employed at the period will not
push the evidence too far. The two pulpits are there, however, as they are at
this day, and the fringe of mosaic flowerwork which then encompassed the
whole church, but which modern restorers have destroyed, all but one
fragment still left in the south aisle. There is no attempt to represent the
other mosaics on the roof, the scale being too small to admit of their being
represented with any success; but some at least of those mosaics had been
executed at that period, and their absence in the representation of the entire
church is especially to be observed, in order to show that we must not trust
to any negative evidence in such works. M. Lazari has rashly concluded
that the central archivolt of St. Mark's must be posterior to the year 1205,
because it does not appear in the representation of the exterior of the church
over the northern door; [Footnote: Guida di Venezia, p. 6. (He is right,
however.)] but he justly observes that this mosaic (which is the other piece
of evidence we possess respecting the ancient form of the building) cannot

itself be earlier than 1205, since it represents the bronze horses which were
brought from Constantinople in that year. And this one fact renders it very
difficult to speak with confidence respecting the date of any part of the
exterior of St. Mark's; for we have above seen that it was consecrated in the
eleventh century, and yet here is one of the most important exterior
decorations assuredly retouched, if not entirely added, in the thirteenth,
although its style would have led us to suppose it had been an original part
of the fabric. However, for all our purposes, it will be enough for the reader
to remember that the earliest parts of the building belong to the eleventh,
twelfth, and first part of the thirteenth century; the Gothic portions to the
fourteenth; some of the altars and embellishments to the fifteenth and
sixteenth; and the modern portion of the mosaics to the seventeenth.
SECTION IX. This, however, I only wish him to recollect in order that I
may speak generally of the Byzantine architecture of St. Mark's, without
leading him to suppose the whole church to have been built and decorated
by Greek artists. Its later portions, with the single exception of the
seventeenth century mosaics, have been so dexterously accommodated to
the original fabric that the general effect is still that of a Byzantine building;
and I shall not, except when it is absolutely necessary, direct attention to the
discordant points, or weary the reader with anatomical criticism. Whatever
in St. Mark's arrests the eye, or affects the feelings, is either Byzantine, or
has been modified by Byzantine influence; and our inquiry into its
architectural merits need not therefore be disturbed by the anxieties of
antiquarianism, or arrested by the obscurities of chronology.
SECTION X. And now I wish that the reader, before I bring him into St.
Mark's Place, would imagine himself for a little time in a quiet English
cathedral town, and walk with me to the west front of its cathedral. Let us
go together up the more retired street, at the end of which we can see the
pinnacles of one of the towers, and then through the low gray gateway, with
its battlemented top and small latticed window in the centre, into the inner
private-looking road or close, where nothing goes in but the carts of the
tradesmen who supply the bishop and the chapter, and where there are little
shaven grass-plots, fenced in by neat rails, before old-fashioned groups of
somewhat diminutive and excessively trim houses, with little oriel and bay
windows jutting out here and there, and deep wooden cornices and eaves
painted cream color and white, and small porches to their doors in the shape

of cockle-shells, or little, crooked, thick, indescribable wooden gables
warped a little on one side; and so forward till we come to larger houses,
also old-fashioned, but of red brick, and with gardens behind them, and fruit
walls, which show here and there, among the nectarines, the vestiges of an
old cloister arch or shaft, and looking in front on the cathedral square itself,
laid out in rigid divisions of smooth grass and gravel walk, yet not
uncheerful, especially on the sunny side where the canons' children are
walking with their nurserymaids. And so, taking care not to tread on the
grass, we will go along the straight walk to the west front, and there stand
for a time, looking up at its deep-pointed porches and the dark places
between their pillars where there were statues once, and where the
fragments, here and there, of a stately figure are still left, which has in it the
likeness of a king, perhaps indeed a king on earth, perhaps a saintly king
long ago in heaven; and so higher and higher up to the great mouldering
wall of rugged sculpture and confused arcades, shattered, and gray, and
grisly with heads of dragons and mocking fiends, worn by the rain and
swirling winds into yet unseemlier shape, and colored on their stony scales
by the deep russet-orange lichen, melancholy gold; and so, higher still, to
the bleak towers, so far above that the eye loses itself among the bosses of
their traceries, though they are rude and strong, and only sees like a drift of
eddying black points, now closing, now scattering, and now settling
suddenly into invisible places among the bosses and flowers, the crowd of
restless birds that fill the whole square with that strange clangor of theirs, so
harsh and yet so soothing, like the cries of birds on a solitary coast between
the cliffs and sea.
SECTION XI. Think for a little while of that scene, and the meaning of
all its small formalisms, mixed with its serene sublimity. Estimate its
secluded, continuous, drowsy felicities, and its evidence of the sense and
steady performance of such kind of duties as can be regulated by the
cathedral clock; and weigh the influence of those dark towers on all who
have passed through the lonely square at their feet for centuries, and on all
who have seen them rising far away over the wooded plain, or catching on
their square masses the last rays of the sunset, when the city at their feet
was indicated only by the mist at the bend of the river. And then let us
quickly recollect that we are in Venice, and land at the extremity of the

Calle Lunga San Moisè, which may be considered as there answering to the
secluded street that led us to our English cathedral gateway.
SECTION XII. We find ourselves in a paved alley, some seven feet wide
where it is widest, full of people, and resonant with cries of itinerant
salesmen,—a shriek in their beginning, and dying away into a kind of
brazen ringing, all the worse for its confinement between the high houses of
the passage along which we have to make our way. Over head an
inextricable confusion of rugged shutters, and iron balconies and chimney
flues pushed out on brackets to save room, and arched windows with
projecting sills of Istrian stone, and gleams of green leaves here and there
where a fig-tree branch escapes over a lower wall from some inner cortile,
leading the eye up to the narrow stream of blue sky high over all. On each
side, a row of shops, as densely set as may be, occupying, in fact, intervals
between the square stone shafts, about eight feet high, which carry the first
floors: intervals of which one is narrow and serves as a door; the other is, in
the more respectable shops, wainscoted to the height of the counter and
glazed above, but in those of the poorer tradesmen left open to the ground,
and the wares laid on benches and tables in the open air, the light in all
cases entering at the front only,—and fading away in a few feet from the
threshold into a gloom which the eye from without cannot penetrate, but
which is generally broken by a ray or two from a feeble lamp at the back of
the shop, suspended before a print of the Virgin. The less pious shop-keeper
sometimes leaves his lamp unlighted, and is contented with a penny print;
the more religious one has his print colored and set in a little shrine with a
gilded or figured fringe, with perhaps a faded flower or two on each side,
and his lamp burning brilliantly. Here at the fruiterer's, where the dark-
green watermelons are heaped upon the counter like cannon balls, the
Madonna has a tabernacle of fresh laurel leaves; but the pewterer next door
has let his lamp out, and there is nothing to be seen in his shop but the dull
gleam of the studded patterns on the copper pans, hanging from his roof in
the darkness. Next comes a "Vendita Frittole e Liquori," where the Virgin,
enthroned in a very humble manner beside a tallow candle on a back shelf,
presides over certain ambrosial morsels of a nature too ambiguous to be
denned or enumerated. But a few steps farther on, at the regular wineshop
of the calle, where we are offered "Vino Nostrani a Soldi 28'32," the
Madonna is in great glory, enthroned above ten or a dozen large red casks

of three-year-old vintage, and flanked by goodly ranks of bottles of
Maraschino, and two crimson lamps; and for the evening, when the
gondoliers will come to drink out, under her auspices, the money they have
gained during the day, she will have a whole chandelier.
SECTION XIII. A yard or two farther, we pass the hostelry of the Black
Eagle, and, glancing as we pass through the square door of marble, deeply
moulded, in the outer wall, we see the shadows of its pergola of vines
resting on an ancient well, with a pointed shield carved on its side; and so
presently emerge on the bridge and Campo San Moisè, whence to the
entrance into St. Mark's Place, called the Bocca di Piazza, (mouth of the
square), the Venetian character is nearly destroyed, first by the frightful
façade of San Moisè, which we will pause at another time to examine, and
then by the modernizing of the shops as they near the piazza, and the
mingling with the lower Venetian populace of lounging groups of English
and Austrians. We will push fast through them into the shadow of the pillars
at the end of the "Bocca di Piazza," and then we forget them all; for
between those pillars there opens a great light, and, in the midst of it, as we
advance slowly, the vast tower of St. Mark seems to lift itself visibly forth
from the level field of chequered stones; and, on each side, the countless
arches prolong themselves into ranged symmetry, as if the rugged and
irregular houses that pressed together above us in the dark alley had been
struck back into sudden obedience and lovely order, and all their rude
casements and broken walls had been transformed into arches charged with
goodly sculpture, and fluted shafts of delicate stone.
SECTION XIV. And well may they fall back, for beyond those troops of
ordered arches there rises a vision out of the earth, and all the great square
seems to have opened from it in a kind of awe, that we may see it far away;
—a multitude of pillars and white domes, clustered into a long low pyramid
of colored light; a treasure-heap, it seems, partly of gold, and partly of opal
and mother-of-pearl, hollowed beneath into five great vaulted porches,
ceiled with fair mosaic, and beset with sculpture of alabaster, clear as amber
and delicate as ivory,—sculpture fantastic and involved, of palm leaves and
lilies, and grapes and pomegranates, and birds clinging and fluttering
among the branches, all twined together into an endless network of buds
and plumes; and, in the midst of it, the solemn forms of angels, sceptred,
and robed to the feet, and leaning to each other across the gates, their

figures indistinct among the gleaming of the golden ground through the
leaves beside them, interrupted and dim, like the morning light as it faded
back among the branches of Eden, when first its gates were angel-guarded
long ago. And round the walls of the porches there are set pillars of
variegated stones, jasper and porphyry, and deep-green serpentine spotted
with flakes of snow, and marbles, that half refuse and half yield to the
sunshine, Cleopatra-like, "their bluest veins to kiss"—the shadow, as it
steals back from them, revealing line after line of azure undulation, as a
receding tide leaves the waved sand; their capitals rich with interwoven
tracery, rooted knots of herbage, and drifting leaves of acanthus and vine,
and mystical signs, all beginning and ending in the Cross; and above them,
in the broad archivolts, a continuous chain of language and of life—angels,
and the signs of heaven, and the labors of men, each in its appointed season
upon the earth; and above these, another range of glittering pinnacles,
mixed with white arches edged with scarlet flowers,—a confusion of
delight, amidst which the breasts of the Greek horses are seen blazing in
their breadth of golden strength, and the St. Mark's Lion, lifted on a blue
field covered with stars, until at last, as if in ecstasy, the crests of the arches
break into a marble foam, and toss themselves far into the blue sky in
flashes and wreaths of sculptured spray, as if the breakers on the Lido shore
had been frost-bound before they fell, and the sea-nymphs had inlaid them
with coral and amethyst.
Between that grim cathedral of England and this, what an interval! There
is a type of it in the very birds that haunt them; for, instead of the restless
crowd, hoarse-voiced and sable-winged, drifting on the bleak upper air, the
St. Mark's porches are full of doves, that nestle among the marble foliage,
and mingle the soft iridescence of their living plumes, changing at every
motion, with the tints, hardly less lovely, that have stood unchanged for
seven hundred years.
SECTION XV. And what effect has this splendor on those who pass
beneath it? You may walk from sunrise to sunset, to and fro, before the
gateway of St. Mark's, and you will not see an eye lifted to it, nor a
countenance brightened by it. Priest and layman, soldier and civilian, rich
and poor, pass by it alike regardlessly. Up to the very recesses of the
porches, the meanest tradesmen of the city push their counters; nay, the
foundations of its pillars are themselves the seats—not "of them that sell

doves" for sacrifice, but of the vendors of toys and caricatures. Round the
whole square in front of the church there is almost a continuous line of
cafes, where the idle Venetians of the middle classes lounge, and read
empty journals; in its centre the Austrian bands play during the time of
vespers, their martial music jarring with the organ notes,—the march
drowning the miserere, and the sullen crowd thickening round them,—a
crowd, which, if it had its will, would stiletto every soldier that pipes to it.
And in the recesses of the porches, all day long, knots of men of the lowest
classes, unemployed and listless, lie basking in the sun like lizards; and
unregarded children,—every heavy glance of their young eyes full of
desperation and stony depravity, and their throats hoarse with cursing,—
gamble, and fight, and snarl, and sleep, hour after hour, clashing their
bruised centesimi upon the marble ledges of the church porch. And the
images of Christ and His angels look down upon it continually.
That we may not enter the church out of the midst of the horror of this,
let us turn aside under the portico which looks towards the sea, and passing
round within the two massive pillars brought from St. Jean d'Acre, we shall
find the gate of the Baptistery; let us enter there. The heavy door closes
behind us instantly, and the light, and the turbulence of the Piazzetta, are
together shut out by it.
SECTION XVI. We are in a low vaulted room; vaulted, not with arches,
but with small cupolas starred with gold, and chequered with gloomy
figures: in the centre is a bronze font charged with rich bas-reliefs, a small
figure of the Baptist standing above it in a single ray of light that glances
across the narrow room, dying as it falls from a window high in the wall,
and the first thing that it strikes, and the only thing that it strikes brightly, is
a tomb. We hardly know if it be a tomb indeed; for it is like a narrow couch
set beside the window, low-roofed and curtained, so that it might seem, but
that it has some height above the pavement, to have been drawn towards the
window, that the sleeper might be wakened early;—only there are two
angels who have drawn the curtain back, and are looking down upon him.
Let us look also and thank that gentle light that rests upon his forehead for
ever, and dies away upon his breast.
The face is of a man in middle life, but there are two deep furrows right
across the forehead, dividing it like the foundations of a tower: the height of

it above is bound by the fillet of the ducal cap. The rest of the features are
singularly small and delicate, the lips sharp, perhaps the sharpness of death
being added to that of the natural lines; but there is a sweet smile upon
them, and a deep serenity upon the whole countenance. The roof of the
canopy above has been blue, filled with stars; beneath, in the centre of the
tomb on which the figure rests, is a seated figure of the Virgin, and the
border of it all around is of flowers and soft leaves, growing rich and deep,
as if in a field in summer.
It is the Doge Andrea Dandolo, a man early great among the great of
Venice; and early lost. She chose him for her king in his 36th year; he died
ten years later, leaving behind him that history to which we owe half of
what we know of her former fortunes.
SECTION XVII. Look round at the room in which he lies. The floor of it
is of rich mosaic, encompassed by a low seat of red marble, and its walls
are of alabaster, but worn and shattered, and darkly stained with age, almost
a ruin,—in places the slabs of marble have fallen away altogether, and the
rugged brickwork is seen through the rents, but all beautiful; the ravaging
fissures fretting their way among the islands and channelled zones of the
alabaster, and the time-stains on its translucent masses darkened into fields
of rich golden brown, like the color of seaweed when the sun strikes on it
through deep sea. The light fades away into the recess of the chamber
towards the altar, and the eye can hardly trace the lines of the bas-relief
behind it of the baptism of Christ: but on the vaulting of the roof the figures
are distinct, and there are seen upon it two great circles, one surrounded by
the "Principalities and powers in heavenly places," of which Milton has
expressed the ancient division in the single massy line,

"Thrones, Dominations, Princedoms, Virtues, Powers,"

and around the other, the Apostles; Christ the centre of both; and upon
the walls, again and again repeated, the gaunt figure of the Baptist, in every
circumstance of his life and death; and the streams of the Jordan running
down between their cloven rocks; the axe laid to the root of a fruitless tree
that springs upon their shore. "Every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit
shall be hewn down, and cast into the fire." Yes, verily: to be baptized with
fire, or to be cast therein; it is the choice set before all men. The march-

notes still murmur through the grated window, and mingle with the
sounding in our ears of the sentence of judgment, which the old Greek has
written on that Baptistery wall. Venice has made her choice.
SECTION XVIII. He who lies under that stony canopy would have
taught her another choice, in his day, if she would have listened to him; but
he and his counsels have long been forgotten by her, the dust lies upon his
lips.
Through the heavy door whose bronze network closes the place of his
rest, let us enter the church itself. It is lost in still deeper twilight, to which
the eye must be accustomed for some moments before the form of the
building can be traced; and then there opens before us a vast cave, hewn out
into the form of a Cross, and divided into shadowy aisles by many pillars.
Round the domes of its roof the light enters only through narrow apertures
like large stars; and here and there a ray or two from some far away
casement wanders into the darkness, and casts a narrow phosphoric stream
upon the waves of marble that heave and fall in a thousand colors along the
floor. What else there is of light is from torches, or silver lamps, burning
ceaselessly in the recesses of the chapels; the roof sheeted with gold, and
the polished walls covered with alabaster, give back at every curve and
angle some feeble gleaming to the flames; and the glories round the heads
of the sculptured saints flash out upon us as we pass them, and sink again
into the gloom. Under foot and over head, a continual succession of
crowded imagery, one picture passing into another, as in a dream; forms
beautiful and terrible mixed together; dragons and serpents, and ravening
beasts of prey, and graceful birds that in the midst of them drink from
running fountains and feed from vases of crystal; the passions and the
pleasures of human life symbolized together, and the mystery of its
redemption; for the mazes of interwoven lines and changeful pictures lead
always at last to the Cross, lifted and carved in every place and upon every
stonel sometimes with the serpent of eternity wrapt round it, sometimes
with doves beneath its arms, and sweet herbage growing forth from its feet;
but conspicuous most of all on the great rood that crosses the church before
the altar, raised in bright blazonry against the shadow of the apse. And
although in the recesses of the aisles and chapels, when the mist of the
incense hangs heavily, we may see continually a figure traced in faint lines
upon their marble, a woman standing with her eyes raised to heaven, and

the inscription above her, "Mother of God," she is not here the presiding
deity. It is the Cross that is first seen, and always, burning in the centre of
the temple; and every dome and hollow of its roof has the figure of Christ in
the utmost height of it, raised in power, or returning in judgment.
SECTION XIX. Nor is this interior without effect on the minds of the
people. At every hour of the day there are groups collected before the
various shrines, and solitary worshippers scattered through the dark places
of the church, evidently in prayer both deep and reverent, and, for the most
part, profoundly sorrowful. The devotees at the greater number of the
renowned shrines of Romanism may be seen murmuring their appointed
prayers with wandering eyes and unengaged gestures; but the step of the
stranger does not disturb those who kneel on the pavement of St. Mark's;
and hardly a moment passes, from early morning to sunset, in which we
may not see some half-veiled figure enter beneath the Arabian porch, cast
itself into long abasement on the floor of the temple, and then rising slowly
with more confirmed step, and with a passionate kiss and clasp of the arms
given to the feet of the crucifix, by which the lamps burn always in the
northern aisle, leave the church, as if comforted.
SECTION XX. But we must not hastily conclude from this that the
nobler characters of the building have at present any influence in fostering a
devotional spirit. There is distress enough in Venice to bring many to their
knees, without excitement from external imagery; and whatever there may
be in the temper of the worship offered in St. Mark's more than can be
accounted for by reference to the unhappy circumstances of the city, is
assuredly not owing either to the beauty of its architecture or to the
impressiveness of the Scripture histories embodied in its mosaics. That it
has a peculiar effect, however slight, on the popular mind, may perhaps be
safely conjectured from the number of worshippers which it attracts, while
the churches of St. Paul and the Frari, larger in size and more central in
position, are left comparatively empty. [Footnote: The mere warmth of St.
Mark's in winter, which is much greater than that of the other two churches
above named, must, however, be taken into consideration, as one of the
most efficient causes of its being then more frequented.] But this effect is
altogether to be ascribed to its richer assemblage of those sources of
influence which address themselves to the commonest instincts of the
human mind, and which, in all ages and countries, have been more or less

employed in the support of superstition. Darkness and mystery; confused
recesses of building; artificial light employed in small quantity, but
maintained with a constancy which seems to give it a kind of sacredness;
preciousness of material easily comprehended by the vulgar eye; close air
loaded with a sweet and peculiar odor associated only with religious
services, solemn music, and tangible idols or images having popular
legends attached to them,—these, the stage properties of superstition, which
have been from the beginning of the world, and must be to the end of it,
employed by all nations, whether openly savage or nominally civilized, to
produce a false awe in minds incapable of apprehending the true nature of
the Deity, are assembled in St. Mark's to a degree, as far as I know,
unexampled in any other European church. The arts of the Magus and the
Brahmin are exhausted in the animation of a paralyzed Christianity; and the
popular sentiment which these arts excite is to be regarded by us with no
more respect than we should have considered ourselves justified in
rendering to the devotion of the worshippers at Eleusis, Ellora, or Edfou.
[Footnote: I said above that the larger number of the devotees entered by
the "Arabian" porch; the porch, that is to say, on the north side of the
church, remarkable for its rich Arabian archivolt, and through which access
is gained immediately to the northern transept. The reason is, that in that
transept is the chapel of the Madonna, which has a greater attraction for the
Venetians than all the rest of the church besides. The old builders kept their
images of the Virgin subordinate to those of Christ; but modern Romanism
has retrograded from theirs, and the most glittering portions of the whole
church are the two recesses behind this lateral altar, covered with silver
hearts dedicated to the Virgin.]
SECTION XXI. Indeed, these inferior means of exciting religious
emotion were employed in the ancient Church as they are at this day, but
not employed alone. Torchlight there was, as there is now; but the torchlight
illumined Scripture histories on the walls, which every eye traced and every
heart comprehended, but which, during my whole residence in Venice, I
never saw one Venetian regard for an instant. I never heard from any one
the most languid expression of interest in any feature of the church, or
perceived the slightest evidence of their understanding the meaning of its
architecture; and while, therefore, the English cathedral, though no longer
dedicated to the kind of services for which it was intended by its builders,

and much at variance in many of its characters with the temper of the
people by whom it is now surrounded, retains yet so much of its religious
influence that no prominent feature of its architecture can be said to exist
altogether in vain, we have in St. Mark's a building apparently still
employed in the ceremonies for which it was designed, and yet of which the
impressive attributes have altogether ceased to be comprehended by its
votaries. The beauty which it possesses is unfelt, the language it uses is
forgotten; and in the midst of the city to whose service it has so long been
consecrated, and still filled by crowds of the descendants of those to whom
it owes its magnificence; it stands, in reality, more desolate than the ruins
through which the sheep-walk passes unbroken in our English valleys; and
the writing on its marble walls is less regarded and less powerful for the
teaching of men, than the letters which the shepherd follows with his finger,
where the moss is lightest on the tombs in the desecrated cloister.
SECTION XXII. It must therefore be altogether without reference to its
present usefulness, that we pursue our inquiry into the merits and meaning
of the architecture of this marvellous building; and it can only be after we
have terminated that inquiry, conducting it carefully on abstract grounds,
that we can pronounce with any certainty how far the present neglect of St.
Mark's is significative of the decline of the Venetian character, or how far
this church is to be considered as the relic of a barbarous age, incapable of
attracting the admiration, or influencing the feelings of a civilized
community.
The inquiry before us is twofold. Throughout the first volume, I carefully
kept the study of expression distinct from that of abstract architectural
perfection; telling the reader that in every building we should afterwards
examine, he would have first to form a judgment of its construction and
decorative merit, considering it merely as a work of art; and then to
examine farther, in what degree it fulfilled its expressional purposes.
Accordingly, we have first to judge of St. Mark's merely as a piece of
architecture, not as a church; secondly, to estimate its fitness for its special
duty as a place of worship, and the relation in which it stands, as such, to
those northern cathedrals that still retain so much of the power over the
human heart, which the Byzantine domes appear to have lost for ever.

SECTION XXIII. In the two succeeding sections of this work, devoted
respectively to the examination of the Gothic and Renaissance buildings in
Venice, I have endeavored to analyze and state, as briefly as possible, the
true nature of each school,—first in Spirit, then in Form. I wished to have
given a similar analysis, in this section, of the nature of Byzantine
architecture; but could not make my statements general, because I have
never seen this kind of building on its native soil. Nevertheless, in the
following sketch of the principles exemplified in St. Mark's, I believe that
most of the leading features and motives of the style will be found clearly
enough distinguished to enable the reader to judge of it with tolerable
fairness, as compared with the better known systems of European
architecture in the middle ages.
SECTION XXIV. Now the first broad characteristic of the building, and
the root nearly of every other important peculiarity in it, is its confessed
incrustation. It is the purest example in Italy of the great school of
architecture in which the ruling principle is the incrustation of brick with
more precious materials; and it is necessary before we proceed to criticise
any one of its arrangements, that the reader should carefully consider the
principles which are likely to have influenced, or might legitimately
influence, the architects of such a school, as distinguished from those whose
designs are to be executed in massive materials.
It is true, that among different nations, and at different times, we may
find examples of every sort and degree of incrustation, from the mere
setting of the larger and more compact stones by preference at the outside
of the wall, to the miserable construction of that modern brick cornice, with
its coating of cement, which, but the other day, in London, killed its
unhappy workmen in its fall. [Footnote: Vide "Builder," for October, 1851.]
But just as it is perfectly possible to have a clear idea of the opposing
characteristics of two different species of plants or animals, though between
the two there are varieties which it is difficult to assign either to the one or
the other, so the reader may fix decisively in his mind the legitimate
characteristics of the incrusted and the massive styles, though between the
two there are varieties which confessedly unite the attributes of both. For
instance, in many Roman remains, built of blocks of tufa and incrusted with
marble, we have a style, which, though truly solid, possesses some of the
attributes of incrustation; and in the Cathedral of Florence, built of brick

and coated with marble, the marble facing is so firmly and exquisitely set,
that the building, though in reality incrusted, assumes the attributes of
solidity. But these intermediate examples need not in the least confuse our
generally distinct ideas of the two families of buildings: the one in which
the substance is alike throughout, and the forms and conditions of the
ornament assume or prove that it is so, as in the best Greek buildings, and
for the most part in our early Norman and Gothic; and the other, in which
the substance is of two kinds, one internal, the other external, and the
system of decoration is founded on this duplicity, as pre-eminently in St.
Mark's.
SECTION XXV. I have used the word duplicity in no depreciatory sense.
In chapter ii. of the "Seven Lamps," Section 18, I especially guarded this
incrusted school from the imputation of insincerity, and I must do so now at
greater length. It appears insincere at first to a Northern builder, because,
accustomed to build with solid blocks of freestone, he is in the habit of
supposing the external superficies of a piece of masonry to be some
criterion of its thickness. But, as soon as he gets acquainted with the
incrusted style, he will find that the Southern builders had no intention to
deceive him. He will see that every slab of facial marble is fastened to the
next by a confessed rivet, and that the joints of the armor are so visibly and
openly accommodated to the contours of the substance within, that he has
no more right to complain of treachery than a savage would have, who, for
the first time in his life seeing a man in armor, had supposed him to be
made of solid steel. Acquaint him with the customs of chivalry, and with the
uses of the coat of mail, and he ceases to accuse of dishonesty either the
panoply or the knight.
These laws and customs of the St. Mark's architectural chivalry it must be
our business to develop.
SECTION XXVI. First, consider the natural circumstances which give
rise to such a style. Suppose a nation of builders, placed far from any
quarries of available stone, and having precarious access to the mainland
where they exist; compelled therefore either to build entirely with brick, or
to import whatever stone they use from great distances, in ships of small
tonnage, and for the most part dependent for speed on the oar rather than
the sail. The labor and cost of carriage are just as great, whether they import

common or precious stone, and therefore the natural tendency would always
be to make each shipload as valuable as possible. But in proportion to the
preciousness of the stone, is the limitation of its possible supply; limitation
not determined merely by cost, but by the physical conditions of the
material, for of many marbles, pieces above a certain size are not to be had
for money. There would also be a tendency in such circumstances to import
as much stone as possible ready sculptured, in order to save weight; and
therefore, if the traffic of their merchants led them to places where there
were ruins of ancient edifices, to ship the available fragments of them
home. Out of this supply of marble, partly composed of pieces of so
precious a quality that only a few tons of them could be on any terms
obtained, and partly of shafts, capitals, and other portions of foreign
buildings, the island architect has to fashion, as best he may, the anatomy of
his edifice. It is at his choice either to lodge his few blocks of precious
marble here and there among his masses of brick, and to cut out of the
sculptured fragments such new forms as may be necessary for the
observance of fixed proportions in the new building; or else to cut the
colored stones into thin pieces, of extent sufficient to face the whole surface
of the walls, and to adopt a method of construction irregular enough to
admit the insertion of fragmentary sculptures; rather with a view of
displaying their intrinsic beauty, than of setting them to any regular service
in the support of the building.
An architect who cared only to display his own skill, and had no respect
for the works of others, would assuredly have chosen the former alternative,
and would have sawn the old marbles into fragments in order to prevent all
interference with his own designs. But an architect who cared for the
preservation of noble work, whether his own or others', and more regarded
the beauty of his building than his own fame, would have done what those
old builders of St. Mark's did for us, and saved every relic with which he
was entrusted.
SECTION XXVII. But these were not the only motives which influenced
the Venetians in the adoption of their method of architecture. It might, under
all the circumstances above stated, have been a question with other builders,
whether to import one shipload of costly jaspers, or twenty of chalk flints;
and whether to build a small church faced with porphyry and paved with
agate, or to raise a vast cathedral in freestone. But with the Venetians it

could not be a question for an instant; they were exiles from ancient and
beautiful cities, and had been accustomed to build with their ruins, not less
in affection than in admiration: they had thus not only grown familiar with
the practice of inserting older fragments in modern buildings, but they owed
to that practice a great part of the splendor of their city, and whatever charm
of association might aid its change from a Refuge into a Home. The practice
which began in the affections of a fugitive nation, was prolonged in the
pride of a conquering one; and beside the memorials of departed happiness,
were elevated the trophies of returning victory. The ship of war brought
home more marble in triumph than 'the merchant vessel in speculation; and
the front of St. Mark's became rather a shrine at which to dedicate the
splendor of miscellaneous spoil, than the organized expression of any fixed
architectural law, or religious emotion.
SECTION XXVIII. Thus far, however, the justification of the style of
this church depends on circumstances peculiar to the time of its erection,
and to the spot where it arose. The merit of its method, considered in the
abstract, rests on far broader grounds.
In the fifth chapter of the "Seven Lamps," Section 14, the reader will find
the opinion of a modern architect of some reputation, Mr. Wood, that the
chief thing remarkable in this church "is its extreme ugliness;" and he will
find this opinion associated with another, namely, that the works of the
Caracci are far preferable to those of the Venetian painters. This second
statement of feeling reveals to us one of the principal causes of the first;
namely, that Mr. Wood had not any perception of color, or delight in it. The
perception of color is a gift just as definitely granted to one person, and
denied to another, as an ear for music; and the very first requisite for true
judgment of St. Mark's, is the perfection of that color-faculty which few
people ever set themselves seriously to find out whether they possess or not.
For it is on its value as a piece of perfect and unchangeable coloring, that
the claims of this edifice to our respect are finally rested; and a deaf man
might as well pretend to pronounce judgment on the merits of a full
orchestra, as an architect trained in the composition of form only, to discern
the beauty of St. Mark's. It possesses the charm of color in common with
the greater part of the architecture, as well as of the manufactures, of the
East; but the Venetians deserve especial note as the only European people
who appear to have sympathized to the full with the great instinct of the

Eastern races. They indeed were compelled to bring artists from
Constantinople to design the mosaics of the vaults of St. Mark's, and to
group the colors of its porches; but they rapidly took up and developed,
under more masculine conditions, the system of which the Greeks had
shown them the example: while the burghers and barons of the North were
building their dark streets and grisly castles of oak and sandstone, the
merchants of Venice were covering their palaces with porphyry and gold;
and at last, when her mighty painters had created for her a color more
priceless than gold or porphyry, even this, the richest of her treasures, she
lavished upon walls whose foundations were beaten by the sea; and the
strong tide, as it runs beneath the Rialto, is reddened to this day by the
reflection of the frescoes of Giorgione.
SECTION XXIX. If, therefore, the reader does not care for color, I must
protest against his endeavor to form any judgment whatever of this church
of St. Mark's. But, if he both cares for and loves it, let him remember that
the school of incrusted architecture is the only one in which perfect and
permanent chromatic decoration is possible; and let him look upon every
piece of jasper and alabaster given to the architect as a cake of very hard
color, of which a certain portion is to be ground down or cut off, to paint the
walls with. Once understand this thoroughly, and accept the condition that
the body and availing strength of the edifice are to be in brick, and that this
under muscular power of brickwork is to be clothed with the defence and
the brightness of the marble, as the body of an animal is protected and
adorned by its scales or its skin, and all the consequent fitnesses and laws of
the structure will be easily discernible. These I shall state in their natural
order.
SECTION XXX. LAW I. That the plinths and cornices used for binding
the armor are to be light and delicate. A certain thickness, at least two or
three inches, must be required in the covering pieces (even when composed
of the strongest stone, and set on the least exposed parts), in order to
prevent the chance of fracture, and to allow for the wear of time. And the
weight of this armor must not be trusted to cement; the pieces must not be
merely glued to the rough brick surface, but connected with the mass which
they protect by binding cornices and string courses; and with each other, so
as to secure mutual support, aided by the rivetings, but by no means
dependent upon them. And, for the full honesty and straightforwardness of

the work, it is necessary that these string courses and binding plinths should
not be of such proportions as would fit them for taking any important part
in the hard work of the inner structure, or render them liable to be mistaken
for the great cornices and plinths already explained as essential parts of the
best solid building. They must be delicate, slight, and visibly incapable of
severer work than that assigned to them.
SECTION XXXI. LAW II. Science of inner structure is to be abandoned.
As the body of the structure is confessedly of inferior, and comparatively
incoherent materials, it would be absurd to attempt in it any expression of
the higher refinements of construction. It will be enough that by its mass we
are assured of its sufficiency and strength; and there is the less reason for
endeavoring to diminish the extent of its surface by delicacy of adjustment,
because on the breadth of that surface we are to depend for the better
display of the color, which is to be the chief source of our pleasure in the
building. The main body of the work, therefore, will be composed of solid
walls and massive piers; and whatever expression of finer structural science
we may require, will be thrown either into subordinate portions of it, or
entirely directed to the support of the external mail, where in arches or
vaults it might otherwise appear dangerously independent of the material
within.
SECTION XXXII. LAW III. All shafts are to be solid. Wherever, by the
smallness of the parts, we may be driven to abandon the incrusted structure
at all, it must be abandoned altogether. The eye must never be left in the
least doubt as to what is solid and what is coated. Whatever appears
probably solid, must be assuredly so, and therefore it becomes an inviolable
law that no shaft shall ever be incrusted. Not only does the whole virtue of a
shaft depend on its consolidation, but the labor of cutting and adjusting an
incrusted coat to it would be greater than the saving of material is worth.
Therefore the shaft, of whatever size, is always to be solid; and because the
incrusted character of the rest of the building renders it more difficult for
the shafts to clear themselves from suspicion, they must not, in this
incrusted style, be in any place jointed. No shaft must ever be used but of
one block; and this the more, because the permission given to the builder to
have his walls and piers as ponderous as he likes, renders it quite
unnecessary for him to use shafts of any fixed size. In our Norman and
Gothic, where definite support is required at a definite point, it becomes

lawful to build up a tower of small stones in the shape of a shaft. But the
Byzantine is allowed to have as much support as he wants from the walls in
every direction, and he has no right to ask for further license in the structure
of his shafts. Let him, by generosity in the substance of his pillars, repay us
for the permission we have given him to be superficial in his walls. The
builder in the chalk valleys of France and England may be blameless in
kneading his clumsy pier out of broken flint and calcined lime; but the
Venetian, who has access to the riches of Asia and the quarries of Egypt,
must frame at least his shafts out of flawless stone.
SECTION XXXIII. And this for another reason yet. Although, as we
have said, it is impossible to cover the walls of a large building with color,
except on the condition of dividing the stone into plates, there is always a
certain appearance of meanness and niggardliness in the procedure. It is
necessary that the builder should justify himself from this suspicion; and
prove that it is not in mere economy or poverty, but in the real impossibility
of doing otherwise, that he has sheeted his walls so thinly with the precious
film. Now the shaft is exactly the portion of the edifice in which it is fittest
to recover his honor in this respect. For if blocks of jasper or porphyry be
inserted in the walls, the spectator cannot tell their thickness, and cannot
judge of the costliness of the sacrifice. But the shaft he can measure with
his eye in an instant, and estimate the quantity of treasure both in the mass
of its existing substance, and in that which has been hewn away to bring it
into its perfect and symmetrical form. And thus the shafts of all buildings of
this kind are justly regarded as an expression of their wealth, and a form of
treasure, just as much as the jewels or gold in the sacred vessels; they are, in
fact, nothing else than large jewels, [Footnote: "Quivi presso si vedi una
colonna di tanta bellezza e finezza che e riputato piutosto gioia che
pietra,"—Sansovino, of the verd-antique pillar in San Jacomo dell' Orio. A
remarkable piece of natural history and moral philosophy, connected with
this subject, will be found in the second chapter of our third volume, quoted
from the work of a Florentine architect of the fifteenth century.] the block of
precious serpentine or jasper being valued according to its size and
brilliancy of color, like a large emerald or ruby; only the bulk required to
bestow value on the one is to be measured in feet and tons, and on the other
in lines and carats. The shafts must therefore be, without exception, of one
block in all buildings of this kind; for the attempt in any place to incrust or

joint them would be a deception like that of introducing a false stone among
jewellery (for a number of joints of any precious stone are of course not
equal in value to a single piece of equal weight), and would put an end at
once to the spectator's confidence in the expression of wealth in any portion
of the structure, or of the spirit of sacrifice in those who raised it.
SECTION XXXIV. LAW IV. The shafts may sometimes be independent
of the construction. Exactly in proportion to the importance which the shaft
assumes as a large jewel, is the diminution of its importance as a sustaining
member; for the delight which we receive in its abstract bulk, and beauty of
color, is altogether independent of any perception of its adaptation to
mechanical necessities. Like other beautiful things in this world, its end is
to be beautiful; and, in proportion to its beauty, it receives permission to be
otherwise useless. We do not blame emeralds and rubies because we cannot
make them into heads of hammers. Nay, so far from our admiration of the
jewel shaft being dependent on its doing work for us, it is very possible that
a chief part of its preciousness may consist in a delicacy, fragility, and
tenderness of material, which must render it utterly unfit for hard work; and
therefore that we shall admire it the more, because we perceive that if we
were to put much weight upon it, it would be crushed. But, at all events, it
is very clear that the primal object in the placing of such shafts must be the
display of their beauty to the best advantage, and that therefore all
imbedding of them in walls, or crowding of them into groups, in any
position in which either their real size or any portion of their surface would
be concealed, is either inadmissible together, or objectionable in proportion
to their value; that no symmetrical or scientific arrangements of pillars are
therefore ever to be expected in buildings of this kind, and that all such are
even to be looked upon as positive errors and misapplications of materials:
but that, on the contrary, we must be constantly prepared to see, and to see
with admiration, shafts of great size and importance set in places where
their real service is little more than nominal, and where the chief end of
their existence is to catch the sunshine upon their polished sides, and lead
the eye into delighted wandering among the mazes of their azure veins.
SECTION XXXV. LAW V. The shafts may be of variable size. Since the
value of each shaft depends upon its bulk, and diminishes with the
diminution of its mass, in a greater ratio than the size itself diminishes, as in
the case of all other jewellery, it is evident that we must not in general

expect perfect symmetry and equality among the series of shafts, any more
than definiteness of application; but that, on the contrary, an accurately
observed symmetry ought to give us a kind of pain, as proving that
considerable and useless loss has been sustained by some of the shafts, in
being cut down to match with the rest. It is true that symmetry is generally
sought for in works of smaller jewellery; but, even there, not a perfect
symmetry, and obtained under circumstances quite different from those
which affect the placing of shafts in architecture. First: the symmetry is
usually imperfect. The stones that seem to match each other in a ring or
necklace, appear to do so only because they are so small that their
differences are not easily measured by the eye; but there is almost always
such difference between them as would be strikingly apparent if it existed in
the same proportion between two shafts nine or ten feet in height. Secondly:
the quantity of stones which pass through a jeweller's hands, and the facility
of exchange of such small objects, enable the tradesman to select any
number of stones of approximate size; a selection, however, often requiring
so much time, that perfect symmetry in a group of very fine stones adds
enormously to their value. But the architect has neither the time nor the
facilities of exchange. He cannot lay aside one column in a corner of his
church till, in the course of traffic, he obtain another that will match it; he
has not hundreds of shafts fastened up in bundles, out of which he can
match sizes at his ease; he cannot send to a brother-tradesman and exchange
the useless stones for available ones, to the convenience of both. His blocks
of stone, or his ready hewn shafts, have been brought to him in limited
number, from immense distances; no others are to be had; and for those
which he does not bring into use, there is no demand elsewhere. His only
means of obtaining symmetry will therefore be, in cutting down the finer
masses to equality with the inferior ones; and this we ought not to desire
him often to do. And therefore, while sometimes in a Baldacchino, or an
important chapel or shrine, this costly symmetry may be necessary, and
admirable in proportion to its probable cost, in the general fabric we must
expect to see shafts introduced of size and proportion continually varying,
and such symmetry as may be obtained among them never altogether
perfect, and dependent for its charm frequently on strange complexities and
unexpected rising and falling of weight and accent in its marble syllables;
bearing the same relation to a rigidly chiselled and proportioned

architecture that the wild lyric rhythm of Aeschylus or Pindar bears to the
finished measures of Pope.
SECTION XXXVI. The application of the principles of jewellery to the
smaller as well as the larger blocks, will suggest to us another reason for the
method of incrustation adopted in the walls. It often happens that the beauty
of the veining in some varieties of alabaster is so great, that it becomes
desirable to exhibit it by dividing the stone, not merely to economize its
substance, but to display the changes in the disposition of its fantastic lines.
By reversing one of two thin plates successively taken from the stone, and
placing their corresponding edges in contact, a perfectly symmetrical figure
may be obtained, which will enable the eye to comprehend more thoroughly
the position of the veins. And this is actually the method in which, for the
most part, the alabasters of St. Mark are employed; thus accomplishing a
double good,—directing the spectator, in the first place, to close observation
of the nature of the stone employed, and in the second, giving him a farther
proof of the honesty of intention in the builder: for wherever similar veining
is discovered in two pieces, the fact is declared that they have been cut from
the same stone. It would have been easy to disguise the similarity by using
them in different parts of the building; but on the contrary they are set edge
to edge, so that the whole system of the architecture may be discovered at a
glance by any one acquainted with the nature of the stones employed. Nay,
but, it is perhaps answered me, not by an ordinary observer; a person
ignorant of the nature of alabaster might perhaps fancy all these
symmetrical patterns to have been found in the stone itself, and thus be
doubly deceived, supposing blocks to be solid and symmetrical which were
in reality subdivided and irregular. I grant it; but be it remembered, that in
all things, ignorance is liable to be deceived, and has no right to accuse
anything but itself as the source of the deception. The style and the words
are dishonest, not which are liable to be misunderstood if subjected to no
inquiry, but which are deliberately calculated to lead inquiry astray. There
are perhaps no great or noble truths, from those of religion downwards,
which present no mistakable aspect to casual or ignorant contemplation.
Both the truth and the lie agree in hiding themselves at first, but the lie
continues to hide itself with effort, as we approach to examine it; and leads
us, if undiscovered, into deeper lies; the truth reveals itself in proportion to

our patience and knowledge, discovers itself kindly to our pleading, and
leads us, as it is discovered, into deeper truths.
SECTION XXXVII. LAW VI. The decoration must be shallow in
cutting. The method of construction being thus systematized, it is evident
that a certain style of decoration must arise out of it, based on the primal
condition that over the greater part of the edifice there can be no deep
cutting. The thin sheets of covering stones do not admit of it; we must not
cut them through to the bricks; and whatever ornaments we engrave upon
them cannot, therefore, be more than an inch deep at the utmost. Consider
for an instant the enormous differences which this single condition compels
between the sculptural decoration of the incrusted style, and that of the solid
stones of the North, which may be hacked and hewn into whatever
cavernous hollows and black recesses we choose; struck into grim
darknesses and grotesque projections, and rugged ploughings up of sinuous
furrows, in which any form or thought may be wrought out on any scale,—
mighty statues with robes of rock and crowned foreheads burning in the
sun, or venomous goblins and stealthy dragons shrunk into lurking-places
of untraceable shade: think of this, and of the play and freedom given to the
sculptor's hand and temper, to smite out and in, hither and thither, as he
will; and then consider what must be the different spirit of the design which
is to be wrought on the smooth surface of a film of marble, where every line
and shadow must be drawn with the most tender pencilling and cautious
reserve of resource,—where even the chisel must not strike hard, lest it
break through the delicate stone, nor the mind be permitted in any
impetuosity of conception inconsistent with the fine discipline of the hand.
Consider that whatever animal or human form is to be suggested, must be
projected on a flat surface; that all the features of the countenance, the folds
of the drapery, the involutions of the limbs, must be so reduced and subdued
that the whole work becomes rather a piece of fine drawing than of
sculpture; and then follow out, until you begin to perceive their endlessness,
the resulting differences of character which will be necessitated in every
part of the ornamental designs of these incrusted churches, as compared
with that of the Northern schools. I shall endeavor to trace a few of them
only.
SECTION XXXVIII. The first would of course be a diminution of the
builder's dependence upon human form as a source of ornament: since

exactly in proportion to the dignity of the form itself is the loss which it
must sustain in being reduced to a shallow and linear bas-relief, as well as
the difficulty of expressing it at all under such conditions. Wherever
sculpture can be solid, the nobler characters of the human form at once lead
the artist to aim at its representation, rather than at that of inferior
organisms; but when all is to be reduced to outline, the forms of flowers and
lower animals are always more intelligible, and are felt to approach much
more to a satisfactory rendering of the objects intended, than the outlines of
the human body. This inducement to seek for resources of ornament in the
lower fields of creation was powerless in the minds of the great Pagan
nations, Ninevite, Greek, or Egyptian: first, because their thoughts were so
concentrated on their own capacities and fates, that they preferred the rudest
suggestion of human form to the best of an inferior organism; secondly,
because their constant practice in solid sculpture, often colossal, enabled
them to bring a vast amount of science into the treatment of the lines,
whether of the low relief, the monochrome vase, or shallow hieroglyphic.
SECTION XXXIX. But when various ideas adverse to the representation
of animal, and especially of human, form, originating with the Arabs and
iconoclast Greeks, had begun at any rate to direct the builders' minds to
seek for decorative materials in inferior types, and when diminished
practice in solid sculpture had rendered it more difficult to find artists
capable of satisfactorily reducing the high organisms to their elementary
outlines, the choice of subject for surface sculpture would be more and
more uninterruptedly directed to floral organisms, and human and animal
form would become diminished in size, frequency, and general importance.
So that, while in the Northern solid architecture we constantly find the
effect of its noblest features dependent on ranges of statues, often colossal,
and full of abstract interest, independent of their architectural service, in the
Southern incrusted style we must expect to find the human form for the
most part subordinate and diminutive, and involved among designs of
foliage and flowers, in the manner of which endless examples had been
furnished by the fantastic ornamentation of the Romans, from which the
incrusted style had been directly derived.
SECTION XL. Farther. In proportion to the degree in which his subject
must be reduced to abstract outline will be the tendency in the sculptor to
abandon naturalism of representation, and subordinate every form to

architectural service. Where the flower or animal can be hewn into bold
relief, there will always be a temptation to render the representation of it
more complete than is necessary, or even to introduce details and intricacies
inconsistent with simplicity of distant effect. Very often a worse fault than
this is committed; and in the endeavor to give vitality to the stone, the
original ornamental purpose of the design is sacrificed or forgotten. But
when nothing of this kind can be attempted, and a slight outline is all that
the sculptor can command, we may anticipate that this outline will be
composed with exquisite grace; and that the richness of its ornamental
arrangement will atone for the feebleness of its power of portraiture. On the
porch of a Northern cathedral we may seek for the images of the flowers
that grow in the neighboring fields, and as we watch with wonder the gray
stones that fret themselves into thorns, and soften into blossoms, we may
care little that these knots of ornament, as we retire from them to
contemplate the whole building, appear unconsidered or confused. On the
incrusted building we must expect no such deception of the eye or thoughts.
It may sometimes be difficult to determine, from the involutions of its linear
sculpture, what were the natural forms which originally suggested them: but
we may confidently expect that the grace of their arrangement will always
be complete; that there will not be a line in them which could be taken away
without injury, nor one wanting which could be added with advantage.
SECTION XLI. Farther. While the sculptures of the incrusted school will
thus be generally distinguished by care and purity rather than force, and will
be, for the most part, utterly wanting in depth of shadow, there will be one
means of obtaining darkness peculiarly simple and obvious, and often in the
sculptor's power. Wherever he can, without danger, leave a hollow behind
his covering slabs, or use them, like glass, to fill an aperture in the wall, he
can, by piercing them with holes, obtain points or spaces of intense
blackness to contrast with the light tracing of the rest of his design. And we
may expect to find this artifice used the more extensively, because, while it
will be an effective means of ornamentation on the exterior of the building,
it will be also the safest way of admitting light to the interior, still totally
excluding both rain and wind. And it will naturally follow that the architect,
thus familiarized with the effect of black and sudden points of shadow, will
often seek to carry the same principle into other portions of his
ornamentation, and by deep drill-holes, or perhaps inlaid portions of black

color, to refresh the eye where it may be wearied by the lightness of the
general handling.
SECTION XLII. Farther. Exactly in proportion to the degree in which the
force of sculpture is subdued, will be the importance attached to color as a
means of effect or constituent of beauty. I have above stated that the
incrusted style was the only one in which perfect or permanent color
decoration was possible. It is also the only one in which a true system of
color decoration was ever likely to be invented. In order to understand this,
the reader must permit me to review with some care the nature of the
principles of coloring adopted by the Northern and Southern nations.
SECTION XLIII. I believe that from the beginning of the world there has
never been a true or fine school of art in which color was despised. It has
often been imperfectly attained and injudiciously applied, but I believe it to
be one of the essential signs of life in a school of art, that it loves color; and
I know it to be one of the first signs of death in the Renaissance schools,
that they despised color.
Observe, it is not now the question whether our Northern cathedrals are
better with color or without. Perhaps the great monotone gray of Nature and
of Time is a better color than any that the human hand can give; but that is
nothing to our present business. The simple fact is, that the builders of those
cathedrals laid upon them the brightest colors they could obtain, and that
there is not, as far as I am aware, in Europe, any monument of a truly noble
school which has not been either painted all over, or vigorously touched
with paint, mosaic, and gilding in its prominent parts. Thus far Egyptians,
Greeks, Goths, Arabs, and mediaeval Christians all agree: none of them,
when in their right senses, ever think of doing without paint; and, therefore,
when I said above that the Venetians were the only people who had
thoroughly sympathized with the Arabs in this respect, I referred, first, to
their intense love of color, which led them to lavish the most expensive
decorations on ordinary dwelling-houses; and, secondly, to that perfection
of the color-instinct in them, which enabled them to render whatever they
did, in this kind, as just in principle as it was gorgeous in appliance. It is
this principle of theirs, as distinguished from that of the Northern builders,
which we have finally to examine.

SECTION XLIV. In the second chapter of the first volume, it was noticed
that the architect of Bourges Cathedral liked hawthorn, and that the porch of
his cathedral was therefore decorated with a rich wreath of it; but another of
the predilections of that architect was there unnoticed, namely, that he did
not at all like gray hawthorn, but preferred it green, and he painted it green
accordingly, as bright as he could. The color is still left in every sheltered
interstice of the foliage. He had, in fact, hardly the choice of any other
color; he might have gilded the thorns, by way of allegorizing human life,
but if they were to be painted at all, they could hardly be painted anything
but green, and green all over. People would have been apt to object to any
pursuit of abstract harmonies of color, which might have induced him to
paint his hawthorn blue.
SECTION XLV. In the same way, whenever the subject of the sculpture
was definite, its color was of necessity definite also; and, in the hands of the
Northern builders, it often became, in consequence, rather the means of
explaining and animating the stories of their stone-work, than a matter of
abstract decorative science. Flowers were painted red, trees green, and faces
flesh-color; the result of the whole being often far more entertaining than
beautiful. And also, though in the lines of the mouldings and the
decorations of shafts or vaults, a richer and more abstract method of
coloring was adopted (aided by the rapid development of the best principles
of color in early glass-painting), the vigorous depths of shadow in the
Northern sculpture confused the architect's eye, compelling him to use
violent colors in the recesses, if these were to be seen as color at all, and
thus injured his perception of more delicate color harmonies; so that in
innumerable instances it becomes very disputable whether monuments even
of the best times were improved by the color bestowed upon them, or the
contrary. But, in the South, the flatness and comparatively vague forms of
the sculpture, while they appeared to call for color in order to enhance their
interest, presented exactly the conditions which would set it off to the
greatest advantage; breadth or surface displaying even the most delicate
tints in the lights, and faintness of shadow joining with the most delicate
and pearly grays of color harmony; while the subject of the design being in
nearly all cases reduced to mere intricacy of ornamental line, might be
colored in any way the architect chose without any loss of rationality.
Where oak-leaves and roses were carved into fresh relief and perfect bloom,

it was necessary to paint the one green and the other red; but in portions of
ornamentation where there was nothing which could be definitely construed
into either an oak-leaf or a rose, but a mere labyrinth of beautiful lines,
becoming here something like a leaf, and there something like a flower, the
whole tracery of the sculpture might be left white, and grounded with gold
or blue, or treated in any other manner best harmonizing with the colors
around it. And as the necessarily feeble character of the sculpture called for
and was ready to display the best arrangements of color, so the precious
marbles in the architect's hands give him at once the best examples and the
best means of color. The best examples, for the tints of all natural stones are
as exquisite in quality as endless in change; and the best means, for they are
all permanent.
SECTION XLVI. Every motive thus concurred in urging him to the study
of chromatic decoration, and every advantage was given him in the pursuit
of it; and this at the very moment when, as presently to be noticed, the
naïveté of barbaric Christianity could only be forcibly appealed to by the
help of colored pictures: so that, both externally and internally, the
architectural construction became partly merged in pictorial effect; and the
whole edifice is to be regarded less as a temple wherein to pray, than as
itself a Book of Common Prayer, a vast illuminated missal, bound with
alabaster instead of parchment, studded with porphyry pillars instead of
jewels, and written within and without in letters of enamel and gold.

SECTION XLVII. LAW VII. That the impression of the architecture is
not to be dependent on size. And now there is but one final consequence to
be deduced. The reader understands, I trust, by this time, that the claims of
these several parts of the building upon his attention will depend upon their
delicacy of design, their perfection of color, their preciousness of material,
and their legendary interest. All these qualities are independent of size, and
partly even inconsistent with it. Neither delicacy of surface sculpture, nor
subtle gradations of color, can be appreciated by the eye at a distance; and
since we have seen that our sculpture is generally to be only an inch or two
in depth, and that our coloring is in great part to be produced with the soft
tints and veins of natural stones, it will follow necessarily that none of the
parts of the building can be removed far from the eye, and therefore that the
whole mass of it cannot be large. It is not even desirable that it should be
so; for the temper in which the mind addresses itself to contemplate minute
and beautiful details is altogether different from that in which it submits
itself to vague impressions of space and size. And therefore we must not be
disappointed, but grateful, when we find all the best work of the building
concentrated within a space comparatively small; and that, for the great
cliff-like buttresses and mighty piers of the North, shooting up into
indiscernible height, we have here low walls spread before us like the pages
of a book, and shafts whose capitals we may touch with our hand.
SECTION XLVIII. The due consideration of the principles above stated
will enable the traveller to judge with more candor and justice of the
architecture of St. Mark's than usually it would have been possible for him
to do while under the influence of the prejudices necessitated by familiarity
with the very different schools of Northern art. I wish it were in my power
to lay also before the general reader some exemplification of the manner in
which these strange principles are developed in the lovely building. But
exactly in proportion to the nobility of any work, is the difficulty of
conveying a just impression of it: and wherever I have occasion to bestow
high praise, there it is exactly most dangerous for me to endeavor to
illustrate my meaning, except by reference to the work itself. And, in fact,
the principal reason why architectural criticism is at this day so far behind
all other, is the impossibility of illustrating the best architecture faithfully.
Of the various schools of painting, examples are accessible to every one,
and reference to the works themselves is found sufficient for all purposes of

criticism; but there is nothing like St. Mark's or the Ducal Palace to be
referred to in the National Gallery, and no faithful illustration of them is
possible on the scale of such a volume as this. And it is exceedingly
difficult on any scale. Nothing is so rare in art, as far as my own experience
goes, as a fair illustration of architecture; perfect illustration of it does not
exist. For all good architecture depends upon the adaptation of its chiselling
to the effect at a certain distance from the eye; and to render the peculiar
confusion in the midst of order, and uncertainty in the midst of decision,
and mystery in the midst of trenchant lines, which are the result of distance,
together with perfect expression of the peculiarities of the design, requires
the skill of the most admirable artist, devoted to the work with the most
severe conscientiousness, neither the skill nor the determination having as
yet been given to the subject. And in the illustration of details, every
building of any pretensions to high architectural rank would require a
volume of plates, and those finished with extraordinary care. With respect
to the two buildings which are the principal subjects of the present volume,
St. Mark's and the Ducal Palace, I have found it quite impossible to do them
the slightest justice by any kind of portraiture; and I abandoned the
endeavor in the case of the latter with less regret, because in the new
Crystal Palace (as the poetical public insist upon calling it, though it is
neither a palace, nor of crystal) there will be placed, I believe, a noble cast
of one of its angles. As for St. Mark's, the effort was hopeless from the
beginning. For its effect depends not only upon the most delicate sculpture
in every part, out, as we have just stated, eminently on its color also, and
that the most subtle, variable, inexpressible color in the world,—the color
of glass, of transparent alabaster, of polished marble, and lustrous gold. It
would be easier to illustrate a crest of Scottish mountain, with its purple
heather and pale harebells at their fullest and fairest, or a glade of Jura
forest, with its floor of anemone and moss, than a single portico of St.
Mark's. The fragment of one of its archivolts, given at the bottom of the
opposite Plate, is not to illustrate the thing itself, but to illustrate the
impossibility of illustration.
SECTION XLIX. It is left a fragment, in order to get it on a larger scale;
and yet even on this scale it is too small to show the sharp folds and points
of the marble vine-leaves with sufficient clearness. The ground of it is gold,
the sculpture in the spandrils is not more than an inch and a half deep,

rarely so much. It is in fact nothing more than an exquisite sketching of
outlines in marble, to about the same depth as in the Elgin frieze; the
draperies, however, being filled with close folds, in the manner of the
Byzantine pictures, folds especially necessary here, as large masses could
not be expressed in the shallow sculpture without becoming insipid; but the
disposition of these folds is always most beautiful, and often opposed by
broad and simple spaces, like that obtained by the scroll in the hand of the
prophet seen in the Plate.
The balls in the archivolt project considerably, and the interstices
between their interwoven bands of marble are filled with colors like the
illuminations of a manuscript; violet, crimson, blue, gold, and green
alternately: but no green is ever used without an intermixture of blue pieces
in the mosaic, nor any blue without a little centre of pale green; sometimes
only a single piece of glass a quarter of an inch square, so subtle was the
feeling for color which was thus to be satisfied. [Footnote: The fact is, that
no two tesserae of the glass are exactly of the same tint, the greens being all
varied with blues, the blues of different depths, the reds of different
clearness, so that the effect of each mass of color is full of variety, like the
stippled color of a fruit piece.] The intermediate circles have golden stars
set on an azure ground, varied in the same manner; and the small crosses
seen in the intervals are alternately blue and subdued scarlet, with two small
circles of white set in the golden ground above and beneath them, each only
about half an inch across (this work, remember, being on the outside of the
building, and twenty feet above the eye), while the blue crosses have each a
pale green centre. Of all this exquisitely mingled hue, no plate, however
large or expensive, could give any adequate conception; but, if the reader
will supply in imagination to the engraving what he supplies to a common
woodcut of a group of flowers, the decision of the respective merits of
modern and of Byzantine architecture may be allowed to rest on this
fragment of St. Mark's alone.
From the vine-leaves of that archivolt, though there is no direct imitation
of nature in them, but on the contrary a studious subjection to architectural
purpose more particularly to be noticed hereafter, we may yet receive the
same kind of pleasure which we have in seeing true vine-leaves and
wreathed branches traced upon golden light; its stars upon their azure
ground ought to make us remember, as its builder remembered, the stars

that ascend and fall in the great arch of the sky: and I believe that stars, and
boughs, and leaves, and bright colors are everlastingly lovely, and to be by
all men beloved; and, moreover, that church walls grimly seared with
squared lines, are not better nor nobler things than these. I believe the man
who designed and the men who delighted in that archivolt to have been
wise, happy, and holy. Let the reader look back to the archivolt I have
already given out of the streets of London (Plate XIII. Vol. I., Stones of
Venice), and see what there is in it to make us any of the three. Let him
remember that the men who design such work as that call St. Mark's a
barbaric monstrosity, and let him judge between us.
SECTION L. Some farther details of the St. Mark's architecture, and
especially a general account of Byzantine capitals, and of the principal ones
at the angles of the church, will be found in the following chapter.
[Footnote: Some illustration, also, of what was said in SECTION XXXIII
above, respecting the value of the shafts of St. Mark's as large jewels, will
be found in Appendix 9, "Shafts of St. Mark's."] Here I must pass on to the
second part of our immediate subject, namely, the inquiry how far the
exquisite and varied ornament of St. Mark's fits it, as a Temple, for its
sacred purpose, and would be applicable in the churches of modern times.
We have here evidently two questions: the first, that wide and continually
agitated one, whether richness of ornament be right in churches at all; the
second, whether the ornament of St. Mark's be of a truly ecclesiastical and
Christian character.
SECTION LI. In the first chapter of the "Seven Lamps of Architecture" I
endeavored to lay before the reader some reasons why churches ought to be
richly adorned, as being the only places in which the desire of offering a
portion of all precious things to God could be legitimately expressed. But I
left wholly untouched the question: whether the church, as such, stood in
need of adornment, or would be better fitted for its purposes by possessing
it. This question I would now ask the reader to deal with briefly and
candidly.
The chief difficulty in deciding it has arisen from its being always
presented to us in an unfair form. It is asked of us, or we ask of ourselves,
whether the sensation which we now feel in passing from our own modern
dwelling-house, through a newly built street, into a cathedral of the

thirteenth century, be safe or desirable as a preparation for public worship.
But we never ask whether that sensation was at all calculated upon by the
builders of the cathedral.
SECTION LII. Now I do not say that the contrast of the ancient with the
modern building, and the strangeness with which the earlier architectural
forms fall upon the eye, are at this day disadvantageous. But I do say, that
their effect, whatever it may be, was entirely uncalculated upon by the old
builder. He endeavored to make his work beautiful, but never expected it to
be strange. And we incapacitate ourselves altogether from fair judgment of
its intention, if we forget that, when it was built, it rose in the midst of other
work fanciful and beautiful as itself; that every dwelling-house in the
middle ages was rich with the same ornaments and quaint with the same
grotesques which fretted the porches or animated the gargoyles of the
cathedral; that what we now regard with doubt and wonder, as well as with
delight, was then the natural continuation, into the principal edifice of the
city, of a style which was familiar to every eye throughout all its lanes and
streets; and that the architect had often no more idea of producing a
peculiarly devotional impression by the richest color and the most elaborate
carving, than the builder of a modern meetinghouse has by his white-
washed walls and square-cut casements. [Footnote: See the farther notice of
this subject in Vol. III., Chap. IV. Stones of Venice.]
SECTION LIII. Let the reader fix this great fact well in his mind, and
then follow out its important corollaries. We attach, in modern days, a kind
of sacredness to the pointed arch and the groined roof, because, while we
look habitually out of square windows and live under flat ceilings, we meet
with the more beautiful forms in the ruins of our abbeys. But when those
abbeys were built, the pointed arch was used for every shop door, as well as
for that of the cloister, and the feudal baron and freebooter feasted, as the
monk sang, under vaulted roofs; not because the vaulting was thought
especially appropriate to either the revel or psalm, but because it was then
the form in which a strong roof was easiest built. We have destroyed the
goodly architecture of our cities; we have substituted one wholly devoid of
beauty or meaning; and then we reason respecting the strange effect upon
our minds of the fragments which, fortunately, we have left in our churches,
as if those churches had always been designed to stand out in strong relief
from all the buildings around them, and Gothic architecture had always

been, what it is now, a religious language, like Monkish Latin. Most readers
know, if they would arouse their knowledge, that this was not so; but they
take no pains to reason the matter out: they abandon themselves drowsily to
the impression that Gothic is a peculiarly ecclesiastical style; and
sometimes, even, that richness in church ornament is a condition or
furtherance of the Romish religion. Undoubtedly it has become so in
modern times: for there being no beauty in our recent architecture, and
much in the remains of the past, and these remains being almost exclusively
ecclesiastical, the High Church and Romanist parties have not been slow in
availing themselves of the natural instincts which were deprived of all food
except from this source; and have willingly promulgated the theory, that
because all the good architecture that is now left is expressive of High
Church or Romanist doctrines, all good architecture ever has been and must
be so,—a piece of absurdity from which, though here and there a country
clergyman may innocently believe it, I hope the common sense of the
nation will soon manfully quit itself. It needs but little inquiry into the spirit
of the past, to ascertain what, once for all, I would desire here clearly and
forcibly to assert, that wherever Christian church architecture has been good
and lovely, it has been merely the perfect development of the common
dwelling-house architecture of the period; that when the pointed arch was
used in the street, it was used in the church; when the round arch was used
in the street, it was used in the church; when the pinnacle was set over the
garret window, it was set over the belfry tower; when the flat roof was used
for the drawing-room, it was used for the nave. There is no sacredness in
round arches, nor in pointed; none in pinnacles, nor in buttresses; none in
pillars, nor traceries. Churches were larger than in most other buildings,
because they had to hold more people; they were more adorned than most
other buildings, because they were safer from violence, and were the fitting
subjects of devotional offering: but they were never built in any separate,
mystical, and religious style; they were built in the manner that was
common and familiar to everybody at the time. The flamboyant traceries
that adorn the façade of Rouen Cathedral had once their fellows in every
window of every house in the market place; the sculptures that adorn the
porches of St. Mark's had once their match on the walls, of every palace on
the Grand Canal; and the only difference between the church and the
dwelling-house was, that there existed a symbolical meaning in the
distribution of the parts of all buildings meant for worship, and that the

painting or sculpture was, in the one case, less frequently of profane subject
than in the other. A more severe distinction cannot be drawn: for secular
history was constantly introduced into church architecture; and sacred
history or allusion generally formed at least one half of the ornament of the
dwelling-house.
SECTION LIV. This fact is so important, and so little considered, that I
must be pardoned for dwelling upon it at some length, and accurately
marking the limits of the assertion I have made. I do not mean that every
dwelling-house of mediaeval cities was as richly adorned and as exquisite
in composition as the fronts of their cathedrals, but that they presented
features of the same kind, often in parts quite as beautiful; and that the
churches were not separated by any change of style from the buildings
round them, as they are now, but were merely more finished and full
examples of a universal style, rising out of the confused streets of the city as
an oak tree does out of an oak copse, not differing in leafage, but in size and
symmetry. Of course the quainter and smaller forms of turret and window
necessary for domestic service, the inferior materials, often wood instead of
stone, and the fancy of the inhabitants, which had free play in the design,
introduced oddnesses, vulgarities, and variations into house architecture,
which were prevented by the traditions, the wealth, and the skill of the
monks and freemasons; while, on the other hand, conditions of vaulting,
buttressing, and arch and tower building, were necessitated by the mere size
of the cathedral, of which it would be difficult to find examples elsewhere.
But there was nothing more in these features than the adaptation of
mechanical skill to vaster requirements; there was nothing intended to be,
or felt to be, especially ecclesiastical in any of the forms so developed; and
the inhabitants of every village and city, when they furnished funds for the
decoration of their church, desired merely to adorn the house of God as they
adorned their own, only a little more richly, and with a somewhat graver
temper in the subjects of the carving. Even this last difference is not always
clearly discernible: all manner of ribaldry occurs in the details of the
ecclesiastical buildings of the North, and at the time when the best of them
were built, every man's house was a kind of temple; a figure of the
Madonna, or of Christ, almost always occupied a niche over the principal
door, and the Old Testament histories were curiously interpolated amidst the
grotesques of the brackets and the gables.

SECTION LV. And the reader will now perceive that the question
respecting fitness of church decoration rests in reality on totally different
grounds from those commonly made foundations of argument. So long as
our streets are walled with barren brick, and our eyes rest continually, in our
daily life, on objects utterly ugly, or of inconsistent and meaningless design,
it may be a doubtful question whether the faculties of eye and mind which
are capable of perceiving beauty, having been left without food during the
whole of our active life, should be suddenly feasted upon entering a place
of worship; and color, and music, and sculpture should delight the senses,
and stir the curiosity of men unaccustomed to such appeal, at the moment
when they are required to compose themselves for acts of devotion;—this, I
say, may be a doubtful question: but it cannot be a question at all, that if
once familiarized with beautiful form and color, and accustomed to see in
whatever human hands have executed for us, even for the lowest services,
evidence of noble thought and admirable skill, we shall desire to see this
evidence also in whatever is built or labored for the house of prayer; that
the absence of the accustomed loveliness would disturb instead of assisting
devotion; and that we should feel it as vain to ask whether, with our own
house full of goodly craftsmanship, we should worship God in a house
destitute of it, as to ask whether a pilgrim whose day's journey had led him
through fair woods and by sweet waters, must at evening turn aside into
some barren place to pray.
SECTION LVI. Then the second question submitted to us, whether the
ornament of St. Mark's be truly ecclesiastical and Christian, is evidently
determined together with the first; for, if not only the permission of
ornament at all, but the beautiful execution of it, be dependent on our being
familiar with it in daily life, it will follow that no style of noble architecture
can be exclusively ecclesiastical. It must be practised in the dwelling before
it be perfected in the church, and it is the test of a noble style that it shall be
applicable to both; for if essentially false and ignoble, it may be made to fit
the dwelling-house, but never can be made to fit the church: and just as
there are many principles which will bear the light of the world's opinion,
yet will not bear the light of God's word, while all principles which will
bear the test of Scripture will also bear that of practice, so in architecture
there are many forms which expediency and convenience may apparently
justify, or at least render endurable, in daily use, which will yet be found

offensive the moment they are used for church service; but there are none
good for church service, which cannot bear daily use. Thus the Renaissance
manner of building is a convenient style for dwelling-houses, but the
natural sense of all religious men causes them to turn from it with pain
when it has been used in churches; and this has given rise to the popular
idea that the Roman style is good for houses and the Gothic for churches.
This is not so; the Roman style is essentially base, and we can bear with it
only so long as it gives us convenient windows and spacious rooms; the
moment the question of convenience is set aside, and the expression or
beauty of the style it tried by its being used in a church, we find it fails. But
because the Gothic and Byzantine styles are fit for churches they are not
therefore less fit for dwellings. They are in the highest sense fit and good
for both, nor were they ever brought to perfection except where they were
used for both.
SECTION LVII. But there is one character of Byzantine work which,
according to the time at which it was employed, may be considered as
either fitting or unfitting it for distinctly ecclesiastical purposes; I mean the
essentially pictorial character of its decoration. We have already seen what
large surfaces it leaves void of bold architectural features, to be rendered
interesting merely by surface ornament or sculpture. In this respect
Byzantine work differs essentially from pure Gothic styles, which are
capable of filling every vacant space by features purely architectural, and
may be rendered, if we please, altogether independent of pictorial aid. A
Gothic church may be rendered impressive by mere successions of arches,
accumulations of niches, and entanglements of tracery. But a Byzantine
church requires expression and interesting decoration over vast plane
surfaces,—decoration which becomes noble only by becoming pictorial;
that is to say, by representing natural objects,—men, animals, or flowers.
And, therefore, the question whether the Byzantine style be fit for church
service in modern days, becomes involved in the inquiry, what effect upon
religion has been or may yet be produced by pictorial art, and especially by
the art of the mosaicist?
SECTION LVIII. The more I have examined the subject the more
dangerous I have found it to dogmatize respecting the character of the art
which is likely, at a given period, to be most useful to the cause of religion.
One great fact first meets me. I cannot answer for the experience of others,

but I never yet met with a Christian whose heart was thoroughly set upon
the world to come, and, so far as human judgment could pronounce, perfect
and right before God, who cared about art at all. I have known several very
noble Christian men who loved it intensely, but in them there was always
traceable some entanglement of the thoughts with the matters of this world,
causing them to fall into strange distresses and doubts, and often leading
them into what they themselves would confess to be errors in
understanding, or even failures in duty. I do not say that these men may not,
many of them, be in very deed nobler than those whose conduct is more
consistent; they may be more tender in the tone of all their feelings, and
farther-sighted in soul, and for that very reason exposed to greater trials and
fears, than those whose hardier frame and naturally narrower vision enable
them with less effort to give their hands to God and walk with Him. But
still, the general fact is indeed so, that I have never known a man who
seemed altogether right and calm in faith, who seriously cared about art;
and when casually moved by it, it is quite impossible to say beforehand by
what class of art this impression will on such men be made. Very often it is
by a theatrical commonplace, more frequently still by false sentiment. I
believe that the four painters who have had, and still have, the most
influence, such as it is, on the ordinary Protestant Christian mind, are Carlo
Dolci, Guercino, Benjamin West, and John Martin. Raphael, much as he is
talked about, is, I believe in very fact, rarely looked at by religious people;
much less his master, or any of the truly great religious men of old. But a
smooth Magdalen of Carlo Dolci with a tear on each cheek, or a Guercino
Christ or St. John, or a Scripture illustration of West's, or a black cloud with
a flash of lightning in it of Martin's, rarely rails of being verily, often
deeply, felt for the time.
SECTION LIX. There are indeed many very evident reasons for this; the
chief one being that, as all truly great religious painters have been hearty
Romanists, there are none of their works which do not embody, in some
portions of them, definitely Romanist doctrines. The Protestant mind is
instantly struck by these, and offended by them, so as to be incapable of
entering, or at least rendered indisposed to enter, farther into the heart of the
work, or to the discovering those deeper characters of it, which are not
Romanist, but Christian, in the everlasting sense and power of Christianity.
Thus most Protestants, entering for the first time a Paradise of Angelico,

would be irrevocably offended by finding that the first person the painter
wished them to speak to was St. Dominic; and would retire from such a
heaven as speedily as possible,—not giving themselves time to discover,
that whether dressed in black, or white, or gray, and by whatever name in
the calendar they might be called, the figures that filled that Angelico
heaven were indeed more, saintly, and pure, and full of love in every
feature, than any that the human hand ever traced before or since. And thus
Protestantism, having foolishly sought for the little help it requires at the
hand of painting from the men who embodied no Catholic doctrine, has
been reduced to receive it from those who believed neither Catholicism nor
Protestantism, but who read the Bible in search of the picturesque. We thus
refuse to regard the painters who passed their lives in prayer, but are
perfectly ready to be taught by those who spent them in debauchery. There
is perhaps no more popular Protestant picture than Salvator's "Witch of
Endor," of which the subject was chosen by the painter simply because,
under the names of Saul and the Sorceress, he could paint a captain of
banditti, and a Neapolitan hag.
SECTION LX. The fact seems to be that strength of religious feeling is
capable of supplying for itself whatever is wanting in the rudest suggestions
of art, and will either, on the one hand, purify what is coarse into
inoffensiveness, or, on the other, raise what is feeble into impressiveness.
Probably all art, as such, is unsatisfactory to it; and the effort which it
makes to supply the void will be induced rather by association and accident
than by the real merit of the work submitted to it. The likeness to a beloved
friend, the correspondence with a habitual conception, the freedom from
any strange or offensive particularity, and, above all, an interesting choice
of incident, will win admiration for a picture when the noblest efforts of
religious imagination would otherwise fail of power. How much more,
when to the quick capacity of emotion is joined a childish trust that the
picture does indeed represent a fact! It matters little whether the fact be well
or ill told; the moment we believe the picture to be true, we complain little
of its being ill-painted. Let it be considered for a moment, whether the
child, with its colored print, inquiring eagerly and gravely which is Joseph,
and which is Benjamin, is not more capable of receiving a strong, even a
sublime, impression from the rude symbol which it invests with reality by
its own effort, than the connoisseur who admires the grouping of the three

figures in Raphael's "Telling of the Dreams;" and whether also, when the
human mind is in right religious tone, it has not always this childish power
—I speak advisedly, this power—a noble one, and possessed more in youth
than at any period of after life, but always, I think, restored in a measure by
religion—of raising into sublimity and reality the rudest symbol which is
given to it of accredited truth.
SECTION LXI. Ever since the period of the Renaissance, however, the
truth has not been accredited; the painter of religious subject is no longer
regarded as the narrator of a fact, but as the inventor of an idea. [Footnote: I
do not mean that modern Christians believe less in the facts than ancient
Christians, but they do not believe in the representation of the facts as true.
We look upon the picture as this or that painter's conception; the elder
Christians looked upon it as this or that, painter's description of what had
actually taken place. And in the Greek Church all painting is, to this day,
strictly a branch of tradition. See M. Dideron's admirably written
introduction to his Iconographie Chrétienne, p. 7:—"Un de mes
compagnons s'étonnait de re trouver à la Panagia de St. Luc, le saint Jean
Chrysostome qu'il avait dessiné dans le baptistère de St. Marc, à Venise. Le
costume des personnages est partout et en tout temps le même, non-
seulement pour la forme, mais pour la couleur, mais pour le dessin, mais
jusque pour le nombre et l'épaisseur des plis."] We do not severely criticise
the manner in which a true history is told, but we become harsh
investigators of the faults of an invention; so that in the modern religious
mind, the capacity of emotion, which renders judgment uncertain, is joined
with an incredulity which renders it severe; and this ignorant emotion,
joined with ignorant observance of faults, is the worst possible temper in
which any art can be regarded, but more especially sacred art. For as
religious faith renders emotion facile, so also it generally renders expression
simple; that is to say a truly religious painter will very often be ruder,
quainter, simpler, and more faulty in his manner of working, than a great
irreligious one. And it was in this artless utterance, and simple acceptance,
on the part of both the workman and the beholder, that all noble schools of
art have been cradled; it is in them that they must be cradled to the end of
time. It is impossible to calculate the enormous loss of power in modern
days, owing to the imperative requirement that art shall be methodical and
learned: for as long as the constitution of this world remains unaltered, there

will be more intellect in it than there can be education; there will be many
men capable of just sensation and vivid invention, who never will have time
to cultivate or polish their natural powers. And all unpolished power is in
the present state of society lost; in other things as well as in the arts, but in
the arts especially: nay, in nine cases out of ten, people mistake the polish
for the power. Until a man has passed through a course of academy
studentship, and can draw in an approved manner with French chalk, and
knows foreshortening, and perspective, and something of anatomy, we do
not think he can possibly be an artist; what is worse, we are very apt to
think that we can make him an artist by teaching him anatomy, and how to
draw with French chalk; whereas the real gift in him is utterly independent
of all such accomplishments: and I believe there are many peasants on
every estate, and laborers in every town of Europe, who have imaginative
powers of a high order, which nevertheless cannot be used for our good,
because we do not choose to look at anything but what is expressed in a
legal and scientific way. I believe there is many a village mason who, set to
carve a series of Scripture or any other histories, would find many a strange
and noble fancy in his head, and set it down, roughly enough indeed, but in
a way well worth our having. But we are too grand to let him do this, or to
set up his clumsy work when it is done; and accordingly the poor stone-
mason is kept hewing stones smooth at the corners, and we build our church
of the smooth square stones, and consider ourselves wise.
SECTION LXII. I shall pursue this subject farther in another place; but I
allude to it here in order to meet the objections of those persons who
suppose the mosaics of St. Mark's, and others of the period, to be utterly
barbarous as representations of religious history. Let it be granted that they
are so; we are not for that reason to suppose they were ineffective in
religious teaching. I have above spoken of the whole church as a great Book
of Common Prayer; the mosaics were its illuminations, and the common
people of the time were taught their Scripture history by means of them,
more impressively perhaps, though far less fully, than ours are now by
Scripture reading. They had no other Bible, and—Protestants do not often
enough consider this—could have no other. We find it somewhat difficult to
furnish our poor with printed Bibles; consider what the difficulty must have
been when they could be given only in manuscript. The walls of the church
necessarily became the poor man's Bible, and a picture was more easily

read upon the walls than a chapter. Under this view, and considering them
merely as the Bible pictures of a great nation in its youth, I shall finally
invite the reader to examine the connection and subjects of these mosaics;
but in the meantime I have to deprecate the idea of their execution being in
any sense barbarous. I have conceded too much to modern prejudice, in
permitting them to be rated as mere childish efforts at colored portraiture:
they have characters in them of a very noble kind; nor are they by any
means devoid of the remains of the science of the later Roman empire. The
character of the features is almost always fine, the expression stern and
quiet, and very solemn, the attitudes and draperies always majestic in the
single figures, and in those of the groups which are not in violent action;
[Footnote: All the effects of Byzantine art to represent violent action are
inadequate, most of them ludicrously so, even when the sculptural art is in
other respects far advanced. The early Gothic sculptors, on the other hand,
fail in all points of refinement, but hardly ever in expression of action. This
distinction is of course one of the necessary consequences of the difference
in all respects between the repose of the Eastern, and activity of the Western
mind, which we shall have to trace out completely in the inquiry into the
nature of Gothic.] while the bright coloring and disregard of chiaroscuro
cannot be regarded as imperfections, since they are the only means by
which the figures could be rendered clearly intelligible in the distance and
darkness of the vaulting. So far am I from considering them barbarous, that
I believe of all works of religious art whatsoever, these, and such as these,
have been the most effective. They stand exactly midway between the
debased manufacture of wooden and waxen images which is the support of
Romanist idolatry all over the world, and the great art which leads the mind
away from the religious subject to the art itself. Respecting neither of these
branches of human skill is there, nor can there be, any question. The
manufacture of puppets, however influential on the Romanist mind of
Europe, is certainly not deserving of consideration as one of the fine arts. It
matters literally nothing to a Romanist what the image he worships is like.
Take the vilest doll that is screwed together in a cheap toy-shop, trust it to
the keeping of a large family of children, let it be beaten about the house by
them till it is reduced to a shapeless block, then dress it in a satin frock and
declare it to have fallen from heaven, and it will satisfactorily answer all
Romanist purposes. Idolatry, [Footnote: Appendix X, "Proper Sense of the
word Idolatry."] it cannot be too often repeated, is no encourager of the fine

arts. But, on the other hand, the highest branches of the fine arts are no
encouragers either of idolatry or of religion. No picture of Leonardo's or
Raphael's, no statue of Michael Angelo's, has ever been worshipped, except
by accident. Carelessly regarded, and by ignorant persons, there is less to
attract in them than in commoner works. Carefully regarded, and by
intelligent persons, they instantly divert the mind from their subject to their
art, so that admiration takes the place of devotion. I do not say that the
Madonna di S. Sisto, the Madonna del Cardellino, and such others, have not
had considerable religious influence on certain minds, but I say that on the
mass of the people of Europe they have had none whatever, while by far the
greater number of the most celebrated statues and pictures are never
regarded with any other feelings than those of admiration of human beauty,
or reverence for human skill. Effective religious art, therefore, has always
lain, and I believe must always lie, between the two extremes—of
barbarous idol-fashioning on one side, and magnificent craftsmanship on
the other. It consists partly in missal-painting, and such book-illustrations
as, since the invention of printing, have taken its place; partly in glass-
painting; partly in rude sculpture on the outsides of buildings; partly in
mosaics; and partly in the frescoes and tempera pictures which, in the
fourteenth century, formed the link between this powerful, because
imperfect, religious art, and the impotent perfection which succeeded it.
SECTION LXIII. But of all these branches the most important are the
inlaying and mosaic of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, represented in a
central manner by these mosaics of St. Mark's. Missal-painting could not,
from its minuteness, produce the same sublime impressions, and frequently
merged itself in mere ornamentation of the page. Modern book-illustration
has been so little skillful as hardly to be worth naming. Sculpture, though in
some positions it becomes of great importance, has always a tendency to
lose itself in architectural effect; and was probably seldom deciphered, in all
its parts, by the common people, still less the traditions annealed in the
purple burning of the painted window. Finally, tempera pictures and
frescoes were often of limited size or of feeble color. But the great mosaics
of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries covered the walls and roofs of the
churches with inevitable lustre; they could not be ignored or escaped from;
their size rendered them majestic, their distance mysterious, their color
attractive. They did not pass into confused or inferior decorations; neither

were they adorned with any evidences of skill or science, such as might
withdraw the attention from their subjects. They were before the eyes of the
devotee at every interval of his worship; vast shadowings forth of scenes to
whose realization he looked forward, or of spirits whose presence he
invoked. And the man must be little capable of receiving a religious
impression of any kind, who, to this day, does not acknowledge some
feeling of awe, as he looks up at the pale countenances and ghastly forms
which haunt the dark roofs of the Baptisteries of Parma and Florence, or
remains altogether untouched by the majesty of the colossal images of
apostles, and of Him who sent apostles, that look down from the darkening
gold of the domes of Venice and Pisa.
SECTION LXIV. I shall, in a future portion of this work, endeavor to
discover what probabilities there are of our being able to use this kind of art
in modern churches; but at present it remains for us to follow out the
connection of the subjects represented in St. Mark's so as to fulfil our
immediate object, and form an adequate conception of the feelings of its
builders, and of its uses to those for whom it was built.
Now, there is one circumstance to which I must, in the outset, direct the
reader's special attention, as forming a notable distinction between ancient
and modern days. Our eyes are now familiar and weaned with writing; and
if an inscription is put upon a building, unless it be large and clear, it is ten
to one whether we ever trouble ourselves to decipher it. But the old
architect was sure of readers. He knew that every one would be glad to
decipher all that he wrote; that they would rejoice in possessing the vaulted
leaves of his stone manuscript; and that the more he gave them, the more
grateful would the people be. We must take some pains, therefore, when we
enter St. Mark's, to read all that is inscribed, or we shall not penetrate into
the feeling either of the builder or of his times.
SECTION LXV. A large atrium or portico is attached to two sides of the
church, a space which was especially reserved for unbaptized persons and
new converts. It was thought right that, before their baptism, these persons
should be led to contemplate the great facts of the Old Testament history;
the history of the Fall of Man, and of the lives of Patriarchs up to the period
of the Covenant by Moses: the order of the subjects in this series being very
nearly the same as in many Northern churches, but significantly closing

with the Fall of the Manna, in order to mark to the catechumen the
insufficiency of the Mosaic covenant for salvation,—"Our fathers did eat
manna in the wilderness, and are dead,"—and to turn his thoughts to the
true Bread of which the manna was the type.
SECTION LXVI. Then, when after his baptism he was permitted to enter
the church, over its main entrance he saw, on looking back, a mosaic of
Christ enthroned, with the Virgin on one side and St. Mark on the other, in
attitudes of adoration. Christ is represented as holding a book open upon his
knee, on which is written: "I AM THE DOOR; BY ME IF ANY MAN
ENTER IN, HE SHALL BE SAVED." On the red marble moulding which
surrounds the mosaic is written: "I AM THE GATE OF LIFE; LET THOSE
WHO ARE MINE, ENTER BY ME." Above, on the red marble fillet which
forms the cornice of the west end of the church, is written, with reference to
the figure of Christ below: "WHO HE WAS, AND FROM WHOM HE
CAME, AND AT WHAT PRICE HE REDEEMED THEE, AND WHY HE
MADE THEE, AND GAVE THEE ALL THINGS, DO THOU
CONSIDER."
Now observe, this was not to be seen and read only by the catechumen
when he first entered the church; every one who at any time entered, was
supposed to look back and to read this writing; their daily entrance into the
church was thus made a daily memorial of their first entrance into the
spiritual Church; and we shall find that the rest of the book which was
opened for them upon its walls continually led them in the same manner to
regard the visible temple as in every part a type of the invisible Church of
God.
SECTION LXVII. Therefore the mosaic of the first dome, which is over
the head of the spectator as soon as he has entered by the great door (that
door being the type of baptism), represents the effusion of the Holy Spirit,
as the first consequence and seal of the entrance into the Church of God. In
the centre of the cupola is the Dove, enthroned in the Greek manner, as the
Lamb is enthroned, when the Divinity of the Second and Third Persons is to
be insisted upon together with their peculiar offices. From the central
symbol of the Holy Spirit twelve streams of fire descend upon the heads of
the twelve apostles, who are represented standing around the dome; and
below them, between the windows which are pierced in its walls, are

represented, by groups of two figures for each separate people, the various
nations who heard the apostles speak, at Pentecost, every man in his own
tongue. Finally, on the vaults, at the four angles which support the cupola,
are pictured four angels, each bearing a tablet upon the end of a rod in his
hand: on each of the tablets of the three first angels is inscribed the word
"Holy;" on that of the fourth is written "Lord;" and the beginning of the
hymn being thus put into the mouths of the four angels, the words of it are
continued around the border of the dome, uniting praise to God for the gift
of the Spirit, with welcome to the redeemed soul received into His Church:

"HOLY, HOLY, HOLY, LORD GOD OF SABAOTH:
HEAVEN AND EARTH ARE FULL OF THY GLORY.
HOSANNA IN THE HIGHEST:
BLESSED IS HE THAT COMETH IN THE NAME OF THE LORD."

And observe in this writing that the convert is required to regard the
outpouring of the Holy Spirit especially as a work of sanctification. It is the
holiness of God manifested in the giving of His Spirit to sanctify those who
had become His children, which the four angels celebrate in their ceaseless
praise; and it is on account of this holiness that the heaven and earth are
said to be full of His glory.
SECTION LXVIII. After thus hearing praise rendered to God by the
angels for the salvation of the newly-entered soul, it was thought fittest that
the worshipper should be led to contemplate, in the most comprehensive
forms possible, the past evidence and the future hopes of Christianity, as
summed up in three facts without assurance of which all faith is vain;
namely that Christ died, that He rose again, and that He ascended into
heaven, there to prepare a place for His elect. On the vault between the first
and second cupolas are represented the crucifixion and resurrection of
Christ, with the usual series of intermediate scenes,—the treason of Judas,
the judgment of Pilate, the crowning with thorns, the descent into Hades,
the visit of the women to the sepulchre, and the apparition to Mary
Magdalene. The second cupola itself, which is the central and principal one
of the church, is entirely occupied by the subject of the Ascension. At the
highest point of it Christ is represented as rising into the blue heaven, borne
up by four angels, and throned upon a rainbow, the type of reconciliation.
Beneath him, the twelve apostles are seen upon the Mount of Olives, with

the Madonna, and, in the midst of them, the two men in white apparel who
appeared at the moment of the Ascension, above whom, as uttered by them,
are inscribed the words, "Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into
heaven? This Christ, the Son of God, as He is taken from you, shall so
come, the arbiter of the earth, trusted to do judgment and justice."
SECTION LXIX. Beneath the circle of the apostles, between the
windows of the cupola, are represented the Christian virtues, as sequent
upon the crucifixion of the flesh, and the spiritual ascension together with
Christ. Beneath them, on the vaults which support the angles of the cupola,
are placed the four Evangelists, because on their evidence our assurance of
the fact of the ascension rests; and, finally, beneath their feet, as symbols of
the sweetness and fulness of the Gospel which they declared, are
represented the four rivers of Paradise, Pison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates.
SECTION LXX. The third cupola, that over the altar, represents the
witness of the Old Testament to Christ; showing him enthroned in its centre,
and surrounded by the patriarchs and prophets. But this dome was little seen
by the people; [Footnote: It is also of inferior workmanship, and perhaps
later than the rest. Vide Lord Lindsay, vol. i, p. 124, note.] their
contemplation was intended to be chiefly drawn to that of the centre of the
church, and thus the mind of the worshipper was at once fixed on the main
groundwork and hope of Christianity,—"Christ is risen," and "Christ shall
come." If he had time to explore the minor lateral chapels and cupolas, he
could find in them the whole series of New Testament history, the events of
the Life of Christ, and the Apostolic miracles in their order, and finally the
scenery of the Book of Revelation; [Footnote: The old mosaics from the
Revelation have perished, and have been replaced by miserable work of the
seventeenth century.] but if he only entered, as often the common people do
to this hour, snatching a few moments before beginning the labor of the day
to offer up an ejaculatory prayer, and advanced but from the main entrance
as far as the altar screen, all the splendor of the glittering nave and
variegated dome, if they smote upon his heart, as they might often, in
strange contrast with his reed cabin among the shallows of the lagoon,
smote upon it only that they might proclaim the two great messages
—"Christ is risen," and "Christ shall come." Daily, as the white cupolas rose
like wreaths of sea-foam in the dawn, while the shadowy campanile and
frowning palace were still withdrawn into the night, they rose with the

Easter Voice of Triumph,—"Christ is risen;" and daily, as they looked down
upon the tumult of the people, deepening and eddying in the wide square
that opened from their feet to the sea, they uttered above them the sentence
of warning,—"Christ shall come."
SECTION LXXI. And this thought may surely dispose the reader to look
with some change of temper upon the gorgeous building and wild blazonry
of that shrine of St. Mark's. He now perceives that it was in the hearts of the
old Venetian people far more than a place of worship. It was at once a type
of the Redeemed Church of God, and a scroll for the written word of God.
It was to be to them, both an image of the Bride, all glorious within, her
clothing of wrought gold; and the actual Table of the Law and the
Testimony, written within and without. And whether honored as the Church
or as the Bible, was it not fitting that neither the gold nor the crystal should
be spared in the adornment of it; that, as the symbol of the Bride, the
building of the wall thereof should be of jasper, [Footnote: Rev. xxi. 18.]
and the foundations of it garnished with all manner of precious stones; and
that, as the channel of the World, that triumphant utterance of the Psalmist
should be true of it,—"I have rejoiced in the way of thy testimonies, as
much as in all riches"? And shall we not look with changed temper down
the long perspective of St. Mark's Place towards the sevenfold gates and
glowing domes of its temple, when we know with what solemn purpose the
shafts of it were lifted above the pavement of the populous square? Men
met there from all countries of the earth, for traffic or for pleasure; but,
above the crowd swaying for ever to and fro in the restlessness of avarice or
thirst of delight, was seen perpetually the glory of the temple, attesting to
them, whether they would hear or whether they would forbear, that there
was one treasure which the merchantmen might buy without a price, and
one delight better than all others, in the word and the statutes of God. Not in
the wantonness of wealth, not in vain ministry to the desire of the eyes or
the pride of life, were those marbles hewn into transparent strength, and
those arches arrayed in the colors of the iris. There is a message written in
the dyes of them, that once was written in blood; and a sound in the echoes
of their vaults, that one day shall fill the vault of heaven,—"He shall return,
to do judgment and justice." The strength of Venice was given her, so long
as she remembered this: her destruction found her when she had forgotten
this; and it found her irrevocably, because she forgot it without excuse.

Never had city a more glorious Bible. Among the nations of the North, a
rude and shadowy sculpture filled their temples with confused and hardly
legible imagery; but, for her, the skill and the treasures of the East had
gilded every letter, and illumined every page, till the Book-Temple shone
from afar off like the star of the Magi. In other cities, the meetings of the
people were often in places withdrawn from religious association, subject to
violence and to change; and on the grass of the dangerous rampart, and in
the dust of the troubled street, there were deeds done and counsels taken,
which, if we cannot justify, we may sometimes forgive. But the sins of
Venice, whether in her palace or in her piazza, were done with the Bible at
her right hand. The walls on which its testimony was written were separated
but by a few inches of marble from those which guarded the secrets of her
councils, or confined the victims of her policy. And when in her last hours
she threw off all shame and all restraint, and the great square of the city
became filled with the madness of the whole earth, be it remembered how
much her sin was greater, because it was done in the face of the House of
God, burning with the letters of His Law. Mountebank and masker laughed
their laugh, and went their way; and a silence has followed them, not
unforetold; for amidst them all, through century after century of gathering
vanity and festering guilt, that white dome of St. Mark's had uttered in the
dead ear of Venice, "Know thou, that for all these things God will bring thee
into judgment."

CHAPTER V. — THE DUCAL PALACE.
SECTION I. It was stated in the commencement of the preceding chapter
that the Gothic art of Venice was separated by the building of the Ducal
Palace into two distinct periods; and that in all the domestic edifices which
were raised for half a century after its completion, their characteristic and
chiefly effective portions were more or less directly copied from it. The fact
is, that the Ducal Palace was the great work of Venice at this period, itself
the principal effort of her imagination, employing her best architects in its
masonry, and her best painters in its decoration, for a long series of years;
and we must receive it as a remarkable testimony to the influence which it
possessed over the minds of those who saw it in its progress, that, while in
the other cities of Italy every palace and church was rising in some original
and daily more daring form, the majesty of this single building was able to
give pause to the Gothic imagination in its full career; stayed the
restlessness of innovation in an instant, and forbade the powers which had
created it thenceforth to exert themselves in new directions, or endeavor to
summon an image more attractive.
SECTION II. The reader will hardly believe that while the architectural
invention of the Venetians was thus lost, Narcissus-like, in self-
contemplation, the various accounts of the progress of the building thus
admired and beloved are so confused as frequently to leave it doubtful to
what portion of the palace they refer; and that there is actually, at the time
being, a dispute between the best Venetian antiquaries, whether the main
façade of the palace be of the fourteenth or fifteenth century. The
determination of this question is of course necessary before we proceed to
draw any conclusions from the style of the work; and it cannot be
determined without a careful review of the entire history of the palace, and
of all the documents relating to it. I trust that this review may not be found
tedious,—assuredly it will not be fruitless,—bringing many facts before us,
singularly illustrative of the Venetian character.
SECTION III. Before, however, the reader can enter upon any inquiry
into the history of this building, it is necessary that he should be thoroughly

familiar with the arrangement and names of its principal parts, as it at
present stands; otherwise he cannot comprehend so much as a single
sentence of any of the documents referring to it. I must do what I can, by
the help of a rough plan and bird's-eye view, to give him the necessary
topographical knowledge:
Opposite is a rude ground plan of the buildings round St. Mark's Place;
and the following references will clearly explain their relative positions:

A. St. Mark's Place.
B. Piazzetta.
P. V. Procuratie Vecchie.
P. N. (opposite) Procuratie Nuove.
P. L. Libreria Vecchia.
I. Piazzetta de' Leoni.
T. Tower of St. Mark.
F F. Great Façade of St. Mark's Church.
M. St. Mark's. (It is so united with the Ducal Palace, that the
separation cannot be indicated in the plan, unless all the
walls had
been marked, which would have confused the whole.)
D D D. Ducal Palace. g s. Giant's stair.
C. Court of Ducal Palace. J. Judgement angle.
c. Porta della Carta. a. Fig-tree angle.
p p. Ponte della Paglia (Bridge of Straw).
S. Ponte de' Sospiri (Bridge of Sighs).
R R. Riva de' Schiavoni.

The reader will observe that the Ducal Palace is arranged somewhat in
the form of a hollow square, of which one side faces the Piazzetta, B, and
another the quay called the Riva de' Schiavoni, R R; the third is on the dark
canal called the "Rio del Palazzo," and the fourth joins the Church of St.
Mark.
Of this fourth side, therefore, nothing can be seen. Of the other three
sides we shall have to speak constantly; and they will be respectively called,
that towards the Piazzetta, the "Piazzetta Façade;" that towards the Riva de'
Schiavoni, the "Sea Façade;" and that towards the Rio del Palazzo, the "Rio
Façade." This Rio, or canal, is usually looked upon by the traveller with
great respect, or even horror, because it passes under the Bridge of Sighs. It
is, however, one of the principal thoroughfares of the city; and the bridge
and its canal together occupy, in the mind of a Venetian, very much the

position of Fleet Street and Temple Bar in that of a Londoner,—at least, at
the time when Temple Bar was occasionally decorated with human heads.
The two buildings closely resemble each other in form.
SECTION IV. We must now proceed to obtain some rough idea of the
appearance and distribution of the palace itself; but its arrangement will be
better understood by supposing ourselves raised some hundred and fifty feet
above the point in the lagoon in front of it, so as to get a general view of the
Sea Façade and Rio Façade (the latter in very steep perspective), and to
look down into its interior court. Fig. II. roughly represents such a view,
omitting all details on the roofs, in order to avoid confusion. In this drawing
we have merely to notice that, of the two bridges seen on the right, the
uppermost, above the black canal, is the Bridge of Sighs; the lower one is
the Ponte della Paglia, the regular thoroughfare from quay to quay, and, I
believe, called the Bridge of Straw, because the boats which brought straw
from the mainland used to sell it at this place. The corner of the palace,
rising above this bridge, and formed by the meeting of the Sea Façade and
Rio Façade, will always be called the Vine angle, because it is decorated by
a sculpture of the drunkenness of Noah. The angle opposite will be called
the Fig-tree angle, because it is decorated by a sculpture of the Fall of Man.
The long and narrow range of building, of which the roof is seen in
perspective behind this angle, is the part of the palace fronting the Piazzetta;
and the angle under the pinnacle most to the left of the two which terminate
it will be called, for a reason presently to be stated, the Judgment angle.
Within the square formed by the building is seen its interior court (with one
of its wells), terminated by small and fantastic buildings of the Renaissance
period, which face the Giant's Stair, of which the extremity is seen sloping
down on the left.
SECTION V. The great façade which fronts the spectator looks
southward. Hence the two traceried windows lower than the rest, and to the
right of the spectator, may be conveniently distinguished as the "Eastern
Windows." There are two others like them, filled with tracery, and at the
same level, which look upon the narrow canal between the Ponte della
Paglia and the Bridge of Sighs: these we may conveniently call the "Canal
Windows." The reader will observe a vertical line in this dark side of the
palace, separating its nearer and plainer wall from a long four-storied range
of rich architecture. This more distant range is entirely Renaissance: its

extremity is not indicated, because I have no accurate sketch of the small
buildings and bridges beyond it, and we shall have nothing whatever to do
with this part of the palace in our present inquiry. The nearer and
undecorated wall is part of the older palace, though much defaced by
modern opening of common windows, refittings of the brickwork, etc.
SECTION VI. It will be observed that the façade is composed of a
smooth mass of wall, sustained on two tiers of pillars, one above the other.
The manner in which these support the whole fabric will be understood at
once by the rough section, Fig. III., which is supposed to be taken right
through the palace to the interior court, from near the middle of the Sea
Façade. Here a and d are the rows of shafts, both in the inner court and on
the Façade, which carry the main walls; b, c are solid walls variously
strengthened with pilasters. A, B, C are the three stories of the interior of
the palace.
The reader sees that it is impossible for any plan to be more simple, and
that if the inner floors and walls of the stories A, B were removed, there
would be left merely the form of a basilica,—two high walls, carried on
ranges of shafts, and roofed by a low gable.
The stories A, B are entirely modernized, and divided into confused
ranges of small apartments, among which what vestiges remain of ancient
masonry are entirely undecipherable, except by investigations such as I
have had neither the time nor, as in most cases they would involve the
removal of modern plastering, the opportunity, to make. With the
subdivisions of this story, therefore, I shall not trouble the reader; but those
of the great upper story, C, are highly important.
SECTION VII. In the bird's-eye view above, Fig. II., it will be noticed
that the two windows on the right are lower than the other four of the
façade. In this arrangement there is one of the most remarkable instances I
know of the daring sacrifice of symmetry to convenience, which was
noticed in Chap. VII. as one of the chief noblenesses of the Gothic schools.
The part of the palace in which the two lower windows occur, we shall
find, was first built, and arranged in four stories in order to obtain the
necessary number of apartments. Owing to circumstances, of which we
shall presently give an account, it became necessary, in the beginning of the

fourteenth century, to provide another large and magnificent chamber for
the meeting of the senate. That chamber was added at the side of the older
building; but, as only one room was wanted, there was no need to divide the
added portion into two stories. The entire height was given to the single
chamber, being indeed not too great for just harmony with its enormous
length and breadth. And then came the question how to place the windows,
whether on a line with the two others, or above them.
The ceiling of the new room was to be adorned by the paintings of the
best masters in Venice, and it became of great importance to raise the light
near that gorgeous roof, as well as to keep the tone of illumination in the
Council Chamber serene; and therefore to introduce light rather in simple
masses than in many broken streams. A modern architect, terrified at the
idea of violating external symmetry, would have sacrificed both the pictures
and the peace of the council. He would have placed the larger windows at
the same level with the other two, and have introduced above them smaller
windows, like those of the upper story in the older building, as if that upper
story had been continued along the façade. But the old Venetian thought of
the honor of the paintings, and the comfort of the senate, before his own
reputation. He unhesitatingly raised the large windows to their proper
position with reference to the interior of the chamber, and suffered the
external appearance to take care of itself. And I believe the whole pile
rather gains than loses in effect by the variation thus obtained in the spaces
of wall above and below the windows.
SECTION VIII. On the party wall, between the second and third
windows, which faces the eastern extremity of the Great Council Chamber,
is painted the Paradise of Tintoret; and this wall will therefore be hereafter
called the "Wall of the Paradise."
In nearly the centre of the Sea Façade, and between the first and second
windows of the Great Council Chamber, is a large window to the ground,
opening on a balcony, which is one of the chief ornaments of the palace,
and will be called in future the "Sea Balcony."
The façade which looks on the Piazzetta is very nearly like this to the
Sea, but the greater part of it was built in the fifteenth century, when people
had become studious of their symmetries. Its side windows are all on the

same level. Two light the west end of the Great Council Chamber, one
lights a small room anciently called the Quarantia Civil Nuova; the other
three, and the central one, with a balcony like that to the Sea, light another
large chamber, called Sala del Scrutinio, or "Hall of Enquiry," which
extends to the extremity of the palace above the Porta della Carta.
SECTION IX. The reader is now well enough acquainted with the
topography of the existing building, to be able to follow the accounts of its
history.
We have seen above, that there were three principal styles of Venetian
architecture; Byzantine, Gothic, and Renaissance.
The Ducal Palace, which was the great work of Venice, was built
successively in the three styles. There was a Byzantine Ducal Palace, a
Gothic Ducal Palace, and a Renaissance Ducal Palace. The second
superseded the first totally; a few stones of it (if indeed so much) are all that
is left. But the third superseded the second in part only, and the existing
building is formed by the union of the two.

We shall review the history of each in succession. [Footnote:
The reader
will find it convenient to note the following editions of the
printed
books which have been principally consulted in the following
inquiry. The
numbers of the manuscripts referred to in the Marcian Library
are given
with the quotations.
Sansovino. Venetia Descritta. 410, Venice, 1663.
Sansovino. Lettera intorno al Palazzo Ducale, 8vo, Venice,
1829.
Temanza. Antica Pianta di Venezia, with text. Venice, 1780.
Cadorin. Pareri di XV. Architetti. Svo, Venice,1838.
Filiasi. Memorie storiche. 8vo, Padua, 1811.
Bettio. Lettera discorsiva del Palazzo Ducale, 8vo, Venice,
1837.
Selvatico. Architettura di Venezia. 8vo, Venice, 1847.]

1st. The BYZANTINE PALACE.

In the year of the death of Charlemagne, 813, the Venetians determined to
make the island of Rialto the seat of the government and capital of their
state. [Footnote: The year commonly given is 810, as in the Savina
Chronicle (Cod. Marcianus), p. 13. "Del 810 fece principiar el pallazzo
Ducal nel luogo ditto Brucio in confin di S. Moise, et fece riedificar la isola
di Eraclia." The Sagornin Chronicle gives 804; and Filiasi, vol. vi. chap. I,
corrects this date to 813.] Their Doge, Angelo or Agnello Participazio,
instantly took vigorous means for the enlargement of the small group of
buildings which were to be the nucleus of the future Venice. He appointed
persons to superintend the raising of the banks of sand, so as to form more
secure foundations, and to build wooden bridges over the canals. For the
offices of religion, he built the Church of St. Mark; and on, or near, the spot
where the Ducal Palace now stands, he built a palace for the administration
of the government. [Footnote: "Ampliò la città, fornilla di casamenti, e per
il culto d' Iddio e l' amministrazione della giustizia eresse la capella di S.
Marco, e il palazzo di sua residenza."—Pareri, p. 120. Observe, that piety
towards God, and justice towards man, have been at least the nominal
purposes of every act and institution of ancient Venice. Compare also
Temanza, p. 24. "Quello che abbiamo di certo si è che il suddetto Agnello lo
incomminciò da fondamenti, e cosi pure la capella ducale di S. Marco."]
The history of the Ducal Palace therefore begins with the birth of Venice,
and to what remains of it, at this day, is entrusted the last representation of
her power.
SECTION X. Of the exact position and form of this palace of
Participazio little is ascertained. Sansovino says that it was "built near the
Ponte della Paglia, and answeringly on the Grand Canal," towards San
Giorgio; that is to say, in the place now occupied by the Sea Façade; but this
was merely the popular report of his day. [Footnote: What I call the Sea,
was called "the Grand Canal" by the Venetians, as well as the great water
street of the city; but I prefer calling it "the Sea," in order to distinguish
between that street and the broad water in front of the Ducal Palace, which,
interrupted only by the island of San Giorgio, stretches for many miles to
the south, and for more than two to the boundary of the Lido. It was the
deeper channel, just in front of the Ducal Palace, continuing the line of the
great water street itself which the Venetians spoke of as "the Grand Canal."
The words of Sansovino are: "Fu cominciato dove si vede, vicino al ponte

della paglia, et rispondente sul canal grande." Filiasi says simply: "The
palace was built where it now is." "Il palazio fu fatto dove ora pure
esiste."—Vol. iii. chap. 27. The Savina Chronicle, already quoted, says: "in
the place called the Bruolo (or Broglio), that is to say on the Piazzetta."]
We know, however, positively, that it was somewhere upon the site of the
existing palace; and that it had an important front towards the Piazzetta,
with which, as we shall see hereafter, the present palace at one period was
incorporated. We know, also, that it was a pile of some magnificence, from
the account given by Sagornino of the visit paid by the Emperor Otho the
Great, to the Doge Pietro Orseolo II. The chronicler says that the Emperor
"beheld carefully all the beauty of the palace;" [Footnote: "Omni decoritate
illius perlustrata."—Sagornino, quoted by Cadorin and Temanza.] and the
Venetian historians express pride in the buildings being worthy of an
emperor's examination. This was after the palace had been much injured by
fire in the revolt against Candiano IV., [Footnote: There is an interesting
account of this revolt in Monaci, p. 68. Some historians speak of the palace
as having been destroyed entirely; but, that it did not even need important
restorations, appears from Sagornino's expression, quoted by Cadorin and
Temanza. Speaking of the Doge Participazio, he says: "Qui Palatii hucusque
manentis fuerit fabricator." The reparations of the palace are usually
attributed to the successor of Candiano, Pietro Orseolo I.; but the legend,
under the picture of that Doge in the Council Chamber, speaks only of his
rebuilding St. Mark's, and "performing many miracles." His whole mind
seems to have been occupied with ecclesiastical affairs; and his piety was
finally manifested in a way somewhat startling to the state, by absconding
with a French priest to St. Michael's in Gascony, and there becoming a
monk. What repairs, therefore, were necessary to the Ducal Palace, were
left to be undertaken by his son, Orseolo II., above named.] and just
repaired, and richly adorned by Orseolo himself, who is spoken of by
Sagornino as having also "adorned the chapel of the Ducal Palace" (St.
Mark's) with ornaments of marble and gold. [Footnote: "Quam non modo
marmoreo, verum aureo compsit ornamento."—Temanza] There can be no
doubt whatever that the palace at this period resembled and impressed the
other Byzantine edifices of the city, such as the Fondaco de Turchi, &c.,
whose remains have been already described; and that, like them, it was
covered with sculpture, and richly adorned with gold and color.

SECTION XI. In the year 1106, it was for the second time injured by
fire, [Footnote: "L'anno 1106, uscito fuoco d'una casa privata, arse parte del
palazzo."—Sansovino. Of the beneficial effect of these fires, vide Cadorin.]
but repaired before 1116, when it received another emperor, Henry V. (of
Germany), and was again honored by imperial praise. [Footnote: "Urbis
situm, aedificiorum decorem, et regiminis sequitatem multipliciter
commendavit."—Cronaca Dandolo, quoted by Cadorin.]
Between 1173 and the close of the century, it seems to have been again
repaired and much enlarged by the Doge Sebastian Ziani. Sansovino says
that this Doge not only repaired it, but "enlarged it in every direction;"
[Footnote: "Non solamente rinovo il palazzo, ma lo aggrandi per ogni
verso."—Sansovino. Zanotto quotes the Altinat Chronicle for account of
these repairs.] and, after this enlargement, the palace seems to have
remained untouched for a hundred years, until, in the commencement of the
fourteenth century, the works of the Gothic Palace were begun. As,
therefore, the old Byzantine building was, at the time when those works
first interfered with it, in the form given to it by Ziani, I shall hereafter
always speak of it as the Ziani Palace; and this the rather, because the only
chronicler whose words are perfectly clear respecting the existence of part
of this palace so late as the year 1422, speaks of it as built by Ziani. The old
"palace of which half remains to this day, was built, as we now see it, by
Sebastian Ziani." [Footnote: "El palazzo che anco di mezzo se vede
vecchio, per M. Sebastian Ziani fu fatto compir, come el se vede."—
Chronicle of Pietro Dolfino, Cod. Ven. p. 47. This Chronicle is spoken of by
Sansovino as "molto particolare, e distinta."—Sansovino, Venezia descritta,
p. 593.—It terminates in the year 1422.]
So far, then, of the Byzantine Palace.
SECTION XII. 2nd. The GOTHIC PALACE. The reader, doubtless,
recollects that the important change in the Venetian government which gave
stability to the aristocratic power took place about the year 1297, [Footnote:
See Vol. I. Appendix 3, Stones of Venice.] under the Doge Pietro
Gradenigo, a man thus characterized by Sansovino:—"A prompt and
prudent man, of unconquerable determination and great eloquence, who
laid, so to speak, the foundations of the eternity of this republic, by the
admirable regulations which he introduced into the government."

We may now, with some reason, doubt of their admirableness; but their
importance, and the vigorous will and intellect of the Doge, are not to be
disputed. Venice was in the zenith of her strength, and the heroism of her
citizens was displaying itself in every quarter of the world. [Footnote: Vide
Sansovino's enumeration of those who flourished in the reign of Gradenigo,
p. 564.] The acquiescence in the secure establishment of the aristocratic
power was an expression, by the people, of respect for the families which
had been chiefly instrumental in raising the commonwealth to such a height
of prosperity.
The Serrar del Consiglio fixed the numbers of the Senate within certain
limits, and it conferred upon them a dignity greater than they had ever
before possessed. It was natural that the alteration in the character of the
assembly should be attended by some change in the size, arrangement, or
decoration of the chamber in which they sat.
We accordingly find it recorded by Sansovino, that "in 1301 another
saloon was begun on the Rio del Palazzo, under the Doge Gradenigo, and
finished in 1309, in which year the Grand Council first sat in it." [Footnote:
Sansovino, 324, I.] In the first year, therefore, of the fourteenth century, the
Gothic Ducal Palace of Venice was begun; and as the Byzantine Palace was,
in its foundation, coeval with that of the state, so the Gothic Palace was, in
its foundation, coeval with that of the aristocratic power. Considered as the
principal representation of the Venetian school of architecture, the Ducal
Palace is the Parthenon of Venice, and Gradenigo its Pericles.
SECTION XIII. Sansovino, with a caution very frequent among Venetian
historians, when alluding to events connected with the Serrar del Consiglio,
does not specially mention the cause for the requirement of the new
chamber; but the Sivos Chronicle is a little more distinct in expression. "In
1301, it was determined to build a great saloon for the assembling of the
Great Council, and the room was built which is now called the Sala del
Scrutinio." [Footnote: "1301 fu presa parte di fare una sala grande per la
riduzione del gran consiglio, e fu fatta quella che ora si chiama dello
Scrutinio."—Cronaca Sivos, quoted by Cadorin. There is another most
interesting entry in the Chronicle of Magno, relating to this event; but the
passage is so ill written, that I am not sure if I have deciphered it correctly:
—"Del 1301 fu preso de fabrichar la sala fo ruina e fu fata (fatta) quella se

adoperava a far e pregadi e fu adopera per far el Gran Consegio fin 1423,
che fu anni 122." This last sentence, which is of great importance, is luckily
unmistakable:—"The room was used for the meetings of the Great Council
until 1423, that is to say, for 122 years."—Cod. Ven. tom. i. p. 126. The
Chronicle extends from 1253 to 1454.
Abstract 1301 to 1309; Gradenigo's room—1340-42, page 295-1419.
New proposals, p. 298.] Now, that is to say, at the time when the Sivos
Chronicle was written; the room has long ago been destroyed, and its name
given to another chamber on the opposite side of the palace: but I wish the
reader to remember the date 1301, as marking the commencement of a great
architectural epoch, in which took place the first appliance of the energy of
the aristocratic power, and of the Gothic style, to the works of the Ducal
Palace. The operations then begun were continued, with hardly an
interruption, during the whole period of the prosperity of Venice. We shall
see the new buildings consume, and take the place of, the Ziani Palace,
piece by piece: and when the Ziani Palace was destroyed, they fed upon
themselves; being continued round the square, until, in the sixteenth
century, they reached the point where they had been begun in the
fourteenth, and pursued the track they had then followed some distance
beyond the junction; destroying or hiding their own commencement, as the
serpent, which is the type of eternity, conceals its tail in its jaws.
SECTION XIV. We cannot, therefore, see the extremity, wherein lay the
sting and force of the whole creature,—the chamber, namely, built by the
Doge Gradenigo; but the reader must keep that commencement and the date
of it carefully in his mind. The body of the Palace Serpent will soon become
visible to us.
The Gradenigo Chamber was somewhere on the Rio Façade, behind the
present position of the Bridge of Sighs; i.e. about the point marked on the
roof by the dotted lines in the woodcut; it is not known whether low or
high, but probably on a first story. The great façade of the Ziani Palace
being, as above mentioned, on the Piazzetta, this chamber was as far back
and out of the way as possible; secrecy and security being obviously the
points first considered.

SECTION XV. But the newly constituted Senate had need of other
additions to the ancient palace besides the Council Chamber. A short, but
most significant, sentence is added to Sansovino's account of the
construction of that room. "There were, near it," he says, "the Cancellaria,
and the Gheba or Gabbia, afterwards called the Little Tower." [Footnote:
"Vi era appresso la Cancellarla, e la Gheba o Gabbia, iniamata poi
Torresella,"—-P. 324. A small square tower is seen above the Vine angle in
the view of Venice dated 1500, and attributed to Albert Durer. It appears
about 25 feet square, and is very probably the Torresella in question.]
Gabbia means a "cage;" and there can be no question that certain
apartments were at this time added at the top of the palace and on the Rio
Façade, which were to be used as prisons. Whether any portion of the old
Torresella still remains is a doubtful question; but the apartments at the top
of the palace, in its fourth story, were still used for prisons as late as the
beginning of the seventeenth century. [Footnote: Vide Bettio, Lettera, p.
23.] I wish the reader especially to notice that a separate tower or range of
apartments was built for this purpose, in order to clear the government of
the accusations so constantly made against them, by ignorant or partial
historians, of wanton cruelty to prisoners. The stories commonly told
respecting the "piombi" of the Ducal Palace are utterly false. Instead of
being, as usually reported, small furnaces under the leads of the palace, they
were comfortable rooms, with good flat roofs of larch, and carefully
ventilated. [Footnote: Bettio, Lettera, p. 20. "Those who wrote without
having seen them described them as covered with lead; and those who have
seen them know that, between their flat timber roofs and the sloping leaden
roof of the palace the interval is five metres where it is least, and nine
where it is greatest."] The new chamber, then, and the prisons, being built,
the Great Council first sat in their retired chamber on the Rio in the year
1309.
SECTION XVI. Now, observe the significant progress of events. They
had no sooner thus established themselves in power than they were
disturbed by the conspiracy of the Tiepolos, in the year 1310. In
consequence of that conspiracy the Council of Ten was created, still under
the Doge Gradenigo; who, having finished his work and left the aristocracy
of Venice armed with this terrible power, died in the year 1312, some say by
poison. He was succeeded by the Doge Marino Giorgio, who reigned only

one year; and then followed the prosperous government of John Soranzo.
There is no mention of any additions to the Ducal Palace during his reign,
but he was succeeded by that Francesco Dandolo, the sculptures on whose
tomb, still existing in the cloisters of the Salute, may be compared by any
traveller with those of the Ducal Palace. Of him it is recorded in the Savina
Chronicle: "This Doge also had the great gate built which is at the entry of
the palace, above which is his statue kneeling, with the gonfalon in hand,
before the feet of the Lion of St. Mark's." [Footnote: "Questo Dose anche
fese far la porta granda che se al intrar del Pallazzo, in su la qual vi e la sua
statua che sta in zenocchioni con lo confalon in man, davanti li pie de lo
Lion S. Marco."—Savin Chronicle, Cod. Ven. p. 120.]
SECTION XVII. It appears, then, that after the Senate had completed
their Council Chamber and the prisons, they required a nobler door than
that of the old Ziani Palace for their Magnificences to enter by. This door is
twice spoken of in the government accounts of expenses, which are
fortunately preserved, [Footnote: These documents I have not examined
myself, being satisfied of the accuracy of Cadorin, from whom I take the
passages quoted.] in the following terms:—
"1335, June 1. We, Andrew Dandolo and Mark Loredano, procurators of
St. Mark's, have paid to Martin the stone-cutter and his associates....
[Footnote: "Libras tres, soldeos 15 grossorum."—Cadorin, 189, I.] for a
stone of which the lion is made which is put over the gate of the palace."
"1344, November 4. We have paid thirty-five golden ducats for making
gold leaf, to gild the lion which is over the door of the palace stairs."
The position of this door is disputed, and is of no consequence to the
reader, the door itself having long ago disappeared, and been replaced by
the Porta della Carta.
SECTION XVIII. But before it was finished, occasion had been
discovered for farther improvements. The Senate found their new Council
Chamber inconveniently small, and, about thirty years after its completion,
began to consider where a larger and more magnificent one might be built.
The government was now thoroughly established, and it was probably felt
that there was some meanness in the retired position, as well as
insufficiency in the size, of the Council Chamber on the Rio. The first

definite account which I find of their proceedings, under these
circumstances, is in the Caroldo Chronicle: [Footnote: Cod. Ven., No.
CXLI. p. 365.]
"1340. On the 28th of December, in the preceding year, Master Marco
Erizzo, Nicolo Soranzo, and Thomas Gradenigo, were chosen to examine
where a new saloon might be built in order to assemble therein the Greater
Council.... On the 3rd of June, 1341, the Great Council elected two
procurators of the work of this saloon, with a salary of eighty ducats a
year."
It appears from the entry still preserved in the Archivio, and quoted by
Cadorin, that it was on the 28th of December, 1340, that the commissioners
appointed to decide on this important matter gave in their report to the
Grand Council, and that the decree passed thereupon for the
commencement of a new Council Chamber on the Grand Canal. [Footnote:
Sansovino is more explicit than usual in his reference to this decree: "For it
having appeared that the place (the first Council Chamber) is not capacious
enough, the saloon on the Grand Canal was ordered." "Per cio parendo che
il luogo non fosse capace, fu ordinata la Sala sul Canal Grande."—P. 324.]
The room then begun is the one now in existence, and its building
involved the building of all that is best and most beautiful in the present
Ducal Palace, the rich arcades of the lower stories being all prepared for
sustaining this Sala del Gran Consiglio.
SECTION XIX. In saying that it is the same now in existence, I do not
mean that it has undergone no alterations; as we shall see hereafter, it has
been refitted again and again, and some portions of its walls rebuilt; but in
the place and form in which it first stood, it still stands; and by a glance at
the position which its windows occupy, as shown in Figure II. above, the
reader will see at once that whatever can be known respecting the design of
the Sea Façade, must be gleaned out of the entries which refer to the
building of this Great Council Chamber.
Cadorin quotes two of great importance, to which we shall return in due
time, made during the progress of the work in 1342 and 1344; then one of
1349, resolving that the works at the Ducal Palace, which had been
discontinued during the plague, should be resumed; and finally one in 1362,

which speaks of the Great Council Chamber as having been neglected and
suffered to fall into "great desolation," and resolves that it shall be forthwith
completed. [Footnote: Cadorin, 185, 2. The decree of 1342 is falsely given
as of 1345 by the Sivos Chronicle, and by Magno; while Sanuto gives the
decree to its right year, 1342, but speaks of the Council Chamber as only
begun in 1345.]
The interruption had not been caused by the plague only, but by the
conspiracy of Faliero, and the violent death of the master builder. [Footnote:
Calendario. See Appendix I., Vol. III.] The work was resumed in 1362, and
completed within the next three years, at least so far as that Guariento was
enabled to paint his Paradise on the walls; [Footnote: "II primo che vi
colorisse fu Guariento il quale l'anno 1365 vi fece il Paradiso in testa della
sala."—Sansovino.] so that the building must, at any rate, have been roofed
by this time. Its decorations and fittings, however, were long in completion;
the paintings on the roof being only executed in 1400. [Footnote: "L'an poi
1400 vi fece il ciclo compartita a quadretti d'oro, ripieni di stelle, ch'era la
insegna del Doge Steno."—Sansovino, lib. viii.] They represented the
heavens covered with stars, [Footnote: "In questi tempi si messe in oro il
ciclo della sala del Gran Consiglio et si fece il pergole del finestra grande
chi guarda sul canale, adornato l'uno e l'altro di stelle, eh' erano la insegne
del Doge."—Sansovino, lib. xiii. Compare also Pareri, p. 129.] this being,
says Sansovino, the bearings of the Doge Steno. Almost all ceilings and
vaults were at this time in Venice covered with stars, without any reference
to armorial bearings; but Steno claims, under his noble title of Stellifer, an
important share in completing the chamber, in an inscription upon two
square tablets, now inlaid in the walls on each side of the great window
towards the sea:

"MILLE QUADRINGENTI CURREBANT QUATUOR ANNI
HOC OPUS ILLUSTRIS MICHAEL DUX STELLIFER AUXIT."

And in fact it is to this Doge that we owe the beautiful balcony of that
window, though the work above it is partly of more recent date; and I think
the tablets bearing this important inscription have been taken out and
reinserted in the newer masonry. The labor of these final decorations
occupied a total period of sixty years. The Grand Council sat in the finished
chamber for the first time in 1423. In that year the Gothic Ducal Palace of

Venice was completed. It had taken, to build it, the energies of the entire
period which I have above described as the central one of her life.
SECTION XX. 3rd. The RENAISSANCE PALACE. I must go back a
step or two, in order to be certain that the reader understands clearly the
state of the palace in 1423. The works of addition or renovation had now
been proceeding, at intervals, during a space of a hundred and twenty-three
years. Three generations at least had been accustomed to witness the
gradual advancement of the form of the Ducal Palace into more stately
symmetry, and to contrast the Works of sculpture and painting with which it
was decorated,—full of the life, knowledge, and hope of the fourteenth
century,—with the rude Byzantine chiselling of the palace of the Doge
Ziani. The magnificent fabric just completed, of which the new Council
Chamber was the nucleus, was now habitually known in Venice as the
"Palazzo Nuovo;" and the old Byzantine edifice, now ruinous, and more
manifest in its decay by its contrast with the goodly stones of the building
which had been raised at its side, was of course known as the "Palazzo
Vecchio." [Footnote: Baseggio (Pareri, p. 127) is called the Proto of the
New Palace. Farther notes will be found in Appendix I., Vol. III.] That
fabric, however, still occupied the principal position in Venice. The new
Council Chamber had been erected by the side of it towards the Sea; but
there was not then the wide quay in front, the Riva dei Schiavoni, which
now renders the Sea Façade as important as that to the Piazzetta. There was
only a narrow walk between the pillars and the water; and the old palace of
Ziani still faced the Piazzetta, and interrupted, by its decrepitude, the
magnificence of the square where the nobles daily met. Every increase of
the beauty of the new palace rendered the discrepancy between it and the
companion building more painful; and then began to arise in the minds of
all men a vague idea of the necessity of destroying the old palace, and
completing the front of the Piazzetta with the same splendor as the Sea
Façade. But no such sweeping measure of renovation had been
Contemplated by the Senate when they first formed the plan of their new
Council Chamber. First a single additional room, then a gateway, then a
larger room; but all considered merely as necessary additions to the palace,
not as involving the entire reconstruction of the ancient edifice. The
exhaustion of the treasury, and the shadows upon the political horizon,
rendered it more than imprudent to incur the vast additional expense which

such a project involved; and the Senate, fearful of itself, and desirous to
guard against the weakness of its own enthusiasm, passed a decree, like the
effort of a man fearful of some strong temptation to keep his thoughts
averted from the point of danger. It was a decree, not merely that the old
palace should not be rebuilt, but that no one should propose rebuilding it.
The feeling of the desirableness of doing so was, too strong to permit fair
discussion, and the Senate knew that to bring forward such a motion was to
carry it.
SECTION XXI. The decree, thus passed in order to guard against their
own weakness, forbade any one to speak of rebuilding the old palace under
the penalty of a thousand ducats. But they had rated their own enthusiasm
too low: there was a man among them whom the loss of a thousand ducats
could not deter from proposing what he believed to be for the good of the
state.
Some excuse was given him for bringing forward the motion, by a fire
which occurred in 1419, and which injured both the church of St. Mark's,
and part of the old palace fronting the Piazzetta. What followed, I shall
relate in the words of Sanuto. [Footnote: Cronaca Sanudo, No. cxxv. in the
Marcian Library, p. 568.]
SECTION XXII. "Therefore they set themselves with all diligence and
care to repair and adorn sumptuously, first God's house; but in the Prince's
house things went on more slowly, for it did not please the Doge [Footnote:
Tomaso Mocenigo.] to restore it in the form in which it was before; and they
could not rebuild it altogether in a better manner, so great was the
parsimony of these old fathers; because it was forbidden by laws, which
condemned in a penalty of a thousand ducats any one who should propose
to throw down the old palace, and to rebuild it more richly and with greater
expense. But the Doge, who was magnanimous, and who desired above all
things what was honorable to the city, had the thousand ducats carried into
the Senate Chamber, and then proposed that the palace should be rebuilt;
saying: that, 'since the late fire had ruined in great part the Ducal habitation
(not only his own private palace, but all the places used for public business)
this occasion was to be taken for an admonishment sent from God, that they
ought to rebuild the palace more nobly, and in a way more befitting the
greatness to which, by God's grace, their dominions had reached; and that

his motive in proposing this was neither ambition, nor selfish interest: that,
as for ambition, they might have seen in the whole course of his life,
through so many years, that he had never done anything for ambition, either
in the city, or in foreign business; but in all his actions had kept justice first
in his thoughts, and then the advantage of the state, and the honor of the
Venetian name: and that, as far as regarded his private interest, if it had not
been for this accident of the fire, he would never have thought of changing
anything in the palace into either a more sumptuous or a more honorable
form; and that during the many years in which he had lived in it, he had
never endeavored to make any change, but had always been content with it,
as his predecessors had left it; and that he knew well that, if they took in
hand to build it as he exhorted and besought them, being now very old, and
broken down with many toils, God would call him to another life before the
walls were raised a pace from the ground. And that therefore they might
perceive that he did not advise them to raise this building for his own
convenience, but only for the honor of the city and its Dukedom; and that
the good of it would never be felt by him, but by his successors.' Then he
said, that 'in order, as he had always done, to observe the laws,... he had
brought with him the thousand ducats which had been appointed as the
penalty for proposing such a measure, so that he might prove openly to all
men that it was not his own advantage that he sought, but the dignity of the
state.'" There was no one (Sanuto goes on to tell us) who ventured, or
desired, to oppose the wishes of the Doge; and the thousand ducats were
unanimously devoted to the expenses of the work. "And they set themselves
with much diligence to the work; and the palace was begun in the form and
manner in which it is at present seen; but, as Mocenigo had prophesied, not
long after, he ended his life, and not only did not see the work brought to a
close, but hardly even begun."
SECTION XXIII. There are one or two expressions in the above extracts
which if they stood alone, might lead the reader to suppose that the whole
palace had been thrown down and rebuilt. We must however remember,
that, at this time, the new Council Chamber, which had been one hundred
years in building, was actually unfinished, the council had not yet sat in it;
and it was just as likely that the Doge should then propose to destroy and
rebuild it, as in this year, 1853, it is that any one should propose in our

House of Commons to throw down the new Houses of Parliament, under
the title of the "old palace," and rebuild them.
SECTION XXIV. The manner in which Sanuto expresses himself will at
once be seen to be perfectly natural, when it is remembered that although
we now speak of the whole building as the "Ducal Palace," it consisted, in
the minds of the old Venetians, of four distinct buildings. There were in it
the palace, the state prisons, the senate-house, and the offices of public
business; in other words, it was Buckingham Palace, the Tower of olden
days, the Houses of Parliament, and Downing Street, all in one; and any of
these four portions might be spoken of, without involving an allusion to any
other. "Il Palazzo" was the Ducal residence, which, with most of the public
offices, Mocenigo did propose to pull down and rebuild, and which was
actually pulled down and rebuilt. But the new Council Chamber, of which
the whole façade to the Sea consisted, never entered into either his or
Sanuto's mind for an instant, as necessarily connected with the Ducal
residence.
I said that the new Council Chamber, at the time when Mocenigo brought
forward his measure, had never yet been used. It was in the year 1422
[Footnote: Vide notes in Appendix.] that the decree passed to rebuild the
palace: Mocenigo died in the following year, and Francesco Foscari was
elected in his room. [Footnote: On the 4th of April, 1423, according to the
copy of the Zancarol Chronicle in the Marcian Library, but previously,
according to the Caroldo Chronicle, which makes Foscari enter the Senate
as Doge on the 3rd of April.] The Great Council Chamber was used for the
first time on the day when Foscari entered the Senate as Doge,—the 3rd of
April, 1423, according to the Caroldo Chronicle; [Footnote: "Nella quale
(the Sala del Gran Consiglio) non si fece Gran Consiglio salvo nell' anno
1423, alli 3, April, et fu il primo giorno che il Duce Foscari venisse in Gran
Consiglio dopo la sua creatione."—Copy in Marcian Library, p. 365.] the
23rd, which is probably correct, by an anonymous MS., No. 60, in the
Correr Museum; [Footnote: "E a di 23 April (1423, by the context) sequente
fo fatto Gran Conscio in la salla nuovo dovi avanti non esta piu fatto Gran
Conscio si che el primo Gran Conscio dopo la sua (Foscari's) creation fo
fatto in la sala nuova, nel qual conscio fu el Marchese di Mantoa," &c., p.
426.]—and, the following year, on the 27th of March, the first hammer was

lifted up against the old palace of Ziani. [Footnote: Compare Appendix I.
Vol. III.]
SECTION XXV. That hammer stroke was the first act of the period
properly called the "Renaissance" It was the knell of the architecture of
Venice,—and of Venice herself.
The central epoch of her life was past; the decay had already begun: I
dated its commencement above (Ch. I., Vol. I.) from the death of Mocenigo.
A year had not yet elapsed since that great Doge had been called to his
account: his patriotism, always sincere, had been in this instance mistaken;
in his zeal for the honor of future Venice, he had forgotten what was due to
the Venice of long ago. A thousand palaces might be built upon her
burdened islands, but none of them could take the place, or recall the
memory, of that which was first built upon her unfrequented shore. It fell;
and, as if it had been the talisman of her fortunes, the city never flourished
again.
SECTION XXVI. I have no intention of following out, in their intricate
details, the operations which were begun under Foscari and continued under
succeeding Doges till the palace assumed its present form, for I am not in
this work concerned, except by occasional reference, with the architecture
of the fifteenth century: but the main facts are the following. The palace of
Ziani was destroyed; the existing façade to the Piazzetta built, so as both to
continue and to resemble, in most particulars, the work of the Great Council
Chamber. It was carried back from the Sea as far as the Judgment angle;
beyond which is the Porta della Carta, begun in 1439, and finished in two
years, under the Doge Foscari; [Footnote: "Tutte queste fatture si
compirono sotto il dogade del Foscari, nel 1441."—Pareri, p. 131.] the
interior buildings connected with it were added by the Doge Christopher
Moro, (the Othello of Shakspeare) [Footnote: This identification has been
accomplished, and I think conclusively, by my friend Mr. Rawdon Brown,
who has devoted all the leisure which, during the last twenty years his
manifold office of kindness to almost every English visitant of Venice have
left him, in discovering and translating the passages of the Venetian records
which bear upon English history and literature. I shall have occasion to take
advantage hereafter of a portion of his labors, which I trust will shortly be
made public.] in 1462.

SECTION XXVII. By reference to the figure the reader will see that we
have now gone the round of the palace, and that the new work of 1462 was
close upon the first piece of the Gothic palace, the new Council Chamber of
1301. Some remnants of the Ziani Palace were perhaps still left between the
two extremities of the Gothic Palace; or as is more probable, the last stones
of it may have been swept away after the fire of 1419, and replaced by new
apartments for the Doge. But whatever buildings, old or new, stood on this
spot at the time of the completion of the Porta della Carta were destroyed
by another great fire in 1479, together with so much of the palace on the
Rio that, though the saloon of Gradenigo, then known as the Sala de'
Pregadi, was not destroyed, it became necessary to reconstruct the entire
façades of the portion of the palace behind the Bridge of Sighs, both
towards the court and canal. This work was entrusted to the best
Renaissance architects of the close of the fifteenth and opening of the
sixteenth centuries; Antonio Ricci executing the Giant's staircase, and on his
absconding with a large sum of the public money, Pietro Lombardo taking
his place. The whole work must have been completed towards the middle of
the sixteenth century. The architects of the palace, advancing round the
square and led by fire, had more than reached the point from which they
had set out; and the work of 1560 was joined to the work of 1301-1340, at
the point marked by the conspicuous vertical line in Figure II on the Rio
Façade.
SECTION XVIII. But the palace was not long permitted to remain in this
finished form. Another terrific fire, commonly called the great fire, burst
out in 1574, and destroyed the inner fittings and all the precious pictures of
the Great Council Chamber, and of all the upper rooms on the Sea Façade,
and most of those on the Rio Façade, leaving the building a mere shell,
shaken and blasted by the flames. It was debated in the Great Council
whether the ruin should not be thrown down, and an entirely new palace
built in its stead. The opinions of all the leading architects of Venice were
taken, respecting the safety of the walls, or the possibility of repairing them
as they stood. These opinions, given in writing, have been preserved, and
published by the Abbé Cadorin, in the work already so often referred to;
and they form one of the most important series of documents connected
with the Ducal Palace.

I cannot help feeling some childish pleasure in the accidental
resemblance to my own name in that of the architect whose opinion was
first given in favor of the ancient fabric, Giovanni Rusconi. Others,
especially Palladio, wanted to pull down the old palace, and execute designs
of their own; but the best architects in Venice, and to his immortal honor,
chiefly Francesco Sansovino, energetically pleaded for the Gothic pile, and
prevailed. It was successfully repaired, and Tintoret painted his noblest
picture on the wall from which the Paradise of Guariento had withered
before the flames.
SECTION XXIX. The repairs necessarily undertaken at this time were
however extensive, and interfered in many directions with the earlier work
of the palace: still the only serious alteration in its form was the
transposition of the prisons, formerly at the top of the palace to the other
side of the Rio del Palazzo; and the building of the Bridge of Sighs, to
connect them with the palace, by Antonio da Ponte. The completion of this
work brought the whole edifice into its present form; with the exception of
alterations indoors, partitions, and staircases among the inner apartments,
not worth noticing, and such barbarisms and defacements as have been
suffered within the last fifty years, by, I suppose nearly every building of
importance in Italy.
SECTION XXX. Now, therefore, we are at liberty to examine some of
the details of the Ducal Palace, without any doubt about their dates. I shall
not however, give any elaborate illustrations of them here, because I could
not do them justice on the scale of the page of this volume, or by means of
line engraving. I believe a new era is opening to us in the art of illustration,
[Footnote: See the last chapter of the third volume, Stones of Venice.] and
that I shall be able to give large figures of the details of the Ducal Palace at
a price which will enable every person who is interested in the subject to
possess them; so that the cost and labor of multiplying illustrations here
would be altogether wasted. I shall therefore direct the reader's attention
only to such points of interest as can be explained in the text.
SECTION XXXI. First, then, looking back to the woodcut at the
beginning of this chapter, the reader will observe that, as the building was
very nearly square on the ground plan, a peculiar prominence and
importance were given to its angles, which rendered it necessary that they

should be enriched and softened by sculpture. I do not suppose that the
fitness of this arrangement will be questioned; but if the reader will take the
pains to glance over any series of engravings of church towers or other
four-square buildings in which great refinement of form has been attained,
he will at once observe how their effect depends on some modification of
the sharpness of the angle, either by groups of buttresses, or by turrets and
niches rich in sculpture. It is to be noted also that this principle of breaking
the angle is peculiarly Gothic, arising partly out of the necessity of
strengthening the flanks of enormous buildings, where composed of
imperfect materials, by buttresses or pinnacles; partly out of the conditions
of Gothic warfare, which generally required a tower at the angle; partly out
of the natural dislike of the meagreness of effect in buildings which
admitted large surfaces of wall, if the angle were entirely unrelieved. The
Ducal Palace, in its acknowledgment of this principle, makes a more
definite concession to the Gothic spirit than any of the previous architecture
of Venice. No angle, up to the time of its erection, had been otherwise
decorated than by a narrow fluted pilaster of red marble, and the sculpture
was reserved always, as in Greek and Roman work, for the plane surfaces
of the building, with, as far as I recollect, two exceptions only, both in St.
Mark's; namely, the bold and grotesque gargoyle on its north-west angle,
and the angels which project from the four inner angles under the main
cupola; both of these arrangements being plainly made under Lombardic
influence. And if any other instances occur, which I may have at present
forgotten, I am very sure the Northern influence will always be distinctly
traceable in them.
SECTION XXXII. The Ducal Palace, however, accepts the principle in
its completeness, and throws the main decoration upon its angles. The
central window, which looks rich and important in the woodcut, was
entirely restored in the Renaissance time, as we have seen, under the Doge
Steno; so that we have no traces of its early treatment; and the principal
interest of the older palace is concentrated in the angle sculpture, which is
arranged in the following manner. The pillars of the two bearing arcades are
much enlarged in thickness at the angles, and their capitals increased in
depth, breadth, and fulness of subject; above each capital, on the angle of
the wall, a sculptural subject is introduced, consisting, in the great lower
arcade, of two or more figures of the size of life; in the upper arcade, of a

single angel holding a scroll: above these angels rise the twisted pillars with
their crowning niches, already noticed in the account of parapets in the
seventh chapter; thus forming an unbroken line of decoration from the
ground to the top of the angle.
SECTION XXXIII. It was before noticed that one of the corners of the
palace joins the irregular outer buildings connected with St. Mark's, and is
not generally seen. There remain, therefore, to be decorated, only the three
angles, above distinguished as the Vine angle, the Fig-tree angle, and the
Judgment angle; and at these we have, according to the arrangement just
explained,—
First, Three great bearing capitals (lower arcade).
Secondly, Three figure subjects of sculpture above them (lower arcade).
Thirdly, Three smaller bearing capitals (upper arcade).
Fourthly, Three angels above them (upper arcade).
Fifthly, Three spiral, shafts with niches.
SECTION XXXIV. I shall describe the bearing capitals hereafter, in their
order, with the others of the arcade; for the first point to which the reader's
attention ought to be directed is the choice of subject in the great figure
sculptures above them. These, observe, are the very corner stones of the
edifice, and in them we may expect to find the most important evidences of
the feeling, as well as the skill, of the builder. If he has anything to say to us
of the purpose with which he built the palace, it is sure to be said here; if
there was any lesson which he wished principally to teach to those for
whom he built, here it is sure to be inculcated; if there was any sentiment
which they themselves desired to have expressed in the principal edifice of
their city, this is the place in which we may be secure of finding it legibly
inscribed.
SECTION XXXV. Now the first two angles, of the Vine and Fig-tree,
belong to the old, or true Gothic, Palace; the third angle belongs to the
Renaissance imitation of it: therefore, at the first two angles, it is the Gothic
spirit which is going to speak to us; and, at the third, the Renaissance spirit.

The reader remembers, I trust, that the most characteristic sentiment of
all that we traced in the working of the Gothic heart, was the frank
confession of its own weakness; and I must anticipate, for a moment, the
results of our inquiry in subsequent chapters, so far as to state that the
principal element in the Renaissance spirit, is its firm confidence in its own
wisdom.
Hear, then, the two spirits speak for themselves.
The first main sculpture of the Gothic Palace is on what I have called the
angle of the Fig-tree:
Its subject is the FALL OF MAN.
The second sculpture is on the angle of the Vine:
Its subject is the DRUNKENNESS OF NOAH.
The Renaissance sculpture is on the Judgment angle:
Its subject is the JUDGMENT OF SOLOMON.
It is impossible to overstate, or to regard with too much admiration, the
significance of this single fact. It is as if the palace had been built at various
epochs, and preserved uninjured to this day, for the sole purpose of teaching
us the difference in the temper of the two schools.
SECTION XXXVI. I have called the sculpture on the Fig-tree angle the
principal one; because it is at the central bend of the palace, where it turns
to the Piazetta (the façade upon the Piazetta being, as we saw above, the
more important one in ancient times). The great capital, which sustains this
Fig-tree angle, is also by far more elaborate than the head of the pilaster
under the Vine angle, marking the preëminence of the former in the
architect's mind. It is impossible to say which was first executed, but that of
the Fig-tree angle is somewhat rougher in execution, and more stiff in the
design of the figures, so that I rather suppose it to have been the earliest
completed.
SECTION XXXVII. In both the subjects, of the Fall and the
Drunkenness, the tree, which forms the chiefly decorative portion of the
sculpture,—fig in the one case, vine in the other,—was a necessary adjunct.

Its trunk, in both sculptures, forms the true outer angle of the palace; boldly
cut separate from the stonework behind, and branching out above the
figures so as to enwrap each side of the angle, for several feet, with its deep
foliage. Nothing can be more masterly or superb than the sweep of this
foliage on the Fig-tree angle; the broad leaves lapping round the budding
fruit, and sheltering from sight, beneath their shadows, birds of the most
graceful form and delicate plumage. The branches are, however, so strong,
and the masses of stone hewn into leafage so large, that, notwithstanding
the depth of the undercutting, the work remains nearly uninjured; not so at
the Vine angle, where the natural delicacy of the vine-leaf and tendril
having tempted the sculptor to greater effort, he has passed the proper limits
of his art, and cut the upper stems so delicately that half of them have been
broken away by the casualties to which the situation of the sculpture
necessarily exposes it. What remains is, however, so interesting in its
extreme refinement, that I have chosen it for the subject of the first
illustration [Footnote: See note at end of this chapter.] rather than the nobler
masses of the fig-tree, which ought to be rendered on a larger scale.
Although half of the beauty of the composition is destroyed by the breaking
away of its central masses, there is still enough in the distribution of the
variously bending leaves, and in the placing of the birds on the lighter
branches, to prove to us the power of the designer. I have already referred to
this Plate as a remarkable instance of the Gothic Naturalism; and, indeed, it
is almost impossible for the copying of nature to be carried farther than in
the fibres of the marble branches, and the careful finishing of the tendrils:
note especially the peculiar expression of the knotty joints of the vine in the
light branch which rises highest. Yet only half the finish of the work can be
seen in the Plate: for, in several cases, the sculptor has shown the under
sides of the leaves turned boldly to the light, and has literally carved every
rib and vein upon them, in relief; not merely the main ribs which sustain the
lobes of the leaf, and actually project in nature, but the irregular and sinuous
veins which chequer the membranous tissues between them, and which the
sculptor has represented conventionally as relieved like the others, in order
to give the vine leaf its peculiar tessellated effect upon the eye.
SECTION XXXVIII. As must always be the case in early sculpture, the
figures are much inferior to the leafage; yet so skilful in many respects, that
it was a long time before I could persuade myself that they had indeed been

wrought in the first half of the fourteenth century. Fortunately, the date is
inscribed upon a monument in the Church of San Simeon Grande, bearing a
recumbent statue of the saint, of far finer workmanship, in every respect,
than those figures of the Ducal Palace, yet so like them, that I think there
can be no question that the head of Noah was wrought by the sculptor of the
palace in emulation of that of the statue of St. Simeon. In this latter
sculpture, the face is represented in death; the mouth partly open, the lips
thin and sharp, the teeth carefully sculptured beneath; the face full of
quietness and majesty, though very ghastly; the hair and beard flowing in
luxuriant wreaths, disposed with the most masterly freedom, yet severity, of
design, far down upon the shoulders; the hands crossed upon the body,
carefully studied, and the veins and sinews perfectly and easily expressed,
yet without any attempt at extreme finish or display of technical skill. This
monument bears date 1317, [Footnote: "IN XRI—NOIE AMEN
ANNINCARNATIONIS MCCCXVII. INESETBR." "In the name of Christ,
Amen, in the year of the incarnation, 1317, in the month of September,"
&c.] and its sculptor was justly proud of it; thus recording his name:

"CELAVIT MARCUS OPUS HOC INSIGNE ROMANIS,
LAUDIBUS NON PARCUS EST SUA DIGNA MANUS."

SECTION XXXIX. The head of the Noah on the Ducal Palace, evidently
worked in emulation of this statue, has the same profusion of flowing hair
and beard, but wrought in smaller and harder curls; and the veins on the
arms and breast are more sharply drawn, the sculptor being evidently more
practised in keen and fine lines of vegetation than in those of the figure; so
that, which is most remarkable in a workman of this early period, he has
failed in telling his story plainly, regret and wonder being so equally
marked on the features of all the three brothers that it is impossible to say
which is intended for Ham. Two of the heads of the brothers are seen in the
Plate; the third figure is not with the rest of the group, but set at a distance
of about twelve feet, on the other side of the arch which springs from the
angle capital.
SECTION XL. It may be observed, as a farther evidence of the date of
the group, that, in the figures of all the three youths, the feet are protected
simply by a bandage arranged in crossed folds round the ankle and lower
part of the limb; a feature of dress which will be found in nearly every piece

of figure sculpture in Venice, from the year 1300 to 1380, and of which the
traveller may see an example within three hundred yards of this very group,
in the bas-reliefs on the tomb of the Doge Andrea Dandolo (in St. Mark's),
who died in 1354.
SECTION XLI. The figures of Adam and Eve, sculptured on each side of
the Fig-tree angle, are more stiff than those of Noah and his sons, but are
better fitted for their architectural service; and the trunk of the tree, with the
angular body of the serpent writhed around it, is more nobly treated as a
terminal group of lines than that of the vine.
The Renaissance sculptor of the figures of the Judgment of Solomon has
very nearly copied the fig-tree from this angle, placing its trunk between the
executioner and the mother, who leans forward to stay his hand. But,
though the whole group is much more free in design than those of the
earlier palace, and in many ways excellent in itself, so that it always strikes
the eye of a careless observer more than the others, it is of immeasurably
inferior spirit in the workmanship; the leaves of the tree, though far more
studiously varied in flow than those of the fig-tree from which they are
partially copied, have none of its truth to nature; they are ill set on the
steins, bluntly defined on the edges, and their curves are not those of
growing leaves, but of wrinkled drapery.
SECTION XLII. Above these three sculptures are set, in the upper
arcade, the statues of the archangels Raphael, Michael, and Gabriel: their
positions will be understood by reference to the lowest figure in Plate
XVII., where that of Raphael above the Vine angle is seen on the right. A
diminutive figure of Tobit follows at his feet, and he bears in his hand a
scroll with this inscription:

EFICE Q
SOFRE
TUR AFA
EL REVE
RENDE
QUIETU

i.e. Effice (quseso?) fretum, Raphael reverende, quietum. [Footnote: "Oh,
venerable Raphael, make thou the gulf calm, we beseech thee." The

peculiar office of the angel Raphael is, in general, according to tradition, the
restraining the harmful influences of evil spirits. Sir Charles Eastlake told
me, that sometimes in this office he is represented bearing the gall of the
fish caught by Tobit; and reminded me of the peculiar superstitions of the
Venetians respecting the raising of storms by fiends, as embodied in the
well known tale of the Fisherman and St. Mark's ring.] I could not decipher
the inscription on the scroll borne by the angel Michael; and the figure of
Gabriel, which is by much the most beautiful feature of the Renaissance
portion of the palace, has only in its hand the Annunciation lily.
SECTION XLIII. Such are the subjects of the main sculptures decorating
the angles of the palace; notable, observe, for their simple expression of two
feelings, the consciousness of human frailty, and the dependence upon
Divine guidance and protection: this being, of course, the general purpose
of the introduction of the figures of the angels; and, I imagine, intended to
be more particularly conveyed by the manner in which the small figure of
Tobit follows the steps of Raphael, just touching the hem of his garment.
We have next to examine the course of divinity and of natural history
embodied by the old sculpture in the great series of capitals which support
the lower arcade of the palace; and which, being at a height of little more
than eight feet above the eye, might be read, like the pages of a book, by
those (the noblest men in Venice) who habitually walked beneath the
shadow of this great arcade at the time of their first meeting each other for
morning converse.
SECTION XLIV. We will now take the pillars of the Ducal Palace in
their order. It has already been mentioned (Vol. I. Chap. I. Section XLVI.)
that there are, in all, thirty-six great pillars supporting the lower story; and
that these are to be counted from right to left, because then the more ancient
of them come first: and that, thus arranged, the first, which is not a shaft,
but a pilaster, will be the support of the Vine angle; the eighteenth will be
the great shaft of the Fig-tree angle; and the thirty-sixth, that of the
Judgment angle.
SECTION XLV. All their capitals, except that of the first, are octagonal,
and are decorated by sixteen leaves, differently enriched in every capital,
but arranged in the same way; eight of them rising to the angles, and there
forming volutes; the eight others set between them, on the sides, rising half-

way up the bell of the capital; there nodding forward, and showing above
them, rising out of their luxuriance, the groups or single figures which we
have to examine. [Footnote: I have given one of these capitals carefully
already in my folio work, and hope to give most of the others in due time. It
was of no use to draw them here, as the scale would have been too small to
allow me to show the expression of the figures.] In some instances, the
intermediate or lower leaves are reduced to eight sprays of foliage; and the
capital is left dependent for its effect on the bold position of the figures. In
referring to the figures on the octagonal capitals, I shall call the outer side,
fronting either the Sea or the Piazzetta, the first side; and so count round
from left to right; the fourth side being thus, of course, the innermost. As,
however, the first five arches were walled up after the great fire, only three
sides of their capitals are left visible, which we may describe as the front
and the eastern and western sides of each.
SECTION XLVI. FIRST CAPITAL: i.e. of the pilaster at the Vine angle.
In front, towards the Sea. A child holding a bird before him, with its
wings expanded, covering his breast.
On its eastern side. Children's heads among leaves.
On its western side. A child carrying in one hand a comb; in the other, a
pair of scissors.
It appears curious, that this, the principal pilaster of the façade, should
have been decorated only by these graceful grotesques, for I can hardly
suppose them anything more. There may be meaning in them, but I will not
venture to conjecture any, except the very plain and practical meaning
conveyed by the last figure to all Venetian children, which it would be well
if they would act upon. For the rest, I have seen the comb introduced in
grotesque work as early as the thirteenth century, but generally for the
purpose of ridiculing too great care in dressing the hair, which assuredly is
not its purpose here. The children's heads are very sweet and full of life, but
the eyes sharp and small.
SECTION XLVII. SECOND CAPITAL. Only three sides of the original
work are left unburied by the mass of added wall. Each side has a bird, one
web-footed, with a fish, one clawed, with a serpent, which opens its jaws,

and darts its tongue at the bird's breast; the third pluming itself, with a
feather between the mandibles of its bill. It is by far the most beautiful of
the three capitals decorated with birds.
THIRD CAPITAL. Also has three sides only left. They have three heads,
large, and very ill cut; one female, and crowned.
FOURTH CAPITAL. Has three children. The eastern one is defaced: the
one in front holds a small bird, whose plumage is beautifully indicated, in
its right hand; and with its left holds up half a walnut, showing the nut
inside: the third holds a fresh fig, cut through, showing the seeds.
The hair of all the three children is differently worked: the first has
luxuriant flowing hair, and a double chin; the second, light flowing hair
falling in pointed locks on the forehead; the third, crisp curling hair, deep
cut with drill holes.
This capital has been copied on the Renaissance side of the palace, only
with such changes in the ideal of the children as the workman thought
expedient and natural. It is highly interesting to compare the child of the
fourteenth with the child of the fifteenth century. The early heads are full of
youthful life, playful, humane, affectionate, beaming with sensation and
vivacity, but with much manliness and firmness, also, not a little cunning,
and some cruelty perhaps, beneath all; the features small and hard, and the
eyes keen. There is the making of rough and great men in them. But the
children of the fifteenth century are dull smooth-faced dunces, without a
single meaning line in the fatness of their stolid cheeks; and, although, in
the vulgar sense, as handsome as the other children are ugly, capable of
becoming nothing but perfumed coxcombs.
FIFTH CAPITAL. Still three sides only left, bearing three half-length
statues of kings; this is the first capital which bears any inscription. In front,
a king with a sword in his right hand points to a handkerchief embroidered
and fringed, with a head on it, carved on the cavetto of the abacus. His
name is written above, "TITUS VESPASIAN IMPERATOR" (contracted
IPAT.).
On eastern side, "TRAJANUS IMPERATOR." Crowned, a sword in right
hand, and sceptre in left.

On western, "(OCT)AVIANUS AUGUSTUS IMPERATOR." The "OCT"
is broken away. He bears a globe in his right hand, with "MUNDUS
PACIS" upon it; a sceptre in his left, which I think has terminated in a
human figure. He has a flowing beard, and a singularly high crown; the face
is much injured, but has once been very noble in expression.
SIXTH CAPITAL. Has large male and female heads, very coarsely cut,
hard, and bad.
SECTION XLVIII. SEVENTH CAPITAL. This is the first of the series
which is complete; the first open arch of the lower arcade being between it
and the sixth. It begins the representation of the Virtues.
First side. Largitas, or Liberality: always distinguished from the higher
Charity. A male figure, with his lap full of money, which he pours out of his
hand. The coins are plain, circular, and smooth; there is no attempt to mark
device upon them. The inscription above is, "LARGITAS ME ONORAT."
In the copy of this design on the twenty-fifth capital, instead of
showering out the gold from his open hand, the figure holds it in a plate or
salver, introduced for the sake of disguising the direct imitation. The
changes thus made in the Renaissance pillars are always injuries.
This virtue is the proper opponent of Avarice; though it does not occur in
the systems of Orcagna or Giotto, being included in Charity. It was a
leading virtue with Aristotle and the other ancients.
SECTION XLIX. Second side. Constancy; not very characteristic. An
armed man with a sword in his hand, inscribed, "CONSTANTIA SUM, NIL
TIMENS."
This virtue is one of the forms of fortitude, and Giotto therefore sets as
the vice opponent to Fortitude, "Inconstantia," represented as a woman in
loose drapery, falling from a rolling globe. The vision seen in the
interpreter's house in the Pilgrim's Progress, of the man with a very bold
countenance, who says to him who has the writer's ink-horn by his side,
"Set down my name," is the best personification of the Venetian
"Constantia" of which I am aware in literature. It would be well for us all to
consider whether we have yet given the order to the man with the ink-horn,
"Set down my name."

SECTION L. Third side. Discord; holding up her finger, but needing the
inscription above to assure us of her meaning, "DISCORDIA SUM,
DISCORDIANS." In the Renaissance copy she is a meek and nun-like
person with a veil.
She is the Atë of Spencer; "mother of debate," thus described in the
fourth book:

"Her face most fowle and filthy was to see,
With squinted eyes contrarie wayes intended;
And loathly mouth, unmeete a mouth to bee,
That nought but gall and venim comprehended,
And wicked wordes that God and man offended:
Her lying tongue was in two parts divided,
And both the parts did speake, and both contended;
And as her tongue, so was her hart discided,
That never thoght one thing, but doubly stil was guided."

Note the fine old meaning of "discided," cut in two; it is a great pity we
have lost this powerful expression. We might keep "determined" for the
other sense of the word.
SECTION LI. Fourth side. Patience. A female figure, very expressive
and lovely, in a hood, with her right hand on her breast, the left extended,
inscribed "PATIENTIA MANET MECUM."
She is one of the principal virtues in all the Christian systems: a
masculine virtue in Spenser, and beautifully placed as the PHYSICIAN in
the House of Holinesse. The opponent vice, Impatience, is one of the hags
who attend the Captain of the Lusts of the Flesh; the other being Impotence.
In like manner, in the "Pilgrim's Progress," the opposite of Patience is
Passion; but Spenser's thought is farther carried. His two hags, Impatience
and Impotence, as attendant upon the evil spirit of Passion, embrace all the
phenomena of human conduct, down even to the smallest matters,
according to the adage, "More haste, worse speed."
SECTION LII. Fifth side. Despair. A female figure thrusting a dagger
into her throat, and tearing her long hair, which flows down among the
leaves of the capital below her knees. One of the finest figures of the series;
inscribed "DESPERACIO MÔS (mortis?) CRUDELIS." In the Renaissance

copy she is totally devoid of expression, and appears, instead of tearing her
hair, to be dividing it into long curls on each side.
This vice is the proper opposite of Hope. By Giotto she is represented as
a woman hanging herself, a fiend coming for her soul. Spenser's vision of
Despair is well known, it being indeed currently reported that this part of
the Faerie Queen was the first which drew to it the attention of Sir Philip
Sidney.
SECTION LIII. Sixth side. Obedience: with her arms folded; meek, but
rude and commonplace, looking at a little dog standing on its hind legs and
begging, with a collar round its neck. Inscribed "OBEDIENTI * *;" the rest
of the sentence is much defaced, but looks like "A'ONOEXIBEO."
I suppose the note of contraction above the final A has disappeared and
that the inscription was "Obedientiam domino exhibeo."
This virtue is, of course, a principal one in the monkish systems;
represented by Giotto at Assisi as "an angel robed in black, placing the
finger of his left hand on his mouth, and passing the yoke over the head of a
Franciscan monk kneeling at his feet." [Footnote: Lord Lindsay, vol. ii. p.
226.]
Obedience holds a less principal place in Spenser. We have seen her
above associated with the other peculiar virtues of womanhood.
SECTION LIV. Seventh side. Infidelity. A man in a turban, with a small
image in his hand, or the image of a child. Of the inscription nothing but
"INFIDELITATE * * *" and some fragmentary letters, "ILI, CERO,"
remain.
By Giotto Infidelity is most nobly symbolized as a woman helmeted, the
helmet having a broad rim which keeps the light from her eyes. She is
covered with heavy drapery, stands infirmly as if about to fall, is bound by a
cord round her neck to an image which she carries in her hand, and has
flames bursting forth at her feet.
In Spenser, Infidelity is the Saracen knight Sans Foy,—

"Full large of limbe and every joint

He was, and cared not for God or man a point."

For the part which he sustains in the contest with Godly Fear, or the Red-
cross knight, see Appendix 2, Vol. III.
SECTION LV. Eighth side. Modesty; bearing a pitcher. (In the
Renaissance copy, a vase like a coffeepot.) Inscribed "MODESTIA
ROBUOBTINEO."
I do not find this virtue in any of the Italian series, except that of Venice.
In Spenser she is of course one of those attendant on Womanhood, but
occurs as one of the tenants of the Heart of Man, thus portrayed in the
second book:

"Straunge was her tyre, and all her garment blew,
Close rownd about her tuckt with many a plight:
Upon her fist the bird which shonneth vew.

And ever and anone with rosy red
The bashfull blood her snowy cheekes did dye,
That her became, as polisht yvory
Which cunning craftesman hand hath overlayd
With fayre vermilion or pure castory."

SECTION LVI. EIGHTH CAPITAL. It has no inscriptions, and its
subjects are not, by themselves, intelligible; but they appear to be typical of
the degradation of human instincts.
First side. A caricature of Arion on his dolphin; he wears a cap ending in
a long proboscis-like horn, and plays a violin with a curious twitch of the
bow and wag of the head, very graphically expressed, but still without
anything approaching to the power of Northern grotesque. His dolphin has a
goodly row of teeth, and the waves beat over his back.
Second side. A human figure, with curly hair and the legs of a bear; the
paws laid, with great sculptural skill, upon the foliage. It plays a violin,
shaped like a guitar, with a bent double-stringed bow.

Third side. A figure with a serpent's tail and a monstrous head, founded
on a Negro type, hollow-cheeked, large-lipped, and wearing a cap made of
a serpent's skin, holding a fir-cone in its hand.
Fourth side. A monstrous figure, terminating below in a tortoise. It is
devouring a gourd, which it grasps greedily with both hands; it wears a cap
ending in a hoofed leg.
Fifth side. A centaur wearing a crested helmet, and holding a curved
sword.
Sixth side. A knight, riding a headless horse, and wearing a chain armor,
with a triangular shield flung behind his back, and a two-edged sword.
Seventh side. A figure like that on the fifth, wearing a round helmet, and
with the legs and tail of a horse. He bears a long mace with a top like a fir-
cone.
Eighth side. A figure with curly hair, and an acorn in its hand, ending
below in a fish.
SECTION LVII. NINTH CAPITAL. First side. Faith. She has her left
hand on her breast, and the cross on her right. Inscribed "FIDES OPTIMA
IN DEO." The Faith of Giotto holds the cross in her right hand; in her left, a
scroll with the Apostles' Creed. She treads upon cabalistic books, and has a
key suspended to her waist. Spenser's Faith (Fidelia) is still more spiritual
and noble:

"She was araied all in lilly white,
And in her right hand bore a cup of gold,
With wine and water fild up to the hight,
In which a serpent did himselfe enfold,
That horrour made to all that did behold;
But she no whitt did chaunge her constant mood:
And in her other hand she fast did hold
A booke, that was both signd and seald with blood;
Wherein darke things were writt, hard to be understood."

SECTION LVIII. Second side. Fortitude. A long-bearded man [Samson?]
tearing open a lion's jaw. The inscription is illegible, and the somewhat
vulgar personification appears to belong rather to Courage than Fortitude.

On the Renaissance copy it is inscribed "FORTITUDO SUM VIRILIS."
The Latin word has, perhaps, been received by the sculptor as merely
signifying "Strength," the rest of the perfect idea of this virtue having been
given in "Constantia" previously. But both these Venetian symbols together
do not at all approach the idea of Fortitude as given generally by Giotto and
the Pisan sculptors; clothed with a lion's skin, knotted about her neck, and
falling to her feet in deep folds; drawing back her right hand, with the
sword pointed towards her enemy; and slightly retired behind her
immovable shield, which, with Giotto, is square, and rested on the ground
like a tower, covering her up to above her shoulders; bearing on it a lion,
and with broken heads of javelins deeply infixed.
Among the Greeks, this is, of course, one of the principal virtues; apt,
however, in their ordinary conception of it to degenerate into mere
manliness or courage.
SECTION LIX. Third side. Temperance; bearing a pitcher of water and a
cup. Inscription, illegible here, and on the Renaissance copy nearly so,
"TEMPERANTIA SUM" (INOM' L'S)? Only left. In this somewhat vulgar
and most frequent conception of this virtue (afterwards continually
repeated, as by Sir Joshua in his window at New-College) temperance is
confused with mere abstinence, the opposite of Gula, or gluttony; whereas
the Greek Temperance, a truly cardinal virtue, is the moderator of all the
passions, and so represented by Giotto, who has placed a bridle upon her
lips, and a sword in her hand, the hilt of which she is binding to the
scabbard. In his system, she is opposed among the vices, not by Gula or
Gluttony, but by Ira, Anger. So also the Temperance of Spenser, or Sir
Guyon, but with mingling of much sternness:

"A goodly knight, all armd in harnesse meete,
That from his head no place appeared to his feete,
His carriage was full comely and upright;
His countenance demure and temperate;
But yett so sterne and terrible in sight,
That cheard his friendes, and did his foes amate."

The Temperance of the Greeks, [Greek: sophrosunae] involves the idea
of Prudence, and is a most noble virtue, yet properly marked by Plato as
inferior to sacred enthusiasm, though necessary for its government. He

opposes it, under the name "Mortal Temperance" or "the Temperance which
is of men," to divine madness, [Greek: mania,] or inspiration; but he most
justly and nobly expresses the general idea of it under the term [Greek:
ubris], which, in the "Phaedrus," is divided into various intemperances with
respect to various objects, and set forth under the image of a black, vicious,
diseased and furious horse, yoked by the side of Prudence or Wisdom (set
forth under the figure of a white horse with a crested and noble head, like
that which we have among the Elgin Marbles) to the chariot of the Soul.
The system of Aristotle, as above stated, is throughout a mere complicated
blunder, supported by sophistry, the laboriously developed mistake of
Temperance for the essence of the virtues which it guides. Temperance in
the mediaeval systems is generally opposed by Anger, or by Folly, or
Gluttony: but her proper opposite is Spenser's Acrasia, the principal enemy
of Sir Guyon, at whose gates we find the subordinate vice "Excesse," as the
introduction to Intemperance; a graceful and feminine image, necessary to
illustrate the more dangerous forms of subtle intemperance, as opposed to
the brutal "Gluttony" in the first book. She presses grapes into a cup,
because of the words of St. Paul, "Be not drunk with wine, wherein is
excess;" but always delicately,

"Into her cup she scruzd with daintie breach
Of her fine fingers, without fowle empeach,
That so faire winepresse made the wine more sweet."

The reader will, I trust, pardon these frequent extracts from Spenser, for it
is nearly as necessary to point out the profound divinity and philosophy of
our great English poet, as the beauty of the Ducal Palace.
SECTION LX. Fourth side. Humility; with a veil upon her head,
carrying a lamp in her lap. Inscribed in the copy, "HUMILITAS HABITAT
IN ME."
This virtue is of course a peculiarly Christian one, hardly recognized in
the Pagan systems, though carefully impressed upon the Greeks in early life
in a manner which at this day it would be well if we were to imitate, and,
together with an almost feminine modesty, giving an exquisite grace to the
conduct and bearing of the well-educated Greek youth. It is, of course, one

of the leading virtues in all the monkish systems, but I have not any notes of
the manner of its representation.
SECTION LXI. Fifth side. Charity. A woman with her lap full of loaves
(?), giving one to a child, who stretches his arm out for it across a broad gap
in the leafage of the capital.
Again very far inferior to the Giottesque rendering of this virtue. In the
Arena Chapel she is distinguished from all the other virtues by having a
circular glory round her head, and a cross of fire; she is crowned with
flowers, presents with her right hand a vase of corn and fruit, and with her
left receives treasure from Christ, who appears above her, to provide her
with the means of continual offices of beneficence, while she tramples
under foot the treasures of the earth.
The peculiar beauty of most of the Italian conceptions of Charity, is in
the subjection of mere munificence to the glowing of her love, always
represented by flames; here in the form of a cross round her head; in
Orcagna's shrine at Florence, issuing from a censer in her hand; and, with
Dante, inflaming her whole form, so that, in a furnace of clear fire, she
could not have been discerned.
Spenser represents her as a mother surrounded by happy children, an idea
afterwards grievously hackneyed and vulgarized by English painters and
sculptors.
SECTION LXII. Sixth side. Justice. Crowned, and with sword. Inscribed
in the copy, "REX SUM JUSTICIE."
This idea was afterwards much amplified and adorned in the only good
capital of the Renaissance series, under the Judgment angle. Giotto has also
given his whole strength to the painting of this virtue, representing her as
enthroned under a noble Gothic canopy, holding scales, not by the beam,
but one in each hand; a beautiful idea, showing that the equality of the
scales of Justice is not owing to natural laws, but to her own immediate
weighing the opposed causes in her own hands. In one scale is an
executioner beheading a criminal; in the other an angel crowning a man
who seems (in Selvatico's plate) to have been working at a desk or table.

Beneath her feet is a small predella, representing various persons riding
securely in the woods, and others dancing to the sound of music.
Spenser's Justice, Sir Artegall, is the hero of an entire book, and the
betrothed knight of Britomart, or chastity.
SECTION LXIII. Seventh side. Prudence. A man with a book and a pair
of compasses, wearing the noble cap, hanging down towards the shoulder,
and bound in a fillet round the brow, which occurs so frequently during the
fourteenth century in Italy in the portraits of men occupied in any civil
capacity.
This virtue is, as we have seen, conceived under very different degrees of
dignity, from mere worldly prudence up to heavenly wisdom, being
opposed sometimes by Stultitia, sometimes by Ignorantia. I do not find, in
any of the representations of her, that her truly distinctive character, namely,
forethought, is enough insisted upon: Giotto expresses her vigilance and
just measurement or estimate of all things by painting her as Janus-headed,
and gazing into a convex mirror, with compasses in her right hand; the
convex mirror showing her power of looking at many things in small
compass. But forethought or anticipation, by which, independently of
greater or less natural capacities, one man becomes more prudent than
another, is never enough considered or symbolized.
The idea of this virtue oscillates, in the Greek systems, between
Temperance and Heavenly Wisdom.
SECTION LXIV. Eighth side. Hope. A figure full of devotional
expression, holding up its hands as in prayer, and looking to a hand which is
extended towards it out of sunbeams. In the Renaissance copy this hand
does not appear.
Of all the virtues, this is the most distinctively Christian (it could not, of
course, enter definitely into any Pagan scheme); and above all others, it
seems to me the testing virtue,—that by the possession of which we may
most certainly determine whether we are Christians or not; for many men
have charity, that is to say, general kindness of heart, or even a kind of faith,
who have not any habitual hope of, or longing for, heaven. The Hope of
Giotto is represented as winged, rising in the air, while an angel holds a

crown before her. I do not know if Spenser was the first to introduce our
marine virtue, leaning on an anchor, a symbol as inaccurate as it is vulgar:
for, in the first place, anchors are not for men, but for ships; and in the
second, anchorage is the characteristic not of Hope, but of Faith. Faith is
dependent, but Hope is aspirant. Spenser, however, introduces Hope twice,
—the first time as the Virtue with the anchor; but afterwards fallacious
Hope, far more beautifully, in the Masque of Cupid:

"She always smyld, and in her hand did hold
An holy-water sprinckle, dipt in deowe."

SECTION LXV. TENTH CAPITAL. First side. Luxury (the opposite of
chastity, as above explained). A woman with a jewelled chain across her
forehead, smiling as she looks into a mirror, exposing her breast by drawing
down her dress with one hand. Inscribed "LUXURIA SUM IMENSA."
These subordinate forms of vice are not met with so frequently in art as
those of the opposite virtues, but in Spenser we find them all. His Luxury
rides upon a goat:

"In a greene gowne he clothed was full faire,
Which underneath did hide his filthinesse,
And in his hand a burning heart he bare."

But, in fact, the proper and comprehensive expression of this vice is the
Cupid of the ancients; and there is not any minor circumstance more
indicative of the intense difference between the mediaeval and the
Renaissance spirit, than the mode in which this god is represented.
I have above said, that all great European art is rooted in the thirteenth
century; and it seems to me that there is a kind of central year about which
we may consider the energy of the middle ages to be gathered; a kind of
focus of time which, by what is to my mind a most touching and impressive
Divine appointment, has been marked for us by the greatest writer of the
middle ages, in the first words he utters; namely, the year 1300, the "mezzo
del cammin" of the life of Dante. Now, therefore, to Giotto, the
contemporary of Dante, and who drew Dante's still existing portrait in this
very year, 1300, we may always look for the central mediaeval idea in any
subject: and observe how he represents Cupid; as one of three, a terrible

trinity, his companions being Satan and Death; and he himself "a lean
scarecrow, with bow, quiver, and fillet, and feet ending in claws,"
[Footnote: Lord Lindsay, vol. ii. letter iv.] thrust down into Hell by
Penance, from the presence of Purity and Fortitude. Spenser, who has been
so often noticed as furnishing the exactly intermediate type of conception
between the mediaeval and the Renaissance, indeed represents Cupid under
the form of a beautiful winged god, and riding on a lion, but still no
plaything of the Graces, but full of terror:

"With that the darts which his right hand did straine
Full dreadfully he shooke, that all did quake,
And clapt on hye his coloured winges twaine,
That all his many it afraide did make."

His many, that is to say, his company; and observe what a company it is.
Before him go Fancy, Desire, Doubt, Danger, Fear, Fallacious Hope,
Dissemblance, Suspicion, Grief, Fury, Displeasure, Despite, and Cruelty.
After him, Reproach, Repentance, Shame,

"Unquiet Care, and fond Unthriftyhead,
Lewd Losse of Time, and Sorrow seeming dead,
Inconstant Chaunge, and false Disloyalty,
Consuming Riotise, and guilty Dread
Of heavenly vengeaunce; faint Infirmity,
Vile Poverty, and lastly Death with infamy."

Compare these two pictures of Cupid with the Love-god of the
Renaissance, as he is represented to this day, confused with angels, in every
faded form of ornament and allegory, in our furniture, our literature, and our
minds.
SECTION LXVI. Second side. Gluttony. A woman in a turban, with a
jewelled cup in her right hand. In her left, the clawed limb of a bird, which
she is gnawing. Inscribed "GULA SINE ORDINE SUM."
Spenser's Gluttony is more than usually fine:

"His belly was upblownt with luxury,
And eke with fatnesse swollen were his eyne,
And like a crane his necke was long and fyne,

Wherewith he swallowed up excessive feast,
For want whereof poore people oft did pyne."

He rides upon a swine, and is clad in vine-leaves, with a garland of ivy.
Compare the account of Excesse, above, as opposed to Temperance.
SECTION LXVII. Third side. Pride. A knight, with a heavy and stupid
face, holding a sword with three edges: his armor covered with ornaments
in the form of roses, and with two ears attached to his helmet. The
inscription indecipherable, all but "SUPERBIA."
Spenser has analyzed this vice with great care. He first represents it as
the Pride of life; that is to say, the pride which runs in a deep under-current
through all the thoughts and acts of men. As such, it is a feminine vice,
directly opposed to Holiness, and mistress of a castle called the House of
Pryde, and her chariot is driven by Satan, with a team of beasts, ridden by
the mortal sins. In the throne chamber of her palace she is thus described:

"So proud she shyned in her princely state,
Looking to Heaven, for Earth she did disdayne;
And sitting high, for lowly she did hate:
Lo, underneath her scornefull feete was layne
A dreadfull dragon with an hideous trayne;
And in her hand she held a mirrhour bright,
Wherein her face she often vewed fayne."

The giant Orgoglio is a baser species of pride, born of the Earth and
Eolus; that is to say, of sensual and vain conceits. His foster-father and the
keeper of his castle is Ignorance. (Book I. canto viii.)
Finally, Disdain is introduced, in other places, as the form of pride which
vents itself in insult to others.
SECTION LXVIII. Fourth side. Anger. A woman tearing her dress open
at her breast. Inscription here undecipherable; but in the Renaissance Copy
it IS "IRA CRUDELIS EST IN ME."
Giotto represents this vice under the same symbol; but it is the weakest of
all the figures in the Arena Chapel. The "Wrath" of Spenser rides upon a
lion, brandishing a firebrand, his garments stained with blood. Rage, or
Furor, occurs subordinately in other places. It appears to me very strange

that neither Giotto nor Spenser should have given any representation of the
restrained Anger, which is infinitely the most terrible; both of them make
him violent.
SECTION LXIX. Fifth side. Avarice. An old woman with a veil over her
forehead, and a bag of money in each hand. A figure very marvellous for
power of expression. The throat is all made up of sinews with skinny
channels deep between them, strained as by anxiety, and wasted by famine;
the features hunger-bitten, the eyes hollow, the look glaring and intense, yet
without the slightest caricature. Inscribed in the Renaissance copy,
"AVARITIA IMPLETOR."
Spenser's Avarice (the vice) is much feebler than this; but the god
Mammon and his kingdom have been described by him with his usual
power. Note the position of the house of Richesse:

"Betwixt them both was but a little stride,
That did the House of Richesse from Hell-mouth divide."

It is curious that most moralists confuse avarice with covetousness,
although they are vices totally different in their operation on the human
heart, and on the frame of society. The love of money, the sin of Judas and
Ananias, is indeed the root of all evil in the hardening of the heart; but
"covetousness, which is idolatry," the sin of Ahab, that is, the inordinate
desire of some seen or recognized good,—thus destroying peace of mind,—
is probably productive of much more misery in heart, and error in conduct,
than avarice itself, only covetousness is not so inconsistent with
Christianity: for covetousness may partly proceed from vividness of the
affections and hopes, as in David, and be consistent with much charity; not
so avarice.
SECTION LXX. Sixth side. Idleness. Accidia. A figure much broken
away, having had its arms round two branches of trees.
I do not know why Idleness should be represented as among trees, unless,
in the Italy of the fourteenth century, forest country was considered as
desert, and therefore the domain of Idleness. Spenser fastens this vice
especially upon the clergy,—

"Upon a slouthfull asse he chose to ryde,
Arayd in habit blacke, and amis thin,
Like to an holy monck, the service to begin.
And in his hand his portesse still he bare,
That much was worne, but therein little redd."

And he properly makes him the leader of the train of the vices:

"May seem the wayne was very evil ledd,
When such an one had guiding of the way."

Observe that subtle touch of truth in the "wearing" of the portesse,
indicating the abuse of books by idle readers, so thoroughly characteristic
of unwilling studentship from the schoolboy upwards.
SECTION LXXI. Seventh side. Vanity. She is smiling complacently as
she looks into a mirror in her lap. Her robe is embroidered with roses, and
roses form her crown. Undecipherable.
There is some confusion in the expression of this vice, between pride in
the personal appearance and lightness of purpose. The word Vanitas
generally, I think, bears, in the mediaeval period, the sense given it in
Scripture. "Let not him that is deceived trust in Vanity, for Vanity shall be
his recompense." "Vanity of Vanities." "The Lord knoweth the thoughts of
the wise, that they are vain." It is difficult to find this sin,—which, after
Pride, is the most universal, perhaps the most fatal, of all, fretting the whole
depth of our humanity into storm "to waft a feather or to drown a fly,"—
definitely expressed in art. Even Spenser, I think, has only partially
expressed it under the figure of Phaedria, more properly Idle Mirth, in the
second book. The idea is, however, entirely worked out in the Vanity Fair of
the "Pilgrim's Progress."
SECTION LXXII. Eighth side. Envy. One of the noblest pieces of
expression in the series. She is pointing malignantly with her finger; a
serpent is wreathed about her head like a cap, another forms the girdle of
her waist, and a dragon rests in her lap.
Giotto has, however, represented her, with still greater subtlety, as having
her fingers terminating in claws, and raising her right hand with an

expression partly of impotent regret, partly of involuntary grasping; a
serpent, issuing from her mouth, is about to bite her between the eyes; she
has long membranous ears, horns on her head, and flames consuming her
body. The Envy of Spenser is only inferior to that of Giotto, because the
idea of folly and quickness of hearing is not suggested by the size of the
ear: in other respects it is even finer, joining the idea of fury, in the wolf on
which he rides, with that of corruption on his lips, and of discoloration or
distortion in the whole mind:

"Malicious Envy rode
Upon a ravenous wolfe, and still did chaw
Between his cankred teeth avenemous tode
That all the poison ran about his jaw.
And in a kirtle of discolourd say
He clothed was, ypaynted full of eies,
And in his bosome secretly there lay
An hatefull snake, the which his taile uptyes
In many folds, and mortali sting implyes."

He has developed the idea in more detail, and still more loathsomely, in
the twelfth canto of the fifth book.
SECTION LXXIII. ELEVENTH CAPITAL. Its decoration is composed
of eight birds, arranged as shown in Plate V. of the "Seven Lamps," which,
however, was sketched from the Renaissance copy. These birds are all
varied in form and action, but not so as to require special description.
SECTION LXXIV. TWELFTH CAPITAL. This has been very
interesting, but is grievously defaced, four of its figures being entirely
broken away, and the character of two others quite undecipherable. It is
fortunate that it has been copied in the thirty-third capital of the
Renaissance series, from which we are able to identify the lost figures.
First side. Misery. A man with a wan face, seemingly pleading with a
child who has its hands crossed on its breast. There is a buckle at his own
breast in the shape of a cloven heart. Inscribed "MISERIA."
The intention of this figure is not altogether apparent, as it is by no means
treated as a vice; the distress seeming real, and like that of a parent in
poverty mourning over his child. Yet it seems placed here as in direct

opposition to the virtue of Cheerfulness, which follows next in order; rather,
however, I believe, with the intention of illustrating human life, than the
character of the vice which, as we have seen, Dante placed in the circle of
hell. The word in that case would, I think, have been "Tristitia," the "unholy
Griefe" of Spenser—

"All in sable sorrowfully clad,
Downe hanging his dull head with heavy chere:

A pair of pincers in his hand he had,
With which he pinched people to the heart."

He has farther amplified the idea under another figure in the fifth canto of
the fourth book:

"His name was Care; a blacksmith by his trade,
That neither day nor night from working spared;
But to small purpose yron wedges made:
Those be unquiet thoughts that carefull minds invade.

Rude was his garment, and to rags all rent,
Ne better had he, ne for better cared;
With blistered hands among the cinders brent."

It is to be noticed, however, that in the Renaissance copy this figure is
stated to be, not Miseria, but "Misericordia." The contraction is a very
moderate one, Misericordia being in old MS. written always as "Mia." If
this reading be right, the figure is placed here rather as the companion, than
the opposite, of Cheerfulness; unless, indeed, it is intended to unite the idea
of Mercy and Compassion with that of Sacred Sorrow.
SECTION LXXV. Second side. Cheerfulness. A woman with long
flowing hair, crowned with roses, playing on a tambourine, and with open
lips, as singing. Inscribed "ALACRITAS."
We have already met with this virtue among those especially set by
Spenser to attend on Womanhood. It is inscribed in the Renaissance Copy,
"ALACHRITAS CHANIT MECUM." Note the gutturals of the rich and

fully developed Venetian dialect now affecting the Latin, which is free from
them in the earlier capitals.
SECTION LXXVI. Third side. Destroyed; but, from the copy, we find it
has been Stultitia, Folly; and it is there represented simply as a man riding,
a sculpture worth the consideration of the English residents who bring their
horses to Venice. Giotto gives Stultitia a feather, cap, and club. In early
manuscripts he is always eating with one hand, and striking with the other;
in later ones he has a cap and bells, or cap crested with a cock's head,
whence the word "coxcomb."
SECTION LXXVII. Fourth side. Destroyed, all but a book, which
identifies it with the "Celestial Chastity" of the Renaissance copy; there
represented as a woman pointing to a book (connecting the convent life
with the pursuit of literature?).
Spenser's Chastity, Britomart, is the most exquisitely wrought of all his
characters; but, as before noticed, she is not the Chastity of the convent, but
of wedded life.
SECTION LXXVIII. Fifth side. Only a scroll is left; but, from the copy,
we find it has been Honesty or Truth. Inscribed "HONESTATEM DILIGO."
It is very curious, that among all the Christian systems of the virtues which
we have examined, we should find this one in Venice only.
The Truth of Spenser, Una, is, after Chastity, the most exquisite character
in the "Faerie Queen."
SECTION LXXIX. Sixth side. Falsehood. An old woman leaning on a
crutch; and inscribed in the copy, "FALSITAS IN ME SEMPER EST." The
Fidessa of Spenser, the great enemy of Una, or Truth, is far more subtly
conceived, probably not without special reference to the Papal deceits. In
her true form she is a loathsome hag, but in her outward aspect,

"A goodly lady, clad in scarlet red,
Purfled with gold and pearle;...
Her wanton palfrey all was overspred.
With tinsell trappings, woven like a wave,
Whose bridle rung with golden bels and bosses brave."

Dante's Fraud, Geryon, is the finest personification of all, but the
description (Inferno, canto XVII.) is too long to be quoted.
SECTION LXXX. Seventh side. Injustice. An armed figure holding a
halbert; so also in the copy. The figure used by Giotto with the particular
intention of representing unjust government, is represented at the gate of an
embattled castle in a forest, between rocks, while various deeds of violence
are committed at his feet. Spenser's "Adicia" is a furious hag, at last
transformed into a tiger.
Eighth side. A man with a dagger looking sorrowfully at a child, who
turns its back to him. I cannot understand this figure. It is inscribed in the
copy, "ASTINECIA (Abstinentia?) OPITIMA?"
SECTION LXXXI. THIRTEENTH CAPITAL. It has lions' heads all
round, coarsely cut.
FOURTEENTH CAPITAL. It has various animals, each sitting on its
haunches. Three dogs, One a greyhound, one long-haired, one short-haired
with bells about its neck; two monkeys, one with fan-shaped hair projecting
on each side of its face; a noble boar, with its tusks, hoofs, and bristles
sharply cut; and a lion and lioness.
SECTION LXXXII. FIFTEENTH CAPITAL. The pillar to which it
belongs is thicker than the rest, as well as the one over it in the upper
arcade.
The sculpture of this capital is also much coarser, and seems to me later
than that of the rest; and it has no inscription, which is embarrassing, as its
subjects have had much meaning; but I believe Selvatico is right in
supposing it to have been intended for a general illustration of Idleness.
First side. A woman with a distaff; her girdle richly decorated, and
fastened by a buckle.
Second side. A youth in a long mantle, with a rose in his hand.
Third side. A woman in a turban stroking a puppy, which she holds by the
haunches.
Fourth side. A man with a parrot.

Fifth side. A woman in very rich costume, with braided hair, and dress
thrown into minute folds, holding a rosary (?) in her left hand, her right on
her breast.
Sixth side. A man with a very thoughtful face, laying his hand upon the
leaves of the capital.
Seventh side. A crowned lady, with a rose in her hand.
Eighth side. A boy with a ball in his left hand, and his right laid on his
breast.
SECTION LXXXIII. SIXTEENTH CAPITAL. It is decorated with eight
large heads, partly intended to be grotesque, [Footnote: Selvatico states that
these are intended to be representative of eight nations, Latins, Tartars,
Turks, Hungarians, Greeks, Goths, Egyptians, and Persians. Either the
inscriptions are now defaced or I have carelessly omitted to note them.] and
very coarse and bad, except only that in the sixth side, which is totally
different from all the rest, and looks like a portrait. It is thin, thoughtful, and
dignified; thoroughly fine in every way. It wears a cap surmounted by two
winged lions; and, therefore, I think Selvatico must have inaccurately
written the list given in the note, for this head is certainly meant to express
the superiority of the Venetian character over that of other nations. Nothing
is more remarkable in all early sculpture, than its appreciation of the signs
of dignity of character in the features, and the way in which it can exalt the
principal figure in any subject by a few touches.
SECTION LXXXIV. SEVENTEENTH CAPITAL. This has been so
destroyed by the sea wind, which sweeps at this point of the arcade round
the angle of the palace, that its inscriptions are no longer legible, and great
part of its figures are gone. Selvatico states them as follows: Solomon, the
wise; Priscian, the grammarian; Aristotle, the logician; Tully, the orator;
Pythagoras, the philosopher; Archimedes, the mechanic; Orpheus, the
musician; Ptolemy, the astronomer. The fragments actually remaining are
the following:
First side. A figure with two books, in a robe richly decorated with
circles of roses. Inscribed "SALOMON (SAP) IENS."

Second side. A man with one book, poring over it: he has had a long stick
or reed in his hand. Of inscription only the letters "GRAMMATIC" remain.
Third side. "ARISTOTLE:" so inscribed. He has a peaked double beard
and a flat cap, from under which his long hair falls down his back.
Fourth side. Destroyed.
Fifth side. Destroyed, all but a board with, three (counters?) on it.
Sixth side. A figure with compasses. Inscribed "GEOMET * *"
Seventh side. Nothing is left but a guitar with its handle wrought into a
lion's head.
Eighth side. Destroyed.
SECTION LXXXV. We have now arrived at the EIGHTEENTH
CAPITAL, the most interesting and beautiful of the palace. It represents the
planets, and the sun and moon, in those divisions of the zodiac known to
astrologers as their "houses;" and perhaps indicates, by the position in
which they are placed, the period of the year at which this great corner-
stone was laid. The inscriptions above have been in quaint Latin rhyme, but
are now decipherable only in fragments, and that with the more difficulty
because the rusty iron bar that binds the abacus has broken away, in its
expansion, nearly all the upper portions of the stone, and with them the
signs of contraction, which are of great importance. I shall give the
fragments of them that I could decipher; first as the letters actually stand
(putting those of which I am doubtful in brackets, with a note of
interrogation), and then as I would read them.
SECTION LXXXVI. It should be premised that, in modern astrology, the
houses of the planets are thus arranged:

The house of the Sun, is Leo.
" Moon, " Cancer.
" Mars, " Aries and Scorpio.
" Venus, " Taurus and Libra.
" Mercury, " Gemini and Virgo.
" Jupiter, " Sagittarius and Pisces.

" Saturn, " Capricorn.
" Herschel, " Aquarius.

The Herschel planet being of course unknown to the old astrologers, we
have only the other six planetary powers, together with the sun; and
Aquarius is assigned to Saturn as his house. I could not find Capricorn at
all; but this sign may have been broken away, as the whole capital is
grievously defaced. The eighth side of the capital, which the Herschel
planet would now have occupied, bears a sculpture of the Creation of Man:
it is the most conspicuous side, the one set diagonally across the angle; or
the eighth in our usual mode of reading the capitals, from which I shall not
depart.
SECTION LXXXVII. The first side, then, or that towards the Sea, has
Aquarius, as the house of Saturn, represented as a seated figure beautifully
draped, pouring a stream of water out of an amphora over the leaves of the
capital. His inscription is:

"ET SATURNE DOMUS (ECLOCERUNT?) I'S 7BRE."

SECTION LXXXVIII. Second side. Jupiter, in his houses Sagittarius and
Pisces, represented throned, with an upper dress disposed in radiating folds
about his neck, and hanging down upon his breast, ornamented by small
pendent trefoiled studs or bosses. He wears the drooping bonnet and long
gloves; but the folds about the neck, shot forth to express the rays of the
star, are the most remarkable characteristic of the figure. He raises his
sceptre in his left hand over Sagittarius, represented as the centaur Chiron;
and holds two thunnies in his right. Something rough, like a third fish, has
been broken away below them; the more easily because this part of the
group is entirely undercut, and the two fish glitter in the light, relieved on
the deep gloom below the leaves. The inscription is:
"INDE JOVI' DONA PISES SIMUL ATQ' CIRONA." [Footnote: The
comma in these inscriptions stands for a small cuneiform mark, I believe of
contraction, and the small for a zigzag mark of the same kind. The dots or
periods are similarly marked on the stone.]

Or,

"Inde Jovis dona
Pisces simul atque Chirona."

Domus is, I suppose, to be understood before Jovis: "Then the house of
Jupiter gives (or governs?) the fishes and Chiron."
SECTION LXXXIX. Third side. Mars, in his houses Aries and Scorpio.
Represented as a very ugly knight in chain mail, seated sideways on the
ram, whose horns are broken away, and having a large scorpion in his left
hand, whose tail is broken also, to the infinite injury of the group, for it
seems to have curled across to the angle leaf, and formed a bright line of
light, like the fish in the hand of Jupiter. The knight carries a shield, on
which fire and water are sculptured, and bears a banner upon his lance, with
the word "DEFEROSUM," which puzzled me for some time. It should be
read, I believe, "De ferro sum;" which would be good Venetian Latin for "I
am of iron."
SECTION XC. Fourth side. The Sun, in his house Leo. Represented
under the figure of Apollo, sitting on the Lion, with rays shooting from his
head, and the world in his hand. The inscription:

"TU ES DOMU' SOLIS (QUO?) SIGNE LEONI."

I believe the first phrase is, "Tune est Domus solis;" but there is a letter
gone after the "quo," and I have no idea what case of signum "signe" stands
for.
SECTION XCI. Fifth side. Venus, in her houses Taurus and Libra. The
most beautiful figure of the series. She sits upon the bull, who is deep in the
dewlap, and better cut than most of the animals, holding a mirror in her
right hand, and the scales in her left. Her breast is very nobly and tenderly
indicated under the folds of her drapery, which is exquisitely studied in its
fall. What is left of the inscription, runs:

"LIBRA CUM TAURO DOMUS * * * PURIOR AUR*."

SECTION XCII. Sixth side. Mercury, represented as wearing a pendent
cap, and holding a book: he is supported by three children in reclining

attitudes, representing his houses Gemini and Virgo. But I cannot
understand the inscription, though more than usually legible.

"OCCUPAT ERIGONE STIBONS GEMINUQ' LAGONE."

SECTION XCIII. Seventh side. The Moon, in her house Cancer. This
sculpture, which is turned towards the Piazzetta, is the most picturesque of
the series. The moon is represented as a woman in a boat, upon the sea, who
raises the crescent in her right hand, and with her left draws a crab out of
the waves, up the boat's side. The moon was, I believe, represented in
Egyptian sculptures as in a boat; but I rather think the Venetian was not
aware of this, and that he meant to express the peculiar sweetness of the
moonlight at Venice, as seen across the lagoons. Whether this was intended
by putting the planet in the boat, may be questionable, but assuredly the
idea was meant to be conveyed by the dress of the figure. For all the
draperies of the other figures on this capital, as well as on the rest of the
façade, are disposed in severe but full folds, showing little of the forms
beneath them; but the moon's drapery ripples down to her feet, so as exactly
to suggest the trembling of the moonlight on the waves. This beautiful idea
is highly characteristic of the thoughtfulness of the early sculptors: five
hundred men may be now found who could have cut the drapery, as such,
far better, for one who would have disposed its folds with this intention.
The inscription is:

"LUNE CANCER DOMU T. PBET IORBE SIGNORU."

SECTION XCIV. Eighth side. God creating Man. Represented as a
throned figure, with a glory round the head, laying his left hand on the head
of a naked youth, and sustaining him with his right hand. The inscription
puzzled me for a long time; but except the lost r and m of "formavit," and a
letter quite undefaced, but to me unintelligble, before the word Eva, in the
shape of a figure of 7, I have safely ascertained the rest.

"DELIMO DSADA DECO STAFO * * AVIT7EVA."

Or

"De limo Dominus Adam, de costa fo(rm) avit Evam;"
From the dust the Lord made Adam, and from the rib Eve.

I imagine the whole of this capital, therefore—the principal one of the
old palace,—to have been intended to signify, first, the formation of the
planets for the service of man upon the earth; secondly, the entire subjection
of the fates and fortune of man to the will of God, as determined from the
time when the earth and stars were made, and, in fact, written in the volume
of the stars themselves.
Thus interpreted, the doctrines of judicial astrology were not only
consistent with, but an aid to, the most spiritual and humble Christianity.
In the workmanship and grouping of its foliage, this capital is, on the
whole, the finest I know in Europe. The Sculptor has put his whole strength
into it. I trust that it will appear among the other Venetian casts lately taken
for the Crystal Palace; but if not, I have myself cast all its figures, and two
of its leaves, and I intend to give drawings of them on a large scale in my
folio work.
SECTION XCV. NINETEENTH CAPITAL. This is, of course, the
second counting from the Sea, on the Piazzetta side of the palace, calling
that of the Fig-tree angle the first.
It is the most important capital, as a piece of evidence in point of dates, in
the whole palace. Great pains have been taken with it, and in some portion
of the accompanying furniture or ornaments of each of its figures a small
piece of colored marble has been inlaid, with peculiar significance: for the
capital represents the arts of sculpture and architecture; and the inlaying of
the colored stones (which are far too small to be effective at a distance, and
are found in this one capital only of the whole series) is merely an
expression of the architect's feeling of the essential importance of this art of
inlaying, and of the value of color generally in his own art.
SECTION XCVI. First side. "ST. SIMPLICIUS": so inscribed. A figure
working with a pointed chisel on a small oblong block of green serpentine,
about four inches long by one wide, inlaid in the capital. The chisel is, of
course, in the left hand, but the right is held up open, with the palm
outwards.

Second side. A crowned figure, carving the image of a child on a small
statue, with a ground of red marble. The sculptured figure is highly
finished, and is in type of head much like the Ham or Japheth at the Vine
angle. Inscription effaced.
Third side. An old man, uncrowned, but with curling hair, at work on a
small column, with its capital complete, and a little shaft of dark red
marble, spotted with paler red. The capital is precisely of the form of that
found in the palace of the Tiepolos and the other thirteenth century work of
Venice. This one figure would be quite enough, without any other evidence
whatever, to determine the date of this flank of the Ducal Palace as not later,
at all events, than the first half of the fourteenth century. Its inscription is
broken away, all but "DISIPULO."
Fourth side. A crowned figure; but the object on which it has been
working is broken away, and all the inscription except "ST. E(N?)AS."
Fifth side. A man with a turban, and a sharp chisel, at work on a kind of
panel or niche, the back of which is of red marble.
Sixth side. A crowned figure, with hammer and chisel, employed on a
little range of windows of the fifth order, having roses set, instead of
orbicular ornaments, between the spandrils with a rich cornice, and a band
of marble inserted above. This sculpture assures us of the date of the fifth
order window, which it shows to have been universal in the early fourteenth
century.
There are also five arches in the block on which the sculptor is working,
marking the frequency of the number five in the window groups of the time.
Seventh side. A figure at work on a pilaster, with Lombardic thirteenth
century capital (for account of the series of forms in Venetian capitals, see
the final Appendix of the next volume), the shaft of dark red spotted marble.
Eighth side. A figure with a rich open crown, working on a delicate
recumbent statue, the head of which is laid on a pillow covered with a rich
chequer pattern; the whole supported on a block of dark red marble.
Inscription broken away, all but "ST. SYM. (Symmachus?) TV * * ANVS."
There appear, therefore, altogether to have been five saints, two of them
popes, if Simplicius is the pope of that name (three in front, two on the

fourth and sixth sides), alternating with the three uncrowned workmen in
the manual labor of sculpture. I did not, therefore, insult our present
architects in saying above that they "ought to work in the mason's yard with
their men." It would be difficult to find a more interesting expression of the
devotional spirit in which all great work was undertaken at this time.
SECTION XCVII. TWENTIETH CAPITAL. It is adorned with heads of
animals, and is the finest of the whole series in the broad massiveness of its
effect; so simply characteristic, indeed, of the grandeur of style in the entire
building, that I chose it for the first Plate in my folio work. In spite of the
sternness of its plan, however, it is wrought with great care in surface detail;
and the ornamental value of the minute chasing obtained by the delicate
plumage of the birds, and the clustered bees on the honeycomb in the bear's
mouth, opposed to the strong simplicity of its general form, cannot be too
much admired. There are also more grace, life, and variety in the sprays of
foliage on each side of it, and under the heads, than in any other capital of
the series, though the earliness of the workmanship is marked by
considerable hardness and coldness in the larger heads. A Northern Gothic
workman, better acquainted with bears and wolves than it was possible to
become in St. Mark's Place, would have put far more life into these heads,
but he could not have composed them more skilfully.
SECTION XCVIII. First side. A lion with a stag's haunch in his mouth.
Those readers who have the folio plate, should observe the peculiar way in
which the ear is cut into the shape of a ring, jagged or furrowed on the edge;
an archaic mode of treatment peculiar, in the Ducal Palace, to the lion's
heads of the fourteenth century. The moment we reach the Renaissance
work, the lion's ears are smooth. Inscribed simply, "LEO."
Second side. A wolf with a dead bird in his mouth, its body wonderfully
true in expression of the passiveness of death. The feathers are each
wrought with a central quill and radiating filaments. Inscribed "LUPUS."
Third side. A fox, not at all like one, with a dead cock in his mouth, its
comb and pendent neck admirably designed so as to fall across the great
angle leaf of the capital, its tail hanging down on the other side, its long
straight feathers exquisitely cut. Inscribed ("VULP?)IS."
Fourth side. Entirely broken away.

Fifth side. "APER." Well tusked, with a head of maize in his mouth; at
least I suppose it to be maize, though shaped like a pine-cone.
Sixth side. "CHANIS." With a bone, very ill cut; and a bald-headed
species of dog, with ugly flap ears.
Seventh side. "MUSCIPULUS." With a rat (?) in his mouth.
Eighth side. "URSUS." With a honeycomb, covered with large bees.
SECTION XCIX. TWENTY-FIRST CAPITAL. Represents the principal
inferior professions.
First side. An old man, with his brow deeply wrinkled, and very
expressive features, beating in a kind of mortar with a hammer. Inscribed
"LAPICIDA SUM."
Second side. I believe, a goldsmith; he is striking a small flat bowl or
patera, on a pointed anvil, with a light hammer. The inscription is gone.
Third side. A shoemaker with a shoe in his hand, and an instrument for
cutting leather suspended beside him. Inscription undecipherable.
Fourth side. Much broken. A carpenter planing a beam resting on two
horizontal logs. Inscribed "CARPENTARIUS SUM."
Fifth side. A figure shovelling fruit into a tub; the latter very carefully
carved from what appears to have been an excellent piece of cooperage.
Two thin laths cross each other over the top of it. The inscription, now lost,
was, according to Selvatico, "MENSURATOR"?
Sixth side. A man, with a large hoe, breaking the ground, which lies in
irregular furrows and clods before him. Now undecipherable, but according
to Selvatico, "AGRICHOLA."
Seventh side. A man, in a pendent cap, writing on a large scroll which
falls over his knee. Inscribed "NOTARIUS SUM."
Eighth side. A man forging a sword, or scythe-blade: he wears a large
skull-cap; beats with a large hammer on a solid anvil; and is inscribed
"FABER SUM."

SECTION C. TWENTY-SECOND CAPITAL. The Ages of Man; and the
influence of the planets on human life.
First side. The moon, governing infancy for four years, according to
Selvatico. I have no note of this side, having, I suppose, been prevented
from raising the ladder against it by some fruit-stall or other impediment in
the regular course of my examination; and then forgotten to return to it.
Second side. A child with a tablet, and an alphabet inscribed on it. The
legend above is

"MECUREU' DNT. PUERICIE PAN. X."

Or, "Mercurius dominatur puerilite per annos X." (Selvatico reads VII.)
"Mercury governs boyhood for ten (or seven) years."
Third side. An older youth, with another tablet, but broken. Inscribed

"ADOLOSCENCIE * * * P. AN. VII."

Selvatico misses this side altogether, as I did the first, so that the lost
planet is irrecoverable, as the inscription is now defaced. Note the o for e in
adolescentia; so also we constantly find u for o; showing, together with
much other incontestable evidence of the same kind, how full and deep the
old pronunciation of Latin always remained, and how ridiculous our
English mincing of the vowels would have sounded to a Roman ear.
Fourth side. A youth with a hawk on his fist.
"IUVENTUTI DNT. SOL. P. AN. XIX." The sue governs youth for
nineteen years.
Fifth side. A man sitting, helmed, with a sword over his shoulder.
Inscribed
"SENECTUTI DNT MARS. P. AN. XV." Mars governs manhood for
fifteen years.
Sixth side. A very graceful and serene figure, in the pendent cap, reading.
"SENICIE DNT JUPITER, P. ANN. XII." Jupiter governs age for twelve
years.
Seventh side. An old man in a skull-cap, praying.
"DECREPITE DNT SATN UQ' ADMOTE." (Saturnus usque ad
mortem.) Saturn governs decrepitude until death.
Eighth side. The dead body lying on a mattress.

"ULTIMA EST MORS PENA PECCATI." Last comes death, the penalty
of sin.
SECTION CI. Shakespeare's Seven Ages are of course merely the
expression of this early and well-known system. He has deprived the dotage
of its devotion; but I think wisely, as the Italian system would imply that
devotion was, or should be, always delayed until dotage.
TWENTY-THIRD CAPITAL. I agree with Selvatico in thinking this has
been restored. It is decorated with large and vulgar heads.
SECTION CII. TWENTY-FOURTH CAPITAL. This belongs to the large
shaft which sustains the great party wall of the Sala del Gran Consiglio. The
shaft is thicker than the rest; but the capital, though ancient, is coarse and
somewhat inferior in design to the others of the series. It represents the
history of marriage: the lover first seeing his mistress at a window, then
addressing her, bringing her presents; then the bridal, the birth and the death
of a child. But I have not been able to examine these sculptures properly,
because the pillar is encumbered by the railing which surrounds the two
guns set before the Austrian guard-house.
SECTION CIII. TWENTY-FIFTH CAPITAL. We have here the
employments of the months, with which we are already tolerably
acquainted. There are, however, one or two varieties worth noticing in this
series.
First side. March. Sitting triumphantly in a rich dress, as the beginning of
the year.
Second side. April and May. April with a lamb: May with a feather fan in
her hand.
Third side. June. Carrying cherries in a basket.
I did not give this series with the others in the previous chapter, because
this representation of June is peculiarly Venetian. It is called "the month of
cherries," mese delle ceriese, in the popular rhyme on the conspiracy of
Tiepolo, quoted above, Vol. I.

The cherries principally grown near Venice are of a deep red color, and
large, but not of high flavor, though refreshing. They are carved upon the
pillar with great care, all their stalks undercut.
Fourth side. July and August. The first reaping; the leaves of the straw
being given, shooting out from the tubular stalk. August, opposite, beats
(the grain?) in a basket.
Fifth side. September. A woman standing in a wine-tub, and holding a
branch of vine. Very beautiful.
Sixth side. October and November. I could not make out their occupation;
they seem to be roasting or boiling some root over a fire.
Seventh side. December. Killing pigs, as usual.
Eighth side. January warming his feet, and February frying fish. This last
employment is again as characteristic of the Venetian winter as the cherries
are of the Venetian summer.
The inscriptions are undecipherable, except a few letters here and there,
and the words MARCIUS, APRILIS, and FEBRUARIUS.
This is the last of the capitals of the early palace; the next, or twenty-
sixth capital, is the first of those executed in the fifteenth century under
Foscari; and hence to the Judgment angle the traveller has nothing to do but
to compare the base copies of the earlier work with their originals, or to
observe the total want of invention in the Renaissance sculptor, wherever he
has depended on his own resources. This, however, always with the
exception of the twenty-seventh and of the last capital, which are both fine.
I shall merely enumerate the subjects and point out the plagiarisms of
these capitals, as they are not worth description.
SECTION CIV. TWENTY-SIXTH CAPITAL. Copied from the fifteenth,
merely changing the succession of the figures.
TWENTY-SEVENTH CAPITAL. I think it possible that this may be part
of the old work displaced in joining the new palace with the old; at all
events, it is well designed, though a little coarse. It represents eight different
kinds of fruit, each in a basket; the characters well given, and groups well

arranged, but without much care or finish. The names are inscribed above,
though somewhat unnecessarily, and with certainly as much disrespect to
the beholder's intelligence as the sculptor's art, namely, ZEREXIS, PIRI,
CHUCUMERIS, PERSICI, ZUCHE, MOLONI, FICI, HUVA. Zerexis
(cherries) and Zuche (gourds) both begin with the same letter, whether
meant for z, s, or c I am not sure. The Zuche are the common gourds,
divided into two protuberances, one larger than the other, like a bottle
compressed near the neck; and the Moloni are the long water-melons,
which, roasted, form a staple food of the Venetians to this day.
SECTION CV. TWENTY-EIGHTH CAPITAL. Copied from the seventh.
TWENTY-NINTH CAPITAL. Copied from the ninth.
THIRTIETH CAPITAL. Copied from the tenth. The "Accidia" is
noticeable as having the inscription complete, "ACCIDIA ME STRINGIT;"
and the "Luxuria" for its utter want of expression, having a severe and calm
face, a robe up to the neck, and her hand upon her breast. The inscription is
also different: "LUXURIA SUM STERC'S (?) INFERI"(?).
THIRTY-FIRST CAPITAL. Copied from the eighth.
THIRTY-SECOND CAPITAL. Has no inscription, only fully robed
figures laying their hands, without any meaning, on their own shoulders,
heads, or chins, or on the leaves around them.
THIRTY-THIRD CAPITAL. Copied from the twelfth.
THIRTY-FOURTH CAPITAL. Copied from the eleventh.
THIRTY-FIFTH CAPITAL. Has children, with birds or fruit, pretty in
features, and utterly inexpressive, like the cherubs of the eighteenth century.
SECTION CVI. THIRTY-SIXTH CAPITAL. This is the last of the
Piazzetta façade, the elaborate one under the Judgment angle. Its foliage is
copied from the eighteenth at the opposite side, with an endeavor on the
part of the Renaissance sculptor to refine upon it, by which he has merely
lost some of its truth and force. This capital will, however, be always
thought, at first, the most beautiful of the whole series: and indeed it is very
noble; its groups of figures most carefully studied, very graceful, and much

more pleasing than those of the earlier work, though with less real power in
them; and its foliage is only inferior to that of the magnificent Fig-tree
angle. It represents, on its front or first side, Justice enthroned, seated on
two lions; and on the seven other sides examples of acts of justice or good
government, or figures of lawgivers, in the following order:
Second side. Aristotle, with two pupils, giving laws. Inscribed:
"ARISTOT * * CHE DIE LEGE." Aristotle who declares laws.
Third side. I have mislaid my note of this side: Selvatico and Lazari call
it "Isidore" (?). [Footnote: Can they have mistaken the ISIPIONE of the
fifth side for the word Isidore?]
Fourth side. Solon with his pupils. Inscribed:
"SAL'O UNO DEI SETE SAVI DI GRECIA CHE DIE LEGE." Solon,
one of the seven sages of Greece, who declares laws.
Note, by the by, the pure Venetian dialect used in this capital, instead of
the Latin in the more ancient ones. One of the seated pupils in this sculpture
is remarkably beautiful in the sweep of his flowing drapery.
Fifth side. The chastity of Scipio. Inscribed:
"ISIPIONE A CHASTITA CH * * * E LA FIA (e la figlia?) * * ARE."
A soldier in a plumed bonnet presents a kneeling maiden to the seated
Scipio, who turns thoughtfully away.
Sixth side. Numa Pompilius building churches.

"NUMA POMPILIO IMPERADOR EDIFICHADOR DI
TEMPI E CHIESE."

Numa, in a kind of hat with a crown above it, directing a soldier in
Roman armor (note this, as contrasted with the mail of the earlier capitals).
They point to a tower of three stories filled with tracery.
Seventh side. Moses receiving the law. Inscribed:

"QUANDO MOSE RECEVE LA LECE I SUL MONTE."

Moses kneels on a rock, whence springs a beautifully fancied tree, with
clusters of three berries in the centre of the three leaves, sharp and quaint,
like fine Northern Gothic. The half figure of the Deity comes out of the
abacus, the arm meeting that of Moses, both at full stretch, with the stone
tablets between.
Eighth side. Trajan doing justice to the Widow.

"TRAJANO IMPERADOR CHE FA JUSTITIA A LA
VEDOVA."

He is riding spiritedly, his mantle blown out behind; the widow kneeling
before his horse.
SECTION CVII. The reader will observe that this capital is of peculiar
interest in its relation to the much disputed question of the character of the
later government of Venice. It is the assertion by that government of its
belief that Justice only could be the foundation of its stability; as these
stones of Justice and Judgment are the foundation of its halls of council.
And this profession of their faith may be interpreted in two ways. Most
modern historians would call it, in common with the continual reference to
the principles of justice in the political and judicial language of the period,
[Footnote: Compare the speech of the Doge Mocenigo, above,—"first
justice, and then the interests of the state:" and see Vol. III. Chap. II Section
LIX.] nothing more than a cloak for consummate violence and guilt; and it
may easily be proved to have been so in myriads of instances. But in the
main, I believe the expression of feeling to be genuine. I do not believe, of
the majority of the leading Venetians of this period whose portraits have
come down to us, that they were deliberately and everlastingly hypocrites. I
see no hypocrisy in their countenances. Much capacity of it, much subtlety,
much natural and acquired reserve; but no meanness. On the contrary,
infinite grandeur, repose, courage, and the peculiar unity and tranquillity of
expression which come of sincerity or wholeness of heart, and which it
would take much demonstration to make me believe could by any
possibility be seen on the countenance of an insincere man. I trust,

therefore, that these Venetian nobles of the fifteenth century did, in the
main, desire to do judgment and justice to all men; but, as the whole system
of morality had been by this time undermined by the teaching of the
Romish Church, the idea of justice had become separated from that of truth,
so that dissimulation in the interest of the state assumed the aspect of duty.
We had, perhaps, better consider, with some carefulness, the mode in which
our own government is carried on, and the occasional difference between
parliamentary and private morality, before we judge mercilessly of the
Venetians in this respect. The secrecy with which their political and
criminal trials were conducted, appears to modern eyes like a confession of
sinister intentions; but may it not also be considered, and with more
probability, as the result of an endeavor to do justice in an age of violence?
—the only means by which Law could establish its footing in the midst of
feudalism. Might not Irish juries at this day justifiably desire to conduct
their proceedings with some greater approximation to the judicial principles
of the Council of Ten? Finally, if we examine, with critical accuracy, the
evidence on which our present impressions of Venetian government are
founded, we shall discover, in the first place, that two-thirds of the
traditions of its cruelties are romantic fables: in the second, that the crimes
of which it can be proved to have been guilty, differ only from those
committed by the other Italian powers in being done less wantonly, and
under profounder conviction of their political expediency: and lastly, that
the final degradation of the Venetian power appears owing not so much to
the principles of its government, as to their being forgotten in the pursuit of
pleasure.
SECTION CVIII. We have now examined the portions of the palace
which contain the principal evidence of the feeling of its builders. The
capitals of the, upper arcade are exceedingly various in their character; their
design is formed, as in the lower series, of eight leaves, thrown into volutes
at the angles, and sustaining figures at the flanks; but these figures have no
inscriptions, and though evidently not without meaning, cannot be
interpreted without more knowledge than I possess of ancient symbolism.
Many of the capitals toward the Sea appear to have been restored, and to be
rude copies of the ancient ones; others, though apparently original, have
been somewhat carelessly wrought; but those of them, which are both
genuine and carefully treated, are even finer in composition than any,

except the eighteenth, in the lower arcade. The traveller in Venice ought to
ascend into the corridor, and examine with great care the series of capitals
which extend on the Piazzetta side from the Fig-tree angle to the pilaster
which carries the party wall of the Sala del Gran Consiglio. As examples of
graceful composition in massy capitals meant for hard service and distant
effect, these are among the finest things I know in Gothic art; and that
above the fig-tree is remarkable for its sculpture of the four winds; each on
the side turned towards the wind represented. Levante, the east wind; a
figure with rays round its head, to show that it is always clear weather when
that wind blows, raising the sun out of the sea: Hotro, the south wind;
crowned, holding the sun in its right hand: Ponente, the west wind;
plunging the sun into the sea: and Tramontana, the north wind; looking up
at the north star. This capital should be carefully examined, if for no other
reason than to attach greater distinctness of idea to the magnificent verbiage
of Milton:

"Thwart of these, as fierce,
Forth rush the Levant and the Ponent winds,
Eurus, and Zephyr; with their lateral noise,
Sirocco and Libecchio."

I may also especially point out the bird feeding its three young ones on
the seventh pillar on the Piazzetta side; but there is no end to the fantasy of
these sculptures; and the traveller ought to observe them all carefully, until
he comes to the great Pilaster or complicated pier which sustains the party
wall of the Sala del Consiglio; that is to say, the forty-seventh capital of the
whole series, counting from the pilaster of the Vine angle inclusive, as in
the series of the lower arcade. The forty-eighth, forty-ninth, and fiftieth are
bad work, but they are old; the fifty-first is the first Renaissance capital of
the upper arcade: the first new lion's head with smooth ears, cut in the time
of Foscari, is over the fiftieth capital; and that capital, with its shaft, stands
on the apex of the eighth arch from the Sea, on the Piazzetta side, of which
one spandril is masonry of the fourteenth and the other of the fifteenth
century.
SECTION CIX. The reader who is not able to examine the building on
the spot may be surprised at the definiteness with which the point of
junction is ascertainable; but a glance at the lowest range of leaves in the

opposite Plate (XX.) will enable him to judge of the grounds on which the
above statement is made. Fig. 12 is a cluster of leaves from the capital of
the Four Winds; early work of the finest time. Fig. 13 is a leaf from the
great Renaissance capital at the Judgment angle, worked in imitation of the
older leafage. Fig. 14 is a leaf from one of the Renaissance capitals of the
upper arcade, which are all worked in the natural manner of the period. It
will be seen that it requires no great ingenuity to distinguish between such
design as that of fig. 12 and that of fig. 14.
SECTION CX. It is very possible that the reader may at first like fig. 14
best. I shall endeavor, in the next chapter, to show why he should not; but it
must also be noted, that fig. 12 has lost, and fig. 14 gained, both largely,
under the hands of the engraver. All the bluntness and coarseness of feeling
in the workmanship of fig. 14 have disappeared on this small scale, and all
the subtle refinements in the broad masses of fig. 12 have vanished. They
could not, indeed, be rendered in line engraving, unless by the hand of
Albert Durer; and I have, therefore, abandoned, for the present, all endeavor
to represent any more important mass of the early sculpture of the Ducal
Palace: but I trust that, in a few months, casts of many portions will be
within the reach of the inhabitants of London, and that they will be able to
judge for themselves of their perfect, pure, unlabored naturalism; the
freshness, elasticity, and softness of their leafage, united with the most
noble symmetry and severe reserve,—no running to waste, no loose or
experimental lines, no extravagance, and no weakness. Their design is
always sternly architectural; there is none of the wildness or redundance of
natural vegetation, but there is all the strength, freedom, and tossing flow of
the breathing leaves, and all the undulation of their surfaces, rippled, as they
grew, by the summer winds, as the sands are by the sea.
SECTION CXI. This early sculpture of the Ducal Palace, then, represents
the state of Gothic work in Venice at its central and proudest period, i. e.
circa 1350. After this time, all is decline,—of what nature and by what
steps, we shall inquire in the ensuing chapter; for as this investigation,
though still referring to Gothic architecture, introduces us to the first
symptoms of the Renaissance influence, I have considered it as properly
belonging to the third division of our subject.

SECTION CXII. And as, under the shadow of these nodding leaves, we
bid farewell to the great Gothic spirit, here also we may cease our
examination of the details of the Ducal Palace; for above its upper arcade
there are only the four traceried windows, and one or two of the third order
on the Rio Façade, which can be depended upon as exhibiting the original
workmanship of the older palace. [Footnote: Some further details respecting
these portions, as well as some necessary confirmations of my statements of
dates, are, however, given in Appendix I., Vol. III. I feared wearying the
general reader by introducing them into the text.] I examined the capitals of
the four other windows on the façade, and of those on the Piazzetta, one by
one, with great care, and I found them all to be of far inferior workmanship
to those which retain their traceries: I believe the stone framework of these
windows must have been so cracked and injured by the flames of the great
fire, as to render it necessary to replace it by new traceries; and that the
present mouldings and capitals are base imitations of the original ones. The
traceries were at first, however, restored in their complete form, as the holes
for the bolts which fastened the bases of their shafts are still to be seen in
the window-sills, as well as the marks of the inner mouldings on the soffits.
How much the stone facing of the façade, the parapets, and the shafts and
niches of the angles, retain of their original masonry, it is also impossible to
determine; but there is nothing in the workmanship of any of them
demanding especial notice; still less in the large central windows on each
façade which are entirely of Renaissance execution. All that is admirable in
these portions of the building is the disposition of their various parts and
masses, which is without doubt the same as in the original fabric, and
calculated, when seen from a distance, to produce the same impression.
SECTION CXIII. Not so in the interior. All vestige of the earlier modes
of decoration was here, of course, destroyed by the fires; and the severe and
religious work of Guariento and Bellini has been replaced by the wildness
of Tintoret and the luxury of Veronese. But in this case, though widely
different in temper, the art of the renewal was at least intellectually as great
as that which had perished: and though the halls of the Ducal Palace are no
more representative of the character of the men by whom it was built, each
of them is still a colossal casket of priceless treasure; a treasure whose
safety has till now depended on its being despised, and which at this
moment, and as I write, is piece by piece being destroyed for ever.

SECTION CXIV. The reader will forgive my quitting our more
immediate subject, in order briefly to explain the causes and the nature of
this destruction; for the matter is simply the most important of all that can
be brought under our present consideration respecting the state of art in
Europe.
The fact is, that the greater number of persons or societies throughout
Europe, whom wealth, or chance, or inheritance has put in possession of
valuable pictures, do not know a good picture from a bad one, and have no
idea in what the value of a picture really consists. [Footnote: Many persons,
capable of quickly sympathizing with any excellence, when once pointed
out to them, easily deceive themselves into the supposition that they are
judges of art. There is only one real test of such power of judgment. Can
they, at a glance, discover a good picture obscured by the filth, and
confused among the rubbish, of the pawnbroker's or dealer's garret?] The
reputation of certain work is raised partly by accident, partly by the just
testimony of artists, partly by the various and generally bad taste of the
public (no picture, that I know of, has ever, in modern times, attained
popularity, in the full sense of the term, without having some exceedingly
bad qualities mingled with its good ones), and when this reputation has
once been completely established, it little matters to what state the picture
may be reduced: few minds are so completely devoid of imagination as to
be unable to invest it with the beauties which they have heard attributed to
it.
SECTION CXV. This being so, the pictures that are most valued are for
the most part those by masters of established renown, which are highly or
neatly finished, and of a size small enough to admit of their being placed in
galleries or saloons, so as to be made subjects of ostentation, and to be
easily seen by a crowd. For the support of the fame and value of such
pictures, little more is necessary than that they should be kept bright, partly
by cleaning, which is incipient destruction, and partly by what is called
"restoring," that is, painting over, which is of course total destruction.
Nearly all the gallery pictures in modern Europe have been more or less
destroyed by one or other of these operations, generally exactly in
proportion to the estimation in which they are held; and as, originally, the
smaller and more highly finished works of any great master are usually his

worst, the contents of many of our most celebrated galleries are by this
time, in reality, of very small value indeed.
SECTION CXVI. On the other hand, the most precious works of any
noble painter are usually those which have been done quickly, and in the
heat of the first thought, on a large scale, for places where there was little
likelihood of their being well seen, or for patrons from whom there was
little prospect of rich remuneration. In general, the best things are done in
this way, or else in the enthusiasm and pride of accomplishing some great
purpose, such as painting a cathedral or a camposanto from one end to the
other, especially when the time has been short, and circumstances
disadvantageous.
SECTION CXVII. Works thus executed are of course despised, on
account of their quantity, as well as their frequent slightness, in the places
where they exist; and they are too large to be portable, and too vast and
comprehensive to be read on the spot, in the hasty temper of the present
age. They are, therefore, almost universally neglected, whitewashed by
custodes, shot at by soldiers, suffered to drop from the walls, piecemeal in
powder and rags by society in general; but, which is an advantage more
than counterbalancing all this evil, they are not often "restored." What is left
of them, however fragmentary, however ruinous, however obscured and
defiled, is almost always the real thing; there are no fresh readings: and
therefore the greatest treasures of art which Europe at this moment
possesses are pieces of old plaster on ruinous brick walls, where the lizards
burrow and bask, and which few other living creatures ever approach; and
torn sheets of dim canvas, in waste corners of churches; and mildewed
stains, in the shape of human figures, on the walls of dark chambers, which
now and then an exploring traveller causes to be unlocked by their tottering
custode, looks hastily round, and retreats from in a weary satisfaction at his
accomplished duty.
SECTION CXVIII. Many of the pictures on the ceilings and walls of the
Ducal Palace, by Paul Veronese and Tintoret, have been more or less
reduced, by neglect, to this condition. Unfortunately they are not altogether
without reputation, and their state has drawn the attention of the Venetian
authorities and academicians. It constantly happens, that public bodies who
will not pay five pounds to preserve a picture, will pay fifty to repaint it;

[Footnote: This is easily explained. There are, of course, in every place and
at all periods, bad painters who conscientiously believe that they can
improve every picture they touch; and these men are generally, in their
presumption, the most influential over the innocence, whether of monarchs
or municipalities. The carpenter and slater have little influence in
recommending the repairs of the roof; but the bad painter has great
influence, as well as interest, in recommending those of the picture.] and
when I was at Venice in 1846, there were two remedial operations carrying
on, at one and the same time, in the two buildings which contain the
pictures of greatest value in the city (as pieces of color, of greatest value in
the world), curiously illustrative of this peculiarity in human nature.
Buckets were set on the floor of the Scuola di San Rocco, in every shower,
to catch the rain which came through the pictures of Tintoret on the ceiling;
while in the Ducal Palace, those of Paul Veronese were themselves laid on
the floor to be repainted; and I was myself present at the re-illumination of
the breast of a white horse, with a brush, at the end of a stick five feet long,
luxuriously dipped in a common house-painter's vessel of paint.
This was, of course, a large picture. The process has already been
continued in an equally destructive, though somewhat more delicate
manner, over the whole of the humbler canvases on the ceiling of the Sala
del Gran Consiglio; and I heard it threatened when I was last in Venice
(1851-2) to the "Paradise" at its extremity, which is yet in tolerable
condition,—the largest work of Tintoret, and the most wonderful piece of
pure, manly, and masterly oil-painting in the world.
SECTION CXIX. I leave these facts to the consideration of the European
patrons of art. Twenty years hence they will be acknowledged and regretted;
at present, I am well aware, that it is of little use to bring them forward,
except only to explain the present impossibility of stating what pictures are,
and what were, in the interior of the Ducal Palace. I can only say, that in the
winter of 1851, the "Paradise" of Tintoret was still comparatively uninjured,
and that the Camera di Collegio, and its antechamber, and the Sala de'
Pregadi were full of pictures by Veronese and Tintoret, that made their walls
as precious as so many kingdoms; so precious indeed, and so full of
majesty, that sometimes when walking at evening on the Lido, whence the
great chain of the Alps, crested with silver clouds, might be seen rising
above the front of the Ducal Palace, I used to feel as much awe in gazing on

the building as on the hills, and could believe that God had done a greater
work in breathing into the narrowness of dust the mighty spirits by whom
its haughty walls had been raised, and its burning legends written, than in
lifting the rocks of granite higher than the clouds of heaven, and veiling
them with their various mantle of purple flower and shadowy pine.

NOTE.
I have printed the chapter on the Ducal Palace, quite one of the most
important pieces of work done in my life, without alteration of its
references to the plates of the first edition, because I hope both to republish
some of those plates, and together with them, a few permanent photographs
(both from the sculpture of the Palace itself, and from my own drawings of
its detail), which may be purchased by the possessors of this smaller edition
to bind with the book or not, as they please. This separate publication I can
now soon set in hand; and I believe it will cause much less confusion to
leave for the present the references to the old plates untouched. The wood-
blocks used for the first three figures in this chapter, are the original ones:
that of the Ducal Palace façade was drawn on the wood by my own hand,
and cost me more trouble than it is worth, being merely given for division
and proportion. The greater part of the first volume, omitted in this edition
after "the Quarry," will be republished in the series of my reprinted works,
with its original wood-blocks.
But my mind is mainly set now on getting some worthy illustration of the
St. Mark's mosaics, and of such remains of the old capitals (now for ever
removed, in process of the Palace restoration, from their life in sea wind
and sunlight, and their ancient duty, to a museum-grave) as I have useful
record of, drawn in their native light. The series, both of these and of the
earlier mosaics, of which the sequence is sketched in the preceding volume,
and farther explained in the third number of "St. Mark's Rest," become to
me every hour of my life more precious both for their art and their meaning;
and if any of my readers care to help me, in my old age, to fulfil my life's
work rightly, let them send what pence they can spare for these objects to
my publisher, Mr. Allen, Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent.
Since writing the first part of this note, I have received a letter from Mr.
Burne Jones, assuring me of his earnest sympathy in its object, and giving
me hope even of his superintendence of the drawings, which I have already
desired to be undertaken. But I am no longer able to continue work of this

kind at my own cost; and the fulfilment of my purpose must entirely depend
on the money-help given me by my readers.

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