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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Fragments of Science: A Series
of Detached Essays, Addresses, and Reviews. V. 1-2
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
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Title: Fragments of Science: A Series of Detached Essays, Addresses,
and Reviews. V. 1-2
Author: John Tyndall
Release date: February 6, 2008 [eBook #24527]
Most recently updated: July 22, 2017
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAGMENTS OF
SCIENCE: A SERIES OF DETACHED ESSAYS, ADDRESSES, AND
REVIEWS. V. 1-2 ***
FRAGMENTS OF SCIENCE:
A Series of Detached
of Detached Essays, Addresses, and Reviews. V. 1-2
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
using this eBook.
Title: Fragments of Science: A Series of Detached Essays, Addresses,
and Reviews. V. 1-2
Author: John Tyndall
Release date: February 6, 2008 [eBook #24527]
Most recently updated: July 22, 2017
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/24527
Credits: Produced by Jon Richfield
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAGMENTS OF
SCIENCE: A SERIES OF DETACHED ESSAYS, ADDRESSES, AND
REVIEWS. V. 1-2 ***
FRAGMENTS OF SCIENCE:
A Series of Detached
Page 4
ESSAYS, ADDRESSES, AND REVIEWS.
BY
JOHN TYNDALL, F.R.S.
Printed By Spottiswoode AND CO.
NEW-STREET SQUARE
PARLIAMENT STREET
SIXTH EDITION,
VOL. 1.
LONDON: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1879.
All rights reserved.
PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. *
VOL. I. INORGANIC NATURE *
I. THE CONSTITUTION OF NATURE. *
II. RADIATION. *
1. Visible and Invisible Radiation. *
2. Origin and Character of Radiation. The Aether. *
3. The Atomic Theory in reference to the Aether. *
4. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Gases. *
5. Formation of Invisible Foci. *
BY
JOHN TYNDALL, F.R.S.
Printed By Spottiswoode AND CO.
NEW-STREET SQUARE
PARLIAMENT STREET
SIXTH EDITION,
VOL. 1.
LONDON: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1879.
All rights reserved.
PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. *
VOL. I. INORGANIC NATURE *
I. THE CONSTITUTION OF NATURE. *
II. RADIATION. *
1. Visible and Invisible Radiation. *
2. Origin and Character of Radiation. The Aether. *
3. The Atomic Theory in reference to the Aether. *
4. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Gases. *
5. Formation of Invisible Foci. *
Page 5
6. Visible and Invisible Rays of the Electric Light. *
Figure 1. Spectrum of Electric Light. *
7. Combustion by Invisible Rays. *
8. Transmutation of Rays: Calorescence. *
9. Deadness of the Optic Nerve to the Calorific Rays. *
10. Persistence of Rays. *
11. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Vapours and Odours. *
12. Aqueous Vapour in relation to the Terrestrial Temperatures. *
13. Liquids and their Vapours in relation to Radiant Heat. *
14. Reciprocity of Radiation and Absorption. *
15. Influence of Vibrating Period and Molecular Form. Physical Analysis of the Human Breath. *
16. Summary and Conclusion. *
III. ON RADIANT HEAT IN RELATION TO THE COLOUR AND CHEMICAL
CONSTITUTION OF BODIES. *
IV. NEW CHEMICAL REACTIONS PRODUCED BY LIGHT. *
1. DECOMPOSITION BY LIGHT. *
Physical Considerations. *
Production of Sky-blue by the Decomposition of Nitrite of Amyl. *
§ 2. ON THE BLUE COLOUR OF THE SKY, AND THE POLARISATION OF SKYLIGHT. *
§ 3. THE SKY OF THE ALPS. *
V. ON DUST AND DISEASE. *
Figure 1. Spectrum of Electric Light. *
7. Combustion by Invisible Rays. *
8. Transmutation of Rays: Calorescence. *
9. Deadness of the Optic Nerve to the Calorific Rays. *
10. Persistence of Rays. *
11. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Vapours and Odours. *
12. Aqueous Vapour in relation to the Terrestrial Temperatures. *
13. Liquids and their Vapours in relation to Radiant Heat. *
14. Reciprocity of Radiation and Absorption. *
15. Influence of Vibrating Period and Molecular Form. Physical Analysis of the Human Breath. *
16. Summary and Conclusion. *
III. ON RADIANT HEAT IN RELATION TO THE COLOUR AND CHEMICAL
CONSTITUTION OF BODIES. *
IV. NEW CHEMICAL REACTIONS PRODUCED BY LIGHT. *
1. DECOMPOSITION BY LIGHT. *
Physical Considerations. *
Production of Sky-blue by the Decomposition of Nitrite of Amyl. *
§ 2. ON THE BLUE COLOUR OF THE SKY, AND THE POLARISATION OF SKYLIGHT. *
§ 3. THE SKY OF THE ALPS. *
V. ON DUST AND DISEASE. *
Page 6
Experiments on Dusty Air. *
The Germ Theory of Contagious Disease. *
Parasitic Diseases of Silkworms. Pasteur's Researches. *
Origin and Propagation of Contagious Matter. *
The Germ Theory applied to Surgery. *
The Luminous beam as a means of Research. *
The Floating Matter of the Air. *
Dr. Bennett's Experiments. *
Application of Luminous beams to Water. *
Chalk-water. Clark's Softening Process. *
Cotton-wool Respirator. *
Fireman's Respirator. *
Helmholtz on Hay Fever. *
VI. VOYAGE TO ALGERIA TO OBSERVE THE ECLIPSE. *
VII. NIAGARA. *
VIII. THE PARALLEL ROADS OF GLEN ROY. *
IX. ALPINE SCULPTURE. *
X. RECENT EXPERIMENTS ON FOG-SIGNALS. *
XI. ON THE STUDY OF PHYSICS. *
XII. ON CRYSTALLINE AND SLATY CLEAVAGE. *
The Germ Theory of Contagious Disease. *
Parasitic Diseases of Silkworms. Pasteur's Researches. *
Origin and Propagation of Contagious Matter. *
The Germ Theory applied to Surgery. *
The Luminous beam as a means of Research. *
The Floating Matter of the Air. *
Dr. Bennett's Experiments. *
Application of Luminous beams to Water. *
Chalk-water. Clark's Softening Process. *
Cotton-wool Respirator. *
Fireman's Respirator. *
Helmholtz on Hay Fever. *
VI. VOYAGE TO ALGERIA TO OBSERVE THE ECLIPSE. *
VII. NIAGARA. *
VIII. THE PARALLEL ROADS OF GLEN ROY. *
IX. ALPINE SCULPTURE. *
X. RECENT EXPERIMENTS ON FOG-SIGNALS. *
XI. ON THE STUDY OF PHYSICS. *
XII. ON CRYSTALLINE AND SLATY CLEAVAGE. *
Page 7
XIII. ON PARAMAGNETIC AND DIAMAGNETIC FORCES. *
XIV. PHYSICAL BASIS OF SOLAR CHEMISTRY. *
XV. ELEMENTARY MAGNETISM. *
XVI. ON FORCE. *
XVII. CONTRIBUTIONS TO MOLECULAR PHYSICS. *
XVIII. LIFE, AND LETTERS OF FARADAY. *
XIX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1870. *
XX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1871. *
XXI. DEATH BY LIGHTNING. *
XXII. SCIENCE AND THE 'SPIRITS.' *
VOL. II. *
I. REFLECTIONS ON PRAYER AND NATURAL LAW. *
II. MIRACLES AND SPECIAL PROVIDENCES. *
ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON MIRACLES. *
III. ON PRAYER AS A FORM OF PHYSICAL ENERGY. *
IV. VITALITY. *
V. MATTER AND FORCE. *
VI. SCIENTIFIC MATERIALISM. *
VII. AN ADDRESS TO STUDENTS. *
VIII. SCIENTIFIC USE OF THE IMAGINATION. *
XIV. PHYSICAL BASIS OF SOLAR CHEMISTRY. *
XV. ELEMENTARY MAGNETISM. *
XVI. ON FORCE. *
XVII. CONTRIBUTIONS TO MOLECULAR PHYSICS. *
XVIII. LIFE, AND LETTERS OF FARADAY. *
XIX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1870. *
XX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1871. *
XXI. DEATH BY LIGHTNING. *
XXII. SCIENCE AND THE 'SPIRITS.' *
VOL. II. *
I. REFLECTIONS ON PRAYER AND NATURAL LAW. *
II. MIRACLES AND SPECIAL PROVIDENCES. *
ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON MIRACLES. *
III. ON PRAYER AS A FORM OF PHYSICAL ENERGY. *
IV. VITALITY. *
V. MATTER AND FORCE. *
VI. SCIENTIFIC MATERIALISM. *
VII. AN ADDRESS TO STUDENTS. *
VIII. SCIENTIFIC USE OF THE IMAGINATION. *
Page 8
IX. THE BELFAST ADDRESS. *
X. APOLOGY FOR THE BELFAST ADDRESS. *
XI. THE REV. JAMES MARTINEAU AND THE BELFAST ADDRESS. *
XII. FERMENTATION, & ITS BEARINGS ON SURGERY & MEDICINE. *
XIII. SPONTANEOUS GENERATION. *
XIV. SCIENCE AND MAN. *
XV. PROFESSOR VIRCHOW AND EVOLUTION. *
XVI. THE ELECTRIC LIGHT. *
.
.
.
.
.
. PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION.
TO AVOID unwieldiness of bulk this edition of the 'Fragments' is published
in two volumes, instead of, as heretofore, in one.
The first volume deals almost exclusively with the laws and phenomena of
matter. The second trenches upon questions in which the phenomena of
matter interlace more or less with those of mind.
New Essays have been added, while old ones have been revised, and in part
recast. To be clear, without being superficial, has been my aim throughout.
In neither volume have I aspired to sit in the seat of the scornful, but rather
to treat the questions touched upon with a tolerance, if not a reverence,
X. APOLOGY FOR THE BELFAST ADDRESS. *
XI. THE REV. JAMES MARTINEAU AND THE BELFAST ADDRESS. *
XII. FERMENTATION, & ITS BEARINGS ON SURGERY & MEDICINE. *
XIII. SPONTANEOUS GENERATION. *
XIV. SCIENCE AND MAN. *
XV. PROFESSOR VIRCHOW AND EVOLUTION. *
XVI. THE ELECTRIC LIGHT. *
.
.
.
.
.
. PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION.
TO AVOID unwieldiness of bulk this edition of the 'Fragments' is published
in two volumes, instead of, as heretofore, in one.
The first volume deals almost exclusively with the laws and phenomena of
matter. The second trenches upon questions in which the phenomena of
matter interlace more or less with those of mind.
New Essays have been added, while old ones have been revised, and in part
recast. To be clear, without being superficial, has been my aim throughout.
In neither volume have I aspired to sit in the seat of the scornful, but rather
to treat the questions touched upon with a tolerance, if not a reverence,
Page 9
befitting their difficulty and weight.
Holding, as I do, the nebular hypothesis, I am logically bound to deduce the
life of the world from forces inherent in the nebula. With this view, which is
set forth in the second volume, it seemed but fair to associate the reasons
which cause me to conclude that every attempt made in our day to generate
life independently of antecedent life has utterly broken down.
A discourse on the Electric Light winds up the Second volume. The
incongruity of its position is to be referred to the lateness of its delivery.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
.
VOL. I. INORGANIC NATURE
I. THE CONSTITUTION OF NATURE.
[Footnote: 'Fortnightly Review,' 1865, vol. iii. p. 129.]
WE cannot think of space as finite, for wherever in imagination we erect a
boundary, we are compelled to think of space as existing beyond it. Thus by
the incessant dissolution of limits we arrive at a more or less adequate idea
of the infinity of space. But, though compelled to think of space as
unbounded, there is no mental necessity compelling us to think of it either as
filled or empty; whether it is so or not must be decided by experiment and
observation. That it is not entirely void, the starry heavens declare; but the
question still remains, Are the stars themselves hung in vacuo? Are the vast
Holding, as I do, the nebular hypothesis, I am logically bound to deduce the
life of the world from forces inherent in the nebula. With this view, which is
set forth in the second volume, it seemed but fair to associate the reasons
which cause me to conclude that every attempt made in our day to generate
life independently of antecedent life has utterly broken down.
A discourse on the Electric Light winds up the Second volume. The
incongruity of its position is to be referred to the lateness of its delivery.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
.
VOL. I. INORGANIC NATURE
I. THE CONSTITUTION OF NATURE.
[Footnote: 'Fortnightly Review,' 1865, vol. iii. p. 129.]
WE cannot think of space as finite, for wherever in imagination we erect a
boundary, we are compelled to think of space as existing beyond it. Thus by
the incessant dissolution of limits we arrive at a more or less adequate idea
of the infinity of space. But, though compelled to think of space as
unbounded, there is no mental necessity compelling us to think of it either as
filled or empty; whether it is so or not must be decided by experiment and
observation. That it is not entirely void, the starry heavens declare; but the
question still remains, Are the stars themselves hung in vacuo? Are the vast
Page 10
regions which surround them, and across which their light is propagated,
absolutely empty? A century ago the answer to this question, founded on the
Newtonian theory, would have been, 'No, for particles of light are
incessantly shot through space.' The reply of modern science is also
negative, but on different grounds. It has the best possible reasons for
rejecting the idea of luminiferous particles; but, in support of the conclusion
that the celestial spaces are occupied by matter, it is able to offer proofs
almost as cogent as those which can be adduced of the existence of an
atmosphere round the earth. Men's minds, indeed, rose to a conception of the
celestial and universal atmosphere through the study of the terrestrial and
local one. From the phenomena of sound, as displayed in the air, they
ascended to the phenomena of light, as displayed in the aether; which is the
name given to the interstellar medium.
The notion of this medium must not be considered as a vague or fanciful
conception on the part of scientific men. Of its reality most of them are as
convinced as they are of the existence of the sun and moon. The
luminiferous aether has definite mechanical properties. It is almost infinitely
more attenuated than any known gas, but its properties are those of a solid
rather than of a gas. It resembles jelly rather than air. This was not the first
conception of the aether, but it is that forced upon us by a more complete
knowledge of its phenomena. A body thus constituted may have its
boundaries; but, although the aether may not be co-extensive with space, it
must at all events extend as far as the most distant visible stars. In fact it is
the vehicle of their light, and without it they could not be seen. This all-
pervading substance takes up their molecular tremors, and conveys them
with inconceivable rapidity to our organs of vision. It is the transported
shiver of bodies countless millions of miles distant, which translates itself in
human consciousness into the splendour of the firmament at night.
If the aether have a boundary, masses of ponderable matter might be
conceived to exist beyond it, but they could emit no light. Beyond the aether
dark suns might burn; there, under proper conditions, combustion might be
carried on; fuel might consume unseen, and metals be fused in invisible
fires. A body, moreover, once heated there, would continue for ever heated; a
sun or planet once molten, would continue for ever molten. For, the loss of
heat being simply the abstraction of molecular motion by the aether, where
this medium is absent no cooling could occur. A sentient being on
absolutely empty? A century ago the answer to this question, founded on the
Newtonian theory, would have been, 'No, for particles of light are
incessantly shot through space.' The reply of modern science is also
negative, but on different grounds. It has the best possible reasons for
rejecting the idea of luminiferous particles; but, in support of the conclusion
that the celestial spaces are occupied by matter, it is able to offer proofs
almost as cogent as those which can be adduced of the existence of an
atmosphere round the earth. Men's minds, indeed, rose to a conception of the
celestial and universal atmosphere through the study of the terrestrial and
local one. From the phenomena of sound, as displayed in the air, they
ascended to the phenomena of light, as displayed in the aether; which is the
name given to the interstellar medium.
The notion of this medium must not be considered as a vague or fanciful
conception on the part of scientific men. Of its reality most of them are as
convinced as they are of the existence of the sun and moon. The
luminiferous aether has definite mechanical properties. It is almost infinitely
more attenuated than any known gas, but its properties are those of a solid
rather than of a gas. It resembles jelly rather than air. This was not the first
conception of the aether, but it is that forced upon us by a more complete
knowledge of its phenomena. A body thus constituted may have its
boundaries; but, although the aether may not be co-extensive with space, it
must at all events extend as far as the most distant visible stars. In fact it is
the vehicle of their light, and without it they could not be seen. This all-
pervading substance takes up their molecular tremors, and conveys them
with inconceivable rapidity to our organs of vision. It is the transported
shiver of bodies countless millions of miles distant, which translates itself in
human consciousness into the splendour of the firmament at night.
If the aether have a boundary, masses of ponderable matter might be
conceived to exist beyond it, but they could emit no light. Beyond the aether
dark suns might burn; there, under proper conditions, combustion might be
carried on; fuel might consume unseen, and metals be fused in invisible
fires. A body, moreover, once heated there, would continue for ever heated; a
sun or planet once molten, would continue for ever molten. For, the loss of
heat being simply the abstraction of molecular motion by the aether, where
this medium is absent no cooling could occur. A sentient being on
Page 11
approaching a heated body in this region, would be conscious of no
augmentation of temperature. The gradations of warmth dependent on the
laws of radiation would not exist, and actual contact would first reveal the
heat of an extra ethereal sun.
Imagine a paddle-wheel placed in water and caused to rotate. From it, as a
centre, waves would issue in all directions, and a wader as he approached the
place of disturbance would be met by stronger and stronger waves. This
gradual augmentation of the impression made upon the wader is exactly
analogous to the augmentation of light when we approach a luminous
source. In the one case, however, the coarse common nerves of the body
suffice; for the other we must have the finer optic nerve. But suppose the
water withdrawn; the action at a distance would then cease, and, as far as the
sense of touch is concerned, the wader would be first rendered conscious of
the motion of the wheel by the blow of the paddles. The transference of
motion from the paddles to the water is mechanically similar to the
transference of molecular motion from the heated body to the aether; and the
propagation of waves through the liquid is mechanically similar to the
propagation of light and radiant heat.
As far as our knowledge of space extends, we are to conceive it as the holder
of the luminiferous aether, through which are interspersed, at enormous
distances apart, the ponderous nuclei of the stars. Associated with the star
that most concerns us we have a group of dark planetary masses revolving at
various distances round it, each again rotating on its own axis; and, finally,
associated with some of these planets we have dark bodies of minor note —
the moons. Whether the other fixed stars have similar planetary companions
or not is to us a matter of pure conjecture, which may or may not enter into
our conception of the universe. But probably every thoughtful person
believes, with regard to those distant suns, that there is, in space, something
besides our system on which they shine.
From this general view of the present condition of space, and of the bodies
contained in it, we pass to the enquiry whether things were so created at the
beginning. Was space furnished at once, by the fiat of Omnipotence, with
these burning orbs? In presence of the revelations of science this view is
fading more and more. Behind the orbs, we now discern the nebulae from
which they have been condensed. And without going so far back as the
augmentation of temperature. The gradations of warmth dependent on the
laws of radiation would not exist, and actual contact would first reveal the
heat of an extra ethereal sun.
Imagine a paddle-wheel placed in water and caused to rotate. From it, as a
centre, waves would issue in all directions, and a wader as he approached the
place of disturbance would be met by stronger and stronger waves. This
gradual augmentation of the impression made upon the wader is exactly
analogous to the augmentation of light when we approach a luminous
source. In the one case, however, the coarse common nerves of the body
suffice; for the other we must have the finer optic nerve. But suppose the
water withdrawn; the action at a distance would then cease, and, as far as the
sense of touch is concerned, the wader would be first rendered conscious of
the motion of the wheel by the blow of the paddles. The transference of
motion from the paddles to the water is mechanically similar to the
transference of molecular motion from the heated body to the aether; and the
propagation of waves through the liquid is mechanically similar to the
propagation of light and radiant heat.
As far as our knowledge of space extends, we are to conceive it as the holder
of the luminiferous aether, through which are interspersed, at enormous
distances apart, the ponderous nuclei of the stars. Associated with the star
that most concerns us we have a group of dark planetary masses revolving at
various distances round it, each again rotating on its own axis; and, finally,
associated with some of these planets we have dark bodies of minor note —
the moons. Whether the other fixed stars have similar planetary companions
or not is to us a matter of pure conjecture, which may or may not enter into
our conception of the universe. But probably every thoughtful person
believes, with regard to those distant suns, that there is, in space, something
besides our system on which they shine.
From this general view of the present condition of space, and of the bodies
contained in it, we pass to the enquiry whether things were so created at the
beginning. Was space furnished at once, by the fiat of Omnipotence, with
these burning orbs? In presence of the revelations of science this view is
fading more and more. Behind the orbs, we now discern the nebulae from
which they have been condensed. And without going so far back as the
Page 12
nebulae, the man of science can prove that out of common non-luminous
matter this whole pomp of stars might have been evolved.
The law of gravitation enunciated by Newton is, that every particle of matter
in the universe attracts every other particle with a force which diminishes as
the square of the distance increases. Thus the sun and the earth mutually pull
each other; thus the earth and the moon are kept in company, the force which
holds every respective pair of masses together being the integrated force of
their component parts. Under the operation of this force a stone falls to the
ground and is warmed by the shock; under its operation meteors plunge into
our atmosphere and rise to incandescence. Showers of such meteors
doubtless fall incessantly upon the sun. Acted on by this force, the earth,
were it stopped in its orbit to-morrow, would rush towards, and finally
combine with, the sun. Heat would also be developed by this collision.
Mayer first, and Helmholtz and Thomson afterwards, have calculated its
amount. It would equal that produced by the combustion of more than 5,000
worlds of solid coal, all this heat being generated at the instant of collision.
In the attraction of gravity, therefore, acting upon non-luminous matter, we
have a source of heat more powerful than could be derived from any
terrestrial combustion. And were the matter of the universe thrown in cold
detached fragments into space, and there abandoned to the mutual
gravitation of its own parts, the collision of the fragments would in the end
produce the fires of the stars.
The action of gravity upon matter originally cold may, in fact, be the origin
of all light and heat, and also the proximate source of such other powers as
are generated by light and heat. But we have now to enquire what is the light
and what is the heat thus produced? This question has already been answered
in a general way. Both light and heat are modes of motion. Two planets clash
and come to rest; their motion, considered as that of masses, is destroyed,
but it is in great part continued as a motion of their ultimate particles. It is
this latter motion, taken up by the aether, and propagated through it with a
velocity of 186,000 miles a second, that comes to us as the light and heat of
suns and stars. The atoms of a hot body swing with inconceivable rapidity —
billions of times in a second — but this power of vibration necessarily
implies the operation of forces between the atoms themselves. It reveals to
us that while they are held together by one force, they are kept asunder by
another, their position at any moment depending on the equilibrium of
matter this whole pomp of stars might have been evolved.
The law of gravitation enunciated by Newton is, that every particle of matter
in the universe attracts every other particle with a force which diminishes as
the square of the distance increases. Thus the sun and the earth mutually pull
each other; thus the earth and the moon are kept in company, the force which
holds every respective pair of masses together being the integrated force of
their component parts. Under the operation of this force a stone falls to the
ground and is warmed by the shock; under its operation meteors plunge into
our atmosphere and rise to incandescence. Showers of such meteors
doubtless fall incessantly upon the sun. Acted on by this force, the earth,
were it stopped in its orbit to-morrow, would rush towards, and finally
combine with, the sun. Heat would also be developed by this collision.
Mayer first, and Helmholtz and Thomson afterwards, have calculated its
amount. It would equal that produced by the combustion of more than 5,000
worlds of solid coal, all this heat being generated at the instant of collision.
In the attraction of gravity, therefore, acting upon non-luminous matter, we
have a source of heat more powerful than could be derived from any
terrestrial combustion. And were the matter of the universe thrown in cold
detached fragments into space, and there abandoned to the mutual
gravitation of its own parts, the collision of the fragments would in the end
produce the fires of the stars.
The action of gravity upon matter originally cold may, in fact, be the origin
of all light and heat, and also the proximate source of such other powers as
are generated by light and heat. But we have now to enquire what is the light
and what is the heat thus produced? This question has already been answered
in a general way. Both light and heat are modes of motion. Two planets clash
and come to rest; their motion, considered as that of masses, is destroyed,
but it is in great part continued as a motion of their ultimate particles. It is
this latter motion, taken up by the aether, and propagated through it with a
velocity of 186,000 miles a second, that comes to us as the light and heat of
suns and stars. The atoms of a hot body swing with inconceivable rapidity —
billions of times in a second — but this power of vibration necessarily
implies the operation of forces between the atoms themselves. It reveals to
us that while they are held together by one force, they are kept asunder by
another, their position at any moment depending on the equilibrium of
Page 13
attraction and repulsion. The atoms behave as if connected by elastic
springs, which oppose at the same time their approach and their retreat, but
which tolerate the vibration called heat. The molecular vibration once set up
is instantly shared with the aether, and diffused by it throughout space.
We on the earth's surface live night and day in the midst of aethereal
commotion. The medium is never still. The cloud canopy above us may be
thick enough to shut out the light of the stars; but this canopy is itself a warm
body, which radiates its thermal motion through the aether. The earth also is
warm, and sends its heat-pulses incessantly forth. It is the waste of its
molecular motion in space that chills the earth upon a clear night; it is the
return of thermal motion from the clouds which prevents the earth's
temperature, on a cloudy night, from falling so low. To the conception of
space being filled, we must therefore add the conception of its being in a
state of incessant tremor.
The sources of this vibration are the ponderable masses of the universe. Let
us take a sample of these and examine it in detail. When we look to our
planet, we find it to be an aggregate of solids, liquids, and gases. Subjected
to a sufficiently low temperature, the two last, would also assume the solid
form. When we look at any one of these, we generally find it composed of
still more elementary parts. We learn, for example, that the water of our
rivers is formed by the union, in definite proportions, of two gases, oxygen
and hydrogen. We know how to bring these constituents together, so as to
form water: we also know how to analyse the water, and recover from it its
two constituents. So, likewise, as regards the solid portions of the earth. Our
chalk hills, for example, are formed by a combination of carbon, oxygen,
and calcium. These are the so-called elements the union of which, in definite
proportions, has resulted in the formation of chalk. The flints within the
chalk we know to be a compound of oxygen and silicium, called silica; and
our ordinary clay is, for the most part, formed by the union of silicium,
oxygen, and the well-known light metal, aluminium. By far the greater
portion of the earth's crust is compounded of the elementary substances
mentioned in these few lines.
The principle of gravitation has been already described as an attraction
which every particle of matter, however small, exerts on every other particle.
With gravity there is no selection; no particular atoms choose, by preference,
springs, which oppose at the same time their approach and their retreat, but
which tolerate the vibration called heat. The molecular vibration once set up
is instantly shared with the aether, and diffused by it throughout space.
We on the earth's surface live night and day in the midst of aethereal
commotion. The medium is never still. The cloud canopy above us may be
thick enough to shut out the light of the stars; but this canopy is itself a warm
body, which radiates its thermal motion through the aether. The earth also is
warm, and sends its heat-pulses incessantly forth. It is the waste of its
molecular motion in space that chills the earth upon a clear night; it is the
return of thermal motion from the clouds which prevents the earth's
temperature, on a cloudy night, from falling so low. To the conception of
space being filled, we must therefore add the conception of its being in a
state of incessant tremor.
The sources of this vibration are the ponderable masses of the universe. Let
us take a sample of these and examine it in detail. When we look to our
planet, we find it to be an aggregate of solids, liquids, and gases. Subjected
to a sufficiently low temperature, the two last, would also assume the solid
form. When we look at any one of these, we generally find it composed of
still more elementary parts. We learn, for example, that the water of our
rivers is formed by the union, in definite proportions, of two gases, oxygen
and hydrogen. We know how to bring these constituents together, so as to
form water: we also know how to analyse the water, and recover from it its
two constituents. So, likewise, as regards the solid portions of the earth. Our
chalk hills, for example, are formed by a combination of carbon, oxygen,
and calcium. These are the so-called elements the union of which, in definite
proportions, has resulted in the formation of chalk. The flints within the
chalk we know to be a compound of oxygen and silicium, called silica; and
our ordinary clay is, for the most part, formed by the union of silicium,
oxygen, and the well-known light metal, aluminium. By far the greater
portion of the earth's crust is compounded of the elementary substances
mentioned in these few lines.
The principle of gravitation has been already described as an attraction
which every particle of matter, however small, exerts on every other particle.
With gravity there is no selection; no particular atoms choose, by preference,
Page 14
other particular atoms as objects of attraction; the attraction of gravitation is
proportional simply to the quantity of the attracting matter, regardless of its
quality. But in the molecular world which we have now entered matters are
otherwise arranged. Here we have atoms between which a strong attraction
is exercised, and also atoms between which a weak attraction is exercised.
One atom can jostle another out of its place, in virtue of a superior force of
attraction. But, though the amount of force exerted varies thus from atom to
atom, it is still an attraction of the same mechanical quality, if I may use the
term, as that of gravity itself. Its intensity might be measured in the same
way, namely by the amount of motion which it can generate in a certain
time. Thus the attraction of gravity at the earth's surface is expressed by the
number 32; because, when acting freely on a body for a second of time,
gravity imparts to the body a velocity of thirty-two feet a second. In like
manner the mutual attraction of oxygen and hydrogen might be measured by
the velocity imparted to the atoms in their rushing together. Of course such a
unit of time as a second is not here to be thought of, the whole interval
required by the atoms to cross the minute spaces which separate them
amounting only to an inconceivably small fraction of a second.
It has been stated that when a body falls to the earth it is warmed by the
shock. Here, to use the terminology of Mayer, we have a mechanical
combination of the earth and the body. Let us suffer the falling body and the
earth to dwindle in imagination to the size of atoms, and for the attraction of
gravity let us substitute that of chemical affinity; we have then what is called
a chemical combination. The effect of the union in this case also is the
development of heat, and from the amount of heat generated we can infer the
intensity of the atomic pull. Measured by ordinary mechanical standards, this
is enormous. Mix eight pounds of oxygen with one of hydrogen, and pass a
spark through the mixture; the gases instantly combine, their atoms rushing
over the little distances which separate them. Take a weight of 47,000
pounds to an elevation of 1,000 feet above the earth's surface, and let it fall;
the energy with which it will strike the earth will not exceed that of the eight
pounds of oxygen atoms, as they dash against one pound of hydrogen atoms
to form water.
It is sometimes stated that gravity is distinguished from all other forces by
the fact of its resisting conversion into other forms of force. Chemical
affinity, it is said, can be converted into heat and light, and these again into
proportional simply to the quantity of the attracting matter, regardless of its
quality. But in the molecular world which we have now entered matters are
otherwise arranged. Here we have atoms between which a strong attraction
is exercised, and also atoms between which a weak attraction is exercised.
One atom can jostle another out of its place, in virtue of a superior force of
attraction. But, though the amount of force exerted varies thus from atom to
atom, it is still an attraction of the same mechanical quality, if I may use the
term, as that of gravity itself. Its intensity might be measured in the same
way, namely by the amount of motion which it can generate in a certain
time. Thus the attraction of gravity at the earth's surface is expressed by the
number 32; because, when acting freely on a body for a second of time,
gravity imparts to the body a velocity of thirty-two feet a second. In like
manner the mutual attraction of oxygen and hydrogen might be measured by
the velocity imparted to the atoms in their rushing together. Of course such a
unit of time as a second is not here to be thought of, the whole interval
required by the atoms to cross the minute spaces which separate them
amounting only to an inconceivably small fraction of a second.
It has been stated that when a body falls to the earth it is warmed by the
shock. Here, to use the terminology of Mayer, we have a mechanical
combination of the earth and the body. Let us suffer the falling body and the
earth to dwindle in imagination to the size of atoms, and for the attraction of
gravity let us substitute that of chemical affinity; we have then what is called
a chemical combination. The effect of the union in this case also is the
development of heat, and from the amount of heat generated we can infer the
intensity of the atomic pull. Measured by ordinary mechanical standards, this
is enormous. Mix eight pounds of oxygen with one of hydrogen, and pass a
spark through the mixture; the gases instantly combine, their atoms rushing
over the little distances which separate them. Take a weight of 47,000
pounds to an elevation of 1,000 feet above the earth's surface, and let it fall;
the energy with which it will strike the earth will not exceed that of the eight
pounds of oxygen atoms, as they dash against one pound of hydrogen atoms
to form water.
It is sometimes stated that gravity is distinguished from all other forces by
the fact of its resisting conversion into other forms of force. Chemical
affinity, it is said, can be converted into heat and light, and these again into
Page 15
magnetism and electricity: but gravity refuses to be so converted; being a
force maintaining itself under all circumstances, and not capable of
disappearing to give place to another. The statement arises from vagueness
of thought. If by it be meant that a particle of matter can never be deprived
of its weight, the assertion is correct; but the law which affirms the
convertibility of natural forces was never intended, in the minds of those
who understood it, to affirm that such a conversion as that here implied
occurs in any case whatever. As regards convertibility into heat, gravity and
chemical affinity stand on precisely the same footing. The attraction in the
one case is as indestructible as in the other. Nobody affirms that when a
stone rests upon the surface of the earth, the mutual attraction of the earth
and stone is abolished; nobody means to affirm that the mutual attraction of
oxygen for hydrogen ceases, after the atoms have combined to form water.
What is meant, in the case of chemical affinity, is, that the pull of that
affinity, acting through a certain space, imparts a motion of translation of the
one atom towards the other. This motion is not heat, nor is the force that
produces it heat. But when the atoms strike and recoil, the motion of
translation is converted into a motion of vibration, which is heat. The
vibration, however, so far from causing the extinction of the original
attraction, is in part carried on by that attraction. The atoms recoil, in virtue
of the elastic force which opposes actual contact, and in the recoil they are
driven too far back. The original attraction then triumphs over the force of
recoil, and urges the atoms once more together. Thus, like a pendulum, they
oscillate, until their motion is imparted to the surrounding aether; or, in other
words, until their heat becomes radiant heat.
In this sense, and in this sense only, is chemical affinity converted into heat.
There is, first of all, the attraction between the atoms; there is, secondly,
space between them. Across this space the attraction urges them. They
collide, they recoil, they oscillate. There is here a change in the form of the
motion, but there is no real loss. It is so with the attraction of gravity. To
produce motion by gravity space must also intervene between the attracting
bodies. When they strike together motion is apparently destroyed, but in
reality there is no destruction. Their atoms are suddenly urged together by
the shock; by their own perfect elasticity these atoms recoil; and thus is set
up the molecular oscillation which, when communicated to the proper
nerves, announces itself as heat.
force maintaining itself under all circumstances, and not capable of
disappearing to give place to another. The statement arises from vagueness
of thought. If by it be meant that a particle of matter can never be deprived
of its weight, the assertion is correct; but the law which affirms the
convertibility of natural forces was never intended, in the minds of those
who understood it, to affirm that such a conversion as that here implied
occurs in any case whatever. As regards convertibility into heat, gravity and
chemical affinity stand on precisely the same footing. The attraction in the
one case is as indestructible as in the other. Nobody affirms that when a
stone rests upon the surface of the earth, the mutual attraction of the earth
and stone is abolished; nobody means to affirm that the mutual attraction of
oxygen for hydrogen ceases, after the atoms have combined to form water.
What is meant, in the case of chemical affinity, is, that the pull of that
affinity, acting through a certain space, imparts a motion of translation of the
one atom towards the other. This motion is not heat, nor is the force that
produces it heat. But when the atoms strike and recoil, the motion of
translation is converted into a motion of vibration, which is heat. The
vibration, however, so far from causing the extinction of the original
attraction, is in part carried on by that attraction. The atoms recoil, in virtue
of the elastic force which opposes actual contact, and in the recoil they are
driven too far back. The original attraction then triumphs over the force of
recoil, and urges the atoms once more together. Thus, like a pendulum, they
oscillate, until their motion is imparted to the surrounding aether; or, in other
words, until their heat becomes radiant heat.
In this sense, and in this sense only, is chemical affinity converted into heat.
There is, first of all, the attraction between the atoms; there is, secondly,
space between them. Across this space the attraction urges them. They
collide, they recoil, they oscillate. There is here a change in the form of the
motion, but there is no real loss. It is so with the attraction of gravity. To
produce motion by gravity space must also intervene between the attracting
bodies. When they strike together motion is apparently destroyed, but in
reality there is no destruction. Their atoms are suddenly urged together by
the shock; by their own perfect elasticity these atoms recoil; and thus is set
up the molecular oscillation which, when communicated to the proper
nerves, announces itself as heat.
Page 16
It was formerly universally supposed that by the collision of unelastic bodies
force was destroyed. Men saw, for example, that when two spheres of clay,
painter's putty, or lead for example, were urged together, the motion
possessed by the masses, prior to impact, was more or less annihilated. They
believed in an absolute destruction of the force of impact. Until recent times,
indeed, no difficulty was experienced in believing this, whereas, at present,
the ideas of force and its destruction refuse to be united in most philosophic
minds. In the collision of elastic bodies, on the contrary, it was observed that
the motion with which they clashed together was in great part restored by the
resiliency of the masses, the more perfect the elasticity the more complete
being the restitution. This led to the idea of perfectly elastic bodies — bodies
competent to restore by their recoil the whole of the motion which they
possessed before impact — and this again to the idea of the conservation of
force, as opposed to that destruction of force which was supposed to occur
when unelastic bodies met in collision.
We now know that the principle of conservation holds equally good with
elastic and unelastic bodies. Perfectly elastic bodies would develop no heat
on collision. They would retain their motion afterwards, though its direction
might be changed; and it is only when sensible motion is wholly or partly
destroyed, that heat is generated. This always occurs in unelastic collision,
the heat developed being the exact equivalent of the sensible motion
extinguished. This heat virtually declares that the property of elasticity,
denied to the masses, exists among their atoms; by the recoil and oscillation
of which the principle of conservation is vindicated.
But ambiguity in the use of the term 'force' makes itself more and more felt
as we proceed. We have called the attraction of gravity a force, without any
reference to motion. A body resting on a shelf is as much pulled by gravity
as when, after having been pushed off the shelf, it falls towards the earth. We
applied the term force also to that molecular attraction which we called
chemical affinity. When, however, we spoke of the conservation of force, in
the case of elastic collision, we meant neither a pull nor a push, which, as
just indicated, might be exerted upon inert matter, but we meant force
invested in motion — the vis viva, as it is called, of the colliding masses.
Force in this form has a definite mechanical measure, in the amount of work
that it can perform. The simplest form of work is the raising of a weight. A
force was destroyed. Men saw, for example, that when two spheres of clay,
painter's putty, or lead for example, were urged together, the motion
possessed by the masses, prior to impact, was more or less annihilated. They
believed in an absolute destruction of the force of impact. Until recent times,
indeed, no difficulty was experienced in believing this, whereas, at present,
the ideas of force and its destruction refuse to be united in most philosophic
minds. In the collision of elastic bodies, on the contrary, it was observed that
the motion with which they clashed together was in great part restored by the
resiliency of the masses, the more perfect the elasticity the more complete
being the restitution. This led to the idea of perfectly elastic bodies — bodies
competent to restore by their recoil the whole of the motion which they
possessed before impact — and this again to the idea of the conservation of
force, as opposed to that destruction of force which was supposed to occur
when unelastic bodies met in collision.
We now know that the principle of conservation holds equally good with
elastic and unelastic bodies. Perfectly elastic bodies would develop no heat
on collision. They would retain their motion afterwards, though its direction
might be changed; and it is only when sensible motion is wholly or partly
destroyed, that heat is generated. This always occurs in unelastic collision,
the heat developed being the exact equivalent of the sensible motion
extinguished. This heat virtually declares that the property of elasticity,
denied to the masses, exists among their atoms; by the recoil and oscillation
of which the principle of conservation is vindicated.
But ambiguity in the use of the term 'force' makes itself more and more felt
as we proceed. We have called the attraction of gravity a force, without any
reference to motion. A body resting on a shelf is as much pulled by gravity
as when, after having been pushed off the shelf, it falls towards the earth. We
applied the term force also to that molecular attraction which we called
chemical affinity. When, however, we spoke of the conservation of force, in
the case of elastic collision, we meant neither a pull nor a push, which, as
just indicated, might be exerted upon inert matter, but we meant force
invested in motion — the vis viva, as it is called, of the colliding masses.
Force in this form has a definite mechanical measure, in the amount of work
that it can perform. The simplest form of work is the raising of a weight. A
Page 17
man walking up-hill, or up-stairs, with a pound weight in his hand, to an
elevation say of sixteen feet, performs a certain amount of work, over and
above the lifting of his own body. If he carries the pound to a height of
thirty-two feet, he does twice the work; if to a height of forty-eight feet, he
does three times the work; if to sixty-four feet, he does four times the work,
and so on. If, moreover, he carries up two pounds instead of one, other
things being equal, he does twice the work; if three, four, or five pounds, he
does three, four, or five times the work. In fact, it is plain that the work
performed depends on two factors, the weight raised and the height to which
it is raised. It is expressed by the product of these two factors.
But a body may be caused to reach a certain elevation in opposition to the
force of gravity, without being actually carried up. If a hodman, for example,
wished to land a brick at an elevation of sixteen feet above the place where
he stood, he would probably pitch it up to the bricklayer. He would thus
impart, by a sudden effort, a velocity to the brick sufficient to raise it to the
required height; the work accomplished by that effort being precisely the
same as if he had slowly carried up the brick. The initial velocity to be
imparted, in this case, is well known. To reach a height of sixteen feet, the
brick must quit the man's hand with a velocity of thirty-two feet a second. It
is needless to say, that a body starting with any velocity, would, if wholly
unopposed or unaided, continue to move for ever with the same velocity. But
when, as in the case before us, the body is thrown upwards, it moves in
opposition to gravity, which incessantly retards its motion, and finally brings
it to rest at an elevation of sixteen feet. If not here caught by the bricklayer,
it would return to the hodman with an accelerated motion, and reach his
hand with the precise velocity it possessed on quitting it.
An important relation between velocity and work is here to be pointed out.
Supposing the hodman competent to impart to the brick, at starting, a
velocity of sixty-four feet a second, or twice its former velocity, would the
amount of work performed be twice what it was in the first instance? No; it
would be four times that quantity; for a body starting with twice the velocity
of another, will rise to four times the height. In like manner, a three-fold
velocity will give a nine-fold elevation, a four-fold velocity will give a
sixteen-fold elevation, and so on. The height attained, then, is not
proportional to the initial velocity, but to the square of the velocity. As
before, the work is also proportional to the weight elevated. Hence the work
elevation say of sixteen feet, performs a certain amount of work, over and
above the lifting of his own body. If he carries the pound to a height of
thirty-two feet, he does twice the work; if to a height of forty-eight feet, he
does three times the work; if to sixty-four feet, he does four times the work,
and so on. If, moreover, he carries up two pounds instead of one, other
things being equal, he does twice the work; if three, four, or five pounds, he
does three, four, or five times the work. In fact, it is plain that the work
performed depends on two factors, the weight raised and the height to which
it is raised. It is expressed by the product of these two factors.
But a body may be caused to reach a certain elevation in opposition to the
force of gravity, without being actually carried up. If a hodman, for example,
wished to land a brick at an elevation of sixteen feet above the place where
he stood, he would probably pitch it up to the bricklayer. He would thus
impart, by a sudden effort, a velocity to the brick sufficient to raise it to the
required height; the work accomplished by that effort being precisely the
same as if he had slowly carried up the brick. The initial velocity to be
imparted, in this case, is well known. To reach a height of sixteen feet, the
brick must quit the man's hand with a velocity of thirty-two feet a second. It
is needless to say, that a body starting with any velocity, would, if wholly
unopposed or unaided, continue to move for ever with the same velocity. But
when, as in the case before us, the body is thrown upwards, it moves in
opposition to gravity, which incessantly retards its motion, and finally brings
it to rest at an elevation of sixteen feet. If not here caught by the bricklayer,
it would return to the hodman with an accelerated motion, and reach his
hand with the precise velocity it possessed on quitting it.
An important relation between velocity and work is here to be pointed out.
Supposing the hodman competent to impart to the brick, at starting, a
velocity of sixty-four feet a second, or twice its former velocity, would the
amount of work performed be twice what it was in the first instance? No; it
would be four times that quantity; for a body starting with twice the velocity
of another, will rise to four times the height. In like manner, a three-fold
velocity will give a nine-fold elevation, a four-fold velocity will give a
sixteen-fold elevation, and so on. The height attained, then, is not
proportional to the initial velocity, but to the square of the velocity. As
before, the work is also proportional to the weight elevated. Hence the work
Page 18
which any moving mass whatever is competent to perform, in virtue of the
motion which it at any moment possesses, is jointly proportional to its
weight and the square of its velocity. Here, then, we have a second measure
of work, in which we simply translate the idea of height into its equivalent
idea of motion.
In mechanics, the product of the mass of a moving body into the square of its
velocity, expresses what is called the vis viva, or living force. It is also
sometimes called the 'mechanical effect.' If, for example, a cannon pointed to
the zenith urge a ball upwards with twice the velocity imparted to a second
ball, the former will rise to four times the height attained by the latter. If
directed against a target, it will also do four times the execution. Hence the
importance of imparting a high velocity to projectiles in war. Having thus
cleared our way to a perfectly definite conception of the vis viva of moving
masses, we are prepared for the announcement that the heat generated by the
shock of a falling body against the earth is proportional to the vis viva
annihilated. The heat is proportional to the square of the velocity. In the case,
therefore, of two cannon-balls of equal weight, if one strike a target with
twice the velocity of the other, it will generate four times the heat, if with
three times the velocity, it will generate nine times the heat, and so on.
Mr. Joule has shown that a pound weight falling from a height of 772 feet, or
772 pounds falling through one foot, will generate by its collision with the
earth an amount of heat sufficient to raise a pound of water one degree
Fahrenheit in temperature. 772 "foot-pounds" constitute the mechanical
equivalent of heat. Now, a body falling from a height of 772 feet, has, upon
striking the earth, a velocity of 223 feet a second; and if this velocity were
imparted to the body, by any other means, the quantity of heat generated by
the stoppage of its motion would be that stated above. Six times that
velocity, or 1,338 feet, would not be an inordinate one for a cannon-ball as it
quits the gun. Hence, a cannon-ball moving with a velocity of 1,338 feet a
second, would, by collision, generate an amount of heat competent to raise
its own weight of water 36 degrees Fahrenheit in temperature. If composed
of iron, and if all the heat generated were concentrated in the ball itself, its
temperature would be raised about 360 degrees Fahrenheit; because one
degree in the case of water is equivalent to about ten degrees in the case of
iron. In artillery practice, the heat generated is usually concentrated upon the
front of the bolt, and on the portion of the target first struck. By this
motion which it at any moment possesses, is jointly proportional to its
weight and the square of its velocity. Here, then, we have a second measure
of work, in which we simply translate the idea of height into its equivalent
idea of motion.
In mechanics, the product of the mass of a moving body into the square of its
velocity, expresses what is called the vis viva, or living force. It is also
sometimes called the 'mechanical effect.' If, for example, a cannon pointed to
the zenith urge a ball upwards with twice the velocity imparted to a second
ball, the former will rise to four times the height attained by the latter. If
directed against a target, it will also do four times the execution. Hence the
importance of imparting a high velocity to projectiles in war. Having thus
cleared our way to a perfectly definite conception of the vis viva of moving
masses, we are prepared for the announcement that the heat generated by the
shock of a falling body against the earth is proportional to the vis viva
annihilated. The heat is proportional to the square of the velocity. In the case,
therefore, of two cannon-balls of equal weight, if one strike a target with
twice the velocity of the other, it will generate four times the heat, if with
three times the velocity, it will generate nine times the heat, and so on.
Mr. Joule has shown that a pound weight falling from a height of 772 feet, or
772 pounds falling through one foot, will generate by its collision with the
earth an amount of heat sufficient to raise a pound of water one degree
Fahrenheit in temperature. 772 "foot-pounds" constitute the mechanical
equivalent of heat. Now, a body falling from a height of 772 feet, has, upon
striking the earth, a velocity of 223 feet a second; and if this velocity were
imparted to the body, by any other means, the quantity of heat generated by
the stoppage of its motion would be that stated above. Six times that
velocity, or 1,338 feet, would not be an inordinate one for a cannon-ball as it
quits the gun. Hence, a cannon-ball moving with a velocity of 1,338 feet a
second, would, by collision, generate an amount of heat competent to raise
its own weight of water 36 degrees Fahrenheit in temperature. If composed
of iron, and if all the heat generated were concentrated in the ball itself, its
temperature would be raised about 360 degrees Fahrenheit; because one
degree in the case of water is equivalent to about ten degrees in the case of
iron. In artillery practice, the heat generated is usually concentrated upon the
front of the bolt, and on the portion of the target first struck. By this
Page 19
concentration the heat developed becomes sufficiently intense to raise the
dust of the metal to incandescence, a flash of light often accompanying
collision with the target.
Let us now fix our attention for a moment on the gunpowder which urges the
cannon-ball. This is composed of combustible matter, which if burnt in the
open air would yield a certain amount of heat. It will not yield this amount if
it perform the work of urging a ball. The heat then generated by the
gunpowder will fall short of that produced in the open air, by an amount
equivalent to the vis viva of the ball; and this exact amount is restored by the
ball on its collision with the target. In this perfect way are heat and
mechanical motion connected.
Broadly enunciated, the principle of the conservation of force asserts, that
the quantity of force in the universe is as unalterable as the quantity of
matter; that it is alike impossible to create force and to annihilate it. But in
what sense are we to understand this assertion? It would be manifestly
inapplicable to the force of gravity as defined by Newton; for this is a force
varying inversely as the square of the distance; and to affirm the constancy
of a varying force would be self-contradictory. Yet, when the question is
properly understood, gravity forms no exception to the law of conservation.
Following the method pursued by Helmholtz, I will here attempt an
elementary exposition of this law. Though destined in its applications to
produce momentous changes in human thought, it is not difficult of
comprehension.
For the sake of simplicity we will consider a particle of matter, which we
may call F, to be perfectly fixed, and a second movable particle, D, placed at
a distance from F. We will assume that these two particles attract each other
according to the Newtonian law. At a certain distance, the attraction is of a
certain definite amount, which might be determined by means of a spring
balance. At half this distance the attraction would be augmented four times;
at a third of the distance, nine times; at one-fourth of the distance, sixteen
times, and so on. In every case, the attraction might be measured by
determining, with the spring balance, the amount of tension just sufficient to
prevent D from moving towards F. Thus far we have nothing whatever to do
with motion; we deal with statics, not with dynamics. We simply take into
dust of the metal to incandescence, a flash of light often accompanying
collision with the target.
Let us now fix our attention for a moment on the gunpowder which urges the
cannon-ball. This is composed of combustible matter, which if burnt in the
open air would yield a certain amount of heat. It will not yield this amount if
it perform the work of urging a ball. The heat then generated by the
gunpowder will fall short of that produced in the open air, by an amount
equivalent to the vis viva of the ball; and this exact amount is restored by the
ball on its collision with the target. In this perfect way are heat and
mechanical motion connected.
Broadly enunciated, the principle of the conservation of force asserts, that
the quantity of force in the universe is as unalterable as the quantity of
matter; that it is alike impossible to create force and to annihilate it. But in
what sense are we to understand this assertion? It would be manifestly
inapplicable to the force of gravity as defined by Newton; for this is a force
varying inversely as the square of the distance; and to affirm the constancy
of a varying force would be self-contradictory. Yet, when the question is
properly understood, gravity forms no exception to the law of conservation.
Following the method pursued by Helmholtz, I will here attempt an
elementary exposition of this law. Though destined in its applications to
produce momentous changes in human thought, it is not difficult of
comprehension.
For the sake of simplicity we will consider a particle of matter, which we
may call F, to be perfectly fixed, and a second movable particle, D, placed at
a distance from F. We will assume that these two particles attract each other
according to the Newtonian law. At a certain distance, the attraction is of a
certain definite amount, which might be determined by means of a spring
balance. At half this distance the attraction would be augmented four times;
at a third of the distance, nine times; at one-fourth of the distance, sixteen
times, and so on. In every case, the attraction might be measured by
determining, with the spring balance, the amount of tension just sufficient to
prevent D from moving towards F. Thus far we have nothing whatever to do
with motion; we deal with statics, not with dynamics. We simply take into
Page 20
account the distance of D from F, and the pull exerted by gravity at that
distance.
It is customary in mechanics to represent the magnitude of a force by a line
of a certain length, a force of double magnitude being represented by a line
of double length, and so on. Placing then the particle D at a distance from F,
we can, in imagination, draw a straight line from D to F, and at D erect a
perpendicular to this line, which shall represent the amount of the attraction
exerted on D. If D be at a very great distance from F, the attraction will be
very small, and the perpendicular consequently very short. If the distance be
practically infinite, the attraction is practically nil. Let us now suppose at
every point in the line joining F and D a perpendicular to be erected,
proportional in length to the attraction exerted at that point; we thus obtain
an infinite number of perpendiculars, of gradually increasing length, as D
approaches F. Uniting the ends of all these perpendiculars, we obtain a
curve, and between this curve and the straight line joining F and D we have
an area containing all the perpendiculars placed side by side. Each one of
this infinite series of perpendiculars representing an attraction, or tension, as
it is sometimes called, the area just referred to represents the sum of the
tensions exerted upon the particle D, during its passage from its first position
to F.
Up to the present point we have been dealing with tensions, not with motion.
Thus far vis viva has been entirely foreign to our contemplation of D and F.
Let us now suppose D placed at a practically infinite distance from F; here,
as stated, the pull of gravity would be infinitely small, and the perpendicular
representing it would dwindle almost to a point. In this position the sum of
the tensions capable of being exerted on D would be a maximum. Let D now
begin to move in obedience to the infinitesimal attraction exerted upon it.
Motion being once set up, the idea of vis viva arises. In moving towards F
the particle D consumes, as it were, the tensions. Let us fix our attention on
D, at any point of the path over which it is moving. Between that point and F
there is a quantity of unused tensions; beyond that point the tensions have
been all consumed, but we have in their place an equivalent quantity of vis
viva. After D has passed any point, the tension previously in store at that
point disappears, but not without having added, during the infinitely small
duration of its action, a due amount of motion to that previously possessed
by D. The nearer D approaches to F, the smaller is the sum of the tensions
distance.
It is customary in mechanics to represent the magnitude of a force by a line
of a certain length, a force of double magnitude being represented by a line
of double length, and so on. Placing then the particle D at a distance from F,
we can, in imagination, draw a straight line from D to F, and at D erect a
perpendicular to this line, which shall represent the amount of the attraction
exerted on D. If D be at a very great distance from F, the attraction will be
very small, and the perpendicular consequently very short. If the distance be
practically infinite, the attraction is practically nil. Let us now suppose at
every point in the line joining F and D a perpendicular to be erected,
proportional in length to the attraction exerted at that point; we thus obtain
an infinite number of perpendiculars, of gradually increasing length, as D
approaches F. Uniting the ends of all these perpendiculars, we obtain a
curve, and between this curve and the straight line joining F and D we have
an area containing all the perpendiculars placed side by side. Each one of
this infinite series of perpendiculars representing an attraction, or tension, as
it is sometimes called, the area just referred to represents the sum of the
tensions exerted upon the particle D, during its passage from its first position
to F.
Up to the present point we have been dealing with tensions, not with motion.
Thus far vis viva has been entirely foreign to our contemplation of D and F.
Let us now suppose D placed at a practically infinite distance from F; here,
as stated, the pull of gravity would be infinitely small, and the perpendicular
representing it would dwindle almost to a point. In this position the sum of
the tensions capable of being exerted on D would be a maximum. Let D now
begin to move in obedience to the infinitesimal attraction exerted upon it.
Motion being once set up, the idea of vis viva arises. In moving towards F
the particle D consumes, as it were, the tensions. Let us fix our attention on
D, at any point of the path over which it is moving. Between that point and F
there is a quantity of unused tensions; beyond that point the tensions have
been all consumed, but we have in their place an equivalent quantity of vis
viva. After D has passed any point, the tension previously in store at that
point disappears, but not without having added, during the infinitely small
duration of its action, a due amount of motion to that previously possessed
by D. The nearer D approaches to F, the smaller is the sum of the tensions
Page 21
remaining, but the greater is the vis viva; the farther D is from F, the greater
is the sum of the unconsumed tensions, and the less is the living force. Now
the principle of conservation affirms not the constancy of the value of the
tensions of gravity, nor yet the constancy of the vis viva, taken separately,
but the absolute constancy of the value of both taken together. At the
beginning the vis viva was zero, and the tension area was a maximum; close
to F the vis viva is a maximum, while the tension area is zero. At every other
point, the work-producing power of the particle D consists in part of vis viva,
and in part of tensions.
If gravity, instead of being attraction, were repulsion, then, with the particles
in contact, the sum of the tensions between D and F would be a maximum,
and the vis viva zero. If, in obedience to the repulsion, D moved away from
F, vis viva would be generated; and the farther D retreated from F the greater
would be its vis viva, and the less the amount of tension still available for
producing motion. Taking repulsion as well as attraction into account, the
principle of the conservation of force affirms that the mechanical value of
the tensions and vires vivae of the material universe, so far as we know it, is
a constant quantity. The universe, in short, possesses two kinds of property
which are mutually convertible. The diminution of either carries with it the
enhancement of the other, the total value of the property remaining
unchanged.
The considerations here applied to gravity apply equally to chemical affinity.
Ina mixture of oxygen and hydrogen the atoms exist apart, but by the
application of proper means they may be caused to rush together across that
space that separates them. While this space exists, and as long as the atoms
have not begun to move towards each other, we have tensions and nothing
else. During their motion towards each other the tensions, as in the case of
gravity, are converted into vis viva. After they clash we have still vis viva,
but in another form. It was translation, it is vibration. It was molecular
transfer, it is heat.
It is possible to reverse these processes, to unlock the combined atoms and
replace them in their first positions. But, to accomplish this, as much heat
would be required as was generated by their union. Such reversals occur
daily and hourly in nature. By the solar waves, the oxygen of water is
divorced from its hydrogen in the leaves of plants. As molecular vis viva the
is the sum of the unconsumed tensions, and the less is the living force. Now
the principle of conservation affirms not the constancy of the value of the
tensions of gravity, nor yet the constancy of the vis viva, taken separately,
but the absolute constancy of the value of both taken together. At the
beginning the vis viva was zero, and the tension area was a maximum; close
to F the vis viva is a maximum, while the tension area is zero. At every other
point, the work-producing power of the particle D consists in part of vis viva,
and in part of tensions.
If gravity, instead of being attraction, were repulsion, then, with the particles
in contact, the sum of the tensions between D and F would be a maximum,
and the vis viva zero. If, in obedience to the repulsion, D moved away from
F, vis viva would be generated; and the farther D retreated from F the greater
would be its vis viva, and the less the amount of tension still available for
producing motion. Taking repulsion as well as attraction into account, the
principle of the conservation of force affirms that the mechanical value of
the tensions and vires vivae of the material universe, so far as we know it, is
a constant quantity. The universe, in short, possesses two kinds of property
which are mutually convertible. The diminution of either carries with it the
enhancement of the other, the total value of the property remaining
unchanged.
The considerations here applied to gravity apply equally to chemical affinity.
Ina mixture of oxygen and hydrogen the atoms exist apart, but by the
application of proper means they may be caused to rush together across that
space that separates them. While this space exists, and as long as the atoms
have not begun to move towards each other, we have tensions and nothing
else. During their motion towards each other the tensions, as in the case of
gravity, are converted into vis viva. After they clash we have still vis viva,
but in another form. It was translation, it is vibration. It was molecular
transfer, it is heat.
It is possible to reverse these processes, to unlock the combined atoms and
replace them in their first positions. But, to accomplish this, as much heat
would be required as was generated by their union. Such reversals occur
daily and hourly in nature. By the solar waves, the oxygen of water is
divorced from its hydrogen in the leaves of plants. As molecular vis viva the
Page 22
waves disappear, but in so doing they re-endow the atoms of oxygen and
hydrogen with tension. The atoms are thus enabled to recombine, and when
they do so they restore the precise amount of heat consumed in their
separation. The same remarks apply to the compound of carbon and oxygen,
called carbonic acid, which is exhaled from our lungs, produced by our fires,
and found sparingly diffused everywhere throughout the air. In the leaves of
plants the sunbeams also wrench the atoms of carbonic acid asunder, and
sacrifice themselves in the act; but when the plants are burnt, the amount of
heat consumed in their production is restored.
This, then, is the rhythmic play of Nature as regards her forces. Throughout
all her regions she oscillates from tension to vis viva, from vis viva to
tension. We have the same play in the planetary system. The earth's orbit is
an ellipse, one of the foci of which is occupied by the sun. Imagine the earth
at the most distant part of the orbit. Her motion, and consequently her vis
viva, is then a minimum. The planet rounds the curve, and begins its
approach to the sun. In front it has a store of tensions, which are gradually
consumed, an equivalent amount of vis viva being generated. When nearest
to the sun the motion, and consequently the vis viva, reach a maximum. But
here the available tensions have been used up. The earth rounds this portion
of the curve and retreats from the sun. Tensions are now stored up, but vis
viva is lost, to be again restored at the expense of the complementary force
on the opposite side of the curve. Thus beats the heart of the universe, but
without increase or diminution of its total stock of force.
I have thus far tried to steer clear amid confusion, by fixing the mind of the
reader upon things rather than upon names. But good names are essential;
and here, as yet, we are not provided with such. We have had the force of
gravity and living force — two utterly distinct things. We have had pulls and
tensions; and we might have had the force of heat, the force of light, the
force of magnetism, or the force of electricity — all of which terms have
been employed more or less loosely by writers on physics. This confusion is
happily avoided by the introduction of the term 'energy,' which embraces
both tension and vis viva. Energy is possessed by bodies already in motion; it
is then actual, and we agree to call it actual or dynamic energy. It is our old
vis viva. On the other hand, energy is possible to bodies not in motion, but
which, in virtue of attraction or repulsion, possess a power of motion which
would realise itself if all hindrances were removed. Looking, for example, at
hydrogen with tension. The atoms are thus enabled to recombine, and when
they do so they restore the precise amount of heat consumed in their
separation. The same remarks apply to the compound of carbon and oxygen,
called carbonic acid, which is exhaled from our lungs, produced by our fires,
and found sparingly diffused everywhere throughout the air. In the leaves of
plants the sunbeams also wrench the atoms of carbonic acid asunder, and
sacrifice themselves in the act; but when the plants are burnt, the amount of
heat consumed in their production is restored.
This, then, is the rhythmic play of Nature as regards her forces. Throughout
all her regions she oscillates from tension to vis viva, from vis viva to
tension. We have the same play in the planetary system. The earth's orbit is
an ellipse, one of the foci of which is occupied by the sun. Imagine the earth
at the most distant part of the orbit. Her motion, and consequently her vis
viva, is then a minimum. The planet rounds the curve, and begins its
approach to the sun. In front it has a store of tensions, which are gradually
consumed, an equivalent amount of vis viva being generated. When nearest
to the sun the motion, and consequently the vis viva, reach a maximum. But
here the available tensions have been used up. The earth rounds this portion
of the curve and retreats from the sun. Tensions are now stored up, but vis
viva is lost, to be again restored at the expense of the complementary force
on the opposite side of the curve. Thus beats the heart of the universe, but
without increase or diminution of its total stock of force.
I have thus far tried to steer clear amid confusion, by fixing the mind of the
reader upon things rather than upon names. But good names are essential;
and here, as yet, we are not provided with such. We have had the force of
gravity and living force — two utterly distinct things. We have had pulls and
tensions; and we might have had the force of heat, the force of light, the
force of magnetism, or the force of electricity — all of which terms have
been employed more or less loosely by writers on physics. This confusion is
happily avoided by the introduction of the term 'energy,' which embraces
both tension and vis viva. Energy is possessed by bodies already in motion; it
is then actual, and we agree to call it actual or dynamic energy. It is our old
vis viva. On the other hand, energy is possible to bodies not in motion, but
which, in virtue of attraction or repulsion, possess a power of motion which
would realise itself if all hindrances were removed. Looking, for example, at
Page 23
gravity; a body on the earth's surface in a position from which it cannot fall
to a lower one possesses no energy. It has neither motion nor power of
motion. But the same body suspended at a height above the earth has a
power of motion, though it may not have exercised it. Energy is possible to
such a body, and we agree to call this potential energy. It consists of our old
tensions. We, moreover, speak of the conservation of energy, instead of the
conservation of force; and say that the sum of the potential and dynamic
energies of the material universe is a constant quantity.
A body cast upwards consumes the actual energy of projection, and lays up
potential energy. When it reaches its utmost height all its actual energy is
consumed, its potential energy being then a maximum. When it returns, there
is a reconversion of the potential into the actual. A pendulum at the limit of
its swing possesses potential energy; at the lowest point of its arc its energy
is all actual. A patch of snow resting on a mountain slope has potential
energy; loosened, and shooting down as an avalanche, it possesses dynamic
energy. The pine-trees growing on the Alps have potential energy; but
rushing down the Holzrinne of the woodcutters they possess actual energy.
The same is true of the mountains themselves. As long as the rocks which
compose them can fall to a lower level, they possess potential energy, which
is converted into actual when the frost ruptures their cohesion and hands
them over to the action of gravity. The stone avalanches of the Matterhorn
and Weisshorn are illustrations in point. The hammer of the great bell of
Westminster, when raised before striking, possesses potential energy; when it
falls, the energy becomes dynamic; and after the stroke, we have the
rhythmic play of potential and dynamic in the vibrations of the bell. The
same holds good for the molecular oscillations of a heated body. An atom is
driven against its neighbour, and recoils. The ultimate amplitude of the recoil
being attained, the motion of the atom in that direction is checked, and for an
instant its energy is all potential. It is then drawn towards its neighbour with
accelerated speed; thus, by attraction, converting its potential into dynamic
energy. Its motion in this direction is also finally checked, and again, for an
instant, its energy is all potential. It once more retreats, converting, by
repulsion, its potential into dynamic energy, till the latter attains a maximum,
after which it is again changed into potential energy. Thus, what is true of
the earth, as she swings to and fro in her yearly journey round the sun, is also
true of her minutest atom. We have wheels within wheels, and rhythm within
rhythm.
to a lower one possesses no energy. It has neither motion nor power of
motion. But the same body suspended at a height above the earth has a
power of motion, though it may not have exercised it. Energy is possible to
such a body, and we agree to call this potential energy. It consists of our old
tensions. We, moreover, speak of the conservation of energy, instead of the
conservation of force; and say that the sum of the potential and dynamic
energies of the material universe is a constant quantity.
A body cast upwards consumes the actual energy of projection, and lays up
potential energy. When it reaches its utmost height all its actual energy is
consumed, its potential energy being then a maximum. When it returns, there
is a reconversion of the potential into the actual. A pendulum at the limit of
its swing possesses potential energy; at the lowest point of its arc its energy
is all actual. A patch of snow resting on a mountain slope has potential
energy; loosened, and shooting down as an avalanche, it possesses dynamic
energy. The pine-trees growing on the Alps have potential energy; but
rushing down the Holzrinne of the woodcutters they possess actual energy.
The same is true of the mountains themselves. As long as the rocks which
compose them can fall to a lower level, they possess potential energy, which
is converted into actual when the frost ruptures their cohesion and hands
them over to the action of gravity. The stone avalanches of the Matterhorn
and Weisshorn are illustrations in point. The hammer of the great bell of
Westminster, when raised before striking, possesses potential energy; when it
falls, the energy becomes dynamic; and after the stroke, we have the
rhythmic play of potential and dynamic in the vibrations of the bell. The
same holds good for the molecular oscillations of a heated body. An atom is
driven against its neighbour, and recoils. The ultimate amplitude of the recoil
being attained, the motion of the atom in that direction is checked, and for an
instant its energy is all potential. It is then drawn towards its neighbour with
accelerated speed; thus, by attraction, converting its potential into dynamic
energy. Its motion in this direction is also finally checked, and again, for an
instant, its energy is all potential. It once more retreats, converting, by
repulsion, its potential into dynamic energy, till the latter attains a maximum,
after which it is again changed into potential energy. Thus, what is true of
the earth, as she swings to and fro in her yearly journey round the sun, is also
true of her minutest atom. We have wheels within wheels, and rhythm within
rhythm.
Page 24
When a body is heated, a change of molecular arrangement always occurs,
and to produce this change heat is consumed. Hence, a portion only of the
heat communicated to the body remains as dynamic energy. Looking back
on some of the statements made at the beginning of this article, now that our
knowledge is more extensive, we see the necessity of qualifying them.
When, for example, two bodies clash, heat is generated; but the heat, or
molecular dynamic energy, developed at the moment of collision, is not the
exact equivalent of the sensible dynamic energy destroyed. The true
equivalent is this heat, plus the potential energy conferred upon the
molecules by the placing of greater distances between them. This molecular
potential energy is afterwards, on the cooling of the body, converted into
heat.
Wherever two atoms capable of uniting together by their mutual attractions
exist separately, they form a store of potential energy. Thus our woods,
forests, and coal-fields on the one hand, and our atmospheric oxygen on the
other, constitute a vast store of energy of this kind — vast, but far from
infinite. We have, besides our coal-fields, metallic bodies more or less
sparsely distributed through the earth's crust. These bodies can be oxydised;
and hence they are, so far as they go, stores of energy. But the attractions of
the great mass of the earth's crust are already satisfied, and from them no
further energy can possibly be obtained. Ages ago the elementary
constituents of our rocks clashed together and produced the motion of heat,
which was taken up by the aether and carried away through stellar space. It
is lost for ever as far as we are concerned. In those ages the hot conflict of
carbon, oxygen, and calcium produced the chalk and limestone hills which
are now cold; and from this carbon, oxygen, and calcium no further energy
can be derived. So it is with almost all the other constituents of the earth's
crust. They took their present form in obedience to molecular force; they
turned their potential energy into dynamic, and yielded it as radiant heat to
the universe, ages before man appeared upon this planet. For him a residue
of potential energy remains, vast, truly, in relation to the life and wants of an
individual, but exceedingly minute in comparison with the earth's primitive
store.
To sum up. The whole stock of energy or working-power in the world
consists of attractions, repulsions, and motions. If the attractions and
repulsions be so circumstanced as to be able to produce motion, they are
and to produce this change heat is consumed. Hence, a portion only of the
heat communicated to the body remains as dynamic energy. Looking back
on some of the statements made at the beginning of this article, now that our
knowledge is more extensive, we see the necessity of qualifying them.
When, for example, two bodies clash, heat is generated; but the heat, or
molecular dynamic energy, developed at the moment of collision, is not the
exact equivalent of the sensible dynamic energy destroyed. The true
equivalent is this heat, plus the potential energy conferred upon the
molecules by the placing of greater distances between them. This molecular
potential energy is afterwards, on the cooling of the body, converted into
heat.
Wherever two atoms capable of uniting together by their mutual attractions
exist separately, they form a store of potential energy. Thus our woods,
forests, and coal-fields on the one hand, and our atmospheric oxygen on the
other, constitute a vast store of energy of this kind — vast, but far from
infinite. We have, besides our coal-fields, metallic bodies more or less
sparsely distributed through the earth's crust. These bodies can be oxydised;
and hence they are, so far as they go, stores of energy. But the attractions of
the great mass of the earth's crust are already satisfied, and from them no
further energy can possibly be obtained. Ages ago the elementary
constituents of our rocks clashed together and produced the motion of heat,
which was taken up by the aether and carried away through stellar space. It
is lost for ever as far as we are concerned. In those ages the hot conflict of
carbon, oxygen, and calcium produced the chalk and limestone hills which
are now cold; and from this carbon, oxygen, and calcium no further energy
can be derived. So it is with almost all the other constituents of the earth's
crust. They took their present form in obedience to molecular force; they
turned their potential energy into dynamic, and yielded it as radiant heat to
the universe, ages before man appeared upon this planet. For him a residue
of potential energy remains, vast, truly, in relation to the life and wants of an
individual, but exceedingly minute in comparison with the earth's primitive
store.
To sum up. The whole stock of energy or working-power in the world
consists of attractions, repulsions, and motions. If the attractions and
repulsions be so circumstanced as to be able to produce motion, they are
Page 25
sources of working-power, but not otherwise. As stated a moment ago, the
attraction exerted between the earth and a body at a distance from the earth's
surface, is a source of working-power; because the body can be moved by
the attraction, and in falling can perform work. When it rests at its lowest
level it is not a source of power or energy, because it can fall no farther. But
though it has ceased to be a source of energy, the attraction of gravity still
acts as a force, which holds the earth and weight together.
The same remarks apply to attracting atoms and molecules. As long as
distance separates them, they can move across it in obedience to the
attraction; and the motion thus produced may, by proper appliances, be
caused to perform mechanical work. When, for example, two atoms of
hydrogen unite with one of oxygen, to form water, the atoms are first drawn
towards each other — they move, they clash, and then by virtue of their
resiliency, they recoil and quiver. To this quivering motion we give the name
of heat. This atomic vibration is merely the redistribution of the motion
produced by the chemical affinity; and this is the only sense in which
chemical affinity can be said to be converted into heat. We must not imagine
the chemical attraction destroyed, or converted into anything else. For the
atoms, when mutually clasped to form a molecule of water, are held together
by the very attraction which first drew them towards each other. That which
has really been expended is the pull exerted through the space by which the
distance between the atoms has been diminished.
If this be understood, it will be at once seen that gravity, as before insisted
on, may, in this sense, be said to be convertible into heat; that it is in reality
no more an outstanding and inconvertible agent, as it is sometimes stated to
be, than is chemical affinity. By the exertion of a certain pull through a
certain space, a body is caused to clash with a certain definite velocity
against the earth. Heat is thereby developed, and this is the only sense in
which gravity can be said to be converted into heat. In no case is the force,
which produces the motion annihilated or changed into anything else. The
mutual attraction of the earth and weight exists when they are in contact, as
when they were separate but the ability of that attraction to employ itself in
the production of motion does not exist.
The transformation, in this case, is easily followed by the mind's eye. First,
the weight as a whole is set in motion by the attraction of gravity. This
attraction exerted between the earth and a body at a distance from the earth's
surface, is a source of working-power; because the body can be moved by
the attraction, and in falling can perform work. When it rests at its lowest
level it is not a source of power or energy, because it can fall no farther. But
though it has ceased to be a source of energy, the attraction of gravity still
acts as a force, which holds the earth and weight together.
The same remarks apply to attracting atoms and molecules. As long as
distance separates them, they can move across it in obedience to the
attraction; and the motion thus produced may, by proper appliances, be
caused to perform mechanical work. When, for example, two atoms of
hydrogen unite with one of oxygen, to form water, the atoms are first drawn
towards each other — they move, they clash, and then by virtue of their
resiliency, they recoil and quiver. To this quivering motion we give the name
of heat. This atomic vibration is merely the redistribution of the motion
produced by the chemical affinity; and this is the only sense in which
chemical affinity can be said to be converted into heat. We must not imagine
the chemical attraction destroyed, or converted into anything else. For the
atoms, when mutually clasped to form a molecule of water, are held together
by the very attraction which first drew them towards each other. That which
has really been expended is the pull exerted through the space by which the
distance between the atoms has been diminished.
If this be understood, it will be at once seen that gravity, as before insisted
on, may, in this sense, be said to be convertible into heat; that it is in reality
no more an outstanding and inconvertible agent, as it is sometimes stated to
be, than is chemical affinity. By the exertion of a certain pull through a
certain space, a body is caused to clash with a certain definite velocity
against the earth. Heat is thereby developed, and this is the only sense in
which gravity can be said to be converted into heat. In no case is the force,
which produces the motion annihilated or changed into anything else. The
mutual attraction of the earth and weight exists when they are in contact, as
when they were separate but the ability of that attraction to employ itself in
the production of motion does not exist.
The transformation, in this case, is easily followed by the mind's eye. First,
the weight as a whole is set in motion by the attraction of gravity. This
Page 26
motion of the mass is arrested by collision with the earth, being broken up
into molecular tremors, to which we give the name of heat.
And when we reverse the process, and employ those tremors of heat to raise
a weight — which is done through the intermediation of an elastic fluid in
the steam-engine — a certain definite portion of the molecular motion is
consumed. In this sense, and in this sense only, can the heat be said to be
converted into gravity; or, more correctly, into potential energy of gravity.
Here the destruction of the heat has created no new attraction; but the old
attraction has conferred upon it a power of exerting a certain definite pull,
between the starting-point of the falling weight and the earth.
When, therefore, writers on the conservation of energy speak of tensions
being 'consumed' and 'generated,' they do not mean thereby that old
attractions have been annihilated, and new ones brought into existence, but
that, in the one case, the power of the attraction to produce motion has been
diminished by the shortening of the distance between the attracting bodies,
while, in the other case, the power of producing motion has been augmented
by the increase of the distance. These remarks apply to all bodies, whether
they be sensible masses or molecules.
Of the inner quality that enables matter to attract matter we know nothing;
and the law of conservation makes no statement regarding that quality. It
takes the facts of attraction as they stand, and affirms only the constancy of
working-power. That power may exist in the form of MOTION; or it may
exist in the form of FORCE, with distance to act through. The former is
dynamic energy, the latter is potential energy, the constancy of the sum of
both being affirmed by the law of conservation. The convertibility of natural
forces consists solely in transformations of dynamic into potential, and of
potential into dynamic energy. In no other sense has the convertibility of
force any scientific meaning.
.
Grave errors have been entertained as to what is really intended to be
conserved by the doctrine of conservation. This exposition I hope will tend
to remove them.
into molecular tremors, to which we give the name of heat.
And when we reverse the process, and employ those tremors of heat to raise
a weight — which is done through the intermediation of an elastic fluid in
the steam-engine — a certain definite portion of the molecular motion is
consumed. In this sense, and in this sense only, can the heat be said to be
converted into gravity; or, more correctly, into potential energy of gravity.
Here the destruction of the heat has created no new attraction; but the old
attraction has conferred upon it a power of exerting a certain definite pull,
between the starting-point of the falling weight and the earth.
When, therefore, writers on the conservation of energy speak of tensions
being 'consumed' and 'generated,' they do not mean thereby that old
attractions have been annihilated, and new ones brought into existence, but
that, in the one case, the power of the attraction to produce motion has been
diminished by the shortening of the distance between the attracting bodies,
while, in the other case, the power of producing motion has been augmented
by the increase of the distance. These remarks apply to all bodies, whether
they be sensible masses or molecules.
Of the inner quality that enables matter to attract matter we know nothing;
and the law of conservation makes no statement regarding that quality. It
takes the facts of attraction as they stand, and affirms only the constancy of
working-power. That power may exist in the form of MOTION; or it may
exist in the form of FORCE, with distance to act through. The former is
dynamic energy, the latter is potential energy, the constancy of the sum of
both being affirmed by the law of conservation. The convertibility of natural
forces consists solely in transformations of dynamic into potential, and of
potential into dynamic energy. In no other sense has the convertibility of
force any scientific meaning.
.
Grave errors have been entertained as to what is really intended to be
conserved by the doctrine of conservation. This exposition I hope will tend
to remove them.
Page 27
.
.
.
.
.
.
II. RADIATION.
[Footnote: The Rede Lecture delivered in the Senate House before the
University of Cambridge, May 16, 1865.]
1. Visible and Invisible Radiation.
BETWEEN the mind of man and the outer world are interposed the nerves
of the human body, which translate, or enable the mind to translate, the
impressions of that world into facts of consciousness and thought.
Different nerves are suited to the perception of different impressions. We do
not see with the ear, nor hear with the eye, nor are we rendered sensible of
sound by the nerves of the tongue. Out of the general assemblage of physical
actions, each nerve, or group of nerves, selects and responds to those for the
perception of which it is specially organised.
The optic nerve passes from the brain to the back of the eyeball and there
spreads out, to form the retina, a web of nerve filaments, on which the
images of external objects are projected by the optical portion of the eye.
This nerve is limited to the apprehension of the phenomena of radiation, and,
notwithstanding its marvellous sensibility to certain impressions of this
class, it is singularly obtuse to other impressions.
Nor does the optic nerve embrace the entire range even of radiation. Some
rays, when they reach it, are incompetent to evoke its power, while others
never reach it at all, being absorbed by the humours of the eye. To all rays
.
.
.
.
.
II. RADIATION.
[Footnote: The Rede Lecture delivered in the Senate House before the
University of Cambridge, May 16, 1865.]
1. Visible and Invisible Radiation.
BETWEEN the mind of man and the outer world are interposed the nerves
of the human body, which translate, or enable the mind to translate, the
impressions of that world into facts of consciousness and thought.
Different nerves are suited to the perception of different impressions. We do
not see with the ear, nor hear with the eye, nor are we rendered sensible of
sound by the nerves of the tongue. Out of the general assemblage of physical
actions, each nerve, or group of nerves, selects and responds to those for the
perception of which it is specially organised.
The optic nerve passes from the brain to the back of the eyeball and there
spreads out, to form the retina, a web of nerve filaments, on which the
images of external objects are projected by the optical portion of the eye.
This nerve is limited to the apprehension of the phenomena of radiation, and,
notwithstanding its marvellous sensibility to certain impressions of this
class, it is singularly obtuse to other impressions.
Nor does the optic nerve embrace the entire range even of radiation. Some
rays, when they reach it, are incompetent to evoke its power, while others
never reach it at all, being absorbed by the humours of the eye. To all rays
Page 28
which, whether they reach the retina or not, fail to excite vision, we give the
name of invisible or obscure rays. All non-luminous bodies emit such rays.
There is no body in nature absolutely cold, and every body not absolutely
cold emits rays of heat. But to render radiant heat fit to affect the optic nerve
a certain temperature is necessary. A cool poker thrust into a fire remains
dark for a time, but when its temperature has become equal to that of the
surrounding coals, it glows like them. In like manner, if a current of
electricity, of gradually increasing strength, be sent through a wire of the
refractory metal platinum, the wire first becomes sensibly warm to the touch;
for a time its heat augments, still however remaining obscure; at length we
can no longer touch the metal with impunity; and at a certain definite
temperature it emits a feeble red light. As the current augments in power the
light augments in brilliancy, until finally the wire appears of a dazzling
white. The light which it now emits is similar to that of the sun.
By means of a prism Sir Isaac Newton unravelled the texture of solar light,
and by the same simple instrument we can investigate the luminous changes
of our platinum wire. In passing through the prism all its rays (and they are
infinite in variety) are bent or refracted from their straight course; and, as
different rays are differently refracted by the prism, we are by it enabled to
separate one class of rays from another. By such prismatic analysis Dr.
Draper has shown, that when the platinum wire first begins to glow, the light
emitted is sensibly red. As the glow augments the red becomes more
brilliant, but at the same time orange rays are added to the emission.
Augmenting the temperature still further, yellow rays appear beside the
orange; after the yellow, green rays are emitted; and after the green come, in
succession, blue, indigo, and violet rays. To display all these colours at the
same time the platinum wire must be white-hot: the impression of whiteness
being in fact produced by the simultaneous action of all these colours on the
optic nerve.
In the experiment just described we began with a platinum wire at an
ordinary temperature, and gradually raised it to a white heat. At the
beginning, and even before the electric current had acted at all upon the
wire, it emitted invisible rays. For some time after the action of the current
had commenced, and even for a time after the wire had become intolerable
to the touch, its radiation was still invisible. The question now arises, What
becomes of these invisible rays when the visible ones make their
name of invisible or obscure rays. All non-luminous bodies emit such rays.
There is no body in nature absolutely cold, and every body not absolutely
cold emits rays of heat. But to render radiant heat fit to affect the optic nerve
a certain temperature is necessary. A cool poker thrust into a fire remains
dark for a time, but when its temperature has become equal to that of the
surrounding coals, it glows like them. In like manner, if a current of
electricity, of gradually increasing strength, be sent through a wire of the
refractory metal platinum, the wire first becomes sensibly warm to the touch;
for a time its heat augments, still however remaining obscure; at length we
can no longer touch the metal with impunity; and at a certain definite
temperature it emits a feeble red light. As the current augments in power the
light augments in brilliancy, until finally the wire appears of a dazzling
white. The light which it now emits is similar to that of the sun.
By means of a prism Sir Isaac Newton unravelled the texture of solar light,
and by the same simple instrument we can investigate the luminous changes
of our platinum wire. In passing through the prism all its rays (and they are
infinite in variety) are bent or refracted from their straight course; and, as
different rays are differently refracted by the prism, we are by it enabled to
separate one class of rays from another. By such prismatic analysis Dr.
Draper has shown, that when the platinum wire first begins to glow, the light
emitted is sensibly red. As the glow augments the red becomes more
brilliant, but at the same time orange rays are added to the emission.
Augmenting the temperature still further, yellow rays appear beside the
orange; after the yellow, green rays are emitted; and after the green come, in
succession, blue, indigo, and violet rays. To display all these colours at the
same time the platinum wire must be white-hot: the impression of whiteness
being in fact produced by the simultaneous action of all these colours on the
optic nerve.
In the experiment just described we began with a platinum wire at an
ordinary temperature, and gradually raised it to a white heat. At the
beginning, and even before the electric current had acted at all upon the
wire, it emitted invisible rays. For some time after the action of the current
had commenced, and even for a time after the wire had become intolerable
to the touch, its radiation was still invisible. The question now arises, What
becomes of these invisible rays when the visible ones make their
Page 29
appearance? It will be proved in the sequel that they maintain themselves in
the radiation; that a ray once emitted continues to be emitted when the
temperature is increased, and hence the emission from our platinum wire,
even when it has attained its maximum brilliancy, consists of a mixture of
visible and invisible rays. If, instead of the platinum wire, the earth itself
were raised to incandescence, the obscure radiation which it now emits
would continue to be emitted. To reach incandescence the planet would have
to pass through all the stages of non-luminous radiation, and the final
emission would embrace the rays of all these stages. There can hardly be a
doubt that from the sun itself, rays proceed similar in kind to those which the
dark earth pours nightly into space. In fact, the various kind of obscure rays
emitted by all the planets of our system are included in the present radiation
of the sun.
The great pioneer in this domain of science was Sir William Herschel.
Causing a beam of solar light to pass through a prism, he resolved it into its
coloured constituents; he formed what is technically called the solar
spectrum. Exposing thermometers to the successive colours he determined
their heating power, and found it to augment from the violet or most
refracted end, to the red or least refracted end of the spectrum. But he did not
stop here. Pushing his thermometers into the dark space beyond the red he
found that, though the light had disappeared, the radiant heat falling on the
instruments was more intense than that at any visible part of the spectrum. In
fact, Sir William Herschel showed, and his results have been verified by
various philosophers since his time, that, besides its luminous rays, the sun
pours forth a multitude of other rays, more powerfully calorific than the
luminous ones, but entirely unsuited to the purposes of vision.
At the less refrangible end of the solar spectrum, then, the range of the sun's
radiation is not limited by that of the eye. The same statement applies to the
more refrangible end. Ritter discovered the extension of the spectrum into
the invisible region beyond the violet; and, in recent times, this ultra-violet
emission has had peculiar interest conferred upon it by the admirable
researches of Professor Stokes. The complete spectrum of the sun consists,
therefore, of three distinct parts :— first, of ultra-red rays of high heating
power, but unsuited to the purposes of vision; secondly, of luminous rays
which display the succession of colours, red, orange, yellow, green, blue,
indigo, violet; thirdly, of ultra-violet rays which, like the ultra-red ones, are
the radiation; that a ray once emitted continues to be emitted when the
temperature is increased, and hence the emission from our platinum wire,
even when it has attained its maximum brilliancy, consists of a mixture of
visible and invisible rays. If, instead of the platinum wire, the earth itself
were raised to incandescence, the obscure radiation which it now emits
would continue to be emitted. To reach incandescence the planet would have
to pass through all the stages of non-luminous radiation, and the final
emission would embrace the rays of all these stages. There can hardly be a
doubt that from the sun itself, rays proceed similar in kind to those which the
dark earth pours nightly into space. In fact, the various kind of obscure rays
emitted by all the planets of our system are included in the present radiation
of the sun.
The great pioneer in this domain of science was Sir William Herschel.
Causing a beam of solar light to pass through a prism, he resolved it into its
coloured constituents; he formed what is technically called the solar
spectrum. Exposing thermometers to the successive colours he determined
their heating power, and found it to augment from the violet or most
refracted end, to the red or least refracted end of the spectrum. But he did not
stop here. Pushing his thermometers into the dark space beyond the red he
found that, though the light had disappeared, the radiant heat falling on the
instruments was more intense than that at any visible part of the spectrum. In
fact, Sir William Herschel showed, and his results have been verified by
various philosophers since his time, that, besides its luminous rays, the sun
pours forth a multitude of other rays, more powerfully calorific than the
luminous ones, but entirely unsuited to the purposes of vision.
At the less refrangible end of the solar spectrum, then, the range of the sun's
radiation is not limited by that of the eye. The same statement applies to the
more refrangible end. Ritter discovered the extension of the spectrum into
the invisible region beyond the violet; and, in recent times, this ultra-violet
emission has had peculiar interest conferred upon it by the admirable
researches of Professor Stokes. The complete spectrum of the sun consists,
therefore, of three distinct parts :— first, of ultra-red rays of high heating
power, but unsuited to the purposes of vision; secondly, of luminous rays
which display the succession of colours, red, orange, yellow, green, blue,
indigo, violet; thirdly, of ultra-violet rays which, like the ultra-red ones, are
Page 30
incompetent to excite vision, but which, unlike the ultra-red rays, possess a
very feeble heating power. In consequence, however, of their chemical
energy these ultra-violet rays are of the utmost importance to the organic
world.
.
.
2. Origin and Character of Radiation. The Aether.
When we see a platinum wire raised gradually to a white heat, and emitting
in succession all the colours of the spectrum, we are simply conscious of a
series of changes in the condition of our own eyes. We do not see the actions
in which these successive colours originate, but the mind irresistibly infers
that the appearance of the colours corresponds to certain contemporaneous
changes in the wire. What is the nature of these changes? In virtue of what
condition does the wire radiate at all? We must now look from the wire, as a
whole, to its constituent atoms. Could we see those atoms, even before the
electric current has begun to act upon them, we should find them in a state of
vibration. In this vibration, indeed, consists such warmth as the wire then
possesses. Locke enunciated this idea with great precision, and it has been
placed beyond the pale of doubt by the excellent quantitative researches of
Mr. Joule. ' Heat,' says Locke, 'is a very brisk agitation of the insensible parts
of the object, which produce in us that sensation from which we denominate
the object hot: so what in our sensations is heat in the object is nothing but
motion.' When the electric current, still feeble, begins to pass through the
wire, its first act is to intensify the vibrations already existing, by causing the
atoms to swing through wider ranges. Technically speaking, the amplitudes
of the oscillations are increased. The current does this, however, without
altering the periods of the old vibrations, or the times in which they were
executed. But besides intensifying the old vibrations the current generates
new and more rapid ones, and when a certain definite rapidity has been
attained, the wire begins to glow. The colour first exhibited is red, which
corresponds to the lowest rate of vibration of which the eye is able to take
cognisance. By augmenting the strength of the electric current more rapid
vibrations are introduced, and orange rays appear. A quicker rate of vibration
produces yellow, a still quicker green; and by further augmenting the
very feeble heating power. In consequence, however, of their chemical
energy these ultra-violet rays are of the utmost importance to the organic
world.
.
.
2. Origin and Character of Radiation. The Aether.
When we see a platinum wire raised gradually to a white heat, and emitting
in succession all the colours of the spectrum, we are simply conscious of a
series of changes in the condition of our own eyes. We do not see the actions
in which these successive colours originate, but the mind irresistibly infers
that the appearance of the colours corresponds to certain contemporaneous
changes in the wire. What is the nature of these changes? In virtue of what
condition does the wire radiate at all? We must now look from the wire, as a
whole, to its constituent atoms. Could we see those atoms, even before the
electric current has begun to act upon them, we should find them in a state of
vibration. In this vibration, indeed, consists such warmth as the wire then
possesses. Locke enunciated this idea with great precision, and it has been
placed beyond the pale of doubt by the excellent quantitative researches of
Mr. Joule. ' Heat,' says Locke, 'is a very brisk agitation of the insensible parts
of the object, which produce in us that sensation from which we denominate
the object hot: so what in our sensations is heat in the object is nothing but
motion.' When the electric current, still feeble, begins to pass through the
wire, its first act is to intensify the vibrations already existing, by causing the
atoms to swing through wider ranges. Technically speaking, the amplitudes
of the oscillations are increased. The current does this, however, without
altering the periods of the old vibrations, or the times in which they were
executed. But besides intensifying the old vibrations the current generates
new and more rapid ones, and when a certain definite rapidity has been
attained, the wire begins to glow. The colour first exhibited is red, which
corresponds to the lowest rate of vibration of which the eye is able to take
cognisance. By augmenting the strength of the electric current more rapid
vibrations are introduced, and orange rays appear. A quicker rate of vibration
produces yellow, a still quicker green; and by further augmenting the
Page 31
rapidity, we pass through blue, indigo, and violet, to the extreme ultra-violet
rays.
Such are the changes recognised by the mind in the wire itself, as concurrent
with the visual changes taking place in the eye. But what connects the wire
with this organ? By what means does it send such intelligence of its varying
condition to the optic nerve? Heat being as defined by Locke, 'a very brisk
agitation of the insensible parts of an object,' it is readily conceivable that on
touching a heated body the agitation may communicate itself to the adjacent
nerves, and announce itself to them as light or heat. But the optic nerve does
not touch the hot platinum, and hence the pertinence of the question, By
what agency are the vibrations of the wire transmitted to the eye?
The answer to this question involves one of the most important physical
conceptions that the mind of man has yet achieved: the conception of a
medium filling space and fitted mechanically for the transmission of the
vibrations of light and heat, as air is fitted for the transmission of sound. This
medium is called the luminiferous aether. Every vibration of every atom of
our platinum wire raises in this aether a wave, which speeds through it at the
rate of 186,000 miles a second.
The aether suffers no rupture of continuity at the surface of the eye, the inter-
molecular spaces of the various humours are filled with it; hence the waves
generated by the glowing platinum can cross these humours and impinge on
the optic nerve at the back of the eye. [Footnote: The action here described
is analogous to the passage of sound-waves through thick felt whose
interstices are occupied by air.] Thus the sensation of light reduces itself to
the acceptance of motion. Up to this point we deal with pure mechanics; but
the subsequent translation of the shock of the aethereal waves into
consciousness eludes mechanical science. As an oar dipping into the Cam
generates systems of waves, which, speeding from the centre of disturbance,
finally stir the sedges on the river's bank, so do the vibrating atoms generate
in the surrounding aether undulations, which finally stir the filaments of the
retina. The motion thus imparted is transmitted with measurable, and not
very great velocity to the brain, where, by a process which the science of
mechanics does not even tend to unravel, the tremor of the nervous matter is
converted into the conscious impression of light.
rays.
Such are the changes recognised by the mind in the wire itself, as concurrent
with the visual changes taking place in the eye. But what connects the wire
with this organ? By what means does it send such intelligence of its varying
condition to the optic nerve? Heat being as defined by Locke, 'a very brisk
agitation of the insensible parts of an object,' it is readily conceivable that on
touching a heated body the agitation may communicate itself to the adjacent
nerves, and announce itself to them as light or heat. But the optic nerve does
not touch the hot platinum, and hence the pertinence of the question, By
what agency are the vibrations of the wire transmitted to the eye?
The answer to this question involves one of the most important physical
conceptions that the mind of man has yet achieved: the conception of a
medium filling space and fitted mechanically for the transmission of the
vibrations of light and heat, as air is fitted for the transmission of sound. This
medium is called the luminiferous aether. Every vibration of every atom of
our platinum wire raises in this aether a wave, which speeds through it at the
rate of 186,000 miles a second.
The aether suffers no rupture of continuity at the surface of the eye, the inter-
molecular spaces of the various humours are filled with it; hence the waves
generated by the glowing platinum can cross these humours and impinge on
the optic nerve at the back of the eye. [Footnote: The action here described
is analogous to the passage of sound-waves through thick felt whose
interstices are occupied by air.] Thus the sensation of light reduces itself to
the acceptance of motion. Up to this point we deal with pure mechanics; but
the subsequent translation of the shock of the aethereal waves into
consciousness eludes mechanical science. As an oar dipping into the Cam
generates systems of waves, which, speeding from the centre of disturbance,
finally stir the sedges on the river's bank, so do the vibrating atoms generate
in the surrounding aether undulations, which finally stir the filaments of the
retina. The motion thus imparted is transmitted with measurable, and not
very great velocity to the brain, where, by a process which the science of
mechanics does not even tend to unravel, the tremor of the nervous matter is
converted into the conscious impression of light.
Page 32
Darkness might then be defined as aether at rest; light as aether in motion.
But in reality the aether is never at rest, for in the absence of light-waves we
have heat-waves always speeding through it. In the spaces of the universe
both classes of undulations incessantly commingle. Here the waves issuing
from uncounted centres cross, coincide, oppose, and pass through each other,
without confusion or ultimate extinction. Every star is seen across the
entanglement of wave-motions produced by all other stars. It is the ceaseless
thrill caused by those distant orbs collectively in the aether, that constitutes
what we call the 'temperature of space.' As the air of a room accommodates
itself to the requirements of an orchestra, transmitting each vibration of
every pipe and string, so does the inter-stellar aether accommodate itself to
the requirements of light and heat. Its waves mingle in space without
disorder, each being endowed with an individuality as indestructible as if it
alone had disturbed the universal repose.
All vagueness with regard to the use of the terms 'radiation' and 'absorption'
will now disappear. Radiation is the communication of vibratory motion to
the aether; and when a body is said to be chilled by radiation, as for example
the grass of a meadow on a starlight night, the meaning is, that the molecules
of the grass have lost a portion of their motion, by imparting it to the
medium in which they vibrate. On the other hand, the waves of aether may
so strike against the molecules of a body exposed to their action as to yield
up their motion to the latter; and in this transfer of the motion from the
aether to the molecules consists the absorption of radiant heat. All the
phenomena of heat are in this way reducible to interchanges of motion; and
it is purely as the recipients or the donors of this motion, that we ourselves
become conscious of the action of heat and cold.
.
.
3. The Atomic Theory in reference to the Aether.
The word 'atoms' has been more than once employed in this discourse.
Chemists have taught us that all matter is reducible to certain elementary
forms to which they give this name. These atoms are endowed with powers
of mutual attraction, and under suitable circumstances they coalesce to form
But in reality the aether is never at rest, for in the absence of light-waves we
have heat-waves always speeding through it. In the spaces of the universe
both classes of undulations incessantly commingle. Here the waves issuing
from uncounted centres cross, coincide, oppose, and pass through each other,
without confusion or ultimate extinction. Every star is seen across the
entanglement of wave-motions produced by all other stars. It is the ceaseless
thrill caused by those distant orbs collectively in the aether, that constitutes
what we call the 'temperature of space.' As the air of a room accommodates
itself to the requirements of an orchestra, transmitting each vibration of
every pipe and string, so does the inter-stellar aether accommodate itself to
the requirements of light and heat. Its waves mingle in space without
disorder, each being endowed with an individuality as indestructible as if it
alone had disturbed the universal repose.
All vagueness with regard to the use of the terms 'radiation' and 'absorption'
will now disappear. Radiation is the communication of vibratory motion to
the aether; and when a body is said to be chilled by radiation, as for example
the grass of a meadow on a starlight night, the meaning is, that the molecules
of the grass have lost a portion of their motion, by imparting it to the
medium in which they vibrate. On the other hand, the waves of aether may
so strike against the molecules of a body exposed to their action as to yield
up their motion to the latter; and in this transfer of the motion from the
aether to the molecules consists the absorption of radiant heat. All the
phenomena of heat are in this way reducible to interchanges of motion; and
it is purely as the recipients or the donors of this motion, that we ourselves
become conscious of the action of heat and cold.
.
.
3. The Atomic Theory in reference to the Aether.
The word 'atoms' has been more than once employed in this discourse.
Chemists have taught us that all matter is reducible to certain elementary
forms to which they give this name. These atoms are endowed with powers
of mutual attraction, and under suitable circumstances they coalesce to form
Page 33
compounds. Thus oxygen and hydrogen are elements when separate, or
merely mixed, but they may be made to combine so as to form molecules,
each consisting of two atoms of hydrogen and one of oxygen. In this
condition they constitute water. So also chlorine and sodium are elements,
the former a pungent gas, the latter a soft metal; and they unite together to
form chloride of sodium or common salt. In the same way the element
nitrogen combines with hydrogen, in the proportion of one atom of the
former to three of the latter, to form ammonia. Picturing in imagination the
atoms of elementary bodies as little spheres, the molecules of compound
bodies must be pictured as groups of such spheres. This is the atomic theory
as Dalton conceived it. Now if this theory have any foundation in fact, and if
the theory of an aether pervading space, and constituting the vehicle of
atomic motion, be founded in fact, it is surely of interest to examine whether
the vibrations of elementary bodies are modified by the act of combination
— whether as regards radiation and absorption, or, in other words, whether
as regards the communication of motion to the aether, and the acceptance of
motion from it, the deportment of the uncombined atoms will be different
from that of the combined.
.
.
.
4. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Gases.
We have now to submit these considerations to the only test by which they
can be tried, namely, that of experiment. An experiment is well defined as a
question put to Nature; but, to avoid the risk of asking amiss, we ought to
purify the question from all adjuncts which do not necessarily belong to it.
Matter has been shown to be composed of elementary constituents, by the
compounding of which all its varieties are produced. But, besides the
chemical unions which they form, both elementary and compound bodies
can unite in another and less intimate way. Gases and vapours aggregate to
liquids and solids, without any change of their chemical nature. We do not
yet know how the transmission of radiant heat may be affected by the
entanglement due to cohesion; and, as our object now is to examine the
merely mixed, but they may be made to combine so as to form molecules,
each consisting of two atoms of hydrogen and one of oxygen. In this
condition they constitute water. So also chlorine and sodium are elements,
the former a pungent gas, the latter a soft metal; and they unite together to
form chloride of sodium or common salt. In the same way the element
nitrogen combines with hydrogen, in the proportion of one atom of the
former to three of the latter, to form ammonia. Picturing in imagination the
atoms of elementary bodies as little spheres, the molecules of compound
bodies must be pictured as groups of such spheres. This is the atomic theory
as Dalton conceived it. Now if this theory have any foundation in fact, and if
the theory of an aether pervading space, and constituting the vehicle of
atomic motion, be founded in fact, it is surely of interest to examine whether
the vibrations of elementary bodies are modified by the act of combination
— whether as regards radiation and absorption, or, in other words, whether
as regards the communication of motion to the aether, and the acceptance of
motion from it, the deportment of the uncombined atoms will be different
from that of the combined.
.
.
.
4. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Gases.
We have now to submit these considerations to the only test by which they
can be tried, namely, that of experiment. An experiment is well defined as a
question put to Nature; but, to avoid the risk of asking amiss, we ought to
purify the question from all adjuncts which do not necessarily belong to it.
Matter has been shown to be composed of elementary constituents, by the
compounding of which all its varieties are produced. But, besides the
chemical unions which they form, both elementary and compound bodies
can unite in another and less intimate way. Gases and vapours aggregate to
liquids and solids, without any change of their chemical nature. We do not
yet know how the transmission of radiant heat may be affected by the
entanglement due to cohesion; and, as our object now is to examine the
Page 34
influence of chemical union alone, we shall render our experiments more
pure by liberating the atoms and molecules entirely from the bonds of
cohesion, and employing them in the gaseous or vaporous form.
Let us endeavour to obtain a perfectly clear mental image of the problem
now before us. Limiting in the first place our enquiries to the phenomena of
absorption, we have to picture a succession of waves issuing from a radiant
source and passing through a gas; some of them striking against the gaseous
molecules and yielding up their motion to the latter; others gliding round the
molecules, or passing through the intermolecular spaces without apparent
hindrance. The problem before us is to determine whether such free
molecules have any power whatever to stop the waves of heat; and if so,
whether different molecules possess this power in different degrees.
In examining the problem let us fall back upon an actual piece of work,
choosing as the source of our heat-waves a plate of copper, against the back
of which a steady sheet of flame is permitted to play. On emerging from the
copper, the waves, in the first instance, pass through a space devoid of air,
and then enter a hollow glass cylinder, three feet long and three inches wide.
The two ends of this cylinder are stopped by two plates of rock-salt, a solid
substance which offers a scarcely sensible obstacle to the passage of the
calorific waves. After passing through the tube, the radiant heat falls upon
the anterior face of a thermo-electric pile, [Footnote: In the Appendix to the
first chapter of 'Heat as a Mode of Motion,' the construction of the thermo-
electric pile is fully explained.] which instantly converts the heat into an
electric current. This current conducted round a magnetic needle deflects it,
and the magnitude of the deflection is a measure of the heat falling upon the
pile. This famous instrument, and not an ordinary thermometer, is what we
shall use in these enquiries, but we shall use it in a somewhat novel way. As
long as the two opposite faces of the thermo-electric pile are kept at the same
temperature, no matter how high that may be, there is no current generated.
The current is a consequence of a difference of temperature between the two
opposite faces of the pile. Hence, if after the anterior face has received the
heat from our radiating source, a second source, which we may call the
compensating source, be permitted to radiate against the posterior face, this
latter radiation will tend to neutralise the former. When the neutralisation is
perfect, the magnetic needle connected with the pile is no longer deflected,
but points to the zero of the graduated circle over which it hangs.
pure by liberating the atoms and molecules entirely from the bonds of
cohesion, and employing them in the gaseous or vaporous form.
Let us endeavour to obtain a perfectly clear mental image of the problem
now before us. Limiting in the first place our enquiries to the phenomena of
absorption, we have to picture a succession of waves issuing from a radiant
source and passing through a gas; some of them striking against the gaseous
molecules and yielding up their motion to the latter; others gliding round the
molecules, or passing through the intermolecular spaces without apparent
hindrance. The problem before us is to determine whether such free
molecules have any power whatever to stop the waves of heat; and if so,
whether different molecules possess this power in different degrees.
In examining the problem let us fall back upon an actual piece of work,
choosing as the source of our heat-waves a plate of copper, against the back
of which a steady sheet of flame is permitted to play. On emerging from the
copper, the waves, in the first instance, pass through a space devoid of air,
and then enter a hollow glass cylinder, three feet long and three inches wide.
The two ends of this cylinder are stopped by two plates of rock-salt, a solid
substance which offers a scarcely sensible obstacle to the passage of the
calorific waves. After passing through the tube, the radiant heat falls upon
the anterior face of a thermo-electric pile, [Footnote: In the Appendix to the
first chapter of 'Heat as a Mode of Motion,' the construction of the thermo-
electric pile is fully explained.] which instantly converts the heat into an
electric current. This current conducted round a magnetic needle deflects it,
and the magnitude of the deflection is a measure of the heat falling upon the
pile. This famous instrument, and not an ordinary thermometer, is what we
shall use in these enquiries, but we shall use it in a somewhat novel way. As
long as the two opposite faces of the thermo-electric pile are kept at the same
temperature, no matter how high that may be, there is no current generated.
The current is a consequence of a difference of temperature between the two
opposite faces of the pile. Hence, if after the anterior face has received the
heat from our radiating source, a second source, which we may call the
compensating source, be permitted to radiate against the posterior face, this
latter radiation will tend to neutralise the former. When the neutralisation is
perfect, the magnetic needle connected with the pile is no longer deflected,
but points to the zero of the graduated circle over which it hangs.
Page 35
And now let us suppose the glass tube, through which the waves from the
heated plate of copper are passing, to be exhausted by an air-pump, the two
sources of heat acting at the same time on the two opposite faces of the pile.
When by means of an adjusting screen, perfectly equal quantities of heat are
imparted to the two faces, the needle points to zero. Let any gas be now
permitted to enter the exhausted tube; if its molecules possess any power of
intercepting the calorific waves, the equilibrium previously existing will be
destroyed, the compensating source will triumph, and a deflection of the
magnetic needle will be the immediate consequence. From the deflections
thus produced by different gases, we can readily deduce the relative amounts
of wave-motion which their molecules intercept.
In this way the substances mentioned in the following table were examined,
a small portion only of each being admitted into the glass tube. The quantity
admitted in each case was just sufficient to depress a column of mercury
associated with the tube one inch: in other words, the gases were examined
at a pressure of one-thirtieth of an atmosphere. The numbers in the table
express the relative amounts of wave-motion absorbed by the respective
gases, the quantity intercepted by air being taken as unity.
.
Radiation through Gases.
Name of gas Relative absorption
Air 1
Oxygen 1
Nitrogen 1
heated plate of copper are passing, to be exhausted by an air-pump, the two
sources of heat acting at the same time on the two opposite faces of the pile.
When by means of an adjusting screen, perfectly equal quantities of heat are
imparted to the two faces, the needle points to zero. Let any gas be now
permitted to enter the exhausted tube; if its molecules possess any power of
intercepting the calorific waves, the equilibrium previously existing will be
destroyed, the compensating source will triumph, and a deflection of the
magnetic needle will be the immediate consequence. From the deflections
thus produced by different gases, we can readily deduce the relative amounts
of wave-motion which their molecules intercept.
In this way the substances mentioned in the following table were examined,
a small portion only of each being admitted into the glass tube. The quantity
admitted in each case was just sufficient to depress a column of mercury
associated with the tube one inch: in other words, the gases were examined
at a pressure of one-thirtieth of an atmosphere. The numbers in the table
express the relative amounts of wave-motion absorbed by the respective
gases, the quantity intercepted by air being taken as unity.
.
Radiation through Gases.
Name of gas Relative absorption
Air 1
Oxygen 1
Nitrogen 1
Page 36
Hydrogen 1
Carbonic oxide 750
Carbonic acid 972
Hydrochloric acid. 1,005
Nitric oxide 1,590
Nitrous oxide 1,860
Sulphide of hydrogen 2,100
Ammonia 5,460
Olefiant gas 6,030
Sulphurous acid 6,480
Every gas in this table is perfectly transparent to light, that is to say, all
waves within the limits of the visible spectrum pass through it without
obstruction; but for the waves of slower period, emanating from our heated
plate of copper, enormous differences of absorptive power are manifested.
These differences illustrate in the most unexpected manner the influence of
chemical combination. Thus the elementary gases, oxygen, hydrogen, and
nitrogen, and the mixture atmospheric air, prove to be practical vacua to the
Carbonic oxide 750
Carbonic acid 972
Hydrochloric acid. 1,005
Nitric oxide 1,590
Nitrous oxide 1,860
Sulphide of hydrogen 2,100
Ammonia 5,460
Olefiant gas 6,030
Sulphurous acid 6,480
Every gas in this table is perfectly transparent to light, that is to say, all
waves within the limits of the visible spectrum pass through it without
obstruction; but for the waves of slower period, emanating from our heated
plate of copper, enormous differences of absorptive power are manifested.
These differences illustrate in the most unexpected manner the influence of
chemical combination. Thus the elementary gases, oxygen, hydrogen, and
nitrogen, and the mixture atmospheric air, prove to be practical vacua to the
Page 37
rays of heat; for every ray, or, more strictly speaking, for every unit of wave-
motion, which any one of them intercepts, perfectly transparent ammonia
intercepts 5,460 units, olefiant gas 6,030 units, while sulphurous acid gas
absorbs 6,480 units. What, becomes of the wave-motion thus intercepted? It
is applied to the heating of the absorbing gas. Through air, oxygen,
hydrogen, and nitrogen, the waves of aether pass without absorption, and
these gases are not sensibly changed in temperature by the most powerful
calorific rays. The position of nitrous oxide in the foregoing table is worthy
of particular notice. In this gas we have the same atoms in a state of
chemical union, that exist uncombined in the atmosphere; but the absorption
of the compound is 1,800 times that of air.
.
.
.
5. Formation of Invisible Foci.
This extraordinary deportment of the elementary gases naturally directed
attention to elementary bodies in other states of aggregation. Some of
Melloni's results now attained a new significance. This celebrated
experimenter had found crystals of sulphur to be highly pervious to radiant
heat; he had also proved that lamp-black, and black glass, (which owes its
blackness to the element carbon) were to a considerable extent transparent to
calorific rays of low refrangibility. These facts, harmonising so strikingly
with the deportment of the simple gases, suggested further enquiry. Sulphur
dissolved in bisulphide of carbon was found almost perfectly diathermic.
The dense and deeply-coloured element bromine was examined, and found
competent to cut off the light of our most brilliant flames, while it
transmitted the invisible calorific rays with extreme freedom. Iodine, the
companion element of bromine, was next thought of, but it was found
impracticable to examine the substance in its usual solid condition. It
however dissolves freely in bisulphide of carbon. There is no chemical union
between the liquid and the iodine; it is simply a case of solution, in which
the uncombined atoms of the element can act upon the radiant heat. When
permitted to do so, it was found that a layer of dissolved iodine, sufficiently
motion, which any one of them intercepts, perfectly transparent ammonia
intercepts 5,460 units, olefiant gas 6,030 units, while sulphurous acid gas
absorbs 6,480 units. What, becomes of the wave-motion thus intercepted? It
is applied to the heating of the absorbing gas. Through air, oxygen,
hydrogen, and nitrogen, the waves of aether pass without absorption, and
these gases are not sensibly changed in temperature by the most powerful
calorific rays. The position of nitrous oxide in the foregoing table is worthy
of particular notice. In this gas we have the same atoms in a state of
chemical union, that exist uncombined in the atmosphere; but the absorption
of the compound is 1,800 times that of air.
.
.
.
5. Formation of Invisible Foci.
This extraordinary deportment of the elementary gases naturally directed
attention to elementary bodies in other states of aggregation. Some of
Melloni's results now attained a new significance. This celebrated
experimenter had found crystals of sulphur to be highly pervious to radiant
heat; he had also proved that lamp-black, and black glass, (which owes its
blackness to the element carbon) were to a considerable extent transparent to
calorific rays of low refrangibility. These facts, harmonising so strikingly
with the deportment of the simple gases, suggested further enquiry. Sulphur
dissolved in bisulphide of carbon was found almost perfectly diathermic.
The dense and deeply-coloured element bromine was examined, and found
competent to cut off the light of our most brilliant flames, while it
transmitted the invisible calorific rays with extreme freedom. Iodine, the
companion element of bromine, was next thought of, but it was found
impracticable to examine the substance in its usual solid condition. It
however dissolves freely in bisulphide of carbon. There is no chemical union
between the liquid and the iodine; it is simply a case of solution, in which
the uncombined atoms of the element can act upon the radiant heat. When
permitted to do so, it was found that a layer of dissolved iodine, sufficiently
Page 38
opaque to cut off the light of the midday sun, was almost absolutely
transparent to the invisible calorific rays. [Footnote: Professor Dewar has
recently succeeded in producing a medium highly opaque to light, and highly
transparent to obscure heat, by fusing together sulphur and iodine.]
By prismatic analysis Sir William Herschel separated the luminous from the
non-luminous rays of the sun, and he also sought to render the obscure rays
visible by concentration. Intercepting the luminous portion of his spectrum
he brought, by a converging lens, the ultra-red rays to a focus, but by this
condensation he obtained no light. The solution of iodine offers a means of
filtering the solar beam, or failing it, the beam of the electric lamp, which
renders attainable far more powerful foci of invisible rays than could
possibly be obtained by the method of Sir William Herschel. For to form his
spectrum he was obliged to operate upon solar light which had passed
through a narrow slit or through a small aperture, the amount of the obscure
heat being limited by this circumstance. But with our opaque solution we
may employ the entire surface of the largest lens, and having thus converged
the rays, luminous and non-luminous, we can intercept the former by the
iodine, and do what we please with the latter. Experiments of this character,
not only with the iodine solution, but also with black glass and layers of
lampblack, were publicly performed at the Royal Institution in the early part
of 1862, and the effects at the foci of invisible rays, then obtained, were such
as had never been witnessed previously.
In the experiments here referred to, glass lenses were employed to
concentrate the rays. But glass, though highly transparent to the luminous, is
in a high degree opaque to the invisible, heat-rays of the electric lamp, and
hence a large portion of those rays was intercepted by the glass. The obvious
remedy here is to employ rock-salt lenses instead of glass ones, or to
abandon the use of lenses wholly, and to concentrate the rays by a metallic
mirror. Both of these improvements have been introduced, and, as
anticipated, the invisible foci have been thereby rendered more intense. The
mode of operating remains however the same, in principle, as that made
known in 1862. It was then found that an instant's exposure of the face of the
thermoelectric pile to the focus of invisible rays, dashed the needles of a
coarse galvanometer violently aside. It is now found that on substituting for
the face of the thermo-electric pile a combustible body, the invisible rays are
competent to set that body on fire.
transparent to the invisible calorific rays. [Footnote: Professor Dewar has
recently succeeded in producing a medium highly opaque to light, and highly
transparent to obscure heat, by fusing together sulphur and iodine.]
By prismatic analysis Sir William Herschel separated the luminous from the
non-luminous rays of the sun, and he also sought to render the obscure rays
visible by concentration. Intercepting the luminous portion of his spectrum
he brought, by a converging lens, the ultra-red rays to a focus, but by this
condensation he obtained no light. The solution of iodine offers a means of
filtering the solar beam, or failing it, the beam of the electric lamp, which
renders attainable far more powerful foci of invisible rays than could
possibly be obtained by the method of Sir William Herschel. For to form his
spectrum he was obliged to operate upon solar light which had passed
through a narrow slit or through a small aperture, the amount of the obscure
heat being limited by this circumstance. But with our opaque solution we
may employ the entire surface of the largest lens, and having thus converged
the rays, luminous and non-luminous, we can intercept the former by the
iodine, and do what we please with the latter. Experiments of this character,
not only with the iodine solution, but also with black glass and layers of
lampblack, were publicly performed at the Royal Institution in the early part
of 1862, and the effects at the foci of invisible rays, then obtained, were such
as had never been witnessed previously.
In the experiments here referred to, glass lenses were employed to
concentrate the rays. But glass, though highly transparent to the luminous, is
in a high degree opaque to the invisible, heat-rays of the electric lamp, and
hence a large portion of those rays was intercepted by the glass. The obvious
remedy here is to employ rock-salt lenses instead of glass ones, or to
abandon the use of lenses wholly, and to concentrate the rays by a metallic
mirror. Both of these improvements have been introduced, and, as
anticipated, the invisible foci have been thereby rendered more intense. The
mode of operating remains however the same, in principle, as that made
known in 1862. It was then found that an instant's exposure of the face of the
thermoelectric pile to the focus of invisible rays, dashed the needles of a
coarse galvanometer violently aside. It is now found that on substituting for
the face of the thermo-electric pile a combustible body, the invisible rays are
competent to set that body on fire.
Page 39
.
.
6. Visible and Invisible Rays of the Electric Light.
We have next to examine what proportion the non-luminous rays of the
electric light bear to the luminous ones. This the opaque solution of iodine
enables us to do with an extremely close approximation to the truth.
The pure bisulphide of carbon, which is the solvent of the iodine, is perfectly
transparent to the luminous, and almost perfectly transparent to the dark,
rays of the electric lamp. Supposing the total radiation of the lamp to pass
through the transparent bisulphide, while through the solution of iodine only
the dark rays are transmitted. If we determine, by means of a thermoelectric
pile, the total radiation, and deduct from it the purely obscure, we obtain the
value of the purely luminous emission. Experiments, performed in this way,
prove that if all the visible rays of the electric light were converged to a
focus of dazzling brilliancy, its heat would only be one-eighth of that
produced at the unseen focus of the invisible rays.
Exposing his thermometers to the successive colours of the solar spectrum,
Sir William Herschel determined the heating power of each, and also that of
the region beyond the extreme red. Then drawing a straight line to represent
the length of the spectrum, he erected, at various points, perpendiculars to
represent the calorific intensity existing at those points. Uniting the ends of
all his perpendiculars, he obtained a curve which showed at a glance the
manner in which the heat was distributed in the solar spectrum. Professor
Müller of Freiburg, with improved instruments, afterwards made similar
experiments, and constructed a more accurate diagram of the same kind. We
have now to examine the distribution of heat in the spectrum of the electric
light; and for this purpose we shall employ a particular form of the thermo-
electric pile, devised by Melloni. Its face is a rectangle, which by means of
movable side-pieces can be rendered as narrow as desired. We can, for
example, have the face of the pile the tenth, the hundredth, or even the
thousandth of an inch in breadth. By means of an endless screw, this linear
thermo-electric pile may be moved through the entire spectrum, from the
.
6. Visible and Invisible Rays of the Electric Light.
We have next to examine what proportion the non-luminous rays of the
electric light bear to the luminous ones. This the opaque solution of iodine
enables us to do with an extremely close approximation to the truth.
The pure bisulphide of carbon, which is the solvent of the iodine, is perfectly
transparent to the luminous, and almost perfectly transparent to the dark,
rays of the electric lamp. Supposing the total radiation of the lamp to pass
through the transparent bisulphide, while through the solution of iodine only
the dark rays are transmitted. If we determine, by means of a thermoelectric
pile, the total radiation, and deduct from it the purely obscure, we obtain the
value of the purely luminous emission. Experiments, performed in this way,
prove that if all the visible rays of the electric light were converged to a
focus of dazzling brilliancy, its heat would only be one-eighth of that
produced at the unseen focus of the invisible rays.
Exposing his thermometers to the successive colours of the solar spectrum,
Sir William Herschel determined the heating power of each, and also that of
the region beyond the extreme red. Then drawing a straight line to represent
the length of the spectrum, he erected, at various points, perpendiculars to
represent the calorific intensity existing at those points. Uniting the ends of
all his perpendiculars, he obtained a curve which showed at a glance the
manner in which the heat was distributed in the solar spectrum. Professor
Müller of Freiburg, with improved instruments, afterwards made similar
experiments, and constructed a more accurate diagram of the same kind. We
have now to examine the distribution of heat in the spectrum of the electric
light; and for this purpose we shall employ a particular form of the thermo-
electric pile, devised by Melloni. Its face is a rectangle, which by means of
movable side-pieces can be rendered as narrow as desired. We can, for
example, have the face of the pile the tenth, the hundredth, or even the
thousandth of an inch in breadth. By means of an endless screw, this linear
thermo-electric pile may be moved through the entire spectrum, from the
Page 40
violet to the red, the amount of heat falling upon the pile at every point of its
march, being declared by a magnetic needle associated with the pile.
When this instrument is brought up to the violet end of the spectrum of the
electric light, the heat is found to be insensible. As the pile is gradually
moved from the violet end towards the red, heat soon manifests itself,
augmenting as we approach the red. Of all the colours of the visible
spectrum the red possesses the highest heating power. On pushing the pile
into the dark region beyond the red, the heat, instead of vanishing, rises
suddenly and enormously in intensity, until at some distance beyond the red
it attains a maximum. Moving the pile still forward, the thermal power falls,
somewhat more rapidly than it rose. It then gradually shades away, but, for a
distance beyond the red greater than the length of the whole visible
spectrum, signs of heat may be detected.
Drawing a datum line, and erecting along it perpendiculars, proportional in
length to the thermal intensity at the respective points, we obtain the
extraordinary curve, shown on the opposite page, which exhibits the
distribution of heat in the spectrum of the electric light. In the region of dark
rays, beyond the red, the curve shoots up to B, in a steep and massive peak
— a kind of Matterhorn of heat, which dwarfs the portion of the diagram C
D E, representing the luminous radiation. Indeed the idea forced upon the
mind by this diagram is that the light rays are a mere insignificant appendage
to the heat-rays represented by the area A B C D, thrown in as it were by
nature for the purpose of vision.
.
.
march, being declared by a magnetic needle associated with the pile.
When this instrument is brought up to the violet end of the spectrum of the
electric light, the heat is found to be insensible. As the pile is gradually
moved from the violet end towards the red, heat soon manifests itself,
augmenting as we approach the red. Of all the colours of the visible
spectrum the red possesses the highest heating power. On pushing the pile
into the dark region beyond the red, the heat, instead of vanishing, rises
suddenly and enormously in intensity, until at some distance beyond the red
it attains a maximum. Moving the pile still forward, the thermal power falls,
somewhat more rapidly than it rose. It then gradually shades away, but, for a
distance beyond the red greater than the length of the whole visible
spectrum, signs of heat may be detected.
Drawing a datum line, and erecting along it perpendiculars, proportional in
length to the thermal intensity at the respective points, we obtain the
extraordinary curve, shown on the opposite page, which exhibits the
distribution of heat in the spectrum of the electric light. In the region of dark
rays, beyond the red, the curve shoots up to B, in a steep and massive peak
— a kind of Matterhorn of heat, which dwarfs the portion of the diagram C
D E, representing the luminous radiation. Indeed the idea forced upon the
mind by this diagram is that the light rays are a mere insignificant appendage
to the heat-rays represented by the area A B C D, thrown in as it were by
nature for the purpose of vision.
.
.
Page 41
Figure 1. Spectrum of Electric Light.
The diagram drawn by Professor Müller to represent the distribution of heat
in the solar spectrum is not by any means so striking as that just described,
and the reason, doubtless, is that prior to reaching the earth the solar rays
have to traverse our atmosphere. By the aqueous vapour there diffused, the
summit of the peak representing the sun's invisible radiation is cut off. A
similar lowering of the mountain of invisible heat is observed when the rays
from the electric light are permitted to pass through a film of water, which
acts upon them as the atmospheric vapour acts upon the rays of the sun.
.
.
7. Combustion by Invisible Rays.
The sun's invisible rays far transcend the visible ones in heating power, so
that if the alleged performances of Archimedes during the siege of Syracuse
The diagram drawn by Professor Müller to represent the distribution of heat
in the solar spectrum is not by any means so striking as that just described,
and the reason, doubtless, is that prior to reaching the earth the solar rays
have to traverse our atmosphere. By the aqueous vapour there diffused, the
summit of the peak representing the sun's invisible radiation is cut off. A
similar lowering of the mountain of invisible heat is observed when the rays
from the electric light are permitted to pass through a film of water, which
acts upon them as the atmospheric vapour acts upon the rays of the sun.
.
.
7. Combustion by Invisible Rays.
The sun's invisible rays far transcend the visible ones in heating power, so
that if the alleged performances of Archimedes during the siege of Syracuse
Page 42
had any foundation in fact, the dark solar rays would have been the
philosopher's chief agents of combustion. On a small scale we can readily
produce, with the purely invisible rays of the electric light, all that
Archimedes is said to have performed with the sun's total radiation. Placing
behind the electric light a small concave mirror, the rays are converged, the
cone of reflected rays and their point of convergence being rendered clearly
visible by the dust always floating in the air. Placing between the luminous
focus and the source of rays our solution of iodine, the light of the cone is
entirely cut away; but the intolerable heat experienced when the band is
placed, even for a moment, at the dark focus, shows that the calorific rays
pass unimpeded through the opaque solution.
Almost anything that ordinary fire can effect may be accomplished at the
focus of invisible rays; the air at the focus remaining at the same time
perfectly cold, on account of its transparency to the heat-rays. An air
thermometer, with a hollow rack-salt bulb, would be unaffected by the heat
of the focus: there would be no expansion, and in the open air there is no
convection. The aether at the focus, and not the air, is the substance in which
the heat is embodied. A block of wood, placed at the focus, absorbs the heat,
and dense volumes of smoke rise swiftly upwards, showing the manner in
which the air itself would rise, if the invisible rays were competent to heat it.
At the perfectly dark focus dry paper is instantly inflamed: chips of wood are
speedily burnt up: lead, tin, and zinc are fused: and disks of charred paper
are raised to vivid incandescence. It might be supposed that the obscure rays
would show no preference for black over white; but they do show a
preference, and to obtain rapid combustion, the body, if not already black,
ought to be blackened. When metals are to be burned, it is necessary to
blacken or otherwise tarnish them, so as to diminish their reflective power.
Blackened zinc foil, when brought into the focus of invisible rays, is
instantly caused to blaze, and burns with its peculiar purple light.
Magnesium wire flattened, or tarnished magnesium ribbon, also bursts into
flame. Pieces of charcoal suspended in a receiver full of oxygen are also set
on fire when the invisible focus falls upon them; the dark rays after having
passed through the receiver, still possessing sufficient power to ignite the
charcoal, and thus initiate the attack of the oxygen. If, instead of being
plunged in oxygen, the charcoal be suspended in vacuo, it immediately
glows at the place where the focus falls.
philosopher's chief agents of combustion. On a small scale we can readily
produce, with the purely invisible rays of the electric light, all that
Archimedes is said to have performed with the sun's total radiation. Placing
behind the electric light a small concave mirror, the rays are converged, the
cone of reflected rays and their point of convergence being rendered clearly
visible by the dust always floating in the air. Placing between the luminous
focus and the source of rays our solution of iodine, the light of the cone is
entirely cut away; but the intolerable heat experienced when the band is
placed, even for a moment, at the dark focus, shows that the calorific rays
pass unimpeded through the opaque solution.
Almost anything that ordinary fire can effect may be accomplished at the
focus of invisible rays; the air at the focus remaining at the same time
perfectly cold, on account of its transparency to the heat-rays. An air
thermometer, with a hollow rack-salt bulb, would be unaffected by the heat
of the focus: there would be no expansion, and in the open air there is no
convection. The aether at the focus, and not the air, is the substance in which
the heat is embodied. A block of wood, placed at the focus, absorbs the heat,
and dense volumes of smoke rise swiftly upwards, showing the manner in
which the air itself would rise, if the invisible rays were competent to heat it.
At the perfectly dark focus dry paper is instantly inflamed: chips of wood are
speedily burnt up: lead, tin, and zinc are fused: and disks of charred paper
are raised to vivid incandescence. It might be supposed that the obscure rays
would show no preference for black over white; but they do show a
preference, and to obtain rapid combustion, the body, if not already black,
ought to be blackened. When metals are to be burned, it is necessary to
blacken or otherwise tarnish them, so as to diminish their reflective power.
Blackened zinc foil, when brought into the focus of invisible rays, is
instantly caused to blaze, and burns with its peculiar purple light.
Magnesium wire flattened, or tarnished magnesium ribbon, also bursts into
flame. Pieces of charcoal suspended in a receiver full of oxygen are also set
on fire when the invisible focus falls upon them; the dark rays after having
passed through the receiver, still possessing sufficient power to ignite the
charcoal, and thus initiate the attack of the oxygen. If, instead of being
plunged in oxygen, the charcoal be suspended in vacuo, it immediately
glows at the place where the focus falls.
Page 43
.
.
8. Transmutation of Rays: Calorescence.
[Footnote: I borrow this term from Professor Challis, 'Philosophical
Magazine,' vol. xii. p. 521.]
Eminent experimenters were long occupied in demonstrating the substantial
identity of light and radiant heat, and we have now the means of offering a
new and striking proof of this identity. A concave mirror produces, beyond
the object which it reflects, an inverted and magnified image of the object.
Withdrawing, for example, our iodine solution, an intensely luminous
inverted image of the carbon points of the electric light is formed at the
focus of the mirror employed in the foregoing experiments. When the
solution is interposed, and the light is cut away, what becomes of this image?
It disappears from sight; but an invisible thermograph remains, and it is only
the peculiar constitution of our eyes that disqualifies us from seeing the
picture formed by the calorific rays. Falling on white paper, the image chars
itself out: falling on black paper, two holes are pierced in it, corresponding to
the images of the two coke points: but falling on a thin plate of carbon in
vacuo, or upon a thin sheet of platinised platinum, either in vacuo or in air,
radiant heat is converted into light, and the image stamps itself in vivid
incandescence upon both the carbon and the metal. Results similar to those
obtained with the electric light have also been obtained with the invisible
rays of the lime-light and of the sun.
Before a Cambridge audience it is hardly necessary to refer to the excellent
researches of Professor Stokes at the opposite end of the spectrum. The
above results constitute a kind of complement to his discoveries. Professor
Stokes named the phenomena which he has discovered and investigated
Fluorescence; for the new phenomena here described I have proposed the
term Calorescence. He, by the interposition of a proper medium, so lowered
the refrangibility of the ultraviolet rays of the spectrum as to render them
visible. Here, by the interposition of the platinum foil, the refrangibility of
the ultra-red rays is so exalted as to render them visible. Looking through a
prism at the incandescent image of the carbon points, the light of the image
.
8. Transmutation of Rays: Calorescence.
[Footnote: I borrow this term from Professor Challis, 'Philosophical
Magazine,' vol. xii. p. 521.]
Eminent experimenters were long occupied in demonstrating the substantial
identity of light and radiant heat, and we have now the means of offering a
new and striking proof of this identity. A concave mirror produces, beyond
the object which it reflects, an inverted and magnified image of the object.
Withdrawing, for example, our iodine solution, an intensely luminous
inverted image of the carbon points of the electric light is formed at the
focus of the mirror employed in the foregoing experiments. When the
solution is interposed, and the light is cut away, what becomes of this image?
It disappears from sight; but an invisible thermograph remains, and it is only
the peculiar constitution of our eyes that disqualifies us from seeing the
picture formed by the calorific rays. Falling on white paper, the image chars
itself out: falling on black paper, two holes are pierced in it, corresponding to
the images of the two coke points: but falling on a thin plate of carbon in
vacuo, or upon a thin sheet of platinised platinum, either in vacuo or in air,
radiant heat is converted into light, and the image stamps itself in vivid
incandescence upon both the carbon and the metal. Results similar to those
obtained with the electric light have also been obtained with the invisible
rays of the lime-light and of the sun.
Before a Cambridge audience it is hardly necessary to refer to the excellent
researches of Professor Stokes at the opposite end of the spectrum. The
above results constitute a kind of complement to his discoveries. Professor
Stokes named the phenomena which he has discovered and investigated
Fluorescence; for the new phenomena here described I have proposed the
term Calorescence. He, by the interposition of a proper medium, so lowered
the refrangibility of the ultraviolet rays of the spectrum as to render them
visible. Here, by the interposition of the platinum foil, the refrangibility of
the ultra-red rays is so exalted as to render them visible. Looking through a
prism at the incandescent image of the carbon points, the light of the image
Page 44
is decomposed, and a complete spectrum is obtained. The invisible rays of
the electric light, remoulded by the atoms of the platinum, shine thus visibly
forth; ultra-red rays being converted into red, orange, yellow, green, blue,
indigo, violet, and ultraviolet ones. Could we, moreover, raise the original
source of rays to a sufficiently high temperature, we might not only obtain
from the dark rays of such a source a single incandescent image, but from
the dark rays of this image we might obtain a second one, from the dark rays
of the second a third, and so on — a series of complete images and spectra
being thus extracted from the invisible emission of the primitive source.
[Footnote: On investigating the calorescence produced by rays transmitted
through glasses of various colours, it was found that in the case of certain
specimens of blue glass, the platinum foil glowed with a pink or purplish
light. The effect was not subjective, and considerations of obvious interest
are suggested by it. Different kinds of black glass differ notably as to their
power of transmitting radiant heat. When thin, some descriptions tint the sun
with a greenish hue: others make it appear a glowing red without any trace
of green. The latter are far more diathermic than the former. In fact, carbon
when perfectly dissolved and incorporated with a good white glass, is highly
transparent to the calorific rays, and by employing it as an absorbent the
phenomena of 'calorescence' may be obtained, though in a less striking form
than with the iodine. The black glass chosen for thermometers, and intended
to absorb completely the solar heat, may entirely fail in this object, if the
glass in which the carbon is incorporated be colourless. To render the bulb
of a thermometer a perfect absorbent, the glass ought in the first instance to
be green. Soon after the discovery of fluorescence the late Dr. William Allen
Miller pointed to the lime-light as an illustration of exalted refrangibility.
Direct experiments have since entirely confirmed the view expressed at page
210 of his work on 'Chemistry,' published in 1855.]
.
.
9. Deadness of the Optic Nerve to the Calorific Rays.
The layer of iodine used in the foregoing experiments intercepted the rays of
the noonday sun. No trace of light from the electric lamp was visible in the
darkest room, even when a white screen was placed at the focus of the
the electric light, remoulded by the atoms of the platinum, shine thus visibly
forth; ultra-red rays being converted into red, orange, yellow, green, blue,
indigo, violet, and ultraviolet ones. Could we, moreover, raise the original
source of rays to a sufficiently high temperature, we might not only obtain
from the dark rays of such a source a single incandescent image, but from
the dark rays of this image we might obtain a second one, from the dark rays
of the second a third, and so on — a series of complete images and spectra
being thus extracted from the invisible emission of the primitive source.
[Footnote: On investigating the calorescence produced by rays transmitted
through glasses of various colours, it was found that in the case of certain
specimens of blue glass, the platinum foil glowed with a pink or purplish
light. The effect was not subjective, and considerations of obvious interest
are suggested by it. Different kinds of black glass differ notably as to their
power of transmitting radiant heat. When thin, some descriptions tint the sun
with a greenish hue: others make it appear a glowing red without any trace
of green. The latter are far more diathermic than the former. In fact, carbon
when perfectly dissolved and incorporated with a good white glass, is highly
transparent to the calorific rays, and by employing it as an absorbent the
phenomena of 'calorescence' may be obtained, though in a less striking form
than with the iodine. The black glass chosen for thermometers, and intended
to absorb completely the solar heat, may entirely fail in this object, if the
glass in which the carbon is incorporated be colourless. To render the bulb
of a thermometer a perfect absorbent, the glass ought in the first instance to
be green. Soon after the discovery of fluorescence the late Dr. William Allen
Miller pointed to the lime-light as an illustration of exalted refrangibility.
Direct experiments have since entirely confirmed the view expressed at page
210 of his work on 'Chemistry,' published in 1855.]
.
.
9. Deadness of the Optic Nerve to the Calorific Rays.
The layer of iodine used in the foregoing experiments intercepted the rays of
the noonday sun. No trace of light from the electric lamp was visible in the
darkest room, even when a white screen was placed at the focus of the
Page 45
mirror employed to concentrate the light. It was thought, however, that if the
retina itself were brought into the focus the sensation of light might be
experienced. The danger of this experiment was twofold. If the dark rays
were absorbed in a high degree by the humours of the eye the albumen of the
humours might coagulate along the line of the rays. If, on the contrary, no
such high absorption took place, the rays might reach the retina with a force
sufficient to destroy it. To test the likelihood of these results, experiments
were made on water and on a solution of alum, and they showed it to be very
improbable that in the brief time requisite for an experiment any serious
damage could be done. The eye was therefore caused to approach the dark
focus, no defence, in the first instance, being provided; but the heat, acting
upon the parts surrounding the pupil, could not be borne. An aperture was
therefore pierced in a plate of metal, and the eye, placed behind the aperture,
was caused to approach the point of convergence of invisible rays. The focus
was attained, first by the pupil and afterwards by the retina. Removing the
eye, but permitting the plate of metal to remain, a sheet of platinum foil was
placed in the position occupied by the retina a moment before. The platinum
became red-hot. No sensible damage was done to the eye by this experiment;
no impression of light was produced; the optic nerve was not even conscious
of heat.
But the humours of the eye are known to be highly impervious to the
invisible calorific rays, and the question therefore arises, 'Did the radiation in
the foregoing experiment reach the retina at all?' The answer is, that the rays
were in part transmitted to the retina, and in part absorbed by the humours.
Experiments on the eye of an ox showed that the proportion of obscure rays
which reached the retina amounted to 18 per cent. of the total radiation;
while the luminous emission from the electric light amounts to no more than
10 per cent. of the same total. Were the purely luminous rays of the electric
lamp converged by our mirror to a focus, there can be no doubt as to the fate
of a retina placed there. Its ruin would be inevitable; and yet this would be
accomplished by an amount of wave-motion but little more than half of that
which the retina, without exciting consciousness, bears at the focus of
invisible rays.
This subject will repay a moment's further attention. At a common distance
of a foot the visible radiation of the electric light employed in these
experiments is 800 times the light of a candle. At the same distance, the
retina itself were brought into the focus the sensation of light might be
experienced. The danger of this experiment was twofold. If the dark rays
were absorbed in a high degree by the humours of the eye the albumen of the
humours might coagulate along the line of the rays. If, on the contrary, no
such high absorption took place, the rays might reach the retina with a force
sufficient to destroy it. To test the likelihood of these results, experiments
were made on water and on a solution of alum, and they showed it to be very
improbable that in the brief time requisite for an experiment any serious
damage could be done. The eye was therefore caused to approach the dark
focus, no defence, in the first instance, being provided; but the heat, acting
upon the parts surrounding the pupil, could not be borne. An aperture was
therefore pierced in a plate of metal, and the eye, placed behind the aperture,
was caused to approach the point of convergence of invisible rays. The focus
was attained, first by the pupil and afterwards by the retina. Removing the
eye, but permitting the plate of metal to remain, a sheet of platinum foil was
placed in the position occupied by the retina a moment before. The platinum
became red-hot. No sensible damage was done to the eye by this experiment;
no impression of light was produced; the optic nerve was not even conscious
of heat.
But the humours of the eye are known to be highly impervious to the
invisible calorific rays, and the question therefore arises, 'Did the radiation in
the foregoing experiment reach the retina at all?' The answer is, that the rays
were in part transmitted to the retina, and in part absorbed by the humours.
Experiments on the eye of an ox showed that the proportion of obscure rays
which reached the retina amounted to 18 per cent. of the total radiation;
while the luminous emission from the electric light amounts to no more than
10 per cent. of the same total. Were the purely luminous rays of the electric
lamp converged by our mirror to a focus, there can be no doubt as to the fate
of a retina placed there. Its ruin would be inevitable; and yet this would be
accomplished by an amount of wave-motion but little more than half of that
which the retina, without exciting consciousness, bears at the focus of
invisible rays.
This subject will repay a moment's further attention. At a common distance
of a foot the visible radiation of the electric light employed in these
experiments is 800 times the light of a candle. At the same distance, the
Page 46
portion of the radiation of the electric light which reaches the retina, but fails
to excite vision, is about 1,500 times the luminous radiation of the candle.
[Footnote: It will be borne in mind that the heat which any ray, luminous or
non-luminous, is competent to generate is the true measure of the energy of
the ray.] But a candle on a clear night can readily be seen at a distance of a
mile, its light at this distance being less than 1/20,000,000 of its light at the
distance of a foot.
Hence, to make the candle-light a mile off equal in power to the non-
luminous radiation received from the electric light at a foot distance, its
intensity would have to be multiplied by 1,500 x 20,000,000, or by thirty
thousand millions. Thus the thirty thousand millionth part of the invisible
radiation from the electric light, received by the retina at the distance of a
foot, would, if slightly changed in character, be amply sufficient to provoke
vision. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate that special relationship
supposed by Melloni and others to subsist between the optic nerve and the
oscillating periods of luminous bodies. The optic nerve responds, as it were,
to the waves with which it is in consonance, while it refuses to be excited by
others of almost infinitely greater energy, whose periods of recurrence are
not in unison with its own.
.
.
.
10. Persistence of Rays.
At an early part of this lecture it was affirmed, that when a platinum wire
was, gradually raised to a state of high incandescence, new rays were
constantly added, while the intensity of the old ones was increased. Thus, in
Dr. Draper's experiments, the rise of temperature that generated the orange,
yellow, green, and blue augmented the intensity of the red. What is true of
the red is true of every other ray of the spectrum, visible and invisible. We
cannot indeed see the augmentation of intensity in the region beyond the red,
but we can measure it and express it numerically. With this view the
following experiment was performed: A spiral of platinum wire was
to excite vision, is about 1,500 times the luminous radiation of the candle.
[Footnote: It will be borne in mind that the heat which any ray, luminous or
non-luminous, is competent to generate is the true measure of the energy of
the ray.] But a candle on a clear night can readily be seen at a distance of a
mile, its light at this distance being less than 1/20,000,000 of its light at the
distance of a foot.
Hence, to make the candle-light a mile off equal in power to the non-
luminous radiation received from the electric light at a foot distance, its
intensity would have to be multiplied by 1,500 x 20,000,000, or by thirty
thousand millions. Thus the thirty thousand millionth part of the invisible
radiation from the electric light, received by the retina at the distance of a
foot, would, if slightly changed in character, be amply sufficient to provoke
vision. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate that special relationship
supposed by Melloni and others to subsist between the optic nerve and the
oscillating periods of luminous bodies. The optic nerve responds, as it were,
to the waves with which it is in consonance, while it refuses to be excited by
others of almost infinitely greater energy, whose periods of recurrence are
not in unison with its own.
.
.
.
10. Persistence of Rays.
At an early part of this lecture it was affirmed, that when a platinum wire
was, gradually raised to a state of high incandescence, new rays were
constantly added, while the intensity of the old ones was increased. Thus, in
Dr. Draper's experiments, the rise of temperature that generated the orange,
yellow, green, and blue augmented the intensity of the red. What is true of
the red is true of every other ray of the spectrum, visible and invisible. We
cannot indeed see the augmentation of intensity in the region beyond the red,
but we can measure it and express it numerically. With this view the
following experiment was performed: A spiral of platinum wire was
Page 47
surrounded by a small glass globe to protect it from currents of air; through
an orifice in the globe the rays could pass from the spiral and fall afterwards
upon a thermo-electric pile. Placing in front of the orifice an opaque solution
of iodine, the platinum was gradually raised from a low dark heat to the
fullest incandescence, with the following results :—
Appearance of spiral Energy of
obscure radiation
Dark 1
Dark, but hotter 3
Dark, but still hotter 5
Dark, but still hotter 10
Feeble red 19
Dull red 25
Red 37
Full red. 62
Orange 89
an orifice in the globe the rays could pass from the spiral and fall afterwards
upon a thermo-electric pile. Placing in front of the orifice an opaque solution
of iodine, the platinum was gradually raised from a low dark heat to the
fullest incandescence, with the following results :—
Appearance of spiral Energy of
obscure radiation
Dark 1
Dark, but hotter 3
Dark, but still hotter 5
Dark, but still hotter 10
Feeble red 19
Dull red 25
Red 37
Full red. 62
Orange 89
Page 48
Bright orange 144
Yellow 202
White 276
Intense white 440
Thus the augmentation of the electric current, which raises the wire from its
primitive dark condition to an intense white heat, exalts at the same time the
energy of the obscure radiation, until at the end it is fully 440 times what it
was at the beginning.
What has been here proved true of the totality of the ultra-red rays is true for
each of them singly. Placing our linear thermo-electric pile in any part of the
ultra-red spectrum, it may be proved that a ray once emitted continues to be
emitted with increased energy as the temperature is augmented. The
platinum spiral, so often referred to, being raised to whiteness by an electric
current, a brilliant spectrum was formed from its light. A linear thermo-
electric pile was placed in the region of obscure rays beyond the red, and by
diminishing the current the spiral was reduced to a low temperature. It was
then caused to pass through various degrees of darkness and incandescence,
with the following results :—
Appearance Energy of
of spiral obscure rays
Dark 1
Yellow 202
White 276
Intense white 440
Thus the augmentation of the electric current, which raises the wire from its
primitive dark condition to an intense white heat, exalts at the same time the
energy of the obscure radiation, until at the end it is fully 440 times what it
was at the beginning.
What has been here proved true of the totality of the ultra-red rays is true for
each of them singly. Placing our linear thermo-electric pile in any part of the
ultra-red spectrum, it may be proved that a ray once emitted continues to be
emitted with increased energy as the temperature is augmented. The
platinum spiral, so often referred to, being raised to whiteness by an electric
current, a brilliant spectrum was formed from its light. A linear thermo-
electric pile was placed in the region of obscure rays beyond the red, and by
diminishing the current the spiral was reduced to a low temperature. It was
then caused to pass through various degrees of darkness and incandescence,
with the following results :—
Appearance Energy of
of spiral obscure rays
Dark 1
Page 49
Dark 6
Faint red 10
Dull red 13
Red 18
Full red. 27
Orange 60
Yellow 93
White 122
Here, as in the former case, the dark and bright radiations reached their
maximum together; as the one augmented, the other augmented, until at last
the energy of the obscure rays of the particular refrangibility here chosen,
became 122 times what it was at first. To reach a white heat the wire has to
pass through all the stages of invisible radiation, but in its most brilliant
condition it embraces, in an intensified form, the rays of all those stages.
And thus it is with all other kinds of matter, as far as they have hitherto been
examined. Coke, whether brought to a white heat by the electric current, or
by the oxyhydrogen jet, pours out invisible rays with augmented energy, as
its light is increased. The same is true of lime, bricks, and other substances.
It is true of all metals which are capable of being heated to incandescence. It
also holds good for phosphorus burning in oxygen. Every gush of dazzling
Faint red 10
Dull red 13
Red 18
Full red. 27
Orange 60
Yellow 93
White 122
Here, as in the former case, the dark and bright radiations reached their
maximum together; as the one augmented, the other augmented, until at last
the energy of the obscure rays of the particular refrangibility here chosen,
became 122 times what it was at first. To reach a white heat the wire has to
pass through all the stages of invisible radiation, but in its most brilliant
condition it embraces, in an intensified form, the rays of all those stages.
And thus it is with all other kinds of matter, as far as they have hitherto been
examined. Coke, whether brought to a white heat by the electric current, or
by the oxyhydrogen jet, pours out invisible rays with augmented energy, as
its light is increased. The same is true of lime, bricks, and other substances.
It is true of all metals which are capable of being heated to incandescence. It
also holds good for phosphorus burning in oxygen. Every gush of dazzling
Page 50
light has associated with it a gush of invisible radiant heat, which far
transcends the light in energy. This condition of things applies to all bodies
capable of being raised to a white heat, either in the solid or the molten
condition. It would doubtless also apply to the luminous fogs formed by the
condensation of incandescent vapours. In such cases when the curve
representing the radiant energy of the body is constructed, the obscure
radiation towers upwards like a mountain, the luminous radiation resembling
a mere 'spur' at its base. From the very brightness of the light of some of the
fixed stars we may infer the intensity of that dark radiation, which is the
precursor and inseparable associate of their luminous rays.
We thus find the luminous radiation appearing when the radiant body has
attained a certain temperature; or, in other words, when the vibrating atoms
of the body have attained a certain width of swing. In solid and molten
bodies a certain amplitude cannot be surpassed without the introduction of
periods of vibration, which provoke the sense of vision. How are we to
figure this? If permitted to speculate, we might ask, are not these more rapid
vibrations the progeny of the slower? Is it not really the mutual action of the
atoms, when they swing through very wide spaces, and thus encroach upon
each other, that causes them to tremble in quicker periods? If so, whatever be
the agency by which the large swinging space is obtained, we shall have
light-giving vibrations associated with it. It matters not whether the large
amplitudes be produced by the strokes of a hammer, or by the blows of the
molecules of a non-luminous gas, like air at some height above a gas-flame;
or by the shock of the aether particles when transmitting radiant heat. The
result in all cases will be incandescence. Thus, the invisible waves of our
filtered electric beam may be regarded as generating synchronous vibrations
among the atoms of the platinum on which they impinge; but, once these
vibrations have attained a certain amplitude, the mutual jostling of the atoms
produces quicker tremors, and the light-giving waves follow as the necessary
product of the heat-giving ones.
.
.
11. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Vapours and Odours.
transcends the light in energy. This condition of things applies to all bodies
capable of being raised to a white heat, either in the solid or the molten
condition. It would doubtless also apply to the luminous fogs formed by the
condensation of incandescent vapours. In such cases when the curve
representing the radiant energy of the body is constructed, the obscure
radiation towers upwards like a mountain, the luminous radiation resembling
a mere 'spur' at its base. From the very brightness of the light of some of the
fixed stars we may infer the intensity of that dark radiation, which is the
precursor and inseparable associate of their luminous rays.
We thus find the luminous radiation appearing when the radiant body has
attained a certain temperature; or, in other words, when the vibrating atoms
of the body have attained a certain width of swing. In solid and molten
bodies a certain amplitude cannot be surpassed without the introduction of
periods of vibration, which provoke the sense of vision. How are we to
figure this? If permitted to speculate, we might ask, are not these more rapid
vibrations the progeny of the slower? Is it not really the mutual action of the
atoms, when they swing through very wide spaces, and thus encroach upon
each other, that causes them to tremble in quicker periods? If so, whatever be
the agency by which the large swinging space is obtained, we shall have
light-giving vibrations associated with it. It matters not whether the large
amplitudes be produced by the strokes of a hammer, or by the blows of the
molecules of a non-luminous gas, like air at some height above a gas-flame;
or by the shock of the aether particles when transmitting radiant heat. The
result in all cases will be incandescence. Thus, the invisible waves of our
filtered electric beam may be regarded as generating synchronous vibrations
among the atoms of the platinum on which they impinge; but, once these
vibrations have attained a certain amplitude, the mutual jostling of the atoms
produces quicker tremors, and the light-giving waves follow as the necessary
product of the heat-giving ones.
.
.
11. Absorption of Radiant Heat by Vapours and Odours.
Page 51
We commenced the demonstrations brought forward in this lecture by
experiments on permanent gases, and we have now to turn our attention to
the vapours of volatile liquids. Here, as in the case of the gases, vast
differences have been proved to exist between various kinds of molecules, as
regards their power of intercepting the calorific waves. While some vapours
allow the waves a comparatively free passage, the faintest mixture of other
vapours causes a deflection of the magnetic needle. Assuming the absorption
effected by air, at a pressure of one atmosphere, to be unity, the following
are the absorptions effected by a series of vapours at a pressure of 1/60th of
an atmosphere :—
Name of vapour Absorption
Bisulphide of carbon 47
Iodide of methyl 115
Benzol 136
Amylene 321
Sulphuric ether 440
Formic ether 548
Acetic ether 612
experiments on permanent gases, and we have now to turn our attention to
the vapours of volatile liquids. Here, as in the case of the gases, vast
differences have been proved to exist between various kinds of molecules, as
regards their power of intercepting the calorific waves. While some vapours
allow the waves a comparatively free passage, the faintest mixture of other
vapours causes a deflection of the magnetic needle. Assuming the absorption
effected by air, at a pressure of one atmosphere, to be unity, the following
are the absorptions effected by a series of vapours at a pressure of 1/60th of
an atmosphere :—
Name of vapour Absorption
Bisulphide of carbon 47
Iodide of methyl 115
Benzol 136
Amylene 321
Sulphuric ether 440
Formic ether 548
Acetic ether 612
Page 52
Bisulphide of carbon is the most transparent vapour in this list; and acetic
ether the most opaque; 1/60th of an atmosphere of the former, however,
produces 47 times the effect of a whole atmosphere of air, while 1/60th of an
atmosphere of the latter produces 612 times the effect of a whole atmosphere
of air. Reducing dry air to the pressure of the acetic ether here employed, and
comparing them then together, the quantity of wave-motion intercepted by
the ether would be many thousand times that intercepted by the air.
Any one of these vapours discharged into the free atmosphere, in front of a
body emitting obscure rays, intercepts more or less of the radiation. A similar
effect is. produced by perfumes diffused in the air, though their attenuation is
known to be almost infinite. Carrying, for example, a current of dry air over
bibulous paper, moistened by patchouli, the scent taken up by the current
absorbs 30 times the quantity of heat intercepted by the air which carries it;
and yet patchouli acts more feebly on radiant heat than any other perfume
yet examined.
Here follow the results obtained with various essential oils, the odour, in
each case, being carried by a current of dry air into the tube already
employed for gases and vapours:—
Name of perfume Absorption
Patchouli 30
Sandal wood 32
Geranium 33
Oil of cloves 34
ether the most opaque; 1/60th of an atmosphere of the former, however,
produces 47 times the effect of a whole atmosphere of air, while 1/60th of an
atmosphere of the latter produces 612 times the effect of a whole atmosphere
of air. Reducing dry air to the pressure of the acetic ether here employed, and
comparing them then together, the quantity of wave-motion intercepted by
the ether would be many thousand times that intercepted by the air.
Any one of these vapours discharged into the free atmosphere, in front of a
body emitting obscure rays, intercepts more or less of the radiation. A similar
effect is. produced by perfumes diffused in the air, though their attenuation is
known to be almost infinite. Carrying, for example, a current of dry air over
bibulous paper, moistened by patchouli, the scent taken up by the current
absorbs 30 times the quantity of heat intercepted by the air which carries it;
and yet patchouli acts more feebly on radiant heat than any other perfume
yet examined.
Here follow the results obtained with various essential oils, the odour, in
each case, being carried by a current of dry air into the tube already
employed for gases and vapours:—
Name of perfume Absorption
Patchouli 30
Sandal wood 32
Geranium 33
Oil of cloves 34
Page 53
Otto of roses 37
Bergamot 44
Neroli 47
Lavender 60
Lemon 65
Portugal 67
Thyme 68
Rosemary 74
Oil of laurel 80
Camomile flowers 87
Cassia 109
Spikenard 355
Bergamot 44
Neroli 47
Lavender 60
Lemon 65
Portugal 67
Thyme 68
Rosemary 74
Oil of laurel 80
Camomile flowers 87
Cassia 109
Spikenard 355
Page 54
Aniseed 372
Thus the absorption by a tube full of dry air being 1, that of the odour of
patchouli diffused in it is 30, at of lavender 60, that of rosemary 74, whilst
that of aniseed amounts to 372. It would be idle to speculate the quantities of
matter concerned in these actions.
.
.
12. Aqueous Vapour in relation to the Terrestrial Temperatures.
We are now fully prepared for a result which, without such preparation,
might appear. incredible. Water is, to some extent, a volatile body, and our
atmosphere, resting as it does upon the surface of the ocean, receives from it
a continual supply of aqueous vapour. It would be an error to confound
clouds or fog or any visible mist with the vapour of water, which is a
perfectly impalpable gas, diffused, even on the clearest days, throughout the
atmosphere. Compared with the great body of the air, the aqueous vapour it
contains is of almost infinitesimal amount, 99.5 out of every 100 parts of the
atmosphere being composed of oxygen and nitrogen. In the absence of
experiment, we should never think of ascribing to this scant and varying
constituent any important influence on terrestrial radiation; and yet its
influence is far more potent than that of the great body of the air. To say that
on a day of average humidity in England, the atmospheric vapour exerts 100
times the action of the air itself, would certainly be an understatement of the
fact. Comparing a single molecule of aqueous vapour with an atom of either
of the main constituents of our atmosphere, I am not prepared to say how
many thousand times the action of the former exceeds that of the latter.
But it must be borne in mind that these large numbers depend, in part, on the
extreme feebleness of the air; the power of aqueous vapour seems vast,
because that of the air with which it is compared is infinitesimal. Absolutely
considered, however, this substance, notwithstanding its small specific
gravity, exercises a very potent action. Probably from 10 to 15 per cent. of
Thus the absorption by a tube full of dry air being 1, that of the odour of
patchouli diffused in it is 30, at of lavender 60, that of rosemary 74, whilst
that of aniseed amounts to 372. It would be idle to speculate the quantities of
matter concerned in these actions.
.
.
12. Aqueous Vapour in relation to the Terrestrial Temperatures.
We are now fully prepared for a result which, without such preparation,
might appear. incredible. Water is, to some extent, a volatile body, and our
atmosphere, resting as it does upon the surface of the ocean, receives from it
a continual supply of aqueous vapour. It would be an error to confound
clouds or fog or any visible mist with the vapour of water, which is a
perfectly impalpable gas, diffused, even on the clearest days, throughout the
atmosphere. Compared with the great body of the air, the aqueous vapour it
contains is of almost infinitesimal amount, 99.5 out of every 100 parts of the
atmosphere being composed of oxygen and nitrogen. In the absence of
experiment, we should never think of ascribing to this scant and varying
constituent any important influence on terrestrial radiation; and yet its
influence is far more potent than that of the great body of the air. To say that
on a day of average humidity in England, the atmospheric vapour exerts 100
times the action of the air itself, would certainly be an understatement of the
fact. Comparing a single molecule of aqueous vapour with an atom of either
of the main constituents of our atmosphere, I am not prepared to say how
many thousand times the action of the former exceeds that of the latter.
But it must be borne in mind that these large numbers depend, in part, on the
extreme feebleness of the air; the power of aqueous vapour seems vast,
because that of the air with which it is compared is infinitesimal. Absolutely
considered, however, this substance, notwithstanding its small specific
gravity, exercises a very potent action. Probably from 10 to 15 per cent. of
Page 55
the heat radiated from the earth is absorbed within 10 or 20 feet of the earth's
surface. This must evidently be of the utmost consequence to the life of the
world. Imagine the superficial molecules of the earth agitated with the
motion of heat, and imparting it to the surrounding aether; this motion would
be carried rapidly away, and lost for ever to our planet, if the waves of aether
had nothing but the air to contend with in their outward course. But the
aqueous vapour takes up the motion, and becomes hereby heated, thus
wrapping the earth like a warm garment, and protecting its surface from the
deadly chill which it would otherwise sustain. Various philosophers have
speculated on the influence of an atmospheric envelope. De Saussure,
Fourier, M. Pouillet, and Mr. Hopkins have, one and all, enriched scientific
literature with contributions on this subject, but the considerations which
these eminent men have applied to atmospheric air, have, if my experiments
be correct, to be transferred to the aqueous vapour.
The observations of meteorologists furnish important, though hitherto
unconscious evidence of the influence of this agent. Wherever the air is dry
we are liable to daily extremes of temperature. By day, such places, the sun's
heat reaches the earth unimpeded, and renders the maximum high; by night,
on the other hand, the earth's heat escapes unhindered to space, and renders
the minimum low. Hence the difference between the maximum and
minimum is greatest where the air is driest. In the plains of India, the heights
of the Himalaya, in central Asia, in Australia — wherever drought reigns, we
have the heat of day forcibly contrasted with the chill of night. In the Sahara
itself, when the sun's rays cease to impinge on the burning soil, the
temperature runs rapidly down to freezing, because there is no vapour
overhead to check the calorific drain. And here another instance might be
added to the numbers already known, in which nature tends as it were to
check her own excess. By nocturnal refrigeration, the aqueous vapour of the
air is condensed to water on the surface of the earth; and, as only the
superficial portions radiate, the act of condensation makes water the
radiating body. Now experiment proves that to the rays emitted by water,
aqueous vapour is especially opaque. Hence the very act of condensation,
consequent on terrestrial cooling, becomes a safeguard to the earth,
imparting to its radiation that particular character which renders it most
liable to be prevented from escaping into space.
surface. This must evidently be of the utmost consequence to the life of the
world. Imagine the superficial molecules of the earth agitated with the
motion of heat, and imparting it to the surrounding aether; this motion would
be carried rapidly away, and lost for ever to our planet, if the waves of aether
had nothing but the air to contend with in their outward course. But the
aqueous vapour takes up the motion, and becomes hereby heated, thus
wrapping the earth like a warm garment, and protecting its surface from the
deadly chill which it would otherwise sustain. Various philosophers have
speculated on the influence of an atmospheric envelope. De Saussure,
Fourier, M. Pouillet, and Mr. Hopkins have, one and all, enriched scientific
literature with contributions on this subject, but the considerations which
these eminent men have applied to atmospheric air, have, if my experiments
be correct, to be transferred to the aqueous vapour.
The observations of meteorologists furnish important, though hitherto
unconscious evidence of the influence of this agent. Wherever the air is dry
we are liable to daily extremes of temperature. By day, such places, the sun's
heat reaches the earth unimpeded, and renders the maximum high; by night,
on the other hand, the earth's heat escapes unhindered to space, and renders
the minimum low. Hence the difference between the maximum and
minimum is greatest where the air is driest. In the plains of India, the heights
of the Himalaya, in central Asia, in Australia — wherever drought reigns, we
have the heat of day forcibly contrasted with the chill of night. In the Sahara
itself, when the sun's rays cease to impinge on the burning soil, the
temperature runs rapidly down to freezing, because there is no vapour
overhead to check the calorific drain. And here another instance might be
added to the numbers already known, in which nature tends as it were to
check her own excess. By nocturnal refrigeration, the aqueous vapour of the
air is condensed to water on the surface of the earth; and, as only the
superficial portions radiate, the act of condensation makes water the
radiating body. Now experiment proves that to the rays emitted by water,
aqueous vapour is especially opaque. Hence the very act of condensation,
consequent on terrestrial cooling, becomes a safeguard to the earth,
imparting to its radiation that particular character which renders it most
liable to be prevented from escaping into space.
Page 56
It might however be urged that, inasmuch as we derive all our heat from the
sun, the selfsame covering which protects the earth from chill must also shut
out the solar radiation. This is partially true, but only partially; the sun's rays
are different in quality from the earth's rays, and it does not at all follow that
the substance which absorbs the one must necessarily absorb the other.
Through a layer of water, for example, one tenth of an inch in thickness, the
sun's rays are transmitted with comparative freedom; but through a layer half
this thickness, as Melloni has proved, no single ray from the warmed earth
could pass. In like manner, the sun's rays pass with comparative freedom
through the aqueous vapour of the air: the absorbing power of this substance
being mainly exerted upon the invisible heat that endeavours to escape from
the earth. In consequence of this differential action upon solar and terrestrial
heat, the mean temperature of our planet is higher than is due to its distance
from the sun.
.
.
13. Liquids and their Vapours in relation to Radiant Heat.
The deportment here assigned to atmospheric vapour has been established by
direct experiments on it taken from the streets and parks of London, from the
downs of Epsom, from the hills and sea-beach of the Isle of Wight, and also
by experiments on air in the first instance dried, and afterwards rendered
artificially humid by pure distilled water. It has also been established in the
following way: Ten volatile liquids were taken at random and the power of
these ;liquids, at a common thickness, to intercept the waves of heat, was
carefully determined. The vapours of the liquids were next taken, in
quantities proportional to the quantities of liquid, and the power of the
vapours intercept the waves of heat was also determined.
Commencing with the substance which exerted the least absorptive power,
and proceeding onwards to the most energetic, the following order of
absorption was observed :—
sun, the selfsame covering which protects the earth from chill must also shut
out the solar radiation. This is partially true, but only partially; the sun's rays
are different in quality from the earth's rays, and it does not at all follow that
the substance which absorbs the one must necessarily absorb the other.
Through a layer of water, for example, one tenth of an inch in thickness, the
sun's rays are transmitted with comparative freedom; but through a layer half
this thickness, as Melloni has proved, no single ray from the warmed earth
could pass. In like manner, the sun's rays pass with comparative freedom
through the aqueous vapour of the air: the absorbing power of this substance
being mainly exerted upon the invisible heat that endeavours to escape from
the earth. In consequence of this differential action upon solar and terrestrial
heat, the mean temperature of our planet is higher than is due to its distance
from the sun.
.
.
13. Liquids and their Vapours in relation to Radiant Heat.
The deportment here assigned to atmospheric vapour has been established by
direct experiments on it taken from the streets and parks of London, from the
downs of Epsom, from the hills and sea-beach of the Isle of Wight, and also
by experiments on air in the first instance dried, and afterwards rendered
artificially humid by pure distilled water. It has also been established in the
following way: Ten volatile liquids were taken at random and the power of
these ;liquids, at a common thickness, to intercept the waves of heat, was
carefully determined. The vapours of the liquids were next taken, in
quantities proportional to the quantities of liquid, and the power of the
vapours intercept the waves of heat was also determined.
Commencing with the substance which exerted the least absorptive power,
and proceeding onwards to the most energetic, the following order of
absorption was observed :—
Page 57
Liquids Vapours
Bisulphide of carbon Bisulphide of carbon
Chloroform Chloroform
Iodide of methyl Iodide of methyl
Iodide of ethyl Iodide of ethyl
Benzol Benzol
Amylene Amylene
Sulphuric aether Sulphuric aether
Acetic aether Acetic aether
Formic aether Formic aether
Alcohol Alcohol
Water
Bisulphide of carbon Bisulphide of carbon
Chloroform Chloroform
Iodide of methyl Iodide of methyl
Iodide of ethyl Iodide of ethyl
Benzol Benzol
Amylene Amylene
Sulphuric aether Sulphuric aether
Acetic aether Acetic aether
Formic aether Formic aether
Alcohol Alcohol
Water
Page 58
We here find the order of absorption in both cases be the same. We have
liberated the molecules from the bonds which trammel them more or less in
a liquid condition; but this change in their state of aggregation does not
change their relative powers of absorption. Nothing could more clearly
prove that the act of absorption depends upon the individual molecule, which
equally asserts its power in the liquid and the gaseous state. We may safely
conclude from the above table that the position of a vapour is determined by
that of its liquid. Now at the very foot of the list of liquids stands water,
signalising itself above all others by its enormous power of absorption. And
from this fact, even if no direct experiment on the vapour of water had ever
been made, we should be entitled to rank that vapour as our most powerful
absorber of radiant heat. Its attenuation, however, diminishes its action. I
have proved that a shell of air two inches in thickness surrounding our
planet, and saturated with the vapour of sulphuric aether, would intercept 35
per cent. of the earth's radiation. And though the quantity of aqueous vapour
necessary to saturate air is much less than the amount of sulphuric aether
vapour which it can sustain, it is still extremely probable that the estimate
already made of the action of atmospheric vapour within 10 feet of the
earth's surface, is under the mark; and that we are indebted to this wonderful
substance, to an extent not accurately determined, but certainly far beyond
what has hitherto been imagined, for the temperature now existing at the
surface of the globe.
.
.
14. Reciprocity of Radiation and Absorption.
Throughout the reflections which have hitherto occupied us, the image
before the mind has been that of a radiant source sending forth calorific
waves, which on passing among the molecules of a gas or vapour were
intercepted by those molecules in various degrees. In all cases it was the
transference of motion from the aether to the comparatively quiescent
molecules of the gas or vapour that occupied our thoughts. We have now to
change the form of our conception, and to figure these molecules not as
absorbers but as radiators, not as the recipients but as the originators of
wave-motion. That is to say, we must figure them vibrating, and generating
liberated the molecules from the bonds which trammel them more or less in
a liquid condition; but this change in their state of aggregation does not
change their relative powers of absorption. Nothing could more clearly
prove that the act of absorption depends upon the individual molecule, which
equally asserts its power in the liquid and the gaseous state. We may safely
conclude from the above table that the position of a vapour is determined by
that of its liquid. Now at the very foot of the list of liquids stands water,
signalising itself above all others by its enormous power of absorption. And
from this fact, even if no direct experiment on the vapour of water had ever
been made, we should be entitled to rank that vapour as our most powerful
absorber of radiant heat. Its attenuation, however, diminishes its action. I
have proved that a shell of air two inches in thickness surrounding our
planet, and saturated with the vapour of sulphuric aether, would intercept 35
per cent. of the earth's radiation. And though the quantity of aqueous vapour
necessary to saturate air is much less than the amount of sulphuric aether
vapour which it can sustain, it is still extremely probable that the estimate
already made of the action of atmospheric vapour within 10 feet of the
earth's surface, is under the mark; and that we are indebted to this wonderful
substance, to an extent not accurately determined, but certainly far beyond
what has hitherto been imagined, for the temperature now existing at the
surface of the globe.
.
.
14. Reciprocity of Radiation and Absorption.
Throughout the reflections which have hitherto occupied us, the image
before the mind has been that of a radiant source sending forth calorific
waves, which on passing among the molecules of a gas or vapour were
intercepted by those molecules in various degrees. In all cases it was the
transference of motion from the aether to the comparatively quiescent
molecules of the gas or vapour that occupied our thoughts. We have now to
change the form of our conception, and to figure these molecules not as
absorbers but as radiators, not as the recipients but as the originators of
wave-motion. That is to say, we must figure them vibrating, and generating
Page 59
in the surrounding aether undulations which speed through it with the
velocity of light. Our object now is to enquire whether the act of chemical
combination, which proves so potent as regards the phenomena of
absorption, does not also manifest its power in the phenomena of radiation.
For the examination of this question it is necessary, in the first place, to heat
our gases and vapours to the same temperature, and then examine their
power of discharging the motion thus imparted to them upon the aether in
which they swing.
A heated copper ball was placed above a ring gas-burner possessing a great
number of small apertures, the burner being connected by a tube with vessels
containing the various gases to be examined. By gentle pressure the gases
were forced through the orifices of the burner against the copper ball, where
each of them, being heated, rose in an ascending column. A thermoelectric
pile, entirely screened from the hot ball, was exposed to the radiation of the
warm gas, while the deflection of a magnetic needle connected with the pile
declared the energy of the radiation.
By this mode of experiment it was proved that the selfsame molecular
arrangement which renders a gas a powerful absorber, renders it a powerful
radiator — that the atom or molecule which is competent to intercept the
calorific waves is, in the same degree, competent to send them forth. Thus,
while the atoms of elementary gases proved themselves unable to emit any
sensible amount of radiant heat, the molecules of compound gases were
shown to be capable of powerfully disturbing the surrounding aether. By
special modes of experiment the same was proved to hold good for the
vapours of volatile liquids, the radiative power of every vapour being found
proportional to its absorptive power.
The method of experiment here pursued, though not of the simplest
character, is still easy to grasp. When air is permitted to rush into an
exhausted tube, the temperature of the air is raised to a degree equivalent to
the vis viva extinguished. [Footnote: See above for a definition of vis viva.]
Such air is said to be dynamically heated, and, if pure, it shows itself
incompetent to radiate, even when a rock-salt window is provided for the
passage of its rays. But if instead of being empty the tube contain a small
quantity of vapour, the warmed air communicates its heat by contact to the
vapour, the molecules of which convert into the radiant form the heat
velocity of light. Our object now is to enquire whether the act of chemical
combination, which proves so potent as regards the phenomena of
absorption, does not also manifest its power in the phenomena of radiation.
For the examination of this question it is necessary, in the first place, to heat
our gases and vapours to the same temperature, and then examine their
power of discharging the motion thus imparted to them upon the aether in
which they swing.
A heated copper ball was placed above a ring gas-burner possessing a great
number of small apertures, the burner being connected by a tube with vessels
containing the various gases to be examined. By gentle pressure the gases
were forced through the orifices of the burner against the copper ball, where
each of them, being heated, rose in an ascending column. A thermoelectric
pile, entirely screened from the hot ball, was exposed to the radiation of the
warm gas, while the deflection of a magnetic needle connected with the pile
declared the energy of the radiation.
By this mode of experiment it was proved that the selfsame molecular
arrangement which renders a gas a powerful absorber, renders it a powerful
radiator — that the atom or molecule which is competent to intercept the
calorific waves is, in the same degree, competent to send them forth. Thus,
while the atoms of elementary gases proved themselves unable to emit any
sensible amount of radiant heat, the molecules of compound gases were
shown to be capable of powerfully disturbing the surrounding aether. By
special modes of experiment the same was proved to hold good for the
vapours of volatile liquids, the radiative power of every vapour being found
proportional to its absorptive power.
The method of experiment here pursued, though not of the simplest
character, is still easy to grasp. When air is permitted to rush into an
exhausted tube, the temperature of the air is raised to a degree equivalent to
the vis viva extinguished. [Footnote: See above for a definition of vis viva.]
Such air is said to be dynamically heated, and, if pure, it shows itself
incompetent to radiate, even when a rock-salt window is provided for the
passage of its rays. But if instead of being empty the tube contain a small
quantity of vapour, the warmed air communicates its heat by contact to the
vapour, the molecules of which convert into the radiant form the heat
Page 60
imparted to them by the atoms of the air. By this process also, which I have
called Dynamic Radiation, the reciprocity of radiation and absorption has
been conclusively proved.[Footnote: When heated air imparts its motion to
another gas or vapour, the transference of heat is accompanied by a change
of vibrating period. The Dynamic Radiation of vapours is rendered possible
by this transmutation of vibrations.]
In the excellent researches of Leslie, De la Provostaye and Detains, and
Balfour Stewart, the same reciprocity, as regards solid bodies, has been
variously illustrated; while the labours, theoretical and experimental, of
Kirchhoff have given this subject a wonderful expansion, and enriched it by
applications of the highest kind. To their results are now to be added the
foregoing, whereby gases and vapours, which have been hitherto thought
inaccessible to experiments with the thermo-electric pile, are proved by it to
exhibit the indissoluble duality of radiation and absorption, the influence of
chemical combination on both being exhibited in the most decisive and
extraordinary way.
.
.
15. Influence of Vibrating Period and Molecular Form. Physical
Analysis of the Human Breath.
In the foregoing experiments with gases and vapours have employed
throughout invisible rays, and found some of these bodies so impervious to
radiant heat, that lengths of a few feet they intercept every ray as actually as
a layer of pitch. The substances, however, which show themselves thus
opaque to radiant heat perfectly transparent to light. Now the rays of light
differ from those of invisible heat merely in point of period, the former
failing to affect the retina because their periods of recurrence are too slow.
Hence, in one way or other, the transparency of our gases and vapours
depends upon the periods of the waves which impinge upon them. What is
the nature of this dependence? The admirable researches of Kirchhoff help
us an answer. The atoms and molecules of every gas have certain definite
rates of oscillation, and those waves aether are most copiously absorbed
whose periods recurrence synchronise with those of the atomic groups
called Dynamic Radiation, the reciprocity of radiation and absorption has
been conclusively proved.[Footnote: When heated air imparts its motion to
another gas or vapour, the transference of heat is accompanied by a change
of vibrating period. The Dynamic Radiation of vapours is rendered possible
by this transmutation of vibrations.]
In the excellent researches of Leslie, De la Provostaye and Detains, and
Balfour Stewart, the same reciprocity, as regards solid bodies, has been
variously illustrated; while the labours, theoretical and experimental, of
Kirchhoff have given this subject a wonderful expansion, and enriched it by
applications of the highest kind. To their results are now to be added the
foregoing, whereby gases and vapours, which have been hitherto thought
inaccessible to experiments with the thermo-electric pile, are proved by it to
exhibit the indissoluble duality of radiation and absorption, the influence of
chemical combination on both being exhibited in the most decisive and
extraordinary way.
.
.
15. Influence of Vibrating Period and Molecular Form. Physical
Analysis of the Human Breath.
In the foregoing experiments with gases and vapours have employed
throughout invisible rays, and found some of these bodies so impervious to
radiant heat, that lengths of a few feet they intercept every ray as actually as
a layer of pitch. The substances, however, which show themselves thus
opaque to radiant heat perfectly transparent to light. Now the rays of light
differ from those of invisible heat merely in point of period, the former
failing to affect the retina because their periods of recurrence are too slow.
Hence, in one way or other, the transparency of our gases and vapours
depends upon the periods of the waves which impinge upon them. What is
the nature of this dependence? The admirable researches of Kirchhoff help
us an answer. The atoms and molecules of every gas have certain definite
rates of oscillation, and those waves aether are most copiously absorbed
whose periods recurrence synchronise with those of the atomic groups
Page 61
amongst which they pass. Thus, when we find invisible rays absorbed and
the visible ones transmitted by a layer of gas, we conclude that the
oscillating periods of the atoms constituting the gaseous molecules coincide
with those of the invisible, and not with those of the visible spectrum.
It requires some discipline of the imagination to form a clear picture of this
process. Such a picture is, however, possible, and ought to be obtained.
When the waves of aether impinge upon molecules whose periods of
vibration coincide with the recurrence of the undulations, the timed strokes
of the waves augment the vibration of the molecules, as a heavy pendulum is
set in motion by well-timed puffs of breath. Millions of millions of shocks
are received every second from the calorific waves; and it is not difficult to
see that as every wave arrives just in time to repeat the action of its
predecessor, the molecules must finally be caused to swing through wider
spaces than if the arrivals were not so timed. In fact, it is not difficult to see
that an assemblage of molecules, operated upon by contending waves, might
remain practically quiescent. This is actually the case when the waves of the
visible spectrum pass through a transparent gas or vapour. There is here no
sensible transference of motion from the aether to the molecules; in other
words, there is no sensible absorption of heat.
One striking example of the influence of period may be here recorded.
Carbonic acid gas is one of the feeblest absorbers of the radiant heat emitted
by solid bodies. It is, for example, to a great extent transparent to the rays
emitted by the heated copper plate already referred to. There are, however,
certain rays, comparatively few in number, emitted by the copper, to which
the carbonic acid is impervious; and could we obtain a source of heat
emitting such rays only, we should find carbonic acid more opaque to the
radiation from that source, than any other gas. Such a source is actually
found in the flame of carbonic oxide, where hot carbonic acid constitutes the
main radiating body. Of the rays emitted by our heated plate of copper,
olefiant gas absorbs ten times the quantity absorbed by carbonic acid. Of the
rays emitted by a carbonic oxide flame, carbonic acid absorbs twice as much
as olefiant gas. This wonderful change in the power of the former, as an
absorber, is simply due to the fact, that the periods of the hot and cold
carbonic acid are identical, and that the waves from the flame freely transfer
their motion to the molecules which synchronise with them. Thus it is that
the tenth an atmosphere of carbonic acid, enclosed in a tube four feet long,
the visible ones transmitted by a layer of gas, we conclude that the
oscillating periods of the atoms constituting the gaseous molecules coincide
with those of the invisible, and not with those of the visible spectrum.
It requires some discipline of the imagination to form a clear picture of this
process. Such a picture is, however, possible, and ought to be obtained.
When the waves of aether impinge upon molecules whose periods of
vibration coincide with the recurrence of the undulations, the timed strokes
of the waves augment the vibration of the molecules, as a heavy pendulum is
set in motion by well-timed puffs of breath. Millions of millions of shocks
are received every second from the calorific waves; and it is not difficult to
see that as every wave arrives just in time to repeat the action of its
predecessor, the molecules must finally be caused to swing through wider
spaces than if the arrivals were not so timed. In fact, it is not difficult to see
that an assemblage of molecules, operated upon by contending waves, might
remain practically quiescent. This is actually the case when the waves of the
visible spectrum pass through a transparent gas or vapour. There is here no
sensible transference of motion from the aether to the molecules; in other
words, there is no sensible absorption of heat.
One striking example of the influence of period may be here recorded.
Carbonic acid gas is one of the feeblest absorbers of the radiant heat emitted
by solid bodies. It is, for example, to a great extent transparent to the rays
emitted by the heated copper plate already referred to. There are, however,
certain rays, comparatively few in number, emitted by the copper, to which
the carbonic acid is impervious; and could we obtain a source of heat
emitting such rays only, we should find carbonic acid more opaque to the
radiation from that source, than any other gas. Such a source is actually
found in the flame of carbonic oxide, where hot carbonic acid constitutes the
main radiating body. Of the rays emitted by our heated plate of copper,
olefiant gas absorbs ten times the quantity absorbed by carbonic acid. Of the
rays emitted by a carbonic oxide flame, carbonic acid absorbs twice as much
as olefiant gas. This wonderful change in the power of the former, as an
absorber, is simply due to the fact, that the periods of the hot and cold
carbonic acid are identical, and that the waves from the flame freely transfer
their motion to the molecules which synchronise with them. Thus it is that
the tenth an atmosphere of carbonic acid, enclosed in a tube four feet long,
Page 62
absorbs 60 per cent. of the radiation from carbonic oxide flame, while one-
thirtieth of an atmosphere absorbs 48 per cent. of the heat from the same
source.
In fact, the presence of the minutest quantity of carbonic acid may be
detected by its action on the rays from the carbonic oxide flame. Carrying,
for example, the dried human breath into a tube four feet long, the
absorption there effected by the carbonic acid of the breath amounts to 50
per cent. of the entire radiation. Radiant heat may indeed be employed as a
means of determining practically the amount of carbonic acid expired from
the lungs. My late assistant, Mr. Barrett, while under my direction, made this
determination. The absorption produced by the breath freed from its
moisture, but retaining its carbonic acid, was first determined. Carbonic acid,
artificially prepared, was then mixed with dry air in such proportions that the
action of the mixture upon the rays of heat was the same as that of the dried
breath. The percentage of the former being known, immediately gave that of
the latter. The same breath, analysed chemically by Dr. Frankland, and
physically by Mr. Barrett, gave the following results :—
Percentage of Carbonic Acid in the Human Breath.
Chemical analysis Physical analysis
4.66 4.56
5.33 5.22
It is thus proved that in the quantity of aethereal motion which it is
competent to take up, we have a practical measure of the carbonic acid of the
breath, and hence of the combustion going on in the human lungs.
Still this question of period, though of the utmost importance, is not
competent to account for the whole of the observed facts. The aether, as far
as we know, accepts vibrations of all periods with the same readiness. To it
thirtieth of an atmosphere absorbs 48 per cent. of the heat from the same
source.
In fact, the presence of the minutest quantity of carbonic acid may be
detected by its action on the rays from the carbonic oxide flame. Carrying,
for example, the dried human breath into a tube four feet long, the
absorption there effected by the carbonic acid of the breath amounts to 50
per cent. of the entire radiation. Radiant heat may indeed be employed as a
means of determining practically the amount of carbonic acid expired from
the lungs. My late assistant, Mr. Barrett, while under my direction, made this
determination. The absorption produced by the breath freed from its
moisture, but retaining its carbonic acid, was first determined. Carbonic acid,
artificially prepared, was then mixed with dry air in such proportions that the
action of the mixture upon the rays of heat was the same as that of the dried
breath. The percentage of the former being known, immediately gave that of
the latter. The same breath, analysed chemically by Dr. Frankland, and
physically by Mr. Barrett, gave the following results :—
Percentage of Carbonic Acid in the Human Breath.
Chemical analysis Physical analysis
4.66 4.56
5.33 5.22
It is thus proved that in the quantity of aethereal motion which it is
competent to take up, we have a practical measure of the carbonic acid of the
breath, and hence of the combustion going on in the human lungs.
Still this question of period, though of the utmost importance, is not
competent to account for the whole of the observed facts. The aether, as far
as we know, accepts vibrations of all periods with the same readiness. To it
Page 63
the oscillations of an atom of free oxygen are just as acceptable as those of
the atoms in a molecule of olefiant gas; that the vibrating oxygen then stands
so far below the olefiant gas in radiant power must be referred not to period,
but to some other peculiarity. The atomic group which constitutes the
molecule of olefiant gas, produces many thousand times the disturbance
caused by the oxygen, it may be because the group is able to lay a vastly
more powerful hold upon the aether than the single atoms can. Another, and
probably very potent cause of the difference may be, that the vibrations,
being those of the constituent atoms of the molecule, [Footnote: See
'Physical Considerations,' Art. iv.] are generated in highly condensed aether,
which acts like condensed air upon sound. But whatever may be the fate of
these attempts to visualise the physics of the process, it will still remain true,
that to account for the phenomena of radiation and absorption we must take
into consideration the shape, size, and condition of the aether within the
molecules, by which the external aether is disturbed.
.
.
16. Summary and Conclusion.
Let us now cast a momentary glance over the ground that we have left
behind. The general nature of light and heat was first briefly described: the
compounding of matter from elementary atoms, and the influence of the act
of combination on radiation and absorption, were considered and
experimentally illustrated. Through the transparent elementary gases radiant
heat was found to pass as through a vacuum, while many of the compound
gases presented almost impassable obstacles to the calorific-waves. This
deportment of the simple gases directed our attention to other elementary
bodies, the examination of which led to the discovery that the element
iodine, dissolved in bisulphide of carbon, possesses the power of detaching,
with extraordinary sharpness, the light of the spectrum from its heat,
intercepting all luminous rays up to the extreme red, and permitting the
calorific rays beyond the red to pass freely through it. This substance was
then employed to filter the beams of the electric light, and to form foci of
invisible rays so intense as to produce almost all the effects obtainable in
ordinary fire. Combustible bodies were burnt, and refractory ones were
the atoms in a molecule of olefiant gas; that the vibrating oxygen then stands
so far below the olefiant gas in radiant power must be referred not to period,
but to some other peculiarity. The atomic group which constitutes the
molecule of olefiant gas, produces many thousand times the disturbance
caused by the oxygen, it may be because the group is able to lay a vastly
more powerful hold upon the aether than the single atoms can. Another, and
probably very potent cause of the difference may be, that the vibrations,
being those of the constituent atoms of the molecule, [Footnote: See
'Physical Considerations,' Art. iv.] are generated in highly condensed aether,
which acts like condensed air upon sound. But whatever may be the fate of
these attempts to visualise the physics of the process, it will still remain true,
that to account for the phenomena of radiation and absorption we must take
into consideration the shape, size, and condition of the aether within the
molecules, by which the external aether is disturbed.
.
.
16. Summary and Conclusion.
Let us now cast a momentary glance over the ground that we have left
behind. The general nature of light and heat was first briefly described: the
compounding of matter from elementary atoms, and the influence of the act
of combination on radiation and absorption, were considered and
experimentally illustrated. Through the transparent elementary gases radiant
heat was found to pass as through a vacuum, while many of the compound
gases presented almost impassable obstacles to the calorific-waves. This
deportment of the simple gases directed our attention to other elementary
bodies, the examination of which led to the discovery that the element
iodine, dissolved in bisulphide of carbon, possesses the power of detaching,
with extraordinary sharpness, the light of the spectrum from its heat,
intercepting all luminous rays up to the extreme red, and permitting the
calorific rays beyond the red to pass freely through it. This substance was
then employed to filter the beams of the electric light, and to form foci of
invisible rays so intense as to produce almost all the effects obtainable in
ordinary fire. Combustible bodies were burnt, and refractory ones were
Page 64
raised to a white heat, by the concentrated invisible rays. Thus, by exalting
their refrangibility, the invisible rays of the electric light were rendered
visible, and all the colours of the solar spectrum were extracted from utter
darkness. The extreme richness of the electric light in invisible rays of low
refrangibility was demonstrated, one-eighth only of its radiation consisting
of luminous rays. The deadness of the optic nerve to those invisible rays was
proved, and experiments were then added to show that the bright and the
dark rays of a solid body, raised gradually to incandescence, are
strengthened together; intense dark heat being an invariable accompaniment
of intense white heat. A sun could not be formed, or a meteorite rendered
luminous, on any other condition. The light-giving rays constituting only a
small fraction of the total radiation, their unspeakable importance to us is
due to the fact, that their periods are attuned to the special requirements of
the eye.
Among the vapours of volatile liquids vast differences were also found to
exist, as regards their powers of absorption. We followed various molecules
from a state of liquid to a state of gas, and found, in both states of
aggregation, the power of the individual molecules equally asserted. The
position of a vapour as an absorber of radiant heat was shown to be
determined by that of the liquid from which it is derived. Reversing our
conceptions, and regarding the molecules of gases and vapours not as the
recipients but as the originators of wave-motion; not as absorbers but as
radiators; it was proved that the powers of absorption and radiation went
hand in hand, the self-same chemical act which rendered a body competent
to intercept the waves of aether, rendering it competent, in the same degree,
to generate them. Perfumes were next subjected to examination, and,
notwithstanding their extraordinary tenuity, they were found vastly superior,
in point of absorptive power, to the body of the air in which they were
diffused. We were led thus slowly up to the examination of the most widely
diffused and most important of all vapours — the aqueous vapour of our
atmosphere, and we found in it a potent absorber of the purely calorific rays.
The power of this substance to influence climate, and its general influence
on the temperature of the earth, were then briefly dwelt upon. A cobweb
spread above a blossom is sufficient to protect it from nightly chill; and thus
the aqueous vapour of our air, attenuated as it is, checks the drain of
terrestrial heat, and saves the surface of our planet from the refrigeration
which would assuredly accrue, were no such substance interposed between it
their refrangibility, the invisible rays of the electric light were rendered
visible, and all the colours of the solar spectrum were extracted from utter
darkness. The extreme richness of the electric light in invisible rays of low
refrangibility was demonstrated, one-eighth only of its radiation consisting
of luminous rays. The deadness of the optic nerve to those invisible rays was
proved, and experiments were then added to show that the bright and the
dark rays of a solid body, raised gradually to incandescence, are
strengthened together; intense dark heat being an invariable accompaniment
of intense white heat. A sun could not be formed, or a meteorite rendered
luminous, on any other condition. The light-giving rays constituting only a
small fraction of the total radiation, their unspeakable importance to us is
due to the fact, that their periods are attuned to the special requirements of
the eye.
Among the vapours of volatile liquids vast differences were also found to
exist, as regards their powers of absorption. We followed various molecules
from a state of liquid to a state of gas, and found, in both states of
aggregation, the power of the individual molecules equally asserted. The
position of a vapour as an absorber of radiant heat was shown to be
determined by that of the liquid from which it is derived. Reversing our
conceptions, and regarding the molecules of gases and vapours not as the
recipients but as the originators of wave-motion; not as absorbers but as
radiators; it was proved that the powers of absorption and radiation went
hand in hand, the self-same chemical act which rendered a body competent
to intercept the waves of aether, rendering it competent, in the same degree,
to generate them. Perfumes were next subjected to examination, and,
notwithstanding their extraordinary tenuity, they were found vastly superior,
in point of absorptive power, to the body of the air in which they were
diffused. We were led thus slowly up to the examination of the most widely
diffused and most important of all vapours — the aqueous vapour of our
atmosphere, and we found in it a potent absorber of the purely calorific rays.
The power of this substance to influence climate, and its general influence
on the temperature of the earth, were then briefly dwelt upon. A cobweb
spread above a blossom is sufficient to protect it from nightly chill; and thus
the aqueous vapour of our air, attenuated as it is, checks the drain of
terrestrial heat, and saves the surface of our planet from the refrigeration
which would assuredly accrue, were no such substance interposed between it
Page 65
and the voids of space. We considered the influence of vibrating period, and
molecular form, on absorption and radiation, and finally deduced, from its
action upon radiant heat, the exact amount of carbonic acid expired by the
human lungs.
Thus, in brief outline, were placed before you some of the results of recent
enquiries in the domain of Radiation, and my aim throughout has been to
raise in your minds distinct physical images of the various processes
involved in our researches. It is thought by some that natural science has a
deadening influence on the imagination, and a doubt might fairly be raised
as to the value of any study which would necessarily have this effect. But the
experience of the last hour must, I think, have convinced you, that the study
of natural science goes hand in hand with the culture of the imagination.
Throughout the greater part of this discourse we have been sustained by this
faculty. We have been picturing atoms, and molecules, and vibrations, and
waves, which eye has never seen nor ear heard, and which can only be
discerned by the exercise of imagination. This, in fact, is the faculty which
enables us transcend the boundaries of sense, and connect the phenomena of
our visible world with those of an invisible one. Without imagination we
never could have risen to the conceptions which have occupied us here
today; and in proportion to your power of exercising this faculty aright, and
of associating definite mental images with the terms employed, will be the
pleasure and the profit which you will derive from this lecture.
The outward facts of nature are insufficient to satisfy the mind. We cannot be
content with knowing that the light and heat of the sun illuminate and warm
the world. We are led irresistibly to enquire, 'What is light, and what is heat?'
and this question leads us at once out of the region of sense into that of
imagination. [Footnote: This line of thought was pursued further five years
subsequently. See 'Scientific Use of the Imagination' in Vol. II.]
Thus pondering, and questioning, and striving to supplement that which is
felt and seen, but which is incomplete, by something unfelt and unseen
which is necessary to its completeness, men of genius have in part discerned,
not only the nature of light and heat, but also, through them, the general
relationship of natural phenomena. The working power of Nature consists of
actual or potential motion, of which all its phenomena are but special forms.
This motion manifests itself in tangible and in intangible matter, being
molecular form, on absorption and radiation, and finally deduced, from its
action upon radiant heat, the exact amount of carbonic acid expired by the
human lungs.
Thus, in brief outline, were placed before you some of the results of recent
enquiries in the domain of Radiation, and my aim throughout has been to
raise in your minds distinct physical images of the various processes
involved in our researches. It is thought by some that natural science has a
deadening influence on the imagination, and a doubt might fairly be raised
as to the value of any study which would necessarily have this effect. But the
experience of the last hour must, I think, have convinced you, that the study
of natural science goes hand in hand with the culture of the imagination.
Throughout the greater part of this discourse we have been sustained by this
faculty. We have been picturing atoms, and molecules, and vibrations, and
waves, which eye has never seen nor ear heard, and which can only be
discerned by the exercise of imagination. This, in fact, is the faculty which
enables us transcend the boundaries of sense, and connect the phenomena of
our visible world with those of an invisible one. Without imagination we
never could have risen to the conceptions which have occupied us here
today; and in proportion to your power of exercising this faculty aright, and
of associating definite mental images with the terms employed, will be the
pleasure and the profit which you will derive from this lecture.
The outward facts of nature are insufficient to satisfy the mind. We cannot be
content with knowing that the light and heat of the sun illuminate and warm
the world. We are led irresistibly to enquire, 'What is light, and what is heat?'
and this question leads us at once out of the region of sense into that of
imagination. [Footnote: This line of thought was pursued further five years
subsequently. See 'Scientific Use of the Imagination' in Vol. II.]
Thus pondering, and questioning, and striving to supplement that which is
felt and seen, but which is incomplete, by something unfelt and unseen
which is necessary to its completeness, men of genius have in part discerned,
not only the nature of light and heat, but also, through them, the general
relationship of natural phenomena. The working power of Nature consists of
actual or potential motion, of which all its phenomena are but special forms.
This motion manifests itself in tangible and in intangible matter, being
Page 66
incessantly transferred from the one to the other, and incessantly transformed
by the change. It is as real in the waves of the aether as in the waves of the
sea; the latter — derived as they are from winds, which in their turn are
derived from the sun — are, indeed, nothing more than the heaped-up
motion of the aether waves. It is the calorific waves emitted by the sun
which heat our air, produce our winds, and hence agitate our ocean. And
whether they break in foam upon the shore, or rub silently against the
ocean's bed, or subside by the mutual friction of their own parts, the sea
waves, which cannot subside without producing heat, finally resolve
themselves into waves of aether, thus regenerating the motion from which
their temporary existence was derived. This connection is typical. Nature is
not an aggregate of independent parts, but an organic whole. If you open a
piano and sing into it, a certain string will respond. Change the pitch of our
voice; the first string ceases to vibrate, but another replies. Change again the
pitch; the first two strings are silent, while another resounds. Thus is sentient
man acted on by Nature, the optic, the auditory, and other nerves of the
human body being so many strings differently tuned, and responsive to
different forms of the universal power.
.
.
.
.
.
.
III ON RADIANT HEAT IN RELATION TO THE COLOUR AND
CHEMICAL CONSTITUTION OF BODIES.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered in the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
Jan. 19, 1866.]
ONE of the most important functions of physical science, considered as a
discipline of the mind, is to enable us by means of the sensible processes of
by the change. It is as real in the waves of the aether as in the waves of the
sea; the latter — derived as they are from winds, which in their turn are
derived from the sun — are, indeed, nothing more than the heaped-up
motion of the aether waves. It is the calorific waves emitted by the sun
which heat our air, produce our winds, and hence agitate our ocean. And
whether they break in foam upon the shore, or rub silently against the
ocean's bed, or subside by the mutual friction of their own parts, the sea
waves, which cannot subside without producing heat, finally resolve
themselves into waves of aether, thus regenerating the motion from which
their temporary existence was derived. This connection is typical. Nature is
not an aggregate of independent parts, but an organic whole. If you open a
piano and sing into it, a certain string will respond. Change the pitch of our
voice; the first string ceases to vibrate, but another replies. Change again the
pitch; the first two strings are silent, while another resounds. Thus is sentient
man acted on by Nature, the optic, the auditory, and other nerves of the
human body being so many strings differently tuned, and responsive to
different forms of the universal power.
.
.
.
.
.
.
III ON RADIANT HEAT IN RELATION TO THE COLOUR AND
CHEMICAL CONSTITUTION OF BODIES.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered in the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
Jan. 19, 1866.]
ONE of the most important functions of physical science, considered as a
discipline of the mind, is to enable us by means of the sensible processes of
Page 67
Nature to apprehend the insensible. The sensible processes give direction to
the line of thought; but this once given, the length of the line is not limited
by the boundaries of the senses. Indeed, the domain of the senses, in Nature,
is almost infinitely small in comparison with the vast region accessible to
thought which lies beyond them. From a few observations of a comet, when
it comes within the range of his telescope, an astronomer can calculate its
path in regions which no telescope can reach: and in like manner, by means
of data furnished in the narrow world of the senses, we make ourselves at
home in other and wider worlds, which are traversed by the intellect alone.
From the earliest ages the questions, 'What is light?' and 'What is heat?' have
occurred to the minds of men; but these questions never would have been
answered had they not been preceded by the question, 'What is sound?' Amid
the grosser phenomena of acoustics the mind was first disciplined,
conceptions being thus obtained from direct observation, which were
afterwards applied to phenomena of a character far too subtle to be observed
directly. Sound we know to be due to vibratory motion. A vibrating tuning-
fork, for example, moulds the air around it into undulations or waves, which
speed away on all sides with a certain measured velocity, impinge upon the
drum of the ear, shake the auditory nerve, and awake in the brain the
sensation of sound. When sufficiently near a sounding body we can feel the
vibrations of the air. A deaf man, for example, plunging his hand into a bell
when it is sounded, feels through the common nerves of his body those
tremors which, when imparted to the nerves of healthy ears, are translated
into sound. There are various ways of rendering those sonorous vibrations
not only tangible but visible; and it was not until numberless experiments of
this kind had been executed, that the scientific investigator abandoned
himself wholly, and without a shadow of misgiving, to the conviction that
what is sound within us is, outside of us, a motion of the air.
But once having established this fact — once having proved beyond all
doubt that the sensation of sound is produced by an agitation of the auditory
nerve — the thought soon suggested itself that light might be due to an
agitation of the optic nerve. This was a great step in advance of that ancient
notion which regarded light as something emitted by the eye, and not as
anything imparted to it. But if light be produced by an agitation of the retina,
what is it that produces the agitation? Newton, you know, supposed minute
particles to be shot through the humours of the eye against the retina, which
the line of thought; but this once given, the length of the line is not limited
by the boundaries of the senses. Indeed, the domain of the senses, in Nature,
is almost infinitely small in comparison with the vast region accessible to
thought which lies beyond them. From a few observations of a comet, when
it comes within the range of his telescope, an astronomer can calculate its
path in regions which no telescope can reach: and in like manner, by means
of data furnished in the narrow world of the senses, we make ourselves at
home in other and wider worlds, which are traversed by the intellect alone.
From the earliest ages the questions, 'What is light?' and 'What is heat?' have
occurred to the minds of men; but these questions never would have been
answered had they not been preceded by the question, 'What is sound?' Amid
the grosser phenomena of acoustics the mind was first disciplined,
conceptions being thus obtained from direct observation, which were
afterwards applied to phenomena of a character far too subtle to be observed
directly. Sound we know to be due to vibratory motion. A vibrating tuning-
fork, for example, moulds the air around it into undulations or waves, which
speed away on all sides with a certain measured velocity, impinge upon the
drum of the ear, shake the auditory nerve, and awake in the brain the
sensation of sound. When sufficiently near a sounding body we can feel the
vibrations of the air. A deaf man, for example, plunging his hand into a bell
when it is sounded, feels through the common nerves of his body those
tremors which, when imparted to the nerves of healthy ears, are translated
into sound. There are various ways of rendering those sonorous vibrations
not only tangible but visible; and it was not until numberless experiments of
this kind had been executed, that the scientific investigator abandoned
himself wholly, and without a shadow of misgiving, to the conviction that
what is sound within us is, outside of us, a motion of the air.
But once having established this fact — once having proved beyond all
doubt that the sensation of sound is produced by an agitation of the auditory
nerve — the thought soon suggested itself that light might be due to an
agitation of the optic nerve. This was a great step in advance of that ancient
notion which regarded light as something emitted by the eye, and not as
anything imparted to it. But if light be produced by an agitation of the retina,
what is it that produces the agitation? Newton, you know, supposed minute
particles to be shot through the humours of the eye against the retina, which
Page 68
he supposed to hang like a target at the back of the eye. The impact of these
particles against the target, Newton believed to be the cause of light. But
Newton's notion has not held its ground, being entirely driven from the field
by the more wonderful and far more philosophical notion that light, like
sound, is a product of wave-motion.
The domain in which this motion of light is carried on lies entirely beyond
the reach of our senses. The waves of light require a medium for their
formation and propagation; but we cannot see, or feel, or taste, or smell this
medium. How, then, has its existence been established? By showing, that by
the assumption of this wonderful intangible aether, all the phenomena of
optics are accounted for, with a fulness, and clearness, and conclusiveness,
which leave no desire of the intellect unsatisfied. When the law of
gravitation first suggested itself to the mind of Newton, what did he do? He
set himself to examine whether it accounted for all the facts. He determined
the courses of the planets; he calculated the rapidity of the moon's fall
towards the earth; he considered the precession of the equinoxes, the ebb and
flow of the tides, and found all explained by the law of gravitation. He
therefore regarded this law as established, and the verdict of science
subsequently confirmed his conclusion. On similar, and, if possible, on
stronger grounds, we found our belief in the existence of the universal
aether. It explains facts far more various and complicated than those on
which Newton based his law. If a single phenomenon could be pointed out
which the aether is proved incompetent to explain, we should have to give it
up; but no such phenomenon has ever been pointed out. It is, therefore, at
least as certain that space is filled with a medium, by means of which suns
and stars diffuse their radiant power, as that it is traversed by that force
which holds in its grasp, not only our planetary system, but the
immeasurable heavens themselves.
There is no more wonderful instance than this of the production of a line of
thought, from the world of the senses into the region of pure imagination. I
mean by imagination here, not that play of fancy which can give to airy
nothings a local habitation and a name, but that power which enables the
mind to conceive realities which lie beyond the range of the senses — to
present to itself distinct images of processes which, though mighty in the
aggregate beyond all conception, are so minute individually as to elude all
observation. It is the waves of air excited by a tuning-fork which render its
particles against the target, Newton believed to be the cause of light. But
Newton's notion has not held its ground, being entirely driven from the field
by the more wonderful and far more philosophical notion that light, like
sound, is a product of wave-motion.
The domain in which this motion of light is carried on lies entirely beyond
the reach of our senses. The waves of light require a medium for their
formation and propagation; but we cannot see, or feel, or taste, or smell this
medium. How, then, has its existence been established? By showing, that by
the assumption of this wonderful intangible aether, all the phenomena of
optics are accounted for, with a fulness, and clearness, and conclusiveness,
which leave no desire of the intellect unsatisfied. When the law of
gravitation first suggested itself to the mind of Newton, what did he do? He
set himself to examine whether it accounted for all the facts. He determined
the courses of the planets; he calculated the rapidity of the moon's fall
towards the earth; he considered the precession of the equinoxes, the ebb and
flow of the tides, and found all explained by the law of gravitation. He
therefore regarded this law as established, and the verdict of science
subsequently confirmed his conclusion. On similar, and, if possible, on
stronger grounds, we found our belief in the existence of the universal
aether. It explains facts far more various and complicated than those on
which Newton based his law. If a single phenomenon could be pointed out
which the aether is proved incompetent to explain, we should have to give it
up; but no such phenomenon has ever been pointed out. It is, therefore, at
least as certain that space is filled with a medium, by means of which suns
and stars diffuse their radiant power, as that it is traversed by that force
which holds in its grasp, not only our planetary system, but the
immeasurable heavens themselves.
There is no more wonderful instance than this of the production of a line of
thought, from the world of the senses into the region of pure imagination. I
mean by imagination here, not that play of fancy which can give to airy
nothings a local habitation and a name, but that power which enables the
mind to conceive realities which lie beyond the range of the senses — to
present to itself distinct images of processes which, though mighty in the
aggregate beyond all conception, are so minute individually as to elude all
observation. It is the waves of air excited by a tuning-fork which render its
Page 69
vibrations audible. It is the waves of aether sent forth from those lamps
overhead which render them luminous to us; but so minute are these waves,
that it would take from 30,000 to 60,000 of them placed end to end to cover
a single inch. Their number, however, compensates for their minuteness.
Trillions of them have entered your eyes, and hit the retina at the backs of
your eyes, in the time consumed in the utterance of the shortest sentence of
this discourse. This is the steadfast result of modern research; but we never
could have reached it without previous discipline. We never could have
measured the waves of light, nor even imagined them to exist, had we not
previously exercised ourselves among the waves of sound. Sound and light
are now mutually helpful, the conceptions of each being expanded,
strengthened, and defined by the conceptions of the other.
The aether which conveys the pulses of light and heat not only fills celestial
space, swathing suns, and planets, and moons, but it also encircles the atoms
of which these bodies are composed. It is the motion of these atoms, and not
that of any sensible parts of bodies, that the aether conveys. This motion is
the objective cause of what, in our sensations, are light and heat. An atom,
then, sending its pulses through the aether, resembles a tuning-fork sending
its pulses through the air. Let us look for a moment at this thrilling medium,
and briefly consider its relation to the bodies whose vibrations it conveys.
Different bodies, when heated to the same temperature, possess very
different powers of agitating the aether: some are good radiators, others are
bad radiators; which means that some are so constituted as to communicate
their atomic motion freely to the aether, producing therein powerful
undulations; while the atoms of others are unable thus to communicate their
motions, but glide through the medium without materially disturbing its
repose. Recent experiments have proved that elementary bodies, except
under certain anomalous conditions, belong to the class of bad radiators. An
atom, vibrating in the aether, resembles a naked tuning-fork vibrating in the
air. The amount of motion communicated to the air by the thin prongs is too
small to evoke at any distance the sensation of sound. But if we permit the
atoms to combine chemically and form molecules, the result, in many cases,
is an enormous change in the power of radiation. The amount of aethereal
disturbance, produced by the combined atoms of a body, may be many
thousand times that produced by the same atoms when uncombined.
overhead which render them luminous to us; but so minute are these waves,
that it would take from 30,000 to 60,000 of them placed end to end to cover
a single inch. Their number, however, compensates for their minuteness.
Trillions of them have entered your eyes, and hit the retina at the backs of
your eyes, in the time consumed in the utterance of the shortest sentence of
this discourse. This is the steadfast result of modern research; but we never
could have reached it without previous discipline. We never could have
measured the waves of light, nor even imagined them to exist, had we not
previously exercised ourselves among the waves of sound. Sound and light
are now mutually helpful, the conceptions of each being expanded,
strengthened, and defined by the conceptions of the other.
The aether which conveys the pulses of light and heat not only fills celestial
space, swathing suns, and planets, and moons, but it also encircles the atoms
of which these bodies are composed. It is the motion of these atoms, and not
that of any sensible parts of bodies, that the aether conveys. This motion is
the objective cause of what, in our sensations, are light and heat. An atom,
then, sending its pulses through the aether, resembles a tuning-fork sending
its pulses through the air. Let us look for a moment at this thrilling medium,
and briefly consider its relation to the bodies whose vibrations it conveys.
Different bodies, when heated to the same temperature, possess very
different powers of agitating the aether: some are good radiators, others are
bad radiators; which means that some are so constituted as to communicate
their atomic motion freely to the aether, producing therein powerful
undulations; while the atoms of others are unable thus to communicate their
motions, but glide through the medium without materially disturbing its
repose. Recent experiments have proved that elementary bodies, except
under certain anomalous conditions, belong to the class of bad radiators. An
atom, vibrating in the aether, resembles a naked tuning-fork vibrating in the
air. The amount of motion communicated to the air by the thin prongs is too
small to evoke at any distance the sensation of sound. But if we permit the
atoms to combine chemically and form molecules, the result, in many cases,
is an enormous change in the power of radiation. The amount of aethereal
disturbance, produced by the combined atoms of a body, may be many
thousand times that produced by the same atoms when uncombined.
Page 70
The pitch of a musical note depends upon the rapidity of its vibrations, or, in
other words, on the length of its waves. Now, the pitch of a note answers to
the colour of light. Taking a slice of white light from the sun, or from an
electric lamp, and causing the light to pass through an arrangement of
prisms, it is decomposed. We have the effect obtained by Newton, who first
unrolled the solar beam into the splendours of the solar spectrum. At one end
of this spectrum we have red light, at the other, violet; and between those
extremes lie the other prismatic colours. As we advance along the spectrum
from the red to the violet, the pitch of the light — if I may use the expression
— heightens, the sensation of violet being produced by a more rapid
succession of impulses than that which produces the impression of red. The
vibrations of the violet are about twice as rapid as those of the red; in other
words, the range of the visible spectrum is about an octave.
There is no solution of continuity in this spectrum one colour changes into
another by insensible gradations. It is as if an infinite number of tuning-
forks, of gradually augmenting pitch, were vibrating at the same time. But
turning to another spectrum — that, namely, obtained from the incandescent
vapour of silver — you observe that it consists of two narrow and intensely
luminous green bands. Here it is as if two forks only, of slightly different
pitch, were vibrating. The length of the waves which produce this first band
is such that 47,460 of them, placed end to end, would fill an inch. The waves
which produce the second band are a little shorter; it would take of these
47,920 to fill an inch. In the case of the first band, the number of impulses
imparted, in one second, to every eye which sees it, is 677 millions of
millions; while the number of impulses imparted, in the same time, by the
second band is 600 millions of millions. We may project upon a white screen
the beautiful stream of green light from which these bands were derived.
This luminous stream is the incandescent vapour of silver. The rates of
vibration of the atoms of that vapour are as rigidly fixed as those of two
tuning-forks; and to whatever height the temperature of the vapour may be
raised, the rapidity of its vibrations, and consequently its colour, which
wholly depends upon that rapidity, remain unchanged.
The vapour of water, as well as the vapour of silver, has its definite periods
of vibration, and these are such as to disqualify the vapour, when acting
freely as such, from being raised to a white heat. The oxyhydrogen flame,
for example, consists of hot aqueous vapour. It is scarcely visible in the air
other words, on the length of its waves. Now, the pitch of a note answers to
the colour of light. Taking a slice of white light from the sun, or from an
electric lamp, and causing the light to pass through an arrangement of
prisms, it is decomposed. We have the effect obtained by Newton, who first
unrolled the solar beam into the splendours of the solar spectrum. At one end
of this spectrum we have red light, at the other, violet; and between those
extremes lie the other prismatic colours. As we advance along the spectrum
from the red to the violet, the pitch of the light — if I may use the expression
— heightens, the sensation of violet being produced by a more rapid
succession of impulses than that which produces the impression of red. The
vibrations of the violet are about twice as rapid as those of the red; in other
words, the range of the visible spectrum is about an octave.
There is no solution of continuity in this spectrum one colour changes into
another by insensible gradations. It is as if an infinite number of tuning-
forks, of gradually augmenting pitch, were vibrating at the same time. But
turning to another spectrum — that, namely, obtained from the incandescent
vapour of silver — you observe that it consists of two narrow and intensely
luminous green bands. Here it is as if two forks only, of slightly different
pitch, were vibrating. The length of the waves which produce this first band
is such that 47,460 of them, placed end to end, would fill an inch. The waves
which produce the second band are a little shorter; it would take of these
47,920 to fill an inch. In the case of the first band, the number of impulses
imparted, in one second, to every eye which sees it, is 677 millions of
millions; while the number of impulses imparted, in the same time, by the
second band is 600 millions of millions. We may project upon a white screen
the beautiful stream of green light from which these bands were derived.
This luminous stream is the incandescent vapour of silver. The rates of
vibration of the atoms of that vapour are as rigidly fixed as those of two
tuning-forks; and to whatever height the temperature of the vapour may be
raised, the rapidity of its vibrations, and consequently its colour, which
wholly depends upon that rapidity, remain unchanged.
The vapour of water, as well as the vapour of silver, has its definite periods
of vibration, and these are such as to disqualify the vapour, when acting
freely as such, from being raised to a white heat. The oxyhydrogen flame,
for example, consists of hot aqueous vapour. It is scarcely visible in the air
Page 71
of this room, and it would be still less visible if we could burn the gas in a
clean atmosphere. But the atmosphere, even at the summit of Mont Blanc, is
dirty; in London it is more than dirty; and the burning dirt gives to this flame
the greater portion of its present light. But the heat of the flame is enormous.
Cast iron fuses at a temperature of 2,000° Fahr.; while the temperature of the
oxyhydrogen flame is 6,000° Fahr. A piece of platinum is heated to vivid
redness, at a distance of two inches beyond the visible termination of the
flame. The vapour which produces incandescence is here absolutely dark. In
the flame itself the platinum is raised to dazzling whiteness, and is even
pierced by the flame. When this flame impinges on a piece of lime, we have
the dazzling Drummond light. But the light is here due to the fact that when
it impinges upon the solid body, the vibrations excited in that body by the
flame are of periods different from its own.
Thus far we have fixed our attention on atoms and molecules in a state of
vibration, and surrounded by a medium which accepts their vibrations, and
transmits them through space. But suppose the waves generated by one
system of molecules to impinge upon another system, how will the waves be
affected? Will they be stopped, or will they be permitted to pass? Will they
transfer their motion to the molecules on which they impinge, or will they
glide round the molecules, through the intermolecular spaces, and thus
escape?
The answer to this question depends upon a condition which may be
beautifully exemplified by an experiment on sound. These two tuning-forks
are tuned absolutely alike. They vibrate with the same rapidity, and, mounted
thus upon their resonant cases, you hear them loudly sounding the same
musical note. Stopping one of the forks, I throw the other into strong
vibration, and bring that other near the silent fork, but not into contact with
it. Allowing them to continue in this position for four or five seconds, and
then stopping the vibrating fork, the sound does not cease. The second fork
has taken up the vibrations of its neighbour, and is now sounding in its turn.
Dismounting one of the forks, and permitting the other to remain upon its
stand, I throw the dismounted fork into strong vibration. You cannot hear it
sound. Detached from its case, the amount of motion which it can
communicate to the air is too small to be sensible at any distance. When the
dismounted fork is brought close to the mounted one, but not into actual
contact with it, out of the silence rises a mellow sound. Whence comes it?
clean atmosphere. But the atmosphere, even at the summit of Mont Blanc, is
dirty; in London it is more than dirty; and the burning dirt gives to this flame
the greater portion of its present light. But the heat of the flame is enormous.
Cast iron fuses at a temperature of 2,000° Fahr.; while the temperature of the
oxyhydrogen flame is 6,000° Fahr. A piece of platinum is heated to vivid
redness, at a distance of two inches beyond the visible termination of the
flame. The vapour which produces incandescence is here absolutely dark. In
the flame itself the platinum is raised to dazzling whiteness, and is even
pierced by the flame. When this flame impinges on a piece of lime, we have
the dazzling Drummond light. But the light is here due to the fact that when
it impinges upon the solid body, the vibrations excited in that body by the
flame are of periods different from its own.
Thus far we have fixed our attention on atoms and molecules in a state of
vibration, and surrounded by a medium which accepts their vibrations, and
transmits them through space. But suppose the waves generated by one
system of molecules to impinge upon another system, how will the waves be
affected? Will they be stopped, or will they be permitted to pass? Will they
transfer their motion to the molecules on which they impinge, or will they
glide round the molecules, through the intermolecular spaces, and thus
escape?
The answer to this question depends upon a condition which may be
beautifully exemplified by an experiment on sound. These two tuning-forks
are tuned absolutely alike. They vibrate with the same rapidity, and, mounted
thus upon their resonant cases, you hear them loudly sounding the same
musical note. Stopping one of the forks, I throw the other into strong
vibration, and bring that other near the silent fork, but not into contact with
it. Allowing them to continue in this position for four or five seconds, and
then stopping the vibrating fork, the sound does not cease. The second fork
has taken up the vibrations of its neighbour, and is now sounding in its turn.
Dismounting one of the forks, and permitting the other to remain upon its
stand, I throw the dismounted fork into strong vibration. You cannot hear it
sound. Detached from its case, the amount of motion which it can
communicate to the air is too small to be sensible at any distance. When the
dismounted fork is brought close to the mounted one, but not into actual
contact with it, out of the silence rises a mellow sound. Whence comes it?
Page 72
From the vibrations which have been transferred from the dismounted fork
to the mounted one.
That the motion should thus transfer itself through the air it is necessary that
the two forks should be in perfect unison. If a morsel of wax not larger than
a pea be placed on one of the forks, it is rendered thereby powerless to
affect, or to be affected by, the other. It is easy to understand this experiment.
The pulses of the one fork can affect the other, because they are perfectly
timed. A single pulse causes the prong of the silent fork to vibrate through an
infinitesimal space. But just as it has completed this small vibration another
pulse is ready to strike it. Thus, the impulses add themselves together. In the
five seconds during which the forks were held near each other, the vibrating
fork sent 1,280 waves against its neighbour and those 1,280 shocks, all
delivered at the proper moment, all, as I have said, perfectly timed, have
given such strength to the vibrations of the mounted fork as to render them
audible to all.
Another curious illustration of the influence of synchronism on musical
vibrations, is this: Three small gas-flames are inserted into three glass tubes
of different lengths. Each of these flames can be caused to emit a musical
note, the pitch of which is determined by the length of the tube surrounding
the flame. The shorter the tube the higher is the pitch. The flames are now
silent within their respective tubes, but each of them can be caused to
respond to a proper note sounded anywhere in this room. With an instrument
called a syren, a powerful musical note, of gradually increasing pitch, can be
produced. Beginning with a low note, and ascending gradually to a higher
one, we finally attain the pitch of the flame in the longest tube. The moment
it is reached, the flame bursts into song. The other flames are still silent
within their tubes. But by urging the instrument on to higher notes, the
second flame is started, and the third alone remains. A still higher note starts
it also. Thus, as the sound of the syren rises gradually in pitch, it awakens
every flame in passing, by striking it with a series of waves whose periods of
recurrence are similar to its own.
Now the wave-motion from the syren is in part taken up by the flame which
synchronises with the waves; and were these waves to impinge upon a
multitude of flames, instead of upon one flame only, the transference might
be so great as to absorb the whole of the original wave motion. Let us apply
to the mounted one.
That the motion should thus transfer itself through the air it is necessary that
the two forks should be in perfect unison. If a morsel of wax not larger than
a pea be placed on one of the forks, it is rendered thereby powerless to
affect, or to be affected by, the other. It is easy to understand this experiment.
The pulses of the one fork can affect the other, because they are perfectly
timed. A single pulse causes the prong of the silent fork to vibrate through an
infinitesimal space. But just as it has completed this small vibration another
pulse is ready to strike it. Thus, the impulses add themselves together. In the
five seconds during which the forks were held near each other, the vibrating
fork sent 1,280 waves against its neighbour and those 1,280 shocks, all
delivered at the proper moment, all, as I have said, perfectly timed, have
given such strength to the vibrations of the mounted fork as to render them
audible to all.
Another curious illustration of the influence of synchronism on musical
vibrations, is this: Three small gas-flames are inserted into three glass tubes
of different lengths. Each of these flames can be caused to emit a musical
note, the pitch of which is determined by the length of the tube surrounding
the flame. The shorter the tube the higher is the pitch. The flames are now
silent within their respective tubes, but each of them can be caused to
respond to a proper note sounded anywhere in this room. With an instrument
called a syren, a powerful musical note, of gradually increasing pitch, can be
produced. Beginning with a low note, and ascending gradually to a higher
one, we finally attain the pitch of the flame in the longest tube. The moment
it is reached, the flame bursts into song. The other flames are still silent
within their tubes. But by urging the instrument on to higher notes, the
second flame is started, and the third alone remains. A still higher note starts
it also. Thus, as the sound of the syren rises gradually in pitch, it awakens
every flame in passing, by striking it with a series of waves whose periods of
recurrence are similar to its own.
Now the wave-motion from the syren is in part taken up by the flame which
synchronises with the waves; and were these waves to impinge upon a
multitude of flames, instead of upon one flame only, the transference might
be so great as to absorb the whole of the original wave motion. Let us apply
Page 73
these facts to radiant heat. This blue flame is the flame of carbonic oxide;
this transparent gas is carbonic acid gas. In the blue flame we have carbonic
acid intensely heated, or, in other words, in a state of intense vibration. It
thus resembles the sounding fork, while this cold carbonic acid resembles
the silent one. What is the consequence? Through the synchronism of the hot
and cold gas, the waves emitted by the former are intercepted by the latter,
the transmission of the radiant heat being thus prevented. The cold gas is
intensely opaque to the radiation from this particular flame, though highly
transparent to heat of every other kind. We are here manifestly dealing with
that great principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, and which
has enabled scientific men to determine the substances of which the sun, the
stars, and even the nebulae are composed; the principle, namely, that a body
which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in
the same degree to absorb that ray. The absorption depends on the
synchronism existing between the vibrations of the atoms from which the
rays, or more correctly the waves, issue, and those of the atoms on which
they impinge.
To its almost total incompetence to emit white light, aqueous vapour adds a
similar incompetence to absorb white light. It cannot, for example, absorb
the luminous rays of the sun, though it can absorb the non-luminous rays of
the earth. This incompetence of the vapour to absorb luminous rays is shared
by water and ice — in fact, by all really transparent substances. Their
transparency is due to their inability to absorb luminous rays. The molecules
of such substances are in dissonance with luminous waves; and hence such
waves pass through transparent bodies without disturbing the molecular rest.
A purely luminous beam, however intense may be its heat, is sensibly
incompetent to melt ice. We can, for example, converge a powerful luminous
beam upon a surface covered with hoar frost, without melting a single
spicula of the crystals. How then, it may be asked, are the snows of the Alps
swept away by the sunshine of summer? I answer, they are not swept away
by sunshine at all, but by rays which have no sunshine whatever in them.
The luminous rays of the sun fall upon the snow-fields and are flashed in
echoes from crystal to crystal, but they find next to no lodgment within the
crystals. They are hardly at all absorbed, and hence they cannot produce
fusion. But a body of powerful dark rays is emitted by the sun; and it is these
that cause the glaciers to shrink and the snows to disappear; it is they that fill
this transparent gas is carbonic acid gas. In the blue flame we have carbonic
acid intensely heated, or, in other words, in a state of intense vibration. It
thus resembles the sounding fork, while this cold carbonic acid resembles
the silent one. What is the consequence? Through the synchronism of the hot
and cold gas, the waves emitted by the former are intercepted by the latter,
the transmission of the radiant heat being thus prevented. The cold gas is
intensely opaque to the radiation from this particular flame, though highly
transparent to heat of every other kind. We are here manifestly dealing with
that great principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, and which
has enabled scientific men to determine the substances of which the sun, the
stars, and even the nebulae are composed; the principle, namely, that a body
which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in
the same degree to absorb that ray. The absorption depends on the
synchronism existing between the vibrations of the atoms from which the
rays, or more correctly the waves, issue, and those of the atoms on which
they impinge.
To its almost total incompetence to emit white light, aqueous vapour adds a
similar incompetence to absorb white light. It cannot, for example, absorb
the luminous rays of the sun, though it can absorb the non-luminous rays of
the earth. This incompetence of the vapour to absorb luminous rays is shared
by water and ice — in fact, by all really transparent substances. Their
transparency is due to their inability to absorb luminous rays. The molecules
of such substances are in dissonance with luminous waves; and hence such
waves pass through transparent bodies without disturbing the molecular rest.
A purely luminous beam, however intense may be its heat, is sensibly
incompetent to melt ice. We can, for example, converge a powerful luminous
beam upon a surface covered with hoar frost, without melting a single
spicula of the crystals. How then, it may be asked, are the snows of the Alps
swept away by the sunshine of summer? I answer, they are not swept away
by sunshine at all, but by rays which have no sunshine whatever in them.
The luminous rays of the sun fall upon the snow-fields and are flashed in
echoes from crystal to crystal, but they find next to no lodgment within the
crystals. They are hardly at all absorbed, and hence they cannot produce
fusion. But a body of powerful dark rays is emitted by the sun; and it is these
that cause the glaciers to shrink and the snows to disappear; it is they that fill
Page 74
the banks of the Arve and Arveyron, and liberate from their frozen captivity
the Rhone and the Rhine.
Placing a concave silvered mirror behind the electric light its rays are
converged to a focus of dazzling brilliancy. Placing in the path of the rays,
between the light and the focus, a vessel of water, and introducing at the
focus a piece of ice, the ice is not melted by the concentrated beam.
Matches, at the same place, are ignited, and wood is set on fire. The
powerful heat, then, of this luminous beam is incompetent to melt the ice.
On withdrawing the cell of water, the ice immediately liquefies, and the
water trickles from it in drops. Reintroducing the cell of water, the fusion is
arrested, and the drops cease to fall. The transparent water of the cell exerts
no sensible absorption on the luminous rays, still it withdraws something
from the beam, which, when permitted to act, is competent to melt the ice.
This something is the dark radiation of the electric light. Again, I place a slab
of pure ice in front of the electric lamp; send a luminous beam first through
our cell of water and then through the ice. By means of a lens an image of
the slab is cast upon a white screen. The beam, sifted by the water, has little
power upon the ice. But observe what occurs when the water is removed; we
have here a star and there a star, each star resembling a flower of six petals,
and growing visibly larger before our eyes. As the leaves enlarge, their edges
become serrated, but there is no deviation from the six-rayed type. We have
here, in fact, the crystallisation of the ice reversed by the invisible rays of the
electric beam. They take the molecules down in this wonderful way, and
reveal to us the exquisite atomic structure of the substance with which
Nature every winter roofs our ponds and lakes.
Numberless effects, apparently anomalous, might be adduced in illustration
of the action of these lightless rays. These two powders, for example, are
both white, and undistinguishable from each other by the eye. The luminous
rays of the sun are unabsorbed by both — from such rays these powders
acquire no heat; still one of them, sugar, is heated so highly by the
concentrated beam of the electric lamp, that it first smokes and then
violently inflames, while the other substance, salt, is barely warmed at the
focus. Placing two perfectly transparent liquids in test-tubes at the focus, one
of them boils in a couple of seconds, while the other, in a similar position, is
hardly warmed. The boiling-point of the first liquid is 78°C., which is
speedily reached; that of the second liquid is only 48°C., which is never
the Rhone and the Rhine.
Placing a concave silvered mirror behind the electric light its rays are
converged to a focus of dazzling brilliancy. Placing in the path of the rays,
between the light and the focus, a vessel of water, and introducing at the
focus a piece of ice, the ice is not melted by the concentrated beam.
Matches, at the same place, are ignited, and wood is set on fire. The
powerful heat, then, of this luminous beam is incompetent to melt the ice.
On withdrawing the cell of water, the ice immediately liquefies, and the
water trickles from it in drops. Reintroducing the cell of water, the fusion is
arrested, and the drops cease to fall. The transparent water of the cell exerts
no sensible absorption on the luminous rays, still it withdraws something
from the beam, which, when permitted to act, is competent to melt the ice.
This something is the dark radiation of the electric light. Again, I place a slab
of pure ice in front of the electric lamp; send a luminous beam first through
our cell of water and then through the ice. By means of a lens an image of
the slab is cast upon a white screen. The beam, sifted by the water, has little
power upon the ice. But observe what occurs when the water is removed; we
have here a star and there a star, each star resembling a flower of six petals,
and growing visibly larger before our eyes. As the leaves enlarge, their edges
become serrated, but there is no deviation from the six-rayed type. We have
here, in fact, the crystallisation of the ice reversed by the invisible rays of the
electric beam. They take the molecules down in this wonderful way, and
reveal to us the exquisite atomic structure of the substance with which
Nature every winter roofs our ponds and lakes.
Numberless effects, apparently anomalous, might be adduced in illustration
of the action of these lightless rays. These two powders, for example, are
both white, and undistinguishable from each other by the eye. The luminous
rays of the sun are unabsorbed by both — from such rays these powders
acquire no heat; still one of them, sugar, is heated so highly by the
concentrated beam of the electric lamp, that it first smokes and then
violently inflames, while the other substance, salt, is barely warmed at the
focus. Placing two perfectly transparent liquids in test-tubes at the focus, one
of them boils in a couple of seconds, while the other, in a similar position, is
hardly warmed. The boiling-point of the first liquid is 78°C., which is
speedily reached; that of the second liquid is only 48°C., which is never
Page 75
reached at all. These anomalies are entirely due to the unseen element which
mingles with the luminous rays of the electric beam, and indeed constitutes
90 per cent. of its calorific power.
A substance, as many of you know, has been discovered, by which these
dark rays may be detached from the total emission of the electric lamp. This
ray-filter is a liquid, black as pitch to the luminous, but bright as a diamond
to the non-luminous, radiation. It mercilessly cuts off the former, but allows
the latter free transmission. When these invisible rays are brought to a focus,
at a distance of several feet from the electric lamp, the dark rays form an
invisible image of their source. By proper means, this image may be
transformed into a visible one of dazzling brightness. It might, moreover, be
shown, if time permitted, how, out of those perfectly dark rays, could be
extracted, by a process of transmutation, all the colours of the solar
spectrum. It might also be proved that those rays, powerful as they are, and
sufficient to fuse many metals, can be permitted to enter the eye, and to
break upon the retina, without producing the least luminous impression.
The dark rays being thus collected, you see nothing at their place of
convergence. With a proper thermometer it could be proved that even the air
at the focus is just as cold as the surrounding air. And mark the conclusion to
which this leads. It proves the aether at the focus to be practically detached
from the air, — that the most violent aethereal motion may there exist,
without the least aerial motion. But, though you see it not, there is sufficient
heat at that focus to set London on fire. The heat there is competent to raise
iron to a temperature at which it throws off brilliant scintillations. It can heat
platinum to whiteness, and almost fuse that refractory metal. It actually can
fuse gold, silver, copper, and aluminium. The moment, moreover, that wood
is placed at the focus it bursts into a blaze.
It has been already affirmed that, whether as regards radiation or absorption,
the elementary atoms possess but little power. This might be illustrated by a
long array of facts; and one of the most singular of these is furnished by the
deportment of that extremely combustible substance, phosphorus, when
placed at the dark focus. It is impossible to ignite there a fragment of
amorphous phosphorus. But ordinary phosphorus is a far quicker
combustible, and its deportment towards radiant heat is still more
impressive. It may be exposed to the intense radiation of an ordinary fire
mingles with the luminous rays of the electric beam, and indeed constitutes
90 per cent. of its calorific power.
A substance, as many of you know, has been discovered, by which these
dark rays may be detached from the total emission of the electric lamp. This
ray-filter is a liquid, black as pitch to the luminous, but bright as a diamond
to the non-luminous, radiation. It mercilessly cuts off the former, but allows
the latter free transmission. When these invisible rays are brought to a focus,
at a distance of several feet from the electric lamp, the dark rays form an
invisible image of their source. By proper means, this image may be
transformed into a visible one of dazzling brightness. It might, moreover, be
shown, if time permitted, how, out of those perfectly dark rays, could be
extracted, by a process of transmutation, all the colours of the solar
spectrum. It might also be proved that those rays, powerful as they are, and
sufficient to fuse many metals, can be permitted to enter the eye, and to
break upon the retina, without producing the least luminous impression.
The dark rays being thus collected, you see nothing at their place of
convergence. With a proper thermometer it could be proved that even the air
at the focus is just as cold as the surrounding air. And mark the conclusion to
which this leads. It proves the aether at the focus to be practically detached
from the air, — that the most violent aethereal motion may there exist,
without the least aerial motion. But, though you see it not, there is sufficient
heat at that focus to set London on fire. The heat there is competent to raise
iron to a temperature at which it throws off brilliant scintillations. It can heat
platinum to whiteness, and almost fuse that refractory metal. It actually can
fuse gold, silver, copper, and aluminium. The moment, moreover, that wood
is placed at the focus it bursts into a blaze.
It has been already affirmed that, whether as regards radiation or absorption,
the elementary atoms possess but little power. This might be illustrated by a
long array of facts; and one of the most singular of these is furnished by the
deportment of that extremely combustible substance, phosphorus, when
placed at the dark focus. It is impossible to ignite there a fragment of
amorphous phosphorus. But ordinary phosphorus is a far quicker
combustible, and its deportment towards radiant heat is still more
impressive. It may be exposed to the intense radiation of an ordinary fire
Page 76
without bursting into flame. It may also be exposed for twenty or thirty
seconds at an obscure focus, of sufficient power to raise platinum to a red
heat, without ignition. Notwithstanding the energy of the aethereal waves
here concentrated, notwithstanding the extremely inflammable character of
the elementary body exposed to their action, the atoms of that body refuse to
partake of the motion of the powerful waves of low refrangibility, and
consequently cannot be affected by their heat.
The knowledge we now possess will enable us to analyse with profit a
practical question. White dresses are worn in summer, because they are
found to be cooler than dark ones. The celebrated Benjamin Franklin placed
bits of cloth of various colours upon snow, exposed them to direct sunshine,
and found that they sank to different depths in the snow. The black cloth
sank deepest, the white did not sink at all. Franklin inferred from this
experiment that black bodies are the best absorbers, and white ones the worst
absorbers, of radiant heat. Let us test the generality of this conclusion. One
of these two cards is coated with a very dark powder, and the other with a
perfectly white one. I place the powdered surfaces before a fire, and leave
them there until they have acquired as high a temperature as they can attain
in this position. Which of the cards is then most highly heated? It requires no
thermometer to answer this question. Simply pressing the back of the card,
on which the white powder is strewn, against the cheek or forehead, it is
found intolerably hot. Placing the dark card in the same position, it is found
cool. The white powder has absorbed far more heat than the dark one. This
simple result abolishes a hundred conclusions which have been hastily
drawn from the experiments of Franklin. Again, here are suspended two
delicate mercurial thermometers at the same distance from a gas-flame. The
bulb of one of them is covered by a dark substance, the bulb of the other by a
white one. Both bulbs have received the radiation from the flame, but the
white bulb has absorbed most, and its mercury stands much higher than that
of the other thermometer. This experiment might be varied in a hundred
ways: it proves that from the darkness of a body you can draw no certain
conclusion regarding its power of absorption.
The reason of this simply is, that colour gives us intelligence of only one
portion, and that the smallest one, of the rays impinging on the coloured
body. Were the rays all luminous, we might with certainty infer from the
colour of a body its power of absorption; but the great mass of the radiation
seconds at an obscure focus, of sufficient power to raise platinum to a red
heat, without ignition. Notwithstanding the energy of the aethereal waves
here concentrated, notwithstanding the extremely inflammable character of
the elementary body exposed to their action, the atoms of that body refuse to
partake of the motion of the powerful waves of low refrangibility, and
consequently cannot be affected by their heat.
The knowledge we now possess will enable us to analyse with profit a
practical question. White dresses are worn in summer, because they are
found to be cooler than dark ones. The celebrated Benjamin Franklin placed
bits of cloth of various colours upon snow, exposed them to direct sunshine,
and found that they sank to different depths in the snow. The black cloth
sank deepest, the white did not sink at all. Franklin inferred from this
experiment that black bodies are the best absorbers, and white ones the worst
absorbers, of radiant heat. Let us test the generality of this conclusion. One
of these two cards is coated with a very dark powder, and the other with a
perfectly white one. I place the powdered surfaces before a fire, and leave
them there until they have acquired as high a temperature as they can attain
in this position. Which of the cards is then most highly heated? It requires no
thermometer to answer this question. Simply pressing the back of the card,
on which the white powder is strewn, against the cheek or forehead, it is
found intolerably hot. Placing the dark card in the same position, it is found
cool. The white powder has absorbed far more heat than the dark one. This
simple result abolishes a hundred conclusions which have been hastily
drawn from the experiments of Franklin. Again, here are suspended two
delicate mercurial thermometers at the same distance from a gas-flame. The
bulb of one of them is covered by a dark substance, the bulb of the other by a
white one. Both bulbs have received the radiation from the flame, but the
white bulb has absorbed most, and its mercury stands much higher than that
of the other thermometer. This experiment might be varied in a hundred
ways: it proves that from the darkness of a body you can draw no certain
conclusion regarding its power of absorption.
The reason of this simply is, that colour gives us intelligence of only one
portion, and that the smallest one, of the rays impinging on the coloured
body. Were the rays all luminous, we might with certainty infer from the
colour of a body its power of absorption; but the great mass of the radiation
Page 77
from our fire, our gas-flame, and even from the sun itself, consists of
invisible calorific rays, regarding which colour teaches us nothing. A body
may be highly transparent to the one class of rays, and highly opaque to the
other. Thus the white powder, which has shown itself so powerful an
absorber, has been specially selected on account of its extreme perviousness
to the visible rays, and its extreme imperviousness to the invisible ones;
while the dark powder was chosen on account of its extreme transparency to
the invisible, and its extreme opacity to the visible, rays. In the case of the
radiation from our fire, about 98 per cent of the whole emission consists of
invisible rays; the body, therefore, which was most opaque to these
triumphed as an absorber, though that body was a white one.
And here it is worth while to consider the manner in which we obtain from
natural facts what may be called their intellectual value. Throughout the
processes of Nature we have interdependence and harmony; and the main
value of physics, considered as a mental discipline, consists in the tracing
out of this interdependence, and the demonstration of this harmony. The
outward and visible phenomena are the counters of the intellect; and our
science would not be worthy of its name and fame if it halted at facts,
however practically useful, and neglected the laws which accompany and
rule the phenomena. Let us endeavour, then, to extract from the experiment
of Franklin all that it can yield, calling to our aid the knowledge which our
predecessors have already stored. Let us imagine two pieces of cloth of the
same texture, the one black and the other white, placed upon sunned snow.
Fixing our attention on the white piece, let us enquire whether there is any
reason to expect that it will sink in the snow at all. There is knowledge at
hand which enables us to reply at once in the negative. There is, on the
contrary, reason to expect that, after a sufficient exposure, the bit of cloth
will be found on an eminence instead of in a hollow; that instead of a
depression, we shall have a relative elevation of the bit of cloth. For, as
regards the luminous rays of the sun, the cloth and the snow are alike
powerless; the one cannot be warmed, nor the other melted, by such rays.
The cloth is white and the snow is white, because their confusedly mingled
fibres and particles are incompetent to absorb the luminous rays. Whether,
then, the cloth will sink or not depends entirely upon the dark rays of the
sun. Now the substance which absorbs these dark rays with the greatest
avidity is ice, — or snow, which is merely ice in powder. Hence, a less
amounts of heat will be lodged in the cloth than in the surrounding snow.
invisible calorific rays, regarding which colour teaches us nothing. A body
may be highly transparent to the one class of rays, and highly opaque to the
other. Thus the white powder, which has shown itself so powerful an
absorber, has been specially selected on account of its extreme perviousness
to the visible rays, and its extreme imperviousness to the invisible ones;
while the dark powder was chosen on account of its extreme transparency to
the invisible, and its extreme opacity to the visible, rays. In the case of the
radiation from our fire, about 98 per cent of the whole emission consists of
invisible rays; the body, therefore, which was most opaque to these
triumphed as an absorber, though that body was a white one.
And here it is worth while to consider the manner in which we obtain from
natural facts what may be called their intellectual value. Throughout the
processes of Nature we have interdependence and harmony; and the main
value of physics, considered as a mental discipline, consists in the tracing
out of this interdependence, and the demonstration of this harmony. The
outward and visible phenomena are the counters of the intellect; and our
science would not be worthy of its name and fame if it halted at facts,
however practically useful, and neglected the laws which accompany and
rule the phenomena. Let us endeavour, then, to extract from the experiment
of Franklin all that it can yield, calling to our aid the knowledge which our
predecessors have already stored. Let us imagine two pieces of cloth of the
same texture, the one black and the other white, placed upon sunned snow.
Fixing our attention on the white piece, let us enquire whether there is any
reason to expect that it will sink in the snow at all. There is knowledge at
hand which enables us to reply at once in the negative. There is, on the
contrary, reason to expect that, after a sufficient exposure, the bit of cloth
will be found on an eminence instead of in a hollow; that instead of a
depression, we shall have a relative elevation of the bit of cloth. For, as
regards the luminous rays of the sun, the cloth and the snow are alike
powerless; the one cannot be warmed, nor the other melted, by such rays.
The cloth is white and the snow is white, because their confusedly mingled
fibres and particles are incompetent to absorb the luminous rays. Whether,
then, the cloth will sink or not depends entirely upon the dark rays of the
sun. Now the substance which absorbs these dark rays with the greatest
avidity is ice, — or snow, which is merely ice in powder. Hence, a less
amounts of heat will be lodged in the cloth than in the surrounding snow.
Page 78
The cloth must therefore act as a shield to the snow on which it rests; and, in
consequence of the more rapid fusion of the exposed snow, its shield must,
in due time, be left behind, perched upon an eminence like a glacier-table.
But though the snow transcends the cloth, both as a radiator and absorber, it
does not much transcend it. Cloth is very powerful in both these respects.
Let us now turn our attention to the piece of black cloth, the texture and
fabric of which I assume to be the same as that of the white. For our object
being to compare the effects of colour, we must, in order to study this effect
in its purity, preserve all the other conditions constant. Let us then suppose
the black cloth to be obtained from the dyeing of the white. The cloth itself,
without reference to the dye, is nearly as good an absorber of heat as the
snow around it. But to the absorption of the dark solar rays by the undyed
cloth, is now added the absorption of the whole of the luminous rays, and
this great additional influx of heat is far more than sufficient to turn the
balance in favour of the black cloth. The sum of its actions on the dark and
luminous rays, exceeds the action of the snow on the dark rays alone. Hence
the cloth will sink in the snow, and this is the complete analysis of Franklin's
experiments.
Throughout this discourse the main stress has been laid on chemical
constitution, as influencing most powerfully the phenomena of radiation and
absorption.
With regard to gases and vapours, and to the liquids from which these
vapours are derived, it has been proved by the most varied and conclusive
experiments that the acts of radiation and absorption are molecular — that
they depend upon chemical, and not upon mechanical, condition. In
attempting to extend this principle to solids I was met by a multitude of
facts, obtained by celebrated experimenters, which seemed flatly to forbid
such an extension. Mellon, for example, had found the same radiant and
absorbent power for chalk and lamp-black. MM. Masson and Courtépée had
performed a most elaborate series of experiments on chemical precipitates of
various kinds, and found that they one and all manifested the same power of
radiation. They concluded from their researches, that when bodies are
reduced to an extremely fine state of division, the influence of this state is so
powerful as entirely to mask and override whatever influence may be due to
chemical constitution.
consequence of the more rapid fusion of the exposed snow, its shield must,
in due time, be left behind, perched upon an eminence like a glacier-table.
But though the snow transcends the cloth, both as a radiator and absorber, it
does not much transcend it. Cloth is very powerful in both these respects.
Let us now turn our attention to the piece of black cloth, the texture and
fabric of which I assume to be the same as that of the white. For our object
being to compare the effects of colour, we must, in order to study this effect
in its purity, preserve all the other conditions constant. Let us then suppose
the black cloth to be obtained from the dyeing of the white. The cloth itself,
without reference to the dye, is nearly as good an absorber of heat as the
snow around it. But to the absorption of the dark solar rays by the undyed
cloth, is now added the absorption of the whole of the luminous rays, and
this great additional influx of heat is far more than sufficient to turn the
balance in favour of the black cloth. The sum of its actions on the dark and
luminous rays, exceeds the action of the snow on the dark rays alone. Hence
the cloth will sink in the snow, and this is the complete analysis of Franklin's
experiments.
Throughout this discourse the main stress has been laid on chemical
constitution, as influencing most powerfully the phenomena of radiation and
absorption.
With regard to gases and vapours, and to the liquids from which these
vapours are derived, it has been proved by the most varied and conclusive
experiments that the acts of radiation and absorption are molecular — that
they depend upon chemical, and not upon mechanical, condition. In
attempting to extend this principle to solids I was met by a multitude of
facts, obtained by celebrated experimenters, which seemed flatly to forbid
such an extension. Mellon, for example, had found the same radiant and
absorbent power for chalk and lamp-black. MM. Masson and Courtépée had
performed a most elaborate series of experiments on chemical precipitates of
various kinds, and found that they one and all manifested the same power of
radiation. They concluded from their researches, that when bodies are
reduced to an extremely fine state of division, the influence of this state is so
powerful as entirely to mask and override whatever influence may be due to
chemical constitution.
Page 79
But it appears to me that through the whole of these researches an oversight
has run, the mere mention of which will show what caution is essential in the
operations of experimental philosophy; while an experiments or two will
make clear wherein the oversight consists. Filling a brightly polished metal
cube with boiling water, I determine the quantity of heat emitted by two of
the bright surfaces. As a radiator of heat one of them far transcends the other.
Both surfaces appear to be metallic; what, then, is the cause of the observed
difference in their radiative power? Simply this: one of the surfaces is coated
with transparent gum, through which, of course, is seen the metallic lustre
behind; and this varnish, though so perfectly transparent to luminous rays, is
as opaque as pitch, or lamp-black, to non-luminous ones. It is a powerful
emitter of dark rays; it is also a powerful absorber. While, therefore, at the
present moment, it is copiously pouring forth radiant heat itself, it does not
allow a single ray from the metal behind to pass through it. The varnish then,
and not the metal, is the real radiator.
Now Melloni, and Masson, and Courtépée experimented thus: they mixed
their powders and precipitates with gum-water, and laid them, by means of a
brush, upon the surfaces of a cube like this. True, they saw their red powders
red, their white ones white, and their black ones black, but they saw these
colours through the coat of varnish which surrounded every particle. When,
therefore, it was concluded that colour had no influence on radiation, no
chance had been given to it of asserting its influence; when it was found that
all chemical precipitates radiated alike, it was the radiation from a varnish,
common to them all, which showed the observed constancy. Hundreds,
perhaps thousands, of experiments on radiant heat have been performed in
this way, by various enquirers, but the work will, I fear, have to be done over
again. I am not, indeed, acquainted with an instance in which an oversight of
so trivial a character has been committed by so many able men in
succession, vitiating so large an amounts of otherwise excellent work.
Basing our reasonings thus on demonstrated facts, we arrive at the extremely
probable conclusion that the envelope of the particles, and not the particles
themselves, was the real radiator in the experiments just referred to. To
reason thus, and deduce their more or less probable consequences from
experimental facts, is an incessant exercise of the student of physical
science. But having thus followed, for a time, the light of reason alone
through a series of phenomena, and emerged from them with a purely
has run, the mere mention of which will show what caution is essential in the
operations of experimental philosophy; while an experiments or two will
make clear wherein the oversight consists. Filling a brightly polished metal
cube with boiling water, I determine the quantity of heat emitted by two of
the bright surfaces. As a radiator of heat one of them far transcends the other.
Both surfaces appear to be metallic; what, then, is the cause of the observed
difference in their radiative power? Simply this: one of the surfaces is coated
with transparent gum, through which, of course, is seen the metallic lustre
behind; and this varnish, though so perfectly transparent to luminous rays, is
as opaque as pitch, or lamp-black, to non-luminous ones. It is a powerful
emitter of dark rays; it is also a powerful absorber. While, therefore, at the
present moment, it is copiously pouring forth radiant heat itself, it does not
allow a single ray from the metal behind to pass through it. The varnish then,
and not the metal, is the real radiator.
Now Melloni, and Masson, and Courtépée experimented thus: they mixed
their powders and precipitates with gum-water, and laid them, by means of a
brush, upon the surfaces of a cube like this. True, they saw their red powders
red, their white ones white, and their black ones black, but they saw these
colours through the coat of varnish which surrounded every particle. When,
therefore, it was concluded that colour had no influence on radiation, no
chance had been given to it of asserting its influence; when it was found that
all chemical precipitates radiated alike, it was the radiation from a varnish,
common to them all, which showed the observed constancy. Hundreds,
perhaps thousands, of experiments on radiant heat have been performed in
this way, by various enquirers, but the work will, I fear, have to be done over
again. I am not, indeed, acquainted with an instance in which an oversight of
so trivial a character has been committed by so many able men in
succession, vitiating so large an amounts of otherwise excellent work.
Basing our reasonings thus on demonstrated facts, we arrive at the extremely
probable conclusion that the envelope of the particles, and not the particles
themselves, was the real radiator in the experiments just referred to. To
reason thus, and deduce their more or less probable consequences from
experimental facts, is an incessant exercise of the student of physical
science. But having thus followed, for a time, the light of reason alone
through a series of phenomena, and emerged from them with a purely
Page 80
intellectual conclusion, our duty is to bring that conclusion to an
experimental test. In this way we fortify our science.
For the purpose of testing our conclusion regarding the influence of the gum,
I take two powders presenting the same physical appearance; one of them is
a compound of mercury, and the other a compound of lead. On two surfaces
of a cube are spread these bright red powders, without varnish of any kind.
Filling the cube with boiling water, and determining the radiation from the
two surfaces, one of them is found to emit thirty-nine units of heat, while the
other emits seventy-four. This, surely, is a great difference. Here, however, is
a second cube, having two of its surfaces coated with the same powders, the
only difference being that the powders are laid on by means of a transparent
gum. Both surfaces are now absolutely alike in radiative power. Both of
them emit somewhat more than was emitted by either of the unvarnished
powders, simply because the gum employed is a better radiator than either of
them. Excluding all varnish, and comparing white with white, vast
differences are found; comparing black with black, they are also different;
and when black and white are compared, in some cases the black radiates far
more than the white, while in other cases the white radiates far more than the
black. Determining, moreover, the absorptive power of those powders, it is
found to go hand-in-hand with their radiative power. The good radiator is a
good absorber, and the bad radiator is a bad absorber. From all this it is
evident that as regards the radiation and absorption of non-luminous heat,
colour teaches us nothing; and that even as regards the radiation of the sun,
consisting as it does mainly of non-luminous rays, conclusions as to the
influence of colour may be altogether delusive. This is the strict scientific
upshot of our researches. But it is not the less true that in the case of wearing
apparel — and this for reasons which I have given in analysing the
experiments of Franklin — black dresses are more potent than white ones as
absorbers of solar heat.
Thus, in brief outline, have been brought before you a few of the results of
recent enquiry. If you ask me what is the use of them, I can hardly answer
you, unless you define the term use. If you meant to ask whether those dark
rays which clear away the Alpine snows, will ever be applied to the roasting
of turkeys, or the driving of steam-engines — while affirming their power to
do both, I would frankly confess that they are not at present capable of
competing profitably with coal in these particulars. Still they may have great
experimental test. In this way we fortify our science.
For the purpose of testing our conclusion regarding the influence of the gum,
I take two powders presenting the same physical appearance; one of them is
a compound of mercury, and the other a compound of lead. On two surfaces
of a cube are spread these bright red powders, without varnish of any kind.
Filling the cube with boiling water, and determining the radiation from the
two surfaces, one of them is found to emit thirty-nine units of heat, while the
other emits seventy-four. This, surely, is a great difference. Here, however, is
a second cube, having two of its surfaces coated with the same powders, the
only difference being that the powders are laid on by means of a transparent
gum. Both surfaces are now absolutely alike in radiative power. Both of
them emit somewhat more than was emitted by either of the unvarnished
powders, simply because the gum employed is a better radiator than either of
them. Excluding all varnish, and comparing white with white, vast
differences are found; comparing black with black, they are also different;
and when black and white are compared, in some cases the black radiates far
more than the white, while in other cases the white radiates far more than the
black. Determining, moreover, the absorptive power of those powders, it is
found to go hand-in-hand with their radiative power. The good radiator is a
good absorber, and the bad radiator is a bad absorber. From all this it is
evident that as regards the radiation and absorption of non-luminous heat,
colour teaches us nothing; and that even as regards the radiation of the sun,
consisting as it does mainly of non-luminous rays, conclusions as to the
influence of colour may be altogether delusive. This is the strict scientific
upshot of our researches. But it is not the less true that in the case of wearing
apparel — and this for reasons which I have given in analysing the
experiments of Franklin — black dresses are more potent than white ones as
absorbers of solar heat.
Thus, in brief outline, have been brought before you a few of the results of
recent enquiry. If you ask me what is the use of them, I can hardly answer
you, unless you define the term use. If you meant to ask whether those dark
rays which clear away the Alpine snows, will ever be applied to the roasting
of turkeys, or the driving of steam-engines — while affirming their power to
do both, I would frankly confess that they are not at present capable of
competing profitably with coal in these particulars. Still they may have great
Page 81
uses unknown to me; and when our coal-fields are exhausted, it is possible
that a more aethereal race than we are may cook their victuals, and perform
their work, in this transcendental way. But is it necessary that the student of
science should have his labours tested by their possible practical
applications? What is the practical value of Homer's Iliad? You smile, and
possibly think that Homer's Iliad is good as a means of culture. There's the
rub. The people who demand of science practical uses, forget, or do not
know, that it also is great as a means of culture — that the knowledge of this
wonderful universe is a thing profitable in itself, and requiring no practical
application to justify its pursuit.
But while the student of Nature distinctly refuses to have his labours judged
by their practical issues, unless the term practical be made to include mental
as well as material good, he knows full well that the greatest practical
triumphs have been episodes in the search after pure natural truth. The
electric telegraph is the standing wonder of this age, and the men whose
scientific knowledge, and mechanical skill, have made the telegraph what it
is, are deserving of all honour. In fact, they have had their reward, both in
reputation and in those more substantial benefits which the direct service of
the public always carries in its train. But who, I would ask, put the soul into
this telegraphic body? Who snatched from heaven the fire that flashes along
the line? This, I am bound to say, was done by two men, the one a dweller in
Italy, [Footnote: Volta] the other a dweller in England, [Footnote: Faraday]
who never in their enquiries consciously set a practical object before them
— whose only stimulus was the fascination which draws the climber to a
never-trodden peak, and would have made Caesar quit his victories for the
sources of the Nile. That the knowledge brought to us by those prophets,
priests, and kings of science is what the world calls 'useful knowledge,' the
triumphant application of their discoveries proves. But science has another
function to fulfil, in the storing and the training of the human mind; and I
would base my appeal to you on the specimen which has this evening been
brought before you, whether any system of education at the present day can
be deemed even approximately complete, in which the knowledge of Nature
is neglected or ignored.
.
.
that a more aethereal race than we are may cook their victuals, and perform
their work, in this transcendental way. But is it necessary that the student of
science should have his labours tested by their possible practical
applications? What is the practical value of Homer's Iliad? You smile, and
possibly think that Homer's Iliad is good as a means of culture. There's the
rub. The people who demand of science practical uses, forget, or do not
know, that it also is great as a means of culture — that the knowledge of this
wonderful universe is a thing profitable in itself, and requiring no practical
application to justify its pursuit.
But while the student of Nature distinctly refuses to have his labours judged
by their practical issues, unless the term practical be made to include mental
as well as material good, he knows full well that the greatest practical
triumphs have been episodes in the search after pure natural truth. The
electric telegraph is the standing wonder of this age, and the men whose
scientific knowledge, and mechanical skill, have made the telegraph what it
is, are deserving of all honour. In fact, they have had their reward, both in
reputation and in those more substantial benefits which the direct service of
the public always carries in its train. But who, I would ask, put the soul into
this telegraphic body? Who snatched from heaven the fire that flashes along
the line? This, I am bound to say, was done by two men, the one a dweller in
Italy, [Footnote: Volta] the other a dweller in England, [Footnote: Faraday]
who never in their enquiries consciously set a practical object before them
— whose only stimulus was the fascination which draws the climber to a
never-trodden peak, and would have made Caesar quit his victories for the
sources of the Nile. That the knowledge brought to us by those prophets,
priests, and kings of science is what the world calls 'useful knowledge,' the
triumphant application of their discoveries proves. But science has another
function to fulfil, in the storing and the training of the human mind; and I
would base my appeal to you on the specimen which has this evening been
brought before you, whether any system of education at the present day can
be deemed even approximately complete, in which the knowledge of Nature
is neglected or ignored.
.
.
Page 82
.
.
--------------------
.
.
IV. NEW CHEMICAL REACTIONS PRODUCED BY LIGHT.
1868-69.
1. DECOMPOSITION BY LIGHT.
MEASURED by their power, not to excite vision, but to produce heat — in
other words, measured by their absolute energy — the ultra-red waves of the
sun and of the electric light, as shown in the preceding articles, far transcend
the visible. In the domain of chemistry, however, there are numerous cases in
which the more powerful waves are ineffectual, while the more minute
waves, through what may be called their timeliness of application, are able
to produce great effects. A series of these, of a novel and beautiful character,
discovered in 1868, and further illustrated in subsequent years, may be
exhibited by subjecting the vapours of volatile liquids to the action of
concentrated sunlight, or to the concentrated beam of the electric light. Their
investigation led up to the discourse on 'Dust and Disease' which follows in
this volume; and for this reason some account of them is introduced here.
-----
A glass tube 3 feet long and 3 inches wide, which had been frequently
employed in my researches on radiant heat, was supported horizontally on
two stands. At one end of the tube was placed an electric lamp, the height
and position of both being so arranged, that the axis of the tube, and that of
the beam issuing from the lamp, were coincident. In the first experiments the
two ends of the tube were closed by plates of rock-salt, and subsequently by
plates of glass. For the sake of distinction, I call this tube the experimental
.
--------------------
.
.
IV. NEW CHEMICAL REACTIONS PRODUCED BY LIGHT.
1868-69.
1. DECOMPOSITION BY LIGHT.
MEASURED by their power, not to excite vision, but to produce heat — in
other words, measured by their absolute energy — the ultra-red waves of the
sun and of the electric light, as shown in the preceding articles, far transcend
the visible. In the domain of chemistry, however, there are numerous cases in
which the more powerful waves are ineffectual, while the more minute
waves, through what may be called their timeliness of application, are able
to produce great effects. A series of these, of a novel and beautiful character,
discovered in 1868, and further illustrated in subsequent years, may be
exhibited by subjecting the vapours of volatile liquids to the action of
concentrated sunlight, or to the concentrated beam of the electric light. Their
investigation led up to the discourse on 'Dust and Disease' which follows in
this volume; and for this reason some account of them is introduced here.
-----
A glass tube 3 feet long and 3 inches wide, which had been frequently
employed in my researches on radiant heat, was supported horizontally on
two stands. At one end of the tube was placed an electric lamp, the height
and position of both being so arranged, that the axis of the tube, and that of
the beam issuing from the lamp, were coincident. In the first experiments the
two ends of the tube were closed by plates of rock-salt, and subsequently by
plates of glass. For the sake of distinction, I call this tube the experimental
Page 83
tube. It was connected with an air-pump, and also with a series of drying and
other tubes used for the purification of the air.
A number of test-tubes, like F, fig. 2 (I have used at least fifty of them), were
converted into Woulf's flasks. Each of them was stopped by a cork, through
which passed two glass tubes: one of these tubes (a) ended immediately
below the cork, while the other (b) descended to the bottom of the flask,
being drawn out at its lower end to an orifice about 0.03 of an inch in
diameter. It was found necessary to coat the cork carefully with cement. In
the later experiments corks of vulcanised India-rubber were invariably
employed.
The little flask, thus formed, being partially filled with the liquid whose
vapour was to be examined, was introduced into the path of the purified
current of air. The experimental tube being exhausted, and the cock which
cut off the supply of purified air being cautiously turned on, the air entered
the flask through the tube b, and escaped by the small orifice at the lower
end of b into the liquid. Through this it bubbled, loading itself with vapour,
after which the mixed air and vapour, passing from the flask by the tube a,
entered the experimental tube, where they were subjected to the action of
light.
The whole arrangement is shown in fig. 3, where L represents the electric
lamp, s s' the experimental tube, pp' the pipe leading to the air-pump, and F
the test-tube containing the volatile liquid. The tube t t' is plugged with
cotton-wool intended to intercept the floating matter of the air; the bent tube
T' contains caustic potash, the tube T sulphuric acid, the one intended to
remove the carbonic acid and the other the aqueous vapour of the air.
The power of the electric beam to reveal the existence of anything within the
experimental tube, or the impurities of the tube itself, is extraordinary. When
the experiments is made in a darkened room, a tube which in ordinary
daylight appears absolutely clean, is often shown by the present mode of
examination to be exceedingly filthy.
The following are some of the results obtained with this arrangement :—
other tubes used for the purification of the air.
A number of test-tubes, like F, fig. 2 (I have used at least fifty of them), were
converted into Woulf's flasks. Each of them was stopped by a cork, through
which passed two glass tubes: one of these tubes (a) ended immediately
below the cork, while the other (b) descended to the bottom of the flask,
being drawn out at its lower end to an orifice about 0.03 of an inch in
diameter. It was found necessary to coat the cork carefully with cement. In
the later experiments corks of vulcanised India-rubber were invariably
employed.
The little flask, thus formed, being partially filled with the liquid whose
vapour was to be examined, was introduced into the path of the purified
current of air. The experimental tube being exhausted, and the cock which
cut off the supply of purified air being cautiously turned on, the air entered
the flask through the tube b, and escaped by the small orifice at the lower
end of b into the liquid. Through this it bubbled, loading itself with vapour,
after which the mixed air and vapour, passing from the flask by the tube a,
entered the experimental tube, where they were subjected to the action of
light.
The whole arrangement is shown in fig. 3, where L represents the electric
lamp, s s' the experimental tube, pp' the pipe leading to the air-pump, and F
the test-tube containing the volatile liquid. The tube t t' is plugged with
cotton-wool intended to intercept the floating matter of the air; the bent tube
T' contains caustic potash, the tube T sulphuric acid, the one intended to
remove the carbonic acid and the other the aqueous vapour of the air.
The power of the electric beam to reveal the existence of anything within the
experimental tube, or the impurities of the tube itself, is extraordinary. When
the experiments is made in a darkened room, a tube which in ordinary
daylight appears absolutely clean, is often shown by the present mode of
examination to be exceedingly filthy.
The following are some of the results obtained with this arrangement :—
Page 84
Nitrite of amyl. — The vapour of this liquid was in the first instance
permitted to enter the experimental tube, while the beam from the electric
lamp was passing through it. Curious clouds, the cause of which was then
unknown, were observed to form near the place of entry, being afterwards
whirled through the tube.
The tube being again exhausted, the mixed air and vapour were allowed to
enter it in the dark. The slightly convergent beam of the electric light was
then sent through the mixture. For a moment the tube was optically empty,
nothing whatever being seen within it; but before a second had elapsed a
shower of particles was precipitated on the beam. The cloud thus generated
became denser as the light continued to act, slowing at some places vivid
iridescence.
The lens of the electric lamp was now placed so as to form within the tube a
strongly convergent cone of rays. the tube was cleansed and again filled in
darkness. When the light was sent through it, the precipitation upon the
beam was so rapid and intense that the cone, which a moment before was
invisible, flashed suddenly forth like a solid luminous spear. The effect was
the same when the air and vapour were allowed to enter the tube in diffuse
daylight. The cloud, however, which shone with such extraordinary radiance
under the electric beam, was invisible in the ordinary light of the laboratory.
The quantity of mixed air and vapour within the experimental tube could of
course be regulated at pleasure. The rapidity of the action diminished with
the attenuation of the vapour. When, for example, the mercurial column
associated with the experimental tube was depressed only five inches, the
action was not nearly so rapid as when the tube was full. In such cases,
however, it was exceedingly interesting to observe, after some seconds of
waiting, a thin streamer of delicate bluish-white cloud slowly forming along
the axis of the tube, and finally swelling so as to fill it.
.
permitted to enter the experimental tube, while the beam from the electric
lamp was passing through it. Curious clouds, the cause of which was then
unknown, were observed to form near the place of entry, being afterwards
whirled through the tube.
The tube being again exhausted, the mixed air and vapour were allowed to
enter it in the dark. The slightly convergent beam of the electric light was
then sent through the mixture. For a moment the tube was optically empty,
nothing whatever being seen within it; but before a second had elapsed a
shower of particles was precipitated on the beam. The cloud thus generated
became denser as the light continued to act, slowing at some places vivid
iridescence.
The lens of the electric lamp was now placed so as to form within the tube a
strongly convergent cone of rays. the tube was cleansed and again filled in
darkness. When the light was sent through it, the precipitation upon the
beam was so rapid and intense that the cone, which a moment before was
invisible, flashed suddenly forth like a solid luminous spear. The effect was
the same when the air and vapour were allowed to enter the tube in diffuse
daylight. The cloud, however, which shone with such extraordinary radiance
under the electric beam, was invisible in the ordinary light of the laboratory.
The quantity of mixed air and vapour within the experimental tube could of
course be regulated at pleasure. The rapidity of the action diminished with
the attenuation of the vapour. When, for example, the mercurial column
associated with the experimental tube was depressed only five inches, the
action was not nearly so rapid as when the tube was full. In such cases,
however, it was exceedingly interesting to observe, after some seconds of
waiting, a thin streamer of delicate bluish-white cloud slowly forming along
the axis of the tube, and finally swelling so as to fill it.
.
Page 85
Fig. 2.
Page 86
g
Fig. 3.
When dry oxygen was employed to carry in the vapour the effect was the
same as that obtained with air.
Fig. 3.
When dry oxygen was employed to carry in the vapour the effect was the
same as that obtained with air.
Page 87
When dry hydrogen was used as a vehicle, the effect was also the same.
The effect, therefore, is not due to any interaction between the vapour of the
nitrite and its vehicle.
This was further demonstrated by the deportment of the vapour itself. When
it was permitted to enter the experimental tube unmixed with air or any
other gas, the effect was substantially the same. Hence the seat of the
observed action is the vapour.
This action is not to be ascribed to heat. As regards the glass of the
experimental tube, and the air within the tube, the beam employed in these
experiments was perfectly cold. It had been sifted by passing it through a
solution of alum, and through the thick double-convex lens of the lamp.
When the unsifted beam of the lamp was employed, the effect was still the
same; the obscure calorific rays did not appear to interfere with the result.
My object here being simply to point out to chemists a method of
experiments which reveals a new and beautiful series of reactions, I left to
them the examination of the products of decomposition. The group of atoms
forming the molecule of nitrite of amyl is obviously shaken asunder by
certain specific waves of the electric beam, nitric oxide and other products,
of which the nitrate of amyl is probably one, being the result of the
decomposition. The brown fumes of nitrous acid were seen mingling with
the cloud within the experimental tube. The nitrate of amyl, being less
volatile than the nitrite, and not being able to maintain itself in the condition
of vapour, would be precipitated as a visible cloud along the track of the
beam.
In the anterior portions of the tube a powerful sifting of the beam by the
vapour occurs, which diminishes the chemical action in the posterior
portions. In some experiments the precipitated cloud only extended halfway
down the tube. When, under these circumstances, the lamp was shifted so as
to send the beam through the other end of the tube, copious precipitation
occurred there also.
The effect, therefore, is not due to any interaction between the vapour of the
nitrite and its vehicle.
This was further demonstrated by the deportment of the vapour itself. When
it was permitted to enter the experimental tube unmixed with air or any
other gas, the effect was substantially the same. Hence the seat of the
observed action is the vapour.
This action is not to be ascribed to heat. As regards the glass of the
experimental tube, and the air within the tube, the beam employed in these
experiments was perfectly cold. It had been sifted by passing it through a
solution of alum, and through the thick double-convex lens of the lamp.
When the unsifted beam of the lamp was employed, the effect was still the
same; the obscure calorific rays did not appear to interfere with the result.
My object here being simply to point out to chemists a method of
experiments which reveals a new and beautiful series of reactions, I left to
them the examination of the products of decomposition. The group of atoms
forming the molecule of nitrite of amyl is obviously shaken asunder by
certain specific waves of the electric beam, nitric oxide and other products,
of which the nitrate of amyl is probably one, being the result of the
decomposition. The brown fumes of nitrous acid were seen mingling with
the cloud within the experimental tube. The nitrate of amyl, being less
volatile than the nitrite, and not being able to maintain itself in the condition
of vapour, would be precipitated as a visible cloud along the track of the
beam.
In the anterior portions of the tube a powerful sifting of the beam by the
vapour occurs, which diminishes the chemical action in the posterior
portions. In some experiments the precipitated cloud only extended halfway
down the tube. When, under these circumstances, the lamp was shifted so as
to send the beam through the other end of the tube, copious precipitation
occurred there also.
Page 88
Solar light also effects the decomposition of the nitrite-of-amyl vapour. On
October 10, 1868, I partially darkened a small room in the Royal Institution,
into which the sun shone, permitting the light to enter through an open
portion of the window-shutter. In the track of the beam was placed a large
plano-convex lens, which formed a fine convergent cone in the dust of the
room behind it. The experimental tube was filled in the laboratory, covered
with a black cloth, and carried into the partially darkened room. On
thrusting one end of the tube into the cone of rays behind the lens,
precipitation within the cone was copious and immediate. The vapour at the
distant end of the tube was in part shielded by that in front, and was also
more feebly acted on through the divergence of the rays. On reversing the
tube, a second and similar cone was precipitated.
Physical Considerations.
I sought to determine the particular portion of the light which produced the
foregoing effects. When, previous to entering the experimental tube, the
beam was caused to pass through a red glass, the effect was greatly
weakened, but not extinguished. This was also the case with various
samples of yellow glass. A blue glass being introduced before the removal
of the yellow or the red, on taking the latter away prompt precipitation
occurred along the track of the blue beam. Hence, in this case, the more
refrangible rays are the most chemically active. The colour of the liquid
nitrite of amyl indicates that this must be the case; it is a feeble but distinct
yellow: in other words, the yellow portion of the beam is most freely
transmitted. It is not, however, the transmitted portion of any beam which
produces chemical action, but the absorbed portion. Blue, as the
complementary colour to yellow, is here absorbed, and hence the more
energetic action of the blue rays.
This reasoning, however, assumes that the same rays are absorbed by the
liquid and its vapour. The assumption is worth testing. A solution of the
yellow chromate of potash, the colour of which may be made almost, if not
altogether, identical with that of the liquid nitrite of amyl, was found far
more effective in stopping the chemical rays than either the red or the
yellow glass. But of all substances the liquid nitrite itself is most potent in
arresting the rays which act upon its vapour. A layer one-eighth of an inch in
thickness, which scarcely perceptibly affected the luminous intensity,
October 10, 1868, I partially darkened a small room in the Royal Institution,
into which the sun shone, permitting the light to enter through an open
portion of the window-shutter. In the track of the beam was placed a large
plano-convex lens, which formed a fine convergent cone in the dust of the
room behind it. The experimental tube was filled in the laboratory, covered
with a black cloth, and carried into the partially darkened room. On
thrusting one end of the tube into the cone of rays behind the lens,
precipitation within the cone was copious and immediate. The vapour at the
distant end of the tube was in part shielded by that in front, and was also
more feebly acted on through the divergence of the rays. On reversing the
tube, a second and similar cone was precipitated.
Physical Considerations.
I sought to determine the particular portion of the light which produced the
foregoing effects. When, previous to entering the experimental tube, the
beam was caused to pass through a red glass, the effect was greatly
weakened, but not extinguished. This was also the case with various
samples of yellow glass. A blue glass being introduced before the removal
of the yellow or the red, on taking the latter away prompt precipitation
occurred along the track of the blue beam. Hence, in this case, the more
refrangible rays are the most chemically active. The colour of the liquid
nitrite of amyl indicates that this must be the case; it is a feeble but distinct
yellow: in other words, the yellow portion of the beam is most freely
transmitted. It is not, however, the transmitted portion of any beam which
produces chemical action, but the absorbed portion. Blue, as the
complementary colour to yellow, is here absorbed, and hence the more
energetic action of the blue rays.
This reasoning, however, assumes that the same rays are absorbed by the
liquid and its vapour. The assumption is worth testing. A solution of the
yellow chromate of potash, the colour of which may be made almost, if not
altogether, identical with that of the liquid nitrite of amyl, was found far
more effective in stopping the chemical rays than either the red or the
yellow glass. But of all substances the liquid nitrite itself is most potent in
arresting the rays which act upon its vapour. A layer one-eighth of an inch in
thickness, which scarcely perceptibly affected the luminous intensity,
Page 89
absorbed the entire chemical energy of the concentrated beam of the electric
light.
The close relation subsisting between a liquid and its vapour, as regards
their action upon radiant heat, has been already amply demonstrated.
[Footnote: 'Phil. Trans.' 1864; 'Heat, a Mode of Motion,' chap, xii.; and P.
61 of this volume.] As regards the nitrite of amyl, this relation is more
specific than in the cases hitherto adduced; for here the special constituent
of the beam, which provokes the decomposition of the vapour, is shown to
be arrested by the liquid.
A question of extreme importance in molecular physics here arises: What is
the real mechanism of this absorption, and where is its seat? [Footnote: My
attention was very forcibly directed to this subject some years ago by a
conversation with my excellent friend Professor Clausius.]
I figure, as others do, a molecule as a group of atoms, held together by their
mutual forces, but still capable of motion among themselves. The vapour of
the nitrite of amyl is to be regarded as an assemblage of such molecules.
The question now before us is this: In the act of absorption, is it the
molecules that are effective, or is it their constituent atoms? Is the vis viva
of the intercepted light-waves transferred to the molecule as a whole, or to
its constituent parts?
The molecule, as a whole, can only vibrate in virtue of the forces exerted
between it and its neighbour molecules. The intensity of these forces, and
consequently the rate of vibration, would, in this case, be a function of the
distance between the molecules. Now the identical absorption of the liquid
and of the vaporous nitrite of amyl indicates an identical vibrating period on
the part of liquid and vapour, and this, to my mind, amounts to an
experimental proof that the absorption occurs in the main within the
molecule. For it can hardly be supposed, if the absorption were the act of
the molecule as a whole, that it could continue to affect waves of the same
period after the substance had passed from the vaporous to the liquid state.
In point of fact, the decomposition of the nitrite of amyl is itself to some
extent an illustration of this internal molecular absorption; for were the
absorption the act of the molecule as a whole, the relative motions of its
light.
The close relation subsisting between a liquid and its vapour, as regards
their action upon radiant heat, has been already amply demonstrated.
[Footnote: 'Phil. Trans.' 1864; 'Heat, a Mode of Motion,' chap, xii.; and P.
61 of this volume.] As regards the nitrite of amyl, this relation is more
specific than in the cases hitherto adduced; for here the special constituent
of the beam, which provokes the decomposition of the vapour, is shown to
be arrested by the liquid.
A question of extreme importance in molecular physics here arises: What is
the real mechanism of this absorption, and where is its seat? [Footnote: My
attention was very forcibly directed to this subject some years ago by a
conversation with my excellent friend Professor Clausius.]
I figure, as others do, a molecule as a group of atoms, held together by their
mutual forces, but still capable of motion among themselves. The vapour of
the nitrite of amyl is to be regarded as an assemblage of such molecules.
The question now before us is this: In the act of absorption, is it the
molecules that are effective, or is it their constituent atoms? Is the vis viva
of the intercepted light-waves transferred to the molecule as a whole, or to
its constituent parts?
The molecule, as a whole, can only vibrate in virtue of the forces exerted
between it and its neighbour molecules. The intensity of these forces, and
consequently the rate of vibration, would, in this case, be a function of the
distance between the molecules. Now the identical absorption of the liquid
and of the vaporous nitrite of amyl indicates an identical vibrating period on
the part of liquid and vapour, and this, to my mind, amounts to an
experimental proof that the absorption occurs in the main within the
molecule. For it can hardly be supposed, if the absorption were the act of
the molecule as a whole, that it could continue to affect waves of the same
period after the substance had passed from the vaporous to the liquid state.
In point of fact, the decomposition of the nitrite of amyl is itself to some
extent an illustration of this internal molecular absorption; for were the
absorption the act of the molecule as a whole, the relative motions of its
Page 90
constituent atoms would remain unchanged, and there would be no
mechanical cause for their separation. It is probably the synchronism of the
vibrations of one portion of the molecule with the incident waves, that
enables the amplitude of those vibrations to augment, until the chain which
binds the parts of the molecule together is snapped asunder.
I anticipate wide, if not entire, generality for the fact that a liquid and its
vapour absorb the same rays. A cell of liquid chlorine would, I imagine,
deprive light more effectually of its power of causing chlorine and hydrogen
to combine than any other filter of the luminous rays. The rays which give
chlorine its colour have nothing to do with this combination, those that are
absorbed by the chlorine being the really effective rays. A highly sensitive
bulb, containing chlorine and hydrogen, in the exact proportions necessary
for the formation of hydrochloric acid, was placed at one end of an
experimental tube, the beam of the electric lamp being sent through it from
the other. The bulb did not explode when the tube was filled with chlorine,
while the explosion was violent and immediate when the tube was filled
with air. I anticipate for the liquid chlorine an action similar to, but still
more energetic than, that exhibited by the gas. If this should prove to be the
case, it will favour the view that chlorine itself is molecular and not
monatomic.
Production of Sky-blue by the Decomposition of Nitrite of Amyl.
When the quantity of nitrite vapour is considerable, and the light intense,
the chemical action is exceedingly rapid, the particles precipitated being so
large as to whiten the luminous beam. Not so, however, when a well-mixed
and highly attenuated vapour fills the experimental tube. The effect now to
be described was first obtained when the vapour of the nitrite was derived
from a portion of its liquid which had been accidentally introduced into the
passage through which the dry air flowed into the experimental tube.
In this case, the electric beam traversed the tube for several seconds before
any action was visible. Decomposition then visibly commenced, and
advanced slowly. _When the light was very strong, the cloud appeared of a
milky blue. When, on the contrary, the intensity was moderate, the blue was
pure and deep. In Brücke's important experiments on the blue of the sky and
the morning and evening red, pure mastic is dissolved in alcohol, and then
mechanical cause for their separation. It is probably the synchronism of the
vibrations of one portion of the molecule with the incident waves, that
enables the amplitude of those vibrations to augment, until the chain which
binds the parts of the molecule together is snapped asunder.
I anticipate wide, if not entire, generality for the fact that a liquid and its
vapour absorb the same rays. A cell of liquid chlorine would, I imagine,
deprive light more effectually of its power of causing chlorine and hydrogen
to combine than any other filter of the luminous rays. The rays which give
chlorine its colour have nothing to do with this combination, those that are
absorbed by the chlorine being the really effective rays. A highly sensitive
bulb, containing chlorine and hydrogen, in the exact proportions necessary
for the formation of hydrochloric acid, was placed at one end of an
experimental tube, the beam of the electric lamp being sent through it from
the other. The bulb did not explode when the tube was filled with chlorine,
while the explosion was violent and immediate when the tube was filled
with air. I anticipate for the liquid chlorine an action similar to, but still
more energetic than, that exhibited by the gas. If this should prove to be the
case, it will favour the view that chlorine itself is molecular and not
monatomic.
Production of Sky-blue by the Decomposition of Nitrite of Amyl.
When the quantity of nitrite vapour is considerable, and the light intense,
the chemical action is exceedingly rapid, the particles precipitated being so
large as to whiten the luminous beam. Not so, however, when a well-mixed
and highly attenuated vapour fills the experimental tube. The effect now to
be described was first obtained when the vapour of the nitrite was derived
from a portion of its liquid which had been accidentally introduced into the
passage through which the dry air flowed into the experimental tube.
In this case, the electric beam traversed the tube for several seconds before
any action was visible. Decomposition then visibly commenced, and
advanced slowly. _When the light was very strong, the cloud appeared of a
milky blue. When, on the contrary, the intensity was moderate, the blue was
pure and deep. In Brücke's important experiments on the blue of the sky and
the morning and evening red, pure mastic is dissolved in alcohol, and then
Page 91
dropped into water well stirred. When the proportion of mastic to alcohol is
correct, the resin is precipitated so finely as to elude the highest microscopic
power. By reflected light, such a medium appears bluish, by transmitted
light yellowish, which latter colour, by augmenting the quantity of the
precipitate, can be caused to pass into orange or red.
But the development of colour in the attenuated nitrite-of-amyl vapour is
doubtless more similar to what takes place in our atmosphere. The blue,
moreover, is far purer and more sky-like than that obtained from Bruecke's
turbid medium. Never, even in the skies of the Alps, have I seen a richer or
a purer blue than that attainable by a suitable disposition of the light falling
upon the precipitated vapour.
Iodide of Allyl. — Among the liquids hitherto subjected to the concentrated
electric light, iodide of allyl, in point of rapidity and intensity of action,
comes next to the nitrite of amyl. With the iodide I have employed both
oxygen and hydrogen, as well as air, as a vehicle, and found the effect in all
cases substantially the same. The cloud-column here was exquisitely
beautiful. It revolved round the axis of the decomposing beam; it was
nipped at certain places like an hour-glass, and round the two bells of the
glass delicate cloud-filaments twisted themselves in spirals. It also folded
itself into convolutions resembling those of shells. In certain conditions of
the atmosphere in the Alps I have often observed clouds of a special pearly
lustre; when hydrogen was made the vehicle of the iodide-of allyl vapour a
similar lustre was most exquisitely shown. With a suitable disposition of the
light, the purple hue of iodine-vapour came out very strongly in the tube.
The remark already made, as to the bearing of the decomposition of nitrite
of amyl by light on the question of molecular absorption, applies here also;
for were the absorption the work of the molecule as a whole, the iodine
would not be dislodged from the allyl with which it is combined. The non-
synchronism of iodine with the waves of obscure heat is illustrated by its
marvellous transparency to such heat. May not its synchronism with the
waves of light in the present instance be the cause of its divorce from the
allyl?
Iodide of Isopropyl. — The action of light upon the vapour of this liquid is,
at first, more languid than upon iodide of allyl; indeed many beautiful
correct, the resin is precipitated so finely as to elude the highest microscopic
power. By reflected light, such a medium appears bluish, by transmitted
light yellowish, which latter colour, by augmenting the quantity of the
precipitate, can be caused to pass into orange or red.
But the development of colour in the attenuated nitrite-of-amyl vapour is
doubtless more similar to what takes place in our atmosphere. The blue,
moreover, is far purer and more sky-like than that obtained from Bruecke's
turbid medium. Never, even in the skies of the Alps, have I seen a richer or
a purer blue than that attainable by a suitable disposition of the light falling
upon the precipitated vapour.
Iodide of Allyl. — Among the liquids hitherto subjected to the concentrated
electric light, iodide of allyl, in point of rapidity and intensity of action,
comes next to the nitrite of amyl. With the iodide I have employed both
oxygen and hydrogen, as well as air, as a vehicle, and found the effect in all
cases substantially the same. The cloud-column here was exquisitely
beautiful. It revolved round the axis of the decomposing beam; it was
nipped at certain places like an hour-glass, and round the two bells of the
glass delicate cloud-filaments twisted themselves in spirals. It also folded
itself into convolutions resembling those of shells. In certain conditions of
the atmosphere in the Alps I have often observed clouds of a special pearly
lustre; when hydrogen was made the vehicle of the iodide-of allyl vapour a
similar lustre was most exquisitely shown. With a suitable disposition of the
light, the purple hue of iodine-vapour came out very strongly in the tube.
The remark already made, as to the bearing of the decomposition of nitrite
of amyl by light on the question of molecular absorption, applies here also;
for were the absorption the work of the molecule as a whole, the iodine
would not be dislodged from the allyl with which it is combined. The non-
synchronism of iodine with the waves of obscure heat is illustrated by its
marvellous transparency to such heat. May not its synchronism with the
waves of light in the present instance be the cause of its divorce from the
allyl?
Iodide of Isopropyl. — The action of light upon the vapour of this liquid is,
at first, more languid than upon iodide of allyl; indeed many beautiful
Page 92
reactions may be overlooked, in consequence of this languor at the
commencement. After some minutes' exposure, however, clouds begin to
form, which grow in density and in beauty as the light continues to act. In
every experiment hitherto made with this substance the column of cloud
filling the experimental tube, was divided into two distinct parts near the
middle of the tube. In one experiments a globe of cloud formed at the
centre, from which, right and left, issued an axis uniting the globe with two
adjacent cylinders. Both globe and cylinders were animated by a common
motion of rotation. As the action continued, paroxysms of motion were
manifested; the various parts of the cloud would rush through each other
with sudden violence. During these motions beautiful and grotesque cloud-
forms were developed. At some places the nebulous mass would become
ribbed so as to resemble the graining of wood; a longitudinal motion would
at times generate in it a series of curved, transverse bands, the retarding
influence of the sides the tube causing an appearance resembling, on a small
scale, the dirt-bands of the Mer de Glace. In the anterior portion of the tube
those sudden commotion were most intense; here buds of cloud would
sprout forth, and grow in a few seconds into perfect flower-like forms. The
cloud of iodide of isopropyl had a character Of its own, and differed
materially from all others that I had seen. A gorgeous mauve colour was
observed in the last twelve inches of the tube; the vapour of iodine was
present, and it may have been the sky-blue scattered by the precipitated
particles which, mingling with the purple of the iodine, produced the
mauve. As in all other cases here adduced, the effects were proved to be due
to the light; they never occurred in darkness.
The forms assumed by some of those actinic clouds, as I propose to call
them, in consequence of rotations and other motions, due to differences of
temperature, are perfectly astounding. I content myself here with a meagre
description of one more of them.
The tube being filled with the sensitive mixture, the beam was sent through
it, the lens at the same time being so placed as to produce a cone of very
intense light. Two minutes elapsed before anything was visible; but at the
end of this time a faint bluish cloud appeared to hang itself on the most
concentrated portion of the beam.
commencement. After some minutes' exposure, however, clouds begin to
form, which grow in density and in beauty as the light continues to act. In
every experiment hitherto made with this substance the column of cloud
filling the experimental tube, was divided into two distinct parts near the
middle of the tube. In one experiments a globe of cloud formed at the
centre, from which, right and left, issued an axis uniting the globe with two
adjacent cylinders. Both globe and cylinders were animated by a common
motion of rotation. As the action continued, paroxysms of motion were
manifested; the various parts of the cloud would rush through each other
with sudden violence. During these motions beautiful and grotesque cloud-
forms were developed. At some places the nebulous mass would become
ribbed so as to resemble the graining of wood; a longitudinal motion would
at times generate in it a series of curved, transverse bands, the retarding
influence of the sides the tube causing an appearance resembling, on a small
scale, the dirt-bands of the Mer de Glace. In the anterior portion of the tube
those sudden commotion were most intense; here buds of cloud would
sprout forth, and grow in a few seconds into perfect flower-like forms. The
cloud of iodide of isopropyl had a character Of its own, and differed
materially from all others that I had seen. A gorgeous mauve colour was
observed in the last twelve inches of the tube; the vapour of iodine was
present, and it may have been the sky-blue scattered by the precipitated
particles which, mingling with the purple of the iodine, produced the
mauve. As in all other cases here adduced, the effects were proved to be due
to the light; they never occurred in darkness.
The forms assumed by some of those actinic clouds, as I propose to call
them, in consequence of rotations and other motions, due to differences of
temperature, are perfectly astounding. I content myself here with a meagre
description of one more of them.
The tube being filled with the sensitive mixture, the beam was sent through
it, the lens at the same time being so placed as to produce a cone of very
intense light. Two minutes elapsed before anything was visible; but at the
end of this time a faint bluish cloud appeared to hang itself on the most
concentrated portion of the beam.
Page 93
Soon afterwards a second cloud was formed five inches farther down the
experimental tube. Both clouds were united by a slender cord of the same
bluish tint as themselves.
As the action of the light continued, the first cloud gradually resolved itself
into a series of parallel disks of exquisite delicacy, which rotated round an
axis perpendicular to their surfaces, and finally blended to a screw surface
with an inclined generatrix. This gradually changed into a filmy funnel,
from the narrow end of which the 'cord' extended to the cloud in advance.
The latter also underwent slow but incessant modification. It first resolved
itself into a series of strata resembling those of the electric discharge. After
a little time, and through changes which it was difficult to follow, both
clouds presented the appearance of a series of concentric funnels set one
within the other, the interior ones being seen through the outer ones. Those
of the distant cloud resembled claret-glasses in shape. As many as six
funnels were thus concentrically set together, the two series being united by
the delicate cord of cloud already referred to. Other cords and Blender tubes
were afterwards formed, which coiled themselves in delicate spirals around
the funnels.
Rendering the light along the connecting-cord more intense, it diminished in
thickness and became whiter; this was a consequence of the enlargement of
its particles. The cord finally disappeared, while the funnels melted into two
ghost-like films, shaped like parasols. They were barely visible, being of an
exceedingly delicate blue tint. They seemed woven of blue air. To compare
them with cobweb or with gauze would be to liken them to something
infinitely grosser than themselves.
In all cases a distant candle-flame, when looked at through the cloud, was
sensibly undimmed.
.
.
.
experimental tube. Both clouds were united by a slender cord of the same
bluish tint as themselves.
As the action of the light continued, the first cloud gradually resolved itself
into a series of parallel disks of exquisite delicacy, which rotated round an
axis perpendicular to their surfaces, and finally blended to a screw surface
with an inclined generatrix. This gradually changed into a filmy funnel,
from the narrow end of which the 'cord' extended to the cloud in advance.
The latter also underwent slow but incessant modification. It first resolved
itself into a series of strata resembling those of the electric discharge. After
a little time, and through changes which it was difficult to follow, both
clouds presented the appearance of a series of concentric funnels set one
within the other, the interior ones being seen through the outer ones. Those
of the distant cloud resembled claret-glasses in shape. As many as six
funnels were thus concentrically set together, the two series being united by
the delicate cord of cloud already referred to. Other cords and Blender tubes
were afterwards formed, which coiled themselves in delicate spirals around
the funnels.
Rendering the light along the connecting-cord more intense, it diminished in
thickness and became whiter; this was a consequence of the enlargement of
its particles. The cord finally disappeared, while the funnels melted into two
ghost-like films, shaped like parasols. They were barely visible, being of an
exceedingly delicate blue tint. They seemed woven of blue air. To compare
them with cobweb or with gauze would be to liken them to something
infinitely grosser than themselves.
In all cases a distant candle-flame, when looked at through the cloud, was
sensibly undimmed.
.
.
.
Page 94
.
§ 2. ON THE BLUE COLOUR OF THE SKY, AND THE
POLARISATION OF SKYLIGHT.
[Footnote: In my 'Lectures on Light' (Longman), the polarisation of light
will be found briefly, but, I trust, clearly explained.]
1869.
After the communication to the Royal Society of the foregoing brief account
of a new Series of Chemical Reactions produced by Light, the experiments
upon this subject were continued, the number of substances thus acted on
being considerably increased.
I now, however, beg to direct attention to two questions glanced at
incidentally in the preceding pages — the blue colour of the sky, and the
polarisation of skylight. Reserving the historic treatment of the subject for a
more fitting occasion, I would merely mention now that these questions
constitute, in the opinion of our most eminent authorities, the two great
standing enigmas of meteorology. Indeed it was the interest manifested in
them by Sir John Herschel, in a letter of singular speculative power,
addressed to myself, that caused me to enter upon the consideration of these
questions so soon.
The apparatus with which I work consists, as already stated, of a glass tube
about a yard in length, and from 2.5 to 3 inches internal diameter. The
vapour to be examined is introduced into this tube in the manner already
described, and upon it the condensed beam of the electric lamp is permitted
to act, until the neutrality or the activity of the substance has been declared.
It has hitherto been my aim to render the chemical action of light upon
vapours visible. For this purpose substances have been chosen, one at least
of whose products of decomposition under light shall have a boiling-point
so high, that as soon as the substance is formed it shall be precipitated. By
graduating the quantity of the vapour, this precipitation may be rendered of
any degree of fineness, forming particles distinguishable by the naked eye,
or far beyond the reach of our highest microscopic powers. I have no reason
§ 2. ON THE BLUE COLOUR OF THE SKY, AND THE
POLARISATION OF SKYLIGHT.
[Footnote: In my 'Lectures on Light' (Longman), the polarisation of light
will be found briefly, but, I trust, clearly explained.]
1869.
After the communication to the Royal Society of the foregoing brief account
of a new Series of Chemical Reactions produced by Light, the experiments
upon this subject were continued, the number of substances thus acted on
being considerably increased.
I now, however, beg to direct attention to two questions glanced at
incidentally in the preceding pages — the blue colour of the sky, and the
polarisation of skylight. Reserving the historic treatment of the subject for a
more fitting occasion, I would merely mention now that these questions
constitute, in the opinion of our most eminent authorities, the two great
standing enigmas of meteorology. Indeed it was the interest manifested in
them by Sir John Herschel, in a letter of singular speculative power,
addressed to myself, that caused me to enter upon the consideration of these
questions so soon.
The apparatus with which I work consists, as already stated, of a glass tube
about a yard in length, and from 2.5 to 3 inches internal diameter. The
vapour to be examined is introduced into this tube in the manner already
described, and upon it the condensed beam of the electric lamp is permitted
to act, until the neutrality or the activity of the substance has been declared.
It has hitherto been my aim to render the chemical action of light upon
vapours visible. For this purpose substances have been chosen, one at least
of whose products of decomposition under light shall have a boiling-point
so high, that as soon as the substance is formed it shall be precipitated. By
graduating the quantity of the vapour, this precipitation may be rendered of
any degree of fineness, forming particles distinguishable by the naked eye,
or far beyond the reach of our highest microscopic powers. I have no reason
Page 95
to doubt that particles may be thus obtained, whose diameters constitute but
a small fraction of the length of a wave of violet light.
In all cases when the vapours of the liquids employed are sufficiently
attenuated, no matter what the liquid may be, the visible action commences
with the formation of a blue cloud. But here I must guard myself against all
misconception as to the use of this term. The 'cloud' here referred to is
totally invisible in ordinary daylight. To be seen, it requires to be
surrounded by darkness, it only being illuminated by a powerful beam of
light. This blue cloud differs in many important particulars from the finest
ordinary clouds, and might justly have assigned to it an intermediate
position between such clouds and true vapour. With this explanation, the
term 'cloud,' or 'incipient cloud,' or 'actinic cloud,' as I propose to employ it,
cannot, I think, be misunderstood.
I had been endeavouring to decompose carbonic acid gas by light. A faint
bluish cloud, due it may be, or it may not be, to the residue of some vapour
previously employed, was formed in the experimental tube. On looking
across this cloud through a Nicol's prism, the line of vision being horizontal,
it was found that when the short diagonal of the prism was vertical, the
quantity of light reaching the eye was greater than when the long diagonal
was vertical. When a plate of tourmaline was held between the eye and the
bluish cloud, the quantity of light reaching the eye when the axis of the
prism was perpendicular to the axis of the illuminating beam, was greater
than when the axes of the crystal and of the beam were parallel to each
other.
This was the result all round the experimental tube. Causing the crystal of
tourmaline to revolve round the tube, with its axis perpendicular to the
illuminating beam, the quantity of light that reached the eye was in all its
positions a maximum. When the crystallographic axis was parallel to the
axis of the beam, the quantity of light transmitted by the crystal was a
minimum.
From the illuminated bluish cloud, therefore, polarised light was discharged,
the direction of maximum polarisation being at right angles to the
illuminating beam; the plane of vibration of the polarised light was
perpendicular to the beam. [Footnote: This is still an undecided point; but
a small fraction of the length of a wave of violet light.
In all cases when the vapours of the liquids employed are sufficiently
attenuated, no matter what the liquid may be, the visible action commences
with the formation of a blue cloud. But here I must guard myself against all
misconception as to the use of this term. The 'cloud' here referred to is
totally invisible in ordinary daylight. To be seen, it requires to be
surrounded by darkness, it only being illuminated by a powerful beam of
light. This blue cloud differs in many important particulars from the finest
ordinary clouds, and might justly have assigned to it an intermediate
position between such clouds and true vapour. With this explanation, the
term 'cloud,' or 'incipient cloud,' or 'actinic cloud,' as I propose to employ it,
cannot, I think, be misunderstood.
I had been endeavouring to decompose carbonic acid gas by light. A faint
bluish cloud, due it may be, or it may not be, to the residue of some vapour
previously employed, was formed in the experimental tube. On looking
across this cloud through a Nicol's prism, the line of vision being horizontal,
it was found that when the short diagonal of the prism was vertical, the
quantity of light reaching the eye was greater than when the long diagonal
was vertical. When a plate of tourmaline was held between the eye and the
bluish cloud, the quantity of light reaching the eye when the axis of the
prism was perpendicular to the axis of the illuminating beam, was greater
than when the axes of the crystal and of the beam were parallel to each
other.
This was the result all round the experimental tube. Causing the crystal of
tourmaline to revolve round the tube, with its axis perpendicular to the
illuminating beam, the quantity of light that reached the eye was in all its
positions a maximum. When the crystallographic axis was parallel to the
axis of the beam, the quantity of light transmitted by the crystal was a
minimum.
From the illuminated bluish cloud, therefore, polarised light was discharged,
the direction of maximum polarisation being at right angles to the
illuminating beam; the plane of vibration of the polarised light was
perpendicular to the beam. [Footnote: This is still an undecided point; but
Page 96
the probabilities are so much in its favour, and it is in my opinion so much
preferable to have a physical image on which the mind can rest, that I do
not hesitate to employ the phraseology in the text.]
Thin plates of selenite or of quartz, placed between the Nicol and the actinic
cloud, displayed the colours of polarised light, these colours being most
vivid when the line of vision was at right angles to the experimental tube.
The plate of selenite usually employed was a circle, thinnest at the centre,
and augmenting uniformly in thickness from the centre outwards. When
placed in its proper position between the Nicol and the cloud, it exhibited a
system of splendidly-coloured rings.
The cloud here referred to was the first operated upon in the manner
described. It may, however, be greatly improved upon by the choice of
proper substances, and by the application, in proper quantities, of the
substances chosen. Benzol, bisulphide of carbon, nitrite of amyl, nitrite of
butyl, iodide of allyl, iodide of isopropyl, and many other substances may
be employed. I will take the nitrite of butyl as illustrative of the means
adopted to secure the best result, with reference to the present question.
And here it may be mentioned that a vapour, which when alone, or mixed
with air in the experimental tube, resists the action of light, or shows but a
feeble result of this action, may, when placed in proximity with another gas
or vapour, exhibit vigorous, if not violent action. The case is similar to that
of carbonic acid gas, which, diffused in the atmosphere, resists the
decomposing action of solar light, but when placed in contiguity with
chlorophyl in the leaves of plants, has its molecules shaken asunder.
Dry air was permitted to bubble through the liquid nitrite of butyl, until the
experimental tube, which had been previously exhausted, was filled with the
mixed air and vapour. The visible action of light upon the mixture after
fifteen minutes' exposure was slight. The tube was afterwards filled with
half an atmosphere of the mixed air and vapour, and a second half-
atmosphere of air which had been permitted to bubble through fresh
commercial hydrochloric acid. On sending the beam through this mixture,
the tube, for a moment, was optically empty. But the pause amounted only
to a small fraction of a second, a dense cloud being immediately
precipitated upon the beam.
preferable to have a physical image on which the mind can rest, that I do
not hesitate to employ the phraseology in the text.]
Thin plates of selenite or of quartz, placed between the Nicol and the actinic
cloud, displayed the colours of polarised light, these colours being most
vivid when the line of vision was at right angles to the experimental tube.
The plate of selenite usually employed was a circle, thinnest at the centre,
and augmenting uniformly in thickness from the centre outwards. When
placed in its proper position between the Nicol and the cloud, it exhibited a
system of splendidly-coloured rings.
The cloud here referred to was the first operated upon in the manner
described. It may, however, be greatly improved upon by the choice of
proper substances, and by the application, in proper quantities, of the
substances chosen. Benzol, bisulphide of carbon, nitrite of amyl, nitrite of
butyl, iodide of allyl, iodide of isopropyl, and many other substances may
be employed. I will take the nitrite of butyl as illustrative of the means
adopted to secure the best result, with reference to the present question.
And here it may be mentioned that a vapour, which when alone, or mixed
with air in the experimental tube, resists the action of light, or shows but a
feeble result of this action, may, when placed in proximity with another gas
or vapour, exhibit vigorous, if not violent action. The case is similar to that
of carbonic acid gas, which, diffused in the atmosphere, resists the
decomposing action of solar light, but when placed in contiguity with
chlorophyl in the leaves of plants, has its molecules shaken asunder.
Dry air was permitted to bubble through the liquid nitrite of butyl, until the
experimental tube, which had been previously exhausted, was filled with the
mixed air and vapour. The visible action of light upon the mixture after
fifteen minutes' exposure was slight. The tube was afterwards filled with
half an atmosphere of the mixed air and vapour, and a second half-
atmosphere of air which had been permitted to bubble through fresh
commercial hydrochloric acid. On sending the beam through this mixture,
the tube, for a moment, was optically empty. But the pause amounted only
to a small fraction of a second, a dense cloud being immediately
precipitated upon the beam.
Page 97
This cloud began blue, but the advance to whiteness was so rapid as almost
to justify the application of the term instantaneous. The dense cloud, looked
at perpendicularly to its axis, showed scarcely any signs of polarisation.
Looked at obliquely the polarisation was strong.
The experimental tube being again cleansed and exhausted, the mixed air
and nitrite-of-butyl vapour was permitted to enter it until the associated
mercury column was depressed 1/10 of an inch. In other words, the air and
vapour, united, exercised a pressure not exceeding 1/300th of an atmosphere.
Air, passed through a solution of hydrochloric acid, was then added, till the
mercury column was depressed three inches. The condensed beam of the
electric light was passed for some time through this mixture without
revealing anything within the tube competent to scatter the light. Soon,
however, a superbly blue cloud was formed along, the track of the beam,
and it continued blue sufficiently long to permit of its thorough
examination. The light discharged from the cloud, at right angles to its own
length, was at first perfectly polarised. It could be totally quenched by the
Nicol. By degrees the cloud became of whitish blue, and for a time the
selenite colours, obtained by looking at it normally, were exceedingly
brilliant. The direction of maximum polarisation was distinctly at right
angles to the illuminating beam. This continued to be the case as long as the
cloud maintained a decided blue colour, and even for some time after the
blue had changed to whitish blue. But, as the light continued to act, the
cloud became coarser and whiter, particularly at its centre, where it at length
ceased to discharge polarised light in the direction of the perpendicular,
while it continued to do so at both ends.
But the cloud which had thus ceased to polarise the light emitted normally,
showed vivid selenite colours when looked at obliquely, proving that the
direction of maximum polarisation changed with the texture of the cloud.
This point shall receive further illustration subsequently.
A blue, equally rich and more durable, was obtained by employing the
nitrite-of-butyl vapour in a still more attenuated condition. The instance
here cited is representative. In all cases, and with all substances, the cloud
formed at the commencement, when the precipitated particles are
sufficiently fine, is blue, and it can be made to display a colour rivalling that
to justify the application of the term instantaneous. The dense cloud, looked
at perpendicularly to its axis, showed scarcely any signs of polarisation.
Looked at obliquely the polarisation was strong.
The experimental tube being again cleansed and exhausted, the mixed air
and nitrite-of-butyl vapour was permitted to enter it until the associated
mercury column was depressed 1/10 of an inch. In other words, the air and
vapour, united, exercised a pressure not exceeding 1/300th of an atmosphere.
Air, passed through a solution of hydrochloric acid, was then added, till the
mercury column was depressed three inches. The condensed beam of the
electric light was passed for some time through this mixture without
revealing anything within the tube competent to scatter the light. Soon,
however, a superbly blue cloud was formed along, the track of the beam,
and it continued blue sufficiently long to permit of its thorough
examination. The light discharged from the cloud, at right angles to its own
length, was at first perfectly polarised. It could be totally quenched by the
Nicol. By degrees the cloud became of whitish blue, and for a time the
selenite colours, obtained by looking at it normally, were exceedingly
brilliant. The direction of maximum polarisation was distinctly at right
angles to the illuminating beam. This continued to be the case as long as the
cloud maintained a decided blue colour, and even for some time after the
blue had changed to whitish blue. But, as the light continued to act, the
cloud became coarser and whiter, particularly at its centre, where it at length
ceased to discharge polarised light in the direction of the perpendicular,
while it continued to do so at both ends.
But the cloud which had thus ceased to polarise the light emitted normally,
showed vivid selenite colours when looked at obliquely, proving that the
direction of maximum polarisation changed with the texture of the cloud.
This point shall receive further illustration subsequently.
A blue, equally rich and more durable, was obtained by employing the
nitrite-of-butyl vapour in a still more attenuated condition. The instance
here cited is representative. In all cases, and with all substances, the cloud
formed at the commencement, when the precipitated particles are
sufficiently fine, is blue, and it can be made to display a colour rivalling that
Page 98
of the purest Italian sky. In all cases, moreover, this fine blue cloud polarises
perfectly the beam which illuminates it, the direction of polarisation
enclosing an angle of 90° with the axis of the illuminating beam.
It is exceedingly interesting to observe both the perfection and the decay of
this polarisation. For ten or fifteen minutes after its first appearance the light
from a vividly illuminated actinic cloud, looked at perpendicularly, is
absolutely quenched by a Nicol's prism with its longer diagonal vertical. But
as the sky-blue is gradually rendered impure by the growth of the particles
— in other words, as real clouds begin to be formed — the polarisation
begins to decay, a portion of the light passing through the prism in all its
positions. It is worthy of note, that for some time after the cessation of
perfect polarisation, the residual light which passes, when the Nicol is in its
position of minimum transmission, is of a gorgeous blue, the whiter light of
the cloud being extinguished. [Footnote: This shows that particles too large
to polarise the blue, polarise perfectly light of lower refrangibility.] When
the cloud texture has become sufficiently coarse to approximate to that of
ordinary clouds, the rotation of the Nicol ceases to have any sensible effect
on the quantity of light discharged normally.
The perfection of the polarisation, in a direction perpendicular to the
illuminating beam, is also illustrated by the following experiments: A
Nicol's prism, large enough to embrace the entire beam of the electric lamp,
was placed between the lamp and the experimental tube. A few bubbles of
air, carried through the liquid nitrite of butyl, were introduced into the tube,
and they were followed by about three inches (measured by the mercurial
gauge) of air which had passed through aqueous hydrochloric acid. Sending
the polarised beam through the tube, I placed myself in front of it, my eye
being on a level with its axis, my assistant occupying a similar position
behind the tube. The short diagonal of the large Nicol was in the first
instance vertical, the plane of vibration of the emergent beam being
therefore also vertical. As the light continued to act, a superb blue cloud,
visible to both my assistant and myself, was slowly formed. But this cloud,
so deep and rich when looked at from the positions mentioned, utterly
disappeared when looked at vertically downwards, or vertically upwards.
Reflection from the cloud was not possible in these directions. When the
large Nicol was slowly turned round its axis, the eye of the observer being
perfectly the beam which illuminates it, the direction of polarisation
enclosing an angle of 90° with the axis of the illuminating beam.
It is exceedingly interesting to observe both the perfection and the decay of
this polarisation. For ten or fifteen minutes after its first appearance the light
from a vividly illuminated actinic cloud, looked at perpendicularly, is
absolutely quenched by a Nicol's prism with its longer diagonal vertical. But
as the sky-blue is gradually rendered impure by the growth of the particles
— in other words, as real clouds begin to be formed — the polarisation
begins to decay, a portion of the light passing through the prism in all its
positions. It is worthy of note, that for some time after the cessation of
perfect polarisation, the residual light which passes, when the Nicol is in its
position of minimum transmission, is of a gorgeous blue, the whiter light of
the cloud being extinguished. [Footnote: This shows that particles too large
to polarise the blue, polarise perfectly light of lower refrangibility.] When
the cloud texture has become sufficiently coarse to approximate to that of
ordinary clouds, the rotation of the Nicol ceases to have any sensible effect
on the quantity of light discharged normally.
The perfection of the polarisation, in a direction perpendicular to the
illuminating beam, is also illustrated by the following experiments: A
Nicol's prism, large enough to embrace the entire beam of the electric lamp,
was placed between the lamp and the experimental tube. A few bubbles of
air, carried through the liquid nitrite of butyl, were introduced into the tube,
and they were followed by about three inches (measured by the mercurial
gauge) of air which had passed through aqueous hydrochloric acid. Sending
the polarised beam through the tube, I placed myself in front of it, my eye
being on a level with its axis, my assistant occupying a similar position
behind the tube. The short diagonal of the large Nicol was in the first
instance vertical, the plane of vibration of the emergent beam being
therefore also vertical. As the light continued to act, a superb blue cloud,
visible to both my assistant and myself, was slowly formed. But this cloud,
so deep and rich when looked at from the positions mentioned, utterly
disappeared when looked at vertically downwards, or vertically upwards.
Reflection from the cloud was not possible in these directions. When the
large Nicol was slowly turned round its axis, the eye of the observer being
Page 99
on the level of the beam, and the line of vision perpendicular to it, entire
extinction of the light emitted horizontally occurred when the longer
diagonal of the large Nicol was vertical. But now a vivid blue cloud was
seen when looked at downwards or upwards. This truly fine experiments,
which I contemplated making on my own account, was first definitely
suggested by a remark in a letter addressed to me by Professor Stokes.
As regards the polarisation of skylight, the greatest stumbling-block has
hitherto been, that, in accordance with the law of Brewster, which makes the
index of refraction the tangent of the polarising angle, the reflection which
produces perfect polarisation would require to be made in air upon air; and
indeed this led many of our most eminent men, Brewster himself among the
number, to entertain the idea of aerial molecular reflection. [Footnote: 'The
cause of the polarisation is evidently a reflection of the sun's light upon
something. The question is on what? Were the angle of maximum
polarisation 76°, we should look to water or ice as the reflecting body,
however inconceivable the existence in a cloudless atmosphere and a hot
summer's day of unevaporated molecules (particles?) of water. But though
we were once of this opinion, careful observation has satisfied us that 90°,
or thereabouts, is the correct angle, and that therefore whatever be the body
on which the light has been reflected, if polarised by a single reflection, the
polarising angle must be 45°, and the index of refraction, which is the
tangent of that angle, unity; in other words, the reflection would require to
be made in air upon air!' (Sir John Herschel, 'Meteorology,' par. 233.)
Any particles, if small enough, will produce both the colour and the
polarisation of the sky. But is the existence of small water-particles on a hot
summer's day in the higher regions of our atmosphere inconceivable? It is
to be remembered that the oxygen and nitrogen of the air behave as a
vacuum to radiant heat, the exceedingly attenuated vapour of the higher
atmosphere being therefore in practical contact with the cold of space.]
I have, however, operated upon substances of widely different refractive
indices, and therefore of very different polarising angles as ordinarily
defined, but the polarisation of the beam, by the incipient cloud, has thus far
proved itself to be absolutely independent of the polarising angle. The law
of Brewster does not apply to matter in this condition, and it rests with the
undulatory theory to explain why. Whenever the precipitated particles are
extinction of the light emitted horizontally occurred when the longer
diagonal of the large Nicol was vertical. But now a vivid blue cloud was
seen when looked at downwards or upwards. This truly fine experiments,
which I contemplated making on my own account, was first definitely
suggested by a remark in a letter addressed to me by Professor Stokes.
As regards the polarisation of skylight, the greatest stumbling-block has
hitherto been, that, in accordance with the law of Brewster, which makes the
index of refraction the tangent of the polarising angle, the reflection which
produces perfect polarisation would require to be made in air upon air; and
indeed this led many of our most eminent men, Brewster himself among the
number, to entertain the idea of aerial molecular reflection. [Footnote: 'The
cause of the polarisation is evidently a reflection of the sun's light upon
something. The question is on what? Were the angle of maximum
polarisation 76°, we should look to water or ice as the reflecting body,
however inconceivable the existence in a cloudless atmosphere and a hot
summer's day of unevaporated molecules (particles?) of water. But though
we were once of this opinion, careful observation has satisfied us that 90°,
or thereabouts, is the correct angle, and that therefore whatever be the body
on which the light has been reflected, if polarised by a single reflection, the
polarising angle must be 45°, and the index of refraction, which is the
tangent of that angle, unity; in other words, the reflection would require to
be made in air upon air!' (Sir John Herschel, 'Meteorology,' par. 233.)
Any particles, if small enough, will produce both the colour and the
polarisation of the sky. But is the existence of small water-particles on a hot
summer's day in the higher regions of our atmosphere inconceivable? It is
to be remembered that the oxygen and nitrogen of the air behave as a
vacuum to radiant heat, the exceedingly attenuated vapour of the higher
atmosphere being therefore in practical contact with the cold of space.]
I have, however, operated upon substances of widely different refractive
indices, and therefore of very different polarising angles as ordinarily
defined, but the polarisation of the beam, by the incipient cloud, has thus far
proved itself to be absolutely independent of the polarising angle. The law
of Brewster does not apply to matter in this condition, and it rests with the
undulatory theory to explain why. Whenever the precipitated particles are
Page 100
sufficiently fine, no matter what the substance forming the particles may be,
the direction of maximum polarisation is at right angles to the illuminating
beam, the polarising angle for matter in this condition being invariably 45°.
Suppose our atmosphere surrounded by an envelope impervious to light, but
with an aperture on the sunward side through which a parallel beam of solar
light could enter and traverse the atmosphere. Surrounded by air not directly
illuminated, the track of such a beam would resemble that of the parallel
beam of the electric lamp through an incipient cloud. The sunbeam would
be blue, and it would discharge laterally light in precisely the same
condition as that discharged by the incipient cloud. In fact, the azure
revealed by such a beam would be to all intents and purposes that which I
have called a 'blue cloud.' Conversely our 'blue cloud' is, to all intents and
purposes, an artificial sky.' [Footnote: The opinion of Sir John Herschel,
connecting the polarisation and the blue colour of the sky, is verified by the
foregoing results. 'The more the subject [the polarisation of skylight] is
considered,' writes this eminent philosopher, 'the more it will be found beset
with difficulties, and its explanation when arrived at will probably be found
to carry with it that of the blue colour of the sky itself, and of the great
quantity of light it actually does send down to us.' 'We may observe, too,' he
adds, 'that it is only where the purity of the sky is most absolute that the
polarisation is developed in its highest degree, and that where there is the
slightest perceptible tendency to cirrus it is materially impaired.' This
applies word for word to our 'incipient clouds.' ]
But, as regards the polarisation of the sky, we know that not only is the
direction of maximum polarisation at right angles to the track of the solar
beams, but that at certain angular distances, probably variable ones, from
the sun, 'neutral points,' or points of no polarisation, exist, on both sides of
which the planes of atmospheric polarisation are at right angles to each
other. I have made various observations upon this subject which are
reserved for the present; but, pending the more complete examination of the
question, the following facts bearing upon it may be submitted.
The parallel beam employed in these experiments tracked its way through
the laboratory air, exactly as sunbeams are seen to do in the dusty air of
London. I have reason to believe that a great portion of the matter thus
floating in the laboratory air consists of organic particles, which are capable
the direction of maximum polarisation is at right angles to the illuminating
beam, the polarising angle for matter in this condition being invariably 45°.
Suppose our atmosphere surrounded by an envelope impervious to light, but
with an aperture on the sunward side through which a parallel beam of solar
light could enter and traverse the atmosphere. Surrounded by air not directly
illuminated, the track of such a beam would resemble that of the parallel
beam of the electric lamp through an incipient cloud. The sunbeam would
be blue, and it would discharge laterally light in precisely the same
condition as that discharged by the incipient cloud. In fact, the azure
revealed by such a beam would be to all intents and purposes that which I
have called a 'blue cloud.' Conversely our 'blue cloud' is, to all intents and
purposes, an artificial sky.' [Footnote: The opinion of Sir John Herschel,
connecting the polarisation and the blue colour of the sky, is verified by the
foregoing results. 'The more the subject [the polarisation of skylight] is
considered,' writes this eminent philosopher, 'the more it will be found beset
with difficulties, and its explanation when arrived at will probably be found
to carry with it that of the blue colour of the sky itself, and of the great
quantity of light it actually does send down to us.' 'We may observe, too,' he
adds, 'that it is only where the purity of the sky is most absolute that the
polarisation is developed in its highest degree, and that where there is the
slightest perceptible tendency to cirrus it is materially impaired.' This
applies word for word to our 'incipient clouds.' ]
But, as regards the polarisation of the sky, we know that not only is the
direction of maximum polarisation at right angles to the track of the solar
beams, but that at certain angular distances, probably variable ones, from
the sun, 'neutral points,' or points of no polarisation, exist, on both sides of
which the planes of atmospheric polarisation are at right angles to each
other. I have made various observations upon this subject which are
reserved for the present; but, pending the more complete examination of the
question, the following facts bearing upon it may be submitted.
The parallel beam employed in these experiments tracked its way through
the laboratory air, exactly as sunbeams are seen to do in the dusty air of
London. I have reason to believe that a great portion of the matter thus
floating in the laboratory air consists of organic particles, which are capable
Page 101
of imparting a perceptibly bluish tint to the air. These also showed, though
far less vividly, all the effects of polarisation obtained with the incipient
clouds. The light discharged laterally from the track of the illuminating
beam was polarised, though not perfectly, the direction of maximum
polarisation being at right angles to the beam. At all points of the beam,
moreover, throughout its entire length, the light emitted normally was in the
same state of polarisation. Keeping the positions of the Nicol and the
selenite constant, the same colours were observed throughout the entire
beam, when the line of vision was perpendicular to its length.
The horizontal column of air, thus illuminated, was 18 feet long, and could
therefore be looked at very obliquely. I placed myself near the end of the
beam, as it issued from the electric lamp, and, looking through the Nicol
and selenite more and more obliquely at the beam, observed the colours
fading until they disappeared. Augmenting the obliquity the colours
appeared once more, but they were now complementary to the former ones.
Hence this beam, like the sky, exhibited a neutral point, on opposite sides of
which the light was polarised in planes at right angles to each other.
Thinking that the action observed in the laboratory might be caused, in
some way, by the vaporous fumes diffused in its air, I had the light removed
to a room at the top of the Royal Institution. The track of the beam was seen
very finely in the air of this room, a length of 14 or 15 feet being attainable.
This beam exhibited all the effects observed with the beam in the laboratory.
Even the uncondensed electric light falling on the floating matter showed,
though faintly, the effects of polarisation.
When the air was so sifted as to entirely remove the visible floating matter,
it no longer exerted any sensible action upon the light, but behaved like a
vacuum. The light is scattered and polarised by particles, not by molecules
or atoms.
By operating upon the fumes of chloride of ammonium, the smoke of brown
paper, and tobacco-smoke, I had varied and confirmed in many ways those
experiments on neutral points, when my attention was drawn by Sir Charles
Wheatstone to an important observation communicated to the Paris
Academy in 1860 by Professor Govi, of Turin.[Footnote: Comptes Rendus,'
far less vividly, all the effects of polarisation obtained with the incipient
clouds. The light discharged laterally from the track of the illuminating
beam was polarised, though not perfectly, the direction of maximum
polarisation being at right angles to the beam. At all points of the beam,
moreover, throughout its entire length, the light emitted normally was in the
same state of polarisation. Keeping the positions of the Nicol and the
selenite constant, the same colours were observed throughout the entire
beam, when the line of vision was perpendicular to its length.
The horizontal column of air, thus illuminated, was 18 feet long, and could
therefore be looked at very obliquely. I placed myself near the end of the
beam, as it issued from the electric lamp, and, looking through the Nicol
and selenite more and more obliquely at the beam, observed the colours
fading until they disappeared. Augmenting the obliquity the colours
appeared once more, but they were now complementary to the former ones.
Hence this beam, like the sky, exhibited a neutral point, on opposite sides of
which the light was polarised in planes at right angles to each other.
Thinking that the action observed in the laboratory might be caused, in
some way, by the vaporous fumes diffused in its air, I had the light removed
to a room at the top of the Royal Institution. The track of the beam was seen
very finely in the air of this room, a length of 14 or 15 feet being attainable.
This beam exhibited all the effects observed with the beam in the laboratory.
Even the uncondensed electric light falling on the floating matter showed,
though faintly, the effects of polarisation.
When the air was so sifted as to entirely remove the visible floating matter,
it no longer exerted any sensible action upon the light, but behaved like a
vacuum. The light is scattered and polarised by particles, not by molecules
or atoms.
By operating upon the fumes of chloride of ammonium, the smoke of brown
paper, and tobacco-smoke, I had varied and confirmed in many ways those
experiments on neutral points, when my attention was drawn by Sir Charles
Wheatstone to an important observation communicated to the Paris
Academy in 1860 by Professor Govi, of Turin.[Footnote: Comptes Rendus,'
Page 102
tome li, pp. 360 and 669.] M. Govi had been led to examine a beam of light
sent through a room in which were successively diffused the smoke of
incense, and tobacco-smoke. His first brief communication stated the fact of
polarisation by such smoke; but in his second communication he announced
the discovery of a neutral point in the beam, at the opposite sides of which
the light was polarised in planes at right angles to each other.
But unlike my observations on the laboratory air, and unlike the action of
the sky, the direction of maximum polarisation in M. Govi's experiments
enclosed a very small angle with the axis of the illuminating beam. The
question was left in this condition, and I am not aware that M. Govi or any
other investigator has pursued it further.
I had noticed, as before stated, that as the clouds formed in the experimental
tube became denser, the polarisation of the light discharged at right angles
to the beam became weaker, the direction of maximum polarisation
becoming oblique to the beam. Experiments on the fumes of chloride of
ammonium gave me also reason to suspect that the position of the neutral
point was not constant, but that it varied with the density of the illuminated
fumes.
The examination of these questions led to the following new and remarkable
results: The laboratory being well filled with the fumes of incense, and
sufficient time being allowed for their uniform diffusion, the electric beam
was sent through the smoke. From the track of the beam polarised light was
discharged; but the direction of maximum polarisation, instead of being
perpendicular, now enclosed an angle of only 12° or 13° with the axis of the
beam.
A neutral point, with complementary effects at opposite sides of it, was also
exhibited by the beam. The angle enclosed by the axis of the beam, and a
line drawn from the neutral point to the observer's eye, measured in the first
instance 66°.
The windows of the laboratory were now opened for some minutes, a
portion of the incense-smoke being permitted to escape. On again darkening
the room and turning on the light, the line of vision to the neutral point was
found to enclose, with the axis of the beam, an angle of 63°.
sent through a room in which were successively diffused the smoke of
incense, and tobacco-smoke. His first brief communication stated the fact of
polarisation by such smoke; but in his second communication he announced
the discovery of a neutral point in the beam, at the opposite sides of which
the light was polarised in planes at right angles to each other.
But unlike my observations on the laboratory air, and unlike the action of
the sky, the direction of maximum polarisation in M. Govi's experiments
enclosed a very small angle with the axis of the illuminating beam. The
question was left in this condition, and I am not aware that M. Govi or any
other investigator has pursued it further.
I had noticed, as before stated, that as the clouds formed in the experimental
tube became denser, the polarisation of the light discharged at right angles
to the beam became weaker, the direction of maximum polarisation
becoming oblique to the beam. Experiments on the fumes of chloride of
ammonium gave me also reason to suspect that the position of the neutral
point was not constant, but that it varied with the density of the illuminated
fumes.
The examination of these questions led to the following new and remarkable
results: The laboratory being well filled with the fumes of incense, and
sufficient time being allowed for their uniform diffusion, the electric beam
was sent through the smoke. From the track of the beam polarised light was
discharged; but the direction of maximum polarisation, instead of being
perpendicular, now enclosed an angle of only 12° or 13° with the axis of the
beam.
A neutral point, with complementary effects at opposite sides of it, was also
exhibited by the beam. The angle enclosed by the axis of the beam, and a
line drawn from the neutral point to the observer's eye, measured in the first
instance 66°.
The windows of the laboratory were now opened for some minutes, a
portion of the incense-smoke being permitted to escape. On again darkening
the room and turning on the light, the line of vision to the neutral point was
found to enclose, with the axis of the beam, an angle of 63°.
Page 103
The windows were again opened for a few minutes, more of the smoke
being permitted to escape. Measured as before, the angle referred to was
found to be 54°.
This process was repeated three additional times the neutral point was found
to recede lower and lower down the beam, the angle between a line drawn
from the eye to the neutral point and the axis of the beam falling
successively from 54° to 49°, 43° and 33°.
The distances, roughly measured, of the neutral point from the lamp,
corresponding to the foregoing series of observations, were these :—
1st observation 2 feet 2 inches.
2nd observation 2 feet 6 inches.
3rd observation 2 feet 10 inches.
4th observation 3 feet 2 inches.
5th observation 3 feet 7 inches.
6th observation 4 feet 6 inches.
At the end of this series of experiments the direction of maximum
polarisation had again become normal to the beam.
The laboratory was next filled with the fumes of gunpowder. In five
successive experiments, corresponding to five different densities of the
gunpowder-smoke, the angles enclosed between the line of vision to the
being permitted to escape. Measured as before, the angle referred to was
found to be 54°.
This process was repeated three additional times the neutral point was found
to recede lower and lower down the beam, the angle between a line drawn
from the eye to the neutral point and the axis of the beam falling
successively from 54° to 49°, 43° and 33°.
The distances, roughly measured, of the neutral point from the lamp,
corresponding to the foregoing series of observations, were these :—
1st observation 2 feet 2 inches.
2nd observation 2 feet 6 inches.
3rd observation 2 feet 10 inches.
4th observation 3 feet 2 inches.
5th observation 3 feet 7 inches.
6th observation 4 feet 6 inches.
At the end of this series of experiments the direction of maximum
polarisation had again become normal to the beam.
The laboratory was next filled with the fumes of gunpowder. In five
successive experiments, corresponding to five different densities of the
gunpowder-smoke, the angles enclosed between the line of vision to the
Page 104
neutral point and the axis of the beam, were 63 degrees, 50°, 47°, 42°, and
38° respectively.
After the clouds of gunpowder had cleared away, the laboratory was filled
with the fumes of common resin, rendered so dense as to be very irritating
to the lungs. The direction of maximum polarisation enclosed, in this case,
an angle of 12°, or thereabouts, with the axis of the beam. Looked at, as in
the former instances, from a position near the electric lamp, no neutral point
was observed throughout the entire extent of the beam.
When this beam was looked at normally through the selenite and Nicol, the
ring-system, though not brilliant, was distinct. Keeping the eye upon the
plate of selenite, and the line of vision perpendicular, the windows were
opened, the blinds remaining undrawn. The resinous fumes slowly
diminished, and as they did so the ring-system became paler. It finally
disappeared. Continuing to look in the same direction, the rings revived, but
now the colours were complementary to the former ones. The neutral point
had passed me in its motion down the beam, consequent upon the
attenuation of the fumes of resin.
With the fumes of chloride of ammonium substantially the same results
were obtained. Sufficient, however, has been here stated to illustrate the
variability of the position of the neutral point.[Footnote: Brewster has
proved the variability of the position of the neutral point for skylight with
the sun's altitude, a result obviously connected with the foregoing
experiments.]
By a puff of tobacco-smoke, or of condensed steam, blown into the
illuminated beam, the brilliancy of the selenite colours may be greatly
enhanced. But with different clouds two different effects are produced. Let
the ring-system observed in the common air be brought to its maximum
strength, and then let an attenuated cloud of chloride of ammonium be
thrown into the beam at the point looked at; the ring system flashes out with
augmented brilliancy, but the character of the polarisation remains
unchanged. This is also the case when phosphorus, or sulphur, is burned
underneath the beam, so as to cause the fine particles of phosphorus or of
sulphur to rise into the light. With the sulphur-fumes the brilliancy of the
38° respectively.
After the clouds of gunpowder had cleared away, the laboratory was filled
with the fumes of common resin, rendered so dense as to be very irritating
to the lungs. The direction of maximum polarisation enclosed, in this case,
an angle of 12°, or thereabouts, with the axis of the beam. Looked at, as in
the former instances, from a position near the electric lamp, no neutral point
was observed throughout the entire extent of the beam.
When this beam was looked at normally through the selenite and Nicol, the
ring-system, though not brilliant, was distinct. Keeping the eye upon the
plate of selenite, and the line of vision perpendicular, the windows were
opened, the blinds remaining undrawn. The resinous fumes slowly
diminished, and as they did so the ring-system became paler. It finally
disappeared. Continuing to look in the same direction, the rings revived, but
now the colours were complementary to the former ones. The neutral point
had passed me in its motion down the beam, consequent upon the
attenuation of the fumes of resin.
With the fumes of chloride of ammonium substantially the same results
were obtained. Sufficient, however, has been here stated to illustrate the
variability of the position of the neutral point.[Footnote: Brewster has
proved the variability of the position of the neutral point for skylight with
the sun's altitude, a result obviously connected with the foregoing
experiments.]
By a puff of tobacco-smoke, or of condensed steam, blown into the
illuminated beam, the brilliancy of the selenite colours may be greatly
enhanced. But with different clouds two different effects are produced. Let
the ring-system observed in the common air be brought to its maximum
strength, and then let an attenuated cloud of chloride of ammonium be
thrown into the beam at the point looked at; the ring system flashes out with
augmented brilliancy, but the character of the polarisation remains
unchanged. This is also the case when phosphorus, or sulphur, is burned
underneath the beam, so as to cause the fine particles of phosphorus or of
sulphur to rise into the light. With the sulphur-fumes the brilliancy of the
Page 105
colours is exceedingly intensified; but in none of these cases is there any
change in the character of the polarisation.
But when a puff of the fumes of hydrochloric acid, hydriodic acid, or nitric
acid is thrown into the beam, there is a complete reversal of the selenite
tints. Each of these clouds twists the plane of polarisation 90°, causing the
centre of the ring-system to change from black to white, and the rings
themselves to emit their complementary colours. [Footnote: Sir John
Herschel suggested to me that this change of the polarisation from positive
to negative may indicate a change from polarisation by reflection to
polarisation by refraction. This thought repeatedly occurred to me while
looking at the effects; but it will require much following up before it
emerges into clearness.]
Almost all liquids have motes in them sufficiently numerous to polarise
sensibly the light, and very beautiful effects may be obtained by simple
artificial devices. When, for example, a cell of distilled water is placed in
front of the electric lamp, and a thin slice of the beam is permitted to pass
through it, scarcely any polarised light is discharged, and scarcely any
colour produced with a plate of selenite. But if a bit of soap be agitated in
the water above the beam, the moment the infinitesimal particles reach the
light the liquid sends forth laterally almost perfectly polarised light; and if
the selenite be employed, vivid colours flash into existence. A still more
brilliant result is obtained with mastic dissolved in a great excess of alcohol.
The selenite rings, in fact, constitute an extremely delicate test as to the
collective quantity of individually invisible particles in a liquid.
Commencing with distilled water, for example, a thick slice of light is
necessary to make the polarisation of its suspended particles sensible. A
much thinner slice suffices for common water; while, with Bruecke's
precipitated mastic, a slice too thin to produce any sensible effect with most
other liquids, suffices to bring out vividly the selenite colours.
.
.
.
change in the character of the polarisation.
But when a puff of the fumes of hydrochloric acid, hydriodic acid, or nitric
acid is thrown into the beam, there is a complete reversal of the selenite
tints. Each of these clouds twists the plane of polarisation 90°, causing the
centre of the ring-system to change from black to white, and the rings
themselves to emit their complementary colours. [Footnote: Sir John
Herschel suggested to me that this change of the polarisation from positive
to negative may indicate a change from polarisation by reflection to
polarisation by refraction. This thought repeatedly occurred to me while
looking at the effects; but it will require much following up before it
emerges into clearness.]
Almost all liquids have motes in them sufficiently numerous to polarise
sensibly the light, and very beautiful effects may be obtained by simple
artificial devices. When, for example, a cell of distilled water is placed in
front of the electric lamp, and a thin slice of the beam is permitted to pass
through it, scarcely any polarised light is discharged, and scarcely any
colour produced with a plate of selenite. But if a bit of soap be agitated in
the water above the beam, the moment the infinitesimal particles reach the
light the liquid sends forth laterally almost perfectly polarised light; and if
the selenite be employed, vivid colours flash into existence. A still more
brilliant result is obtained with mastic dissolved in a great excess of alcohol.
The selenite rings, in fact, constitute an extremely delicate test as to the
collective quantity of individually invisible particles in a liquid.
Commencing with distilled water, for example, a thick slice of light is
necessary to make the polarisation of its suspended particles sensible. A
much thinner slice suffices for common water; while, with Bruecke's
precipitated mastic, a slice too thin to produce any sensible effect with most
other liquids, suffices to bring out vividly the selenite colours.
.
.
.
Page 106
.
§ 3. THE SKY OF THE ALPS.
The vision of an object always implies a differential action on the retina of
the observer. The object is distinguished from surrounding space by its
excess or defect of light in relation to that space. By altering the
illumination, either of the object itself or of its environment, we alter the
appearance of the object. Take the case of clouds floating in the atmosphere
with patches of blue between them. Anything that changes the illumination
of either alters the appearance of both, that appearance depending, as stated,
upon differential action. Now the light of the sky, being polarised, may, as
the reader of the foregoing pages knows, be in great part quenched by a
Nicol's prism, while the light of a common cloud, being unpolarised, cannot
be thus extinguished. Hence the possibility of very remarkable variations,
not only in the aspect of the firmament, which is really changed, but also in
the aspect of the clouds, which have that firmament as a background. It is
possible, for example, to choose clouds of such a depth of shade that when
the Nicol quenches the light behind them, they shall vanish, being
undistinguishable
from the residual dull tint which outlives the extinction of the brilliancy of
the sky. A cloud less deeply shaded, but still deep enough, when viewed
with the naked eye, to appear dark on a bright ground, is suddenly changed
to a white cloud on a dark ground by the quenching of the light behind it.
When a reddish cloud at sunset chances to float in the region of maximum
polarisation, the quenching of the surrounding light causes it to flash with a
brighter crimson. Last Easter eve the Dartmoor sky, which had just been
cleansed by a snow-storm, wore a very wild appearance. Round the horizon
it was of steely brilliancy, while reddish cumuli and cirri floated
southwards. When the sky was quenched behind them these floating masses
seemed like dull embers suddenly blown upon; they brightened like a fire.
In the Alps we have the most magnificent examples of crimson clouds and
snows, so that the effects just referred to may be here studied under the best
possible conditions. On August 23, 1869, the evening Alpenglow was very
fine, though it did not reach its maximum depth and splendour. The side of
the Weisshorn seen from the Bel Alp, being turned from the sun, was tinted
§ 3. THE SKY OF THE ALPS.
The vision of an object always implies a differential action on the retina of
the observer. The object is distinguished from surrounding space by its
excess or defect of light in relation to that space. By altering the
illumination, either of the object itself or of its environment, we alter the
appearance of the object. Take the case of clouds floating in the atmosphere
with patches of blue between them. Anything that changes the illumination
of either alters the appearance of both, that appearance depending, as stated,
upon differential action. Now the light of the sky, being polarised, may, as
the reader of the foregoing pages knows, be in great part quenched by a
Nicol's prism, while the light of a common cloud, being unpolarised, cannot
be thus extinguished. Hence the possibility of very remarkable variations,
not only in the aspect of the firmament, which is really changed, but also in
the aspect of the clouds, which have that firmament as a background. It is
possible, for example, to choose clouds of such a depth of shade that when
the Nicol quenches the light behind them, they shall vanish, being
undistinguishable
from the residual dull tint which outlives the extinction of the brilliancy of
the sky. A cloud less deeply shaded, but still deep enough, when viewed
with the naked eye, to appear dark on a bright ground, is suddenly changed
to a white cloud on a dark ground by the quenching of the light behind it.
When a reddish cloud at sunset chances to float in the region of maximum
polarisation, the quenching of the surrounding light causes it to flash with a
brighter crimson. Last Easter eve the Dartmoor sky, which had just been
cleansed by a snow-storm, wore a very wild appearance. Round the horizon
it was of steely brilliancy, while reddish cumuli and cirri floated
southwards. When the sky was quenched behind them these floating masses
seemed like dull embers suddenly blown upon; they brightened like a fire.
In the Alps we have the most magnificent examples of crimson clouds and
snows, so that the effects just referred to may be here studied under the best
possible conditions. On August 23, 1869, the evening Alpenglow was very
fine, though it did not reach its maximum depth and splendour. The side of
the Weisshorn seen from the Bel Alp, being turned from the sun, was tinted
Page 107
mauve; but I wished to observe one of the rose-coloured buttresses of the
mountain. Such a one was visible from a point a few hundred feet above the
hotel. The Matterhorn also, though for the most part in shade, had a crimson
projection, while a deep ruddy red lingered along its western shoulder. Four
distinct peaks and buttresses of the Dom, in addition to its dominant head —
all covered with pure snow — were reddened by the light of sunset. The
shoulder of the Alphubel was similarly coloured, while the great mass of the
Fletschorn was all a-glow, and so was the snowy spine of the Monte Leone.
Looking at the Weisshorn through the Nicol, the glow of its protuberance
was strong or weak according to the position of the prism. The summit also
underwent striking changes. In one position of the prism it exhibited a pale
white against a dark background; in the rectangular position it was a dark
mauve against a light background. The red of the Matterhorn changed in a
similar manner; but the whole mountain also passed through wonderful
changes of definition. The air at the time was filled with a silvery haze, in
which the Matterhorn almost disappeared. This could be wholly quenched
by the Nicol, and then the mountain sprang forth with astonishing solidity
and detachment from the surrounding air. The changes of the Dom were still
more wonderful. A vast amounts of light could be removed from the sky
behind it, for it occupied the position of maximum polarisation. By a little
practice with the Nicol it was easy to render the extinction of the light, or its
restoration, almost instantaneous. When the sky was quenched, the four
minor peaks and buttresses, and the summit of the Dom, together with the
shoulder of the Alphubel, glowed as if set suddenly on fire. This was
immediately dimmed by turning the Nicol through an angle of 90°. It was
not the stoppage of the light of the sky behind the mountains alone which
produced this startling effect; the air between them and me was highly
opalescent, and the quenching of this intermediate glare augmented
remarkably the distinctness of the mountains.
On the morning of August 24 similar effects were finely shown. At 10 A.M.
all three mountains, the Dom, the Matterhorn, and the Weisshorn, were
powerfully affected by the Nicol. But in this instance also, the line drawn to
the Dom being very nearly perpendicular to the solar beams, the effects on
this mountain were
mountain. Such a one was visible from a point a few hundred feet above the
hotel. The Matterhorn also, though for the most part in shade, had a crimson
projection, while a deep ruddy red lingered along its western shoulder. Four
distinct peaks and buttresses of the Dom, in addition to its dominant head —
all covered with pure snow — were reddened by the light of sunset. The
shoulder of the Alphubel was similarly coloured, while the great mass of the
Fletschorn was all a-glow, and so was the snowy spine of the Monte Leone.
Looking at the Weisshorn through the Nicol, the glow of its protuberance
was strong or weak according to the position of the prism. The summit also
underwent striking changes. In one position of the prism it exhibited a pale
white against a dark background; in the rectangular position it was a dark
mauve against a light background. The red of the Matterhorn changed in a
similar manner; but the whole mountain also passed through wonderful
changes of definition. The air at the time was filled with a silvery haze, in
which the Matterhorn almost disappeared. This could be wholly quenched
by the Nicol, and then the mountain sprang forth with astonishing solidity
and detachment from the surrounding air. The changes of the Dom were still
more wonderful. A vast amounts of light could be removed from the sky
behind it, for it occupied the position of maximum polarisation. By a little
practice with the Nicol it was easy to render the extinction of the light, or its
restoration, almost instantaneous. When the sky was quenched, the four
minor peaks and buttresses, and the summit of the Dom, together with the
shoulder of the Alphubel, glowed as if set suddenly on fire. This was
immediately dimmed by turning the Nicol through an angle of 90°. It was
not the stoppage of the light of the sky behind the mountains alone which
produced this startling effect; the air between them and me was highly
opalescent, and the quenching of this intermediate glare augmented
remarkably the distinctness of the mountains.
On the morning of August 24 similar effects were finely shown. At 10 A.M.
all three mountains, the Dom, the Matterhorn, and the Weisshorn, were
powerfully affected by the Nicol. But in this instance also, the line drawn to
the Dom being very nearly perpendicular to the solar beams, the effects on
this mountain were
Page 108
most striking. The grey summit of the Matterhorn, at the same time, could
scarcely be distinguished from the opalescent haze around it; but when the
Nicol quenched the haze, the summit became instantly isolated, and stood
out in bold definition. It is to be remembered that in the production of these
effects the only things changed are the sky behind, and the luminous haze in
front of the mountains; that these are changed because the light emitted
from the sky and from the haze is plane polarised light, and that the light
from the snows and from the mountains, being sensibly unpolarised, is not
directly affected by the Nicol. It will also be understood that it is not the
interposition of the haze as an opaque body that renders the mountains
indistinct, but that it is the light of the haze which dims and bewilders the
eye, and thus weakens the definition of objects seen through it.
These results have a direct bearing upon what artists call 'aerial perspective.'
As we look from the summit of Mont Blanc, or from a lower elevation, at
the serried crowd of peaks, especially if the mountains be darkly coloured
— covered with pines, for example — every peak and ridge is separated
from the mountains behind it by a thin blue haze which renders the relations
of the mountains as to distance unmistakable. When this haze is regarded
through the Nicol perpendicular to the sun's rays, it is in many cases wholly
quenched, because the light which it emits in this direction is wholly
polarised. When this happens, aerial perspective is abolished, and
mountains very differently distant appear to rise in the same vertical plane.
Close to the Bel Alp for instance, is the gorge of the Massa, and beyond the
gorge is a high ridge darkened by pines. This ridge may be projected upon
the dark slopes at the opposite side of the Rhone valley, and between both
we have the blue haze referred to, throwing the distant mountains far away.
But at certain hours of the day the haze may be quenched, and then the
Massa ridge and the mountains beyond the Rhone seem almost equally
distant from the eye. The one appears, as it were, a vertical continuation of
the other. The haze varies with the temperature and humidity of the
atmosphere. At certain times and places it is almost as blue as the sky itself;
but to see its colour, the attention must be withdrawn from the mountains
and from the trees which cover them. In point of fact, the haze is a piece of
more or less perfect sky; it is produced in the same manner, and is subject to
the same laws, as the firmament itself. We live in the sky, not under it.
scarcely be distinguished from the opalescent haze around it; but when the
Nicol quenched the haze, the summit became instantly isolated, and stood
out in bold definition. It is to be remembered that in the production of these
effects the only things changed are the sky behind, and the luminous haze in
front of the mountains; that these are changed because the light emitted
from the sky and from the haze is plane polarised light, and that the light
from the snows and from the mountains, being sensibly unpolarised, is not
directly affected by the Nicol. It will also be understood that it is not the
interposition of the haze as an opaque body that renders the mountains
indistinct, but that it is the light of the haze which dims and bewilders the
eye, and thus weakens the definition of objects seen through it.
These results have a direct bearing upon what artists call 'aerial perspective.'
As we look from the summit of Mont Blanc, or from a lower elevation, at
the serried crowd of peaks, especially if the mountains be darkly coloured
— covered with pines, for example — every peak and ridge is separated
from the mountains behind it by a thin blue haze which renders the relations
of the mountains as to distance unmistakable. When this haze is regarded
through the Nicol perpendicular to the sun's rays, it is in many cases wholly
quenched, because the light which it emits in this direction is wholly
polarised. When this happens, aerial perspective is abolished, and
mountains very differently distant appear to rise in the same vertical plane.
Close to the Bel Alp for instance, is the gorge of the Massa, and beyond the
gorge is a high ridge darkened by pines. This ridge may be projected upon
the dark slopes at the opposite side of the Rhone valley, and between both
we have the blue haze referred to, throwing the distant mountains far away.
But at certain hours of the day the haze may be quenched, and then the
Massa ridge and the mountains beyond the Rhone seem almost equally
distant from the eye. The one appears, as it were, a vertical continuation of
the other. The haze varies with the temperature and humidity of the
atmosphere. At certain times and places it is almost as blue as the sky itself;
but to see its colour, the attention must be withdrawn from the mountains
and from the trees which cover them. In point of fact, the haze is a piece of
more or less perfect sky; it is produced in the same manner, and is subject to
the same laws, as the firmament itself. We live in the sky, not under it.
Page 109
These points were further elucidated by the deportment of the selenite,
plate, with which the readers of the foregoing pages are so well acquainted.
On some of the sunny days of August the haze in the valley of the Rhone, as
looked at from the Bel Alp, was very remarkable. Towards evening the sky
above the mountains opposite to my place of observation yielded a series of
the most splendidly-coloured iris-rings; but on lowering the selenite until it
had the darkness of the pines at the opposite side of the Rhone 'valley,
instead of the darkness of space, as a background, the colours were not
much diminished in brilliancy. I should estimate the distance across the
valley, as the crow flies, to the opposite mountain, at nine miles; so that a
body of air of this thickness can, under favourable circumstances, produce
chromatic effects of polarisation almost as vivid as those produced by the
sky itself.
Again: the light of a landscape, as of most other things, consists of two
parts; the one, coming purely from superficial reflection, is always of the
same colour
as the light which falls upon the landscape; the other Part reaches us from a
certain depth within the objects which compose the landscape, and it is this
portion of the total light which gives these objects their distinctive colours.
The white light of the sun enters all substances to a certain depth, and is
partly ejected by internal reflection; each distinct substance absorbing and
reflecting the light, in accordance with the laws of its own molecular
constitution. Thus the solar light is sifted by the landscape, which appears in
such colours and variations of colour as, after the sifting process, reach the
observer's eye. Thus the bright green of grass, or the darker colour of the
pine, never comes to us alone, but is always mingled with an amounts of
light derived from superficial reflection. A certain hard brilliancy is
conferred upon the woods and meadows by this superficially-reflected light.
Under certain circumstances, it may be quenched by a Nicol's prism, and we
then obtain the true colour of the grass and foliage. Trees and meadows,
thus regarded, exhibit a richness and softness of tint which they never show
as long as the superficial light is permitted to mingle with the true interior
emission. The needles of the pines show this effect very well, large-leaved
trees still better; while a glimmering field of maize exhibits the most
extraordinary variations when looked at through the rotating Nicol.
plate, with which the readers of the foregoing pages are so well acquainted.
On some of the sunny days of August the haze in the valley of the Rhone, as
looked at from the Bel Alp, was very remarkable. Towards evening the sky
above the mountains opposite to my place of observation yielded a series of
the most splendidly-coloured iris-rings; but on lowering the selenite until it
had the darkness of the pines at the opposite side of the Rhone 'valley,
instead of the darkness of space, as a background, the colours were not
much diminished in brilliancy. I should estimate the distance across the
valley, as the crow flies, to the opposite mountain, at nine miles; so that a
body of air of this thickness can, under favourable circumstances, produce
chromatic effects of polarisation almost as vivid as those produced by the
sky itself.
Again: the light of a landscape, as of most other things, consists of two
parts; the one, coming purely from superficial reflection, is always of the
same colour
as the light which falls upon the landscape; the other Part reaches us from a
certain depth within the objects which compose the landscape, and it is this
portion of the total light which gives these objects their distinctive colours.
The white light of the sun enters all substances to a certain depth, and is
partly ejected by internal reflection; each distinct substance absorbing and
reflecting the light, in accordance with the laws of its own molecular
constitution. Thus the solar light is sifted by the landscape, which appears in
such colours and variations of colour as, after the sifting process, reach the
observer's eye. Thus the bright green of grass, or the darker colour of the
pine, never comes to us alone, but is always mingled with an amounts of
light derived from superficial reflection. A certain hard brilliancy is
conferred upon the woods and meadows by this superficially-reflected light.
Under certain circumstances, it may be quenched by a Nicol's prism, and we
then obtain the true colour of the grass and foliage. Trees and meadows,
thus regarded, exhibit a richness and softness of tint which they never show
as long as the superficial light is permitted to mingle with the true interior
emission. The needles of the pines show this effect very well, large-leaved
trees still better; while a glimmering field of maize exhibits the most
extraordinary variations when looked at through the rotating Nicol.
Page 110
Thoughts and questions like those here referred to took me, in August 1869,
to the top of the Aletschhorn. The effects described in the foregoing
paragraphs were for the most part reproduced on the summit of the
mountain. I scanned the whole of the sky with my Nicol. Both alone, and in
conjunction with the selenite, it pronounced the perpendicular to the solar
beams to be the direction of maximum polarisation.
But at no portion of the firmament was the polarisation complete. The
artificial sky produced in the experiments recorded in the preceding pages
could, in this respect, be rendered far more perfect than the natural one;
while the gorgeous 'residual blue' which makes its appearance when the
polarisation of the artificial sky ceases to be perfect, was strongly contrasted
with the lack-lustre hue which, in the case of the firmament, outlived the
extinction of the brilliancy. With certain substances, however, artificially
treated, this dull residue may also be obtained.
All along the arc from the Matterhorn to Mont Blanc the light of the sky
immediately above the mountains was powerfully acted upon by the Nicol.
In some cases the variations of intensity were astonishing. I have already
said that a little practice enables the observer to shift the Nicol from one
position to another so rapidly as to render the alternative extinction and
restoration of the light immediate. When this was done along the arc to
which I have referred, the alternations of light and darkness resembled the
play of sheet lightning behind the mountains. There was an element of awe
connected with the suddenness with which the mighty masses, ranged along
the line referred to, changed their aspect and definition under the operation
of the prism.
-----
The physical reason of the blueness of both natural and artificial skies is, I
trust, correctly given in the essay on the Scientific use of the Imagination
published in the second volume of these Fragments.
.
.
to the top of the Aletschhorn. The effects described in the foregoing
paragraphs were for the most part reproduced on the summit of the
mountain. I scanned the whole of the sky with my Nicol. Both alone, and in
conjunction with the selenite, it pronounced the perpendicular to the solar
beams to be the direction of maximum polarisation.
But at no portion of the firmament was the polarisation complete. The
artificial sky produced in the experiments recorded in the preceding pages
could, in this respect, be rendered far more perfect than the natural one;
while the gorgeous 'residual blue' which makes its appearance when the
polarisation of the artificial sky ceases to be perfect, was strongly contrasted
with the lack-lustre hue which, in the case of the firmament, outlived the
extinction of the brilliancy. With certain substances, however, artificially
treated, this dull residue may also be obtained.
All along the arc from the Matterhorn to Mont Blanc the light of the sky
immediately above the mountains was powerfully acted upon by the Nicol.
In some cases the variations of intensity were astonishing. I have already
said that a little practice enables the observer to shift the Nicol from one
position to another so rapidly as to render the alternative extinction and
restoration of the light immediate. When this was done along the arc to
which I have referred, the alternations of light and darkness resembled the
play of sheet lightning behind the mountains. There was an element of awe
connected with the suddenness with which the mighty masses, ranged along
the line referred to, changed their aspect and definition under the operation
of the prism.
-----
The physical reason of the blueness of both natural and artificial skies is, I
trust, correctly given in the essay on the Scientific use of the Imagination
published in the second volume of these Fragments.
.
.
Page 111
.
.
--------------------
.
.
V. ON DUST AND DISEASE.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered before the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, January 21, 1870.]
Experiments on Dusty Air.
SOLAR light, in passing through a dark room, reveals its track by
illuminating the dust floating in the air. 'The sun,' says Daniel Culverwell,
'discovers atomes, though they be invisible by candle-light, and makes them
dance naked in his beams.'
In my researches on the decomposition of vapours by light, I was compelled
to remove these 'atoms' and this dust. It was essential that the space
containing the vapours should embrace no visible thing — that no substance
capable of scattering light in the slightest sensible degree should, at the
outset of an experiments, be found in the wide 'experimental tube' in which
the vapour was enclosed.
For a long time I was troubled by the appearance there of floating matter,
which, though invisible in diffuse daylight, was at once revealed by a
powerfully condensed beam. Two U-tubes were placed in succession in the
path of the air, before it entered the liquid whose vapour was to be carried
into the experimental tube. One of the U-tubes contained fragments of
marble wetted with a strong solution of caustic potash; the other, fragments
of glass wetted with concentrated sulphuric acid which, while yielding no
vapour of its own, powerfully absorbs the aqueous vapour of the air.
[Footnote: The apparatus is figured at p. 98.] To my astonishment, the air
of the Royal Institution, sent through these tubes at a rate sufficiently slow
.
--------------------
.
.
V. ON DUST AND DISEASE.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered before the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, January 21, 1870.]
Experiments on Dusty Air.
SOLAR light, in passing through a dark room, reveals its track by
illuminating the dust floating in the air. 'The sun,' says Daniel Culverwell,
'discovers atomes, though they be invisible by candle-light, and makes them
dance naked in his beams.'
In my researches on the decomposition of vapours by light, I was compelled
to remove these 'atoms' and this dust. It was essential that the space
containing the vapours should embrace no visible thing — that no substance
capable of scattering light in the slightest sensible degree should, at the
outset of an experiments, be found in the wide 'experimental tube' in which
the vapour was enclosed.
For a long time I was troubled by the appearance there of floating matter,
which, though invisible in diffuse daylight, was at once revealed by a
powerfully condensed beam. Two U-tubes were placed in succession in the
path of the air, before it entered the liquid whose vapour was to be carried
into the experimental tube. One of the U-tubes contained fragments of
marble wetted with a strong solution of caustic potash; the other, fragments
of glass wetted with concentrated sulphuric acid which, while yielding no
vapour of its own, powerfully absorbs the aqueous vapour of the air.
[Footnote: The apparatus is figured at p. 98.] To my astonishment, the air
of the Royal Institution, sent through these tubes at a rate sufficiently slow
Page 112
to dry it, and to remove its carbonic acid, carried into the experimental tube
a considerable amounts of mechanically suspended matter, which was
illuminated when the beam passed through the tube. The effect was
substantially the same when the air was permitted to bubble through the
liquid acid, and through the solution of potash.
I tried to intercept this floating matter in various ways; and on October 5,
1868, prior to sending the air through the drying apparatus, it was carefully
permitted to pass over the tip of a spirit-lamp flame. The floating matter no
longer appeared, having been burnt up by the flame. It was therefore
organic matter. I was by no means prepared for this result; having
previously thought that the dust of our air was, in great part, inorganic and
non-combustible. [Footnote: According to an analysis kindly furnished to
me by Dr. Percy, the dust collected from the walls of the British Museum
contains fully 50 per cent. of inorganic matter. I have every confidence in
the results of this distinguished chemist; they show that the floating dust of
our rooms is, as it were, winnowed from the heavier matter. As bearing
directly upon this point I may quote the following passage from Pasteur:
'Mais ici se présente une remarque: la poussière que Pon trouve à la surface
de tous les corps est soumise constamment à des courants d'air, qui doivent
soulever des particules les plus légères, au nombre desquelles se trouvent,
sans doute, de préférence les corpuscules organisés, oeufs ou spores, moins
lourds généralement que les particules minérales.']
I had constructed a small gas-furnace, now much employed by chemists,
containing a platinum tube, which could be heated to vivid redness.
[Footnote: Pasteur was, I believe, the first to employ such a tube.] The tube
contained a roll of platinum gauze, which, while it permitted the air to pass
through it, ensured the practical contact of the dust with the incandescent
metal. The air of the laboratory was permitted to enter the experimental
tube, sometimes through the cold, and sometimes through the heated, tube
of platinum. In the first column of the following fragment of a long table the
quantity of air operated on is expressed by the depression of the mercury
gauge of the air-pump. In the second column the condition of the platinum
tube is mentioned, and in the third the state of the air in the experimental
tube.
a considerable amounts of mechanically suspended matter, which was
illuminated when the beam passed through the tube. The effect was
substantially the same when the air was permitted to bubble through the
liquid acid, and through the solution of potash.
I tried to intercept this floating matter in various ways; and on October 5,
1868, prior to sending the air through the drying apparatus, it was carefully
permitted to pass over the tip of a spirit-lamp flame. The floating matter no
longer appeared, having been burnt up by the flame. It was therefore
organic matter. I was by no means prepared for this result; having
previously thought that the dust of our air was, in great part, inorganic and
non-combustible. [Footnote: According to an analysis kindly furnished to
me by Dr. Percy, the dust collected from the walls of the British Museum
contains fully 50 per cent. of inorganic matter. I have every confidence in
the results of this distinguished chemist; they show that the floating dust of
our rooms is, as it were, winnowed from the heavier matter. As bearing
directly upon this point I may quote the following passage from Pasteur:
'Mais ici se présente une remarque: la poussière que Pon trouve à la surface
de tous les corps est soumise constamment à des courants d'air, qui doivent
soulever des particules les plus légères, au nombre desquelles se trouvent,
sans doute, de préférence les corpuscules organisés, oeufs ou spores, moins
lourds généralement que les particules minérales.']
I had constructed a small gas-furnace, now much employed by chemists,
containing a platinum tube, which could be heated to vivid redness.
[Footnote: Pasteur was, I believe, the first to employ such a tube.] The tube
contained a roll of platinum gauze, which, while it permitted the air to pass
through it, ensured the practical contact of the dust with the incandescent
metal. The air of the laboratory was permitted to enter the experimental
tube, sometimes through the cold, and sometimes through the heated, tube
of platinum. In the first column of the following fragment of a long table the
quantity of air operated on is expressed by the depression of the mercury
gauge of the air-pump. In the second column the condition of the platinum
tube is mentioned, and in the third the state of the air in the experimental
tube.
Page 113
Quantity of air State of platinum tube State of experimental tube
15 inches Cold Full of particles.
30 inches Red-hot Optically empty.
The phrase 'optically empty' shows that when the conditions of perfect
combustion were present, the floating matter totally disappeared.
-----
In a cylindrical beam, which strongly illuminated the dust of the laboratory,
I placed an ignited spirit-lamp. Mingling with the flame, and round its rim,
were seen curious wreaths of darkness resembling an intensely black smoke.
On placing the flame at some distance below the beam, the same dark
masses stormed upwards. They were blacker than the blackest smoke ever
seen issuing from the funnel of a steamer; and their resemblance to smoke
was so perfect as to lead the most practised observer to conclude that the
apparently pure flame of the alcohol lamp required but a beam of sufficient
intensity to reveal its clouds of liberated carbon.
But is the blackness smoke? This question presented itself in a moment and
was thus answered: A red-hot poker was placed underneath the beam: from
it the black wreaths also ascended. A large hydrogen flame was next
employed, and it produced those whirling masses of darkness, far more
copiously than either the spirit-flame or poker. Smoke was therefore out of
the question. [Footnote: In none of the public rooms of the United States
where I had the honour to lecture was this experiment made. The organic
dust was too scanty. Certain rooms in England — the Brighton Pavilion, for
example — also lack the necessary conditions.]
What, then, was the blackness? It was simply that of stellar space; that is to
say, blackness resulting from the absence from the track of the beam of all
15 inches Cold Full of particles.
30 inches Red-hot Optically empty.
The phrase 'optically empty' shows that when the conditions of perfect
combustion were present, the floating matter totally disappeared.
-----
In a cylindrical beam, which strongly illuminated the dust of the laboratory,
I placed an ignited spirit-lamp. Mingling with the flame, and round its rim,
were seen curious wreaths of darkness resembling an intensely black smoke.
On placing the flame at some distance below the beam, the same dark
masses stormed upwards. They were blacker than the blackest smoke ever
seen issuing from the funnel of a steamer; and their resemblance to smoke
was so perfect as to lead the most practised observer to conclude that the
apparently pure flame of the alcohol lamp required but a beam of sufficient
intensity to reveal its clouds of liberated carbon.
But is the blackness smoke? This question presented itself in a moment and
was thus answered: A red-hot poker was placed underneath the beam: from
it the black wreaths also ascended. A large hydrogen flame was next
employed, and it produced those whirling masses of darkness, far more
copiously than either the spirit-flame or poker. Smoke was therefore out of
the question. [Footnote: In none of the public rooms of the United States
where I had the honour to lecture was this experiment made. The organic
dust was too scanty. Certain rooms in England — the Brighton Pavilion, for
example — also lack the necessary conditions.]
What, then, was the blackness? It was simply that of stellar space; that is to
say, blackness resulting from the absence from the track of the beam of all
Page 114
matter competent to scatter its light. When the flame was placed below the
beam the floating matter was destroyed in situ; and the air, freed from this
matter, rose into the beam, jostled aside the illuminated particles, and
substituted for their light the darkness due to its own perfect transparency.
Nothing could more forcibly illustrate the invisibility of the agent which
renders all things visible. The beam crossed, unseen, the black chasm
formed by the transparent air, while, at both sides of the gap, the thick-
strewn particles shone out like a luminous solid under the powerful
illumination.
It is not, however, necessary to burn the particles to produce a stream of
darkness. Without actual combustion, currents may be generated which shall
displace the floating matter, and appear dark amid the surrounding
brightness. I noticed this effect first on placing a red-hot copper ball below
the beam, and permitting it to remain there until its temperature had fallen
below that of boiling water. The dark currents, though much enfeebled,
were still produced. They may also be produced by a flask filled with hot
water.
To study this effect a platinum wire was stretched across the beam, the two
ends of the wire being connected with the two poles of a voltaic battery. To
regulate the strength of the current a rheostat was placed in the circuit.
Beginning with a feeble current the temperature of the wire was gradually
augmented; but long before it reached the heat of ignition, a flat stream of
air rose from it, which when looked at edgeways appeared darker and
sharper than one of the blackest lines of Fraunhofer in the purified
spectrum. Right and left of this dark vertical band the floating matter rose
upwards, bounding definitely the non-luminous stream of air. What is the
explanation? Simply this: The hot wire rarefied the air in contact with it, but
it did not equally lighten the floating matter. The convection current of pure
air therefore passed upwards among the inert particles, dragging them after
it right and left, but forming between them an impassable black partition.
This elementary experiments enables us to render an account of the dark
currents produced by bodies at a temperature below that of combustion.
But when the platinum wire is intensely heated, the floating matter is not
only displaced, but destroyed. I stretched a wire about 4 inches long through
the air of an ordinary glass shade resting on cotton-wool, which also
beam the floating matter was destroyed in situ; and the air, freed from this
matter, rose into the beam, jostled aside the illuminated particles, and
substituted for their light the darkness due to its own perfect transparency.
Nothing could more forcibly illustrate the invisibility of the agent which
renders all things visible. The beam crossed, unseen, the black chasm
formed by the transparent air, while, at both sides of the gap, the thick-
strewn particles shone out like a luminous solid under the powerful
illumination.
It is not, however, necessary to burn the particles to produce a stream of
darkness. Without actual combustion, currents may be generated which shall
displace the floating matter, and appear dark amid the surrounding
brightness. I noticed this effect first on placing a red-hot copper ball below
the beam, and permitting it to remain there until its temperature had fallen
below that of boiling water. The dark currents, though much enfeebled,
were still produced. They may also be produced by a flask filled with hot
water.
To study this effect a platinum wire was stretched across the beam, the two
ends of the wire being connected with the two poles of a voltaic battery. To
regulate the strength of the current a rheostat was placed in the circuit.
Beginning with a feeble current the temperature of the wire was gradually
augmented; but long before it reached the heat of ignition, a flat stream of
air rose from it, which when looked at edgeways appeared darker and
sharper than one of the blackest lines of Fraunhofer in the purified
spectrum. Right and left of this dark vertical band the floating matter rose
upwards, bounding definitely the non-luminous stream of air. What is the
explanation? Simply this: The hot wire rarefied the air in contact with it, but
it did not equally lighten the floating matter. The convection current of pure
air therefore passed upwards among the inert particles, dragging them after
it right and left, but forming between them an impassable black partition.
This elementary experiments enables us to render an account of the dark
currents produced by bodies at a temperature below that of combustion.
But when the platinum wire is intensely heated, the floating matter is not
only displaced, but destroyed. I stretched a wire about 4 inches long through
the air of an ordinary glass shade resting on cotton-wool, which also
Page 115
surrounded the rim. The wire being raised to a white heat by an electric
current, the air expanded, and some of it was forced through the cotton-
wool. When the current was interrupted, and the air within the shade cooled,
the returning air did not carry motes along with it, being filtered by the
wool. At the beginning of this experiments the shade was charged with
floating matter; at the end of half an hour it was optically empty.
On the wooden base of a cubical glass shade, a cubic foot in volume,
upright supports were fixed, and from one support to the other 38 inches of
platinum wire were stretched in four parallel lines. The ends of the platinum
wire were soldered to two stout copper wires which passed through the base
of the shade and could be connected with a battery. As in the last
experiments the shade rested upon cotton-wool. A beam sent through the
shade revealed the suspended matter. The platinum wire was then raised to
whiteness. In five minutes there was a sensible diminution of the matter, and
in ten minutes it was totally consumed.
Oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, carbonic acid, so prepared as to exclude all
floating particles, produce, when poured or blown into the beam, the
darkness of stellar space. Coal-gas does the same. An ordinary glass shade,
placed in the air with its mouth downwards, permits the track of the beam to
be seen crossing it. When coal-gas or hydrogen is allowed to enter the shade
by a tube reaching to its top, the gas gradually fills the shade from above
downwards. As soon as it occupies the space crossed by the beam, the
luminous track is abolished. Lifting the shade so as to bring the common
boundary of gas and air above the beam, the track flashes forth. After the
shade is full, if it be inverted, the pure gas passes upwards like a black
smoke among the illuminated particles.
.
The Germ Theory of Contagious Disease.
There is no respite to our contact with the floating matter of the air; and the
wonder is, not that we should suffer occasionally from its presence, but that
so small a portion of it, and even that but rarely diffused over large areas,
should appear to be deadly to man. And what is this portion? It was some
time ago the current belief that epidemic diseases generally were propagated
current, the air expanded, and some of it was forced through the cotton-
wool. When the current was interrupted, and the air within the shade cooled,
the returning air did not carry motes along with it, being filtered by the
wool. At the beginning of this experiments the shade was charged with
floating matter; at the end of half an hour it was optically empty.
On the wooden base of a cubical glass shade, a cubic foot in volume,
upright supports were fixed, and from one support to the other 38 inches of
platinum wire were stretched in four parallel lines. The ends of the platinum
wire were soldered to two stout copper wires which passed through the base
of the shade and could be connected with a battery. As in the last
experiments the shade rested upon cotton-wool. A beam sent through the
shade revealed the suspended matter. The platinum wire was then raised to
whiteness. In five minutes there was a sensible diminution of the matter, and
in ten minutes it was totally consumed.
Oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, carbonic acid, so prepared as to exclude all
floating particles, produce, when poured or blown into the beam, the
darkness of stellar space. Coal-gas does the same. An ordinary glass shade,
placed in the air with its mouth downwards, permits the track of the beam to
be seen crossing it. When coal-gas or hydrogen is allowed to enter the shade
by a tube reaching to its top, the gas gradually fills the shade from above
downwards. As soon as it occupies the space crossed by the beam, the
luminous track is abolished. Lifting the shade so as to bring the common
boundary of gas and air above the beam, the track flashes forth. After the
shade is full, if it be inverted, the pure gas passes upwards like a black
smoke among the illuminated particles.
.
The Germ Theory of Contagious Disease.
There is no respite to our contact with the floating matter of the air; and the
wonder is, not that we should suffer occasionally from its presence, but that
so small a portion of it, and even that but rarely diffused over large areas,
should appear to be deadly to man. And what is this portion? It was some
time ago the current belief that epidemic diseases generally were propagated
Page 116
by a kind of malaria, which consisted of organic matter in a state of motor-
decay; that when such matter was taken into the body through the lungs,
skin, or stomach, it had the power of spreading there the destroying process
by which itself had been assailed. Such a power was visibly exerted in the
case of yeast. A little leaven was seen to leaven the whole lump — a mere
speck of matter, in this supposed state of decomposition, being apparently
competent to propagate indefinitely its own decay. Why should not a bit of
rotten malaria act in a similar manner within the human frame? In 1836 a
very wonderful reply was given to this question. In that year Cagniard de la
Tour discovered the yeast-plant — a living organism, which when placed in
a proper medium feeds, grows, and reproduces itself, and in this way carries
on the process which we name fermentation. By this striking discovery
fermentation was connected with organic growth.
Schwann, of Berlin, discovered the yeast-plant independently about the
same time; and in February, 1837, he also announced the important result,
that when a decoction of meat is effectually screened from ordinary air, and
supplied solely with calcined air, putrefaction never sets in. Putrefaction,
therefore, he affirmed to be caused, not by the air, but by something which
could be destroyed by a sufficiently high temperature. The results of
Schwann were confirmed by the independent experiments of Helmholtz,
Ure, and Pasteur, while other methods, pursued by Schultze, and by
Schroeder and Dusch, led to the same result.
But as regards fermentation, the minds of chemists, influenced probably by
the great authority of Gay-Lussac, fell back upon the old notion of matter in
a state of decay. It was not the living yeast-plant, but the dead or dying parts
of it, which, assailed by oxygen, produced the fermentation. Pasteur,
however, proved the real 'ferments,' mediate or immediate, to be organised
beings which find in the reputed ferments their necessary food.
Side by side with these researches and discoveries, and fortified by them
and others, has run the germ theory of epidemic disease. The notion was
expressed by Kircher, and favoured by Linnaeus, that epidemic diseases
may be due to germs which float in the atmosphere, enter the body, and
produce disturbance by the development within the body of parasitic life.
The strength of this theory consists in the perfect parallelism of the
phenomena of contagious disease with those of life. As a planted acorn
decay; that when such matter was taken into the body through the lungs,
skin, or stomach, it had the power of spreading there the destroying process
by which itself had been assailed. Such a power was visibly exerted in the
case of yeast. A little leaven was seen to leaven the whole lump — a mere
speck of matter, in this supposed state of decomposition, being apparently
competent to propagate indefinitely its own decay. Why should not a bit of
rotten malaria act in a similar manner within the human frame? In 1836 a
very wonderful reply was given to this question. In that year Cagniard de la
Tour discovered the yeast-plant — a living organism, which when placed in
a proper medium feeds, grows, and reproduces itself, and in this way carries
on the process which we name fermentation. By this striking discovery
fermentation was connected with organic growth.
Schwann, of Berlin, discovered the yeast-plant independently about the
same time; and in February, 1837, he also announced the important result,
that when a decoction of meat is effectually screened from ordinary air, and
supplied solely with calcined air, putrefaction never sets in. Putrefaction,
therefore, he affirmed to be caused, not by the air, but by something which
could be destroyed by a sufficiently high temperature. The results of
Schwann were confirmed by the independent experiments of Helmholtz,
Ure, and Pasteur, while other methods, pursued by Schultze, and by
Schroeder and Dusch, led to the same result.
But as regards fermentation, the minds of chemists, influenced probably by
the great authority of Gay-Lussac, fell back upon the old notion of matter in
a state of decay. It was not the living yeast-plant, but the dead or dying parts
of it, which, assailed by oxygen, produced the fermentation. Pasteur,
however, proved the real 'ferments,' mediate or immediate, to be organised
beings which find in the reputed ferments their necessary food.
Side by side with these researches and discoveries, and fortified by them
and others, has run the germ theory of epidemic disease. The notion was
expressed by Kircher, and favoured by Linnaeus, that epidemic diseases
may be due to germs which float in the atmosphere, enter the body, and
produce disturbance by the development within the body of parasitic life.
The strength of this theory consists in the perfect parallelism of the
phenomena of contagious disease with those of life. As a planted acorn
Page 117
gives birth to an oak, competent to produce a whole crop of acorns, each
gifted with the power of reproducing its parent tree; and as thus from a
single seedling a whole forest may spring; so, it is contended, these
epidemic diseases literally plant their seeds, grow, and shake abroad new
germs, which, meeting in the human body their proper food and
temperature, finally take possession of whole populations. There is nothing
to my knowledge in pure chemistry which resembles the power of
propagation and self-multiplication possessed by the matter which produces
epidemic disease. If you sow wheat you do not get barley; if you sow small-
pox you do not get scarlet-fever, but small-pox indefinitely multiplied, and
nothing else. The matter of each contagious disease reproduces itself as
rigidly as if it were (as Miss Nightingale puts it) dog or cat.
.
Parasitic Diseases of Silkworms. Pasteur's Researches.
It is admitted on all hands that some diseases are the product of parasitic
growth. Both in man and in lower creatures, the existence of such diseases
has been demonstrated. I am enabled to lay before you an account of an
epidemic of this kind, thoroughly investigated and successfully combated
by M. Pasteur. For fifteen years a plague had raged among the silkworms of
France. They had sickened and died in multitudes, while those that
succeeded in spinning their cocoons furnished only a fraction of the normal
quantity of silk. In 1853 the silk culture of France produced a revenue of
one hundred and thirty millions of francs. During the twenty previous years
the revenue had doubled itself, and no doubt was entertained as to its further
augmentation. The weight of the cocoons produced in 1853 was 26,000,000
kilogrammes; in 1865 it had fallen to 4,000,000, the fall entailing, in a
single year, a loss of 100,000,000 francs.
The country chiefly smitten by this calamity happened to be that of the
celebrated chemist Dumas, now perpetual secretary of the French Academy
of Sciences. He turned to his friend, colleague, and pupil, Pasteur, and
besought him, with an earnestness which the circumstances rendered almost
personal, to undertake the investigation of the malady. Pasteur at this time
had never seen a silkworm, and he urged his inexperience in reply to his
friend. But Dumas knew too well the qualities needed for such an enquiry to
gifted with the power of reproducing its parent tree; and as thus from a
single seedling a whole forest may spring; so, it is contended, these
epidemic diseases literally plant their seeds, grow, and shake abroad new
germs, which, meeting in the human body their proper food and
temperature, finally take possession of whole populations. There is nothing
to my knowledge in pure chemistry which resembles the power of
propagation and self-multiplication possessed by the matter which produces
epidemic disease. If you sow wheat you do not get barley; if you sow small-
pox you do not get scarlet-fever, but small-pox indefinitely multiplied, and
nothing else. The matter of each contagious disease reproduces itself as
rigidly as if it were (as Miss Nightingale puts it) dog or cat.
.
Parasitic Diseases of Silkworms. Pasteur's Researches.
It is admitted on all hands that some diseases are the product of parasitic
growth. Both in man and in lower creatures, the existence of such diseases
has been demonstrated. I am enabled to lay before you an account of an
epidemic of this kind, thoroughly investigated and successfully combated
by M. Pasteur. For fifteen years a plague had raged among the silkworms of
France. They had sickened and died in multitudes, while those that
succeeded in spinning their cocoons furnished only a fraction of the normal
quantity of silk. In 1853 the silk culture of France produced a revenue of
one hundred and thirty millions of francs. During the twenty previous years
the revenue had doubled itself, and no doubt was entertained as to its further
augmentation. The weight of the cocoons produced in 1853 was 26,000,000
kilogrammes; in 1865 it had fallen to 4,000,000, the fall entailing, in a
single year, a loss of 100,000,000 francs.
The country chiefly smitten by this calamity happened to be that of the
celebrated chemist Dumas, now perpetual secretary of the French Academy
of Sciences. He turned to his friend, colleague, and pupil, Pasteur, and
besought him, with an earnestness which the circumstances rendered almost
personal, to undertake the investigation of the malady. Pasteur at this time
had never seen a silkworm, and he urged his inexperience in reply to his
friend. But Dumas knew too well the qualities needed for such an enquiry to
Page 118
accept Pasteur's reason for declining it. 'Je mets,' said he, 'un prix extréme à
voir votre attention fixée sur la question qui intéresse mon pauvre pays; la
misére surpasse tout ce que vous pouvez imaginer.' Pamphlets about the
plague had been showered upon the public, the monotony of waste paper
being broken, at rare intervals, by a more or less useful publication. 'The
Pharmacopoeia of the Silkworm,' wrote M. Cornalia in 1860, 'is now as
complicated as that of man. Gases, liquids, and solids have been laid under
contribution. From chlorine to sulphurous acid, from nitric acid to rum,
from sugar to sulphate of quinine, — all has been invoked in behalf of this
unhappy insect.' The helpless cultivators, moreover, welcomed with ready
trustfulness every new remedy, if only pressed upon them with sufficient
hardihood. It seemed impossible to diminish their blind confidence in their
blind guides. In 1863 the French Minister of Agriculture signed an
agreement to pay 500,000 francs for the use of a remedy, which its promoter
declared to be infallible. It was tried in twelve different departments of
France, and found perfectly useless. In no single instance was it successful.
It was under these circumstances that M. Pasteur, yielding to the entreaties
of his friend, betook himself to Alais in the beginning of June, 1865. As
regards silk husbandry, this was the most important department in France,
and it was the most sorely smitten by the plague.
The silkworm had been previously attacked by muscardine, a disease
proved by Bassi to be caused by a vegetable parasite. This malady was
propagated annually by the parasitic spores. Wafted by winds they often
sowed the disease in places far removed from the centre of infection.
Muscardine is now said to be very rare, a deadlier malady having taken its
place. This new disease is characterised by the black spots which cover the
silkworms; hence the name pébrine, first applied to the plague by M. de
Quatrefages, and adopted by Pasteur. Pébrine declares itself in the stunted
and unequal growth of the worms, in the languor of their movements, in
their fastidiousness as regards food, and in their premature death. The
course of discovery as regards the epidemic is this: In 1849 Guérin
Méneville noticed in the blood of silkworms vibratory corpuscles, which he
supposed from their motions to be endowed with independent life. Filippi,
however, showed that the motion of the corpuscles was the well-known
Brownian motion; but he committed the error of supposing the corpuscles to
be normal to the life of the insect. Possessing the power of indefinite self-
voir votre attention fixée sur la question qui intéresse mon pauvre pays; la
misére surpasse tout ce que vous pouvez imaginer.' Pamphlets about the
plague had been showered upon the public, the monotony of waste paper
being broken, at rare intervals, by a more or less useful publication. 'The
Pharmacopoeia of the Silkworm,' wrote M. Cornalia in 1860, 'is now as
complicated as that of man. Gases, liquids, and solids have been laid under
contribution. From chlorine to sulphurous acid, from nitric acid to rum,
from sugar to sulphate of quinine, — all has been invoked in behalf of this
unhappy insect.' The helpless cultivators, moreover, welcomed with ready
trustfulness every new remedy, if only pressed upon them with sufficient
hardihood. It seemed impossible to diminish their blind confidence in their
blind guides. In 1863 the French Minister of Agriculture signed an
agreement to pay 500,000 francs for the use of a remedy, which its promoter
declared to be infallible. It was tried in twelve different departments of
France, and found perfectly useless. In no single instance was it successful.
It was under these circumstances that M. Pasteur, yielding to the entreaties
of his friend, betook himself to Alais in the beginning of June, 1865. As
regards silk husbandry, this was the most important department in France,
and it was the most sorely smitten by the plague.
The silkworm had been previously attacked by muscardine, a disease
proved by Bassi to be caused by a vegetable parasite. This malady was
propagated annually by the parasitic spores. Wafted by winds they often
sowed the disease in places far removed from the centre of infection.
Muscardine is now said to be very rare, a deadlier malady having taken its
place. This new disease is characterised by the black spots which cover the
silkworms; hence the name pébrine, first applied to the plague by M. de
Quatrefages, and adopted by Pasteur. Pébrine declares itself in the stunted
and unequal growth of the worms, in the languor of their movements, in
their fastidiousness as regards food, and in their premature death. The
course of discovery as regards the epidemic is this: In 1849 Guérin
Méneville noticed in the blood of silkworms vibratory corpuscles, which he
supposed from their motions to be endowed with independent life. Filippi,
however, showed that the motion of the corpuscles was the well-known
Brownian motion; but he committed the error of supposing the corpuscles to
be normal to the life of the insect. Possessing the power of indefinite self-
Page 119
multiplication, they are really the cause of its mortality — the form and
substance of its disease. This was well described by Cornalia; while Lebert
and Frey subsequently found the corpuscles not only in the blood, but in all
the tissues of the insect. Osimo, in 1857, discovered them in the eggs; and
on this observation Vittadiani founded, in 1859, a practical method of
distinguishing healthy from diseased eggs. The test often proved fallacious,
and it was never extensively applied.
These living corpuscles take possession of the intestinal canal, and spread
thence throughout the body of the worm. They fill the silk cavities, the
stricken insect often going automatically through the motions of spinning,
without any material to work upon. Its organs, instead of being filled with
the clear viscous liquid of the silk, are packed to distension by the
corpuscles. On this feature of the plague Pasteur fixed his entire attention.
The cycle of the silkworm's life is briefly this: From the fertile egg comes
the little worm, which grows, and casts its skin. This process of moulting is
repeated two or three times at intervals during the life of the insect. After the
last moulting the worm climbs the brambles placed to receive it, and spins
among them its cocoon. It passes thus into a chrysalis; the chrysalis
becomes a moth, and the moth, when liberated, lays the eggs which form
the starting-point of a new cycle. Now Pasteur proved that the plague-
corpuscles might be incipient in the egg, and escape detection; they might
also be germinal in the worm, and still baffle the microscope. But as the
worm grows, the corpuscles grow also, becoming larger and more defined.
In the aged chrysalis they are more pronounced than in the worm; while in
the moth, if either the egg or the worm from which it comes should have
been at all stricken, the corpuscles infallibly appear, offering no difficulty of
detection. This was the first great point made out in 1865 by Pasteur. The
Italian naturalists, as aforesaid, recommended the examination of the eggs
before risking their incubation. Pasteur showed that both eggs and worms
might be smitten, and still pass muster, the culture of such eggs or such
worms being sure to entail disaster. He made the moth his starting-point in
seeking to regenerate the race.
Pasteur made his first communication on this subject to the Academy of
Sciences in September, 1865. It raised a cloud of criticism. Here, forsooth,
was a chemist rashly quitting his proper métier and presuming to lay down
substance of its disease. This was well described by Cornalia; while Lebert
and Frey subsequently found the corpuscles not only in the blood, but in all
the tissues of the insect. Osimo, in 1857, discovered them in the eggs; and
on this observation Vittadiani founded, in 1859, a practical method of
distinguishing healthy from diseased eggs. The test often proved fallacious,
and it was never extensively applied.
These living corpuscles take possession of the intestinal canal, and spread
thence throughout the body of the worm. They fill the silk cavities, the
stricken insect often going automatically through the motions of spinning,
without any material to work upon. Its organs, instead of being filled with
the clear viscous liquid of the silk, are packed to distension by the
corpuscles. On this feature of the plague Pasteur fixed his entire attention.
The cycle of the silkworm's life is briefly this: From the fertile egg comes
the little worm, which grows, and casts its skin. This process of moulting is
repeated two or three times at intervals during the life of the insect. After the
last moulting the worm climbs the brambles placed to receive it, and spins
among them its cocoon. It passes thus into a chrysalis; the chrysalis
becomes a moth, and the moth, when liberated, lays the eggs which form
the starting-point of a new cycle. Now Pasteur proved that the plague-
corpuscles might be incipient in the egg, and escape detection; they might
also be germinal in the worm, and still baffle the microscope. But as the
worm grows, the corpuscles grow also, becoming larger and more defined.
In the aged chrysalis they are more pronounced than in the worm; while in
the moth, if either the egg or the worm from which it comes should have
been at all stricken, the corpuscles infallibly appear, offering no difficulty of
detection. This was the first great point made out in 1865 by Pasteur. The
Italian naturalists, as aforesaid, recommended the examination of the eggs
before risking their incubation. Pasteur showed that both eggs and worms
might be smitten, and still pass muster, the culture of such eggs or such
worms being sure to entail disaster. He made the moth his starting-point in
seeking to regenerate the race.
Pasteur made his first communication on this subject to the Academy of
Sciences in September, 1865. It raised a cloud of criticism. Here, forsooth,
was a chemist rashly quitting his proper métier and presuming to lay down
Page 120
the law for the physician and biologist on a subject which was eminently
theirs. 'On trouva étrange que je fusse si peu au courant de la question; on
m'opposa des travaux qui avaient paru depuis longtemps en Italie, dont les
résultats montraient l'inutilité de mes efforts, et l'impossibilité d'arriver à un
résultat pratique dans la direction que je m'étais engagé. Que mon ignorance
fut grande au sujet des recherches sans nombre qui avaient paru depuis
quinze années.' Pasteur heard the buzz, but he continued his work. In
choosing the eggs intended for incubation, the cultivators selected those
produced in the successful 'educations' of the year. But they could not
understand the frequent and often disastrous failures of their selected eggs;
for they did not know, and nobody prior to Pasteur was competent to tell
them, that the finest cocoons may envelope doomed corpusculous moths. It
was not, however, easy to make the cultivators accept new guidance. To
strike their imagination, and if possible determine their practice, Pasteur hit
upon the expedient of prophecy. In 1866 he inspected, at St. Hippolyte-du-
Fort, fourteen different parcels of eggs intended for incubation. Having
examined a sufficient number of the moths which produced these eggs, he
wrote out the prediction of what would occur in 1867, and placed the
prophecy as a sealed letter in the hands of the Mayor of St. Hippolyte.
In 1867 the cultivators communicated to the mayor their results. The letter
of Pasteur was then opened and read, and it was found that in twelve out of
fourteen cases there was absolute conformity between his prediction and the
observed facts. Many of the groups had perished totally; the others had
perished almost totally; and this was the prediction of Pasteur. In two out of
the fourteen cases, instead of the prophesied destruction, half an average
crop was obtained. Now, the parcels of eggs here referred to were
considered healthy by their owners. They had been hatched and tended in
the firm hope that the labour expended on them would prove remunerative.
The application of the moth-test for a few minutes in 1866, would have
saved the labour and averted the disappointment. Two additional parcels of
eggs were at the same time submitted to Pasteur. He pronounced them
healthy; and his words were verified by the production of an excellent crop.
Other cases of prophecy still more remarkable, because more circumstantial,
are recorded in Pasteur's work.
theirs. 'On trouva étrange que je fusse si peu au courant de la question; on
m'opposa des travaux qui avaient paru depuis longtemps en Italie, dont les
résultats montraient l'inutilité de mes efforts, et l'impossibilité d'arriver à un
résultat pratique dans la direction que je m'étais engagé. Que mon ignorance
fut grande au sujet des recherches sans nombre qui avaient paru depuis
quinze années.' Pasteur heard the buzz, but he continued his work. In
choosing the eggs intended for incubation, the cultivators selected those
produced in the successful 'educations' of the year. But they could not
understand the frequent and often disastrous failures of their selected eggs;
for they did not know, and nobody prior to Pasteur was competent to tell
them, that the finest cocoons may envelope doomed corpusculous moths. It
was not, however, easy to make the cultivators accept new guidance. To
strike their imagination, and if possible determine their practice, Pasteur hit
upon the expedient of prophecy. In 1866 he inspected, at St. Hippolyte-du-
Fort, fourteen different parcels of eggs intended for incubation. Having
examined a sufficient number of the moths which produced these eggs, he
wrote out the prediction of what would occur in 1867, and placed the
prophecy as a sealed letter in the hands of the Mayor of St. Hippolyte.
In 1867 the cultivators communicated to the mayor their results. The letter
of Pasteur was then opened and read, and it was found that in twelve out of
fourteen cases there was absolute conformity between his prediction and the
observed facts. Many of the groups had perished totally; the others had
perished almost totally; and this was the prediction of Pasteur. In two out of
the fourteen cases, instead of the prophesied destruction, half an average
crop was obtained. Now, the parcels of eggs here referred to were
considered healthy by their owners. They had been hatched and tended in
the firm hope that the labour expended on them would prove remunerative.
The application of the moth-test for a few minutes in 1866, would have
saved the labour and averted the disappointment. Two additional parcels of
eggs were at the same time submitted to Pasteur. He pronounced them
healthy; and his words were verified by the production of an excellent crop.
Other cases of prophecy still more remarkable, because more circumstantial,
are recorded in Pasteur's work.
Page 121
Pasteur subjected the development of the corpuscles to a searching
investigation, and followed out with admirable skill and completeness the
various modes by which the plague was propagated. From moths perfectly
free from corpuscles he obtained healthy worms, and selecting 10, 20, 30,
50, as the case might be, he introduced into the worms the corpusculous
matter. It was first permitted to accompany the food. Let its take a single
example out of many. Rubbing up a small corpusculous worm in water, he
smeared the mixture over the mulberry-leaves. Assuring himself that the
leaves had been eaten, he watched the consequences from day to day. Side
by side with the infected worms he reared their fellows, keeping them as
much as possible out of the way of infection. These constituted his 'lot
témoin,' — his standard of comparison. On April 16, 1868, he thus infected
thirty worms. Up to the 23rd they remained quite well. On the 25th they
seemed well, but on that day corpuscles were found in the intestines of two
of them. On the 27th, or eleven days after the infected repast, two fresh
worms were examined, and not only was the intestinal canal found in each
case invaded, but the silk organ itself was charged with corpuscles. On the
28th the twenty-six remaining worms were covered by the black spots of
pébrine. On the 30th the difference of size between the infected and non-
infected worms was very striking, the sick worms being not more than two-
thirds of the bulk of the healthy ones. On May 2 a worm which had just
finished its fourth moulting was examined. Its whole body was so filled
with the parasite as to excite astonishment that it could live.
The disease advanced, the worms died and were examined, and on May 11
only six out of the thirty remained. They were the strongest of the lot, but on
being searched they also were found charged with corpuscles. Not one of
the thirty worms had escaped; a single meal had poisoned them all. The
standard lot, on the contrary, spun their fine cocoons, two only of their
moths being proved to contain any trace of the parasite, which had doubtless
been introduced during the rearing of the worms.
As his acquaintance with the subject increased, Pasteur's desire for precision
augmented, and he finally counted the growing number of corpuscles seen
in the field of his microscope from day to day. After a contagious repast the
number of worms containing the parasite gradually augmented until finally
it became cent. per cent. The number of corpuscles would at the same time
investigation, and followed out with admirable skill and completeness the
various modes by which the plague was propagated. From moths perfectly
free from corpuscles he obtained healthy worms, and selecting 10, 20, 30,
50, as the case might be, he introduced into the worms the corpusculous
matter. It was first permitted to accompany the food. Let its take a single
example out of many. Rubbing up a small corpusculous worm in water, he
smeared the mixture over the mulberry-leaves. Assuring himself that the
leaves had been eaten, he watched the consequences from day to day. Side
by side with the infected worms he reared their fellows, keeping them as
much as possible out of the way of infection. These constituted his 'lot
témoin,' — his standard of comparison. On April 16, 1868, he thus infected
thirty worms. Up to the 23rd they remained quite well. On the 25th they
seemed well, but on that day corpuscles were found in the intestines of two
of them. On the 27th, or eleven days after the infected repast, two fresh
worms were examined, and not only was the intestinal canal found in each
case invaded, but the silk organ itself was charged with corpuscles. On the
28th the twenty-six remaining worms were covered by the black spots of
pébrine. On the 30th the difference of size between the infected and non-
infected worms was very striking, the sick worms being not more than two-
thirds of the bulk of the healthy ones. On May 2 a worm which had just
finished its fourth moulting was examined. Its whole body was so filled
with the parasite as to excite astonishment that it could live.
The disease advanced, the worms died and were examined, and on May 11
only six out of the thirty remained. They were the strongest of the lot, but on
being searched they also were found charged with corpuscles. Not one of
the thirty worms had escaped; a single meal had poisoned them all. The
standard lot, on the contrary, spun their fine cocoons, two only of their
moths being proved to contain any trace of the parasite, which had doubtless
been introduced during the rearing of the worms.
As his acquaintance with the subject increased, Pasteur's desire for precision
augmented, and he finally counted the growing number of corpuscles seen
in the field of his microscope from day to day. After a contagious repast the
number of worms containing the parasite gradually augmented until finally
it became cent. per cent. The number of corpuscles would at the same time
Page 122
rise from 0 to 1, to 10, to 100, and sometimes even to 1,000 or 1,500 in the
field of his microscope. He then varied the mode of infection. He inoculated
healthy worms with the corpusculous matter, and watched the consequent
growth of the disease. He proved that the worms inoculate each other by the
infliction of visible wounds with their claws. In various cases he washed the
claws, and found corpuscles in the water. He demonstrated the spread of
infection by the simple association of healthy and diseased worms. By their
claws and their dejections, the diseased worms spread infection. It was no
hypothetical infected medium — no problematical pythogenic gas — that
killed the worms, but a definite organism. The question of infection at a
distance was also examined, and its existence demonstrated. As might be
expected from Pasteur's antecedents, the investigation was exhaustive, the
skill and beauty of his manipulation finding fitting correlatives in the
strength and clearness of his thought.
The following quotation from Pasteur's work clearly shows the relation in
which his researches stand to the important question on which he was
engaged:
-----
Place (he says) the most skilful educator, even the most expert microscopist,
in presence of large educations which present the symptoms described in
our experiments; his judgment will necessarily be erroneous if he confines
himself to the knowledge which preceded my researches. The worms will
not present to him the slightest spot of pébrine; the microscope will not
reveal the existence of corpuscles; the mortality of the worms will be null or
insignificant; and the cocoons leave nothing to be desired. Our observer
would, therefore, conclude without hesitation that the eggs produced will be
good for incubation. The truth is, on the contrary, that all the worms of these
fine crops have been poisoned; that from the beginning they carried in them
the germ of the malady; ready to multiply itself beyond measure in the
chrysalides and the moths, thence to pass into the eggs and smite with
sterility the next generation. And what is the first cause of the evil concealed
under so deceitful an exterior? In our experiments we can, so to speak,
touch it with our fingers. It is entirely the effect of a single corpusculous
repast; an effect more or less prompt according to the epoch of life of the
worm that has eaten the poisoned food.
field of his microscope. He then varied the mode of infection. He inoculated
healthy worms with the corpusculous matter, and watched the consequent
growth of the disease. He proved that the worms inoculate each other by the
infliction of visible wounds with their claws. In various cases he washed the
claws, and found corpuscles in the water. He demonstrated the spread of
infection by the simple association of healthy and diseased worms. By their
claws and their dejections, the diseased worms spread infection. It was no
hypothetical infected medium — no problematical pythogenic gas — that
killed the worms, but a definite organism. The question of infection at a
distance was also examined, and its existence demonstrated. As might be
expected from Pasteur's antecedents, the investigation was exhaustive, the
skill and beauty of his manipulation finding fitting correlatives in the
strength and clearness of his thought.
The following quotation from Pasteur's work clearly shows the relation in
which his researches stand to the important question on which he was
engaged:
-----
Place (he says) the most skilful educator, even the most expert microscopist,
in presence of large educations which present the symptoms described in
our experiments; his judgment will necessarily be erroneous if he confines
himself to the knowledge which preceded my researches. The worms will
not present to him the slightest spot of pébrine; the microscope will not
reveal the existence of corpuscles; the mortality of the worms will be null or
insignificant; and the cocoons leave nothing to be desired. Our observer
would, therefore, conclude without hesitation that the eggs produced will be
good for incubation. The truth is, on the contrary, that all the worms of these
fine crops have been poisoned; that from the beginning they carried in them
the germ of the malady; ready to multiply itself beyond measure in the
chrysalides and the moths, thence to pass into the eggs and smite with
sterility the next generation. And what is the first cause of the evil concealed
under so deceitful an exterior? In our experiments we can, so to speak,
touch it with our fingers. It is entirely the effect of a single corpusculous
repast; an effect more or less prompt according to the epoch of life of the
worm that has eaten the poisoned food.
Page 123
-----
Pasteur describes in detail his method of securing healthy eggs. It is nothing
less than a mode of restoring to France her ancient silk husbandry. The
justification of his work is to be found in the reports which reached him of
the application and the unparalleled success of his method, while editing his
researches for final publication. In both France and Italy his method has
been pursued with the most surprising results. But it was an up-hill fight
which led to this triumph.
'Ever,' he says, 'since the commencement of these researches, I have been
exposed to the most obstinate and unjust contradictions; but I have made it a
duty to leave no trace of these conflicts in this book.' And in reference to
parasitic diseases, generally, he uses the following weighty words: 'Il est au
pouvoir de l'homme de faire disparaitre de la surface du globe les maladies
parasitaires, si, comme c'est ma conviction, la doctrine des générations
spontanées est une chimère.'
Pasteur dwells upon the ease with which an island like Corsica might be
absolutely isolated from the silkworm epidemic. And with regard to other
epidemics, Mr. Simon describes an extraordinary case of insular exemption,
for the ten years extending from 1851 to 1860. Of the 627 registration
districts of England, one only had an entire escape from diseases which, in
whole or in part, were prevalent in all the others: 'In all the ten years it had
not a single death by measles, nor a single death by small-pox, nor a single
death by scarlet-fever. And why? Not because of its general sanitary merits,
for it had an average amounts of other evidence of unhealthiness. Doubtless,
the reason of its escape was that it was insular. It was the district of the
Scilly Isles; to which it was most improbable that any febrile contagion
should come from without. And its escape is an approximative proof that, at
least for those ten years, no contagium of measles, nor any contagium of
scarlet-fever, nor any contagium of smallpox had arisen spontaneously
within its limits.' It may be added that there were only seven districts in
England in which no death from diphtheria occurred, and that, of those
seven districts, the district of the Scilly Isles was one.
A second parasitic disease of silkworms, called in France la flacherie, co-
existent with pébrine, but quite distinct from it, has also been investigated
Pasteur describes in detail his method of securing healthy eggs. It is nothing
less than a mode of restoring to France her ancient silk husbandry. The
justification of his work is to be found in the reports which reached him of
the application and the unparalleled success of his method, while editing his
researches for final publication. In both France and Italy his method has
been pursued with the most surprising results. But it was an up-hill fight
which led to this triumph.
'Ever,' he says, 'since the commencement of these researches, I have been
exposed to the most obstinate and unjust contradictions; but I have made it a
duty to leave no trace of these conflicts in this book.' And in reference to
parasitic diseases, generally, he uses the following weighty words: 'Il est au
pouvoir de l'homme de faire disparaitre de la surface du globe les maladies
parasitaires, si, comme c'est ma conviction, la doctrine des générations
spontanées est une chimère.'
Pasteur dwells upon the ease with which an island like Corsica might be
absolutely isolated from the silkworm epidemic. And with regard to other
epidemics, Mr. Simon describes an extraordinary case of insular exemption,
for the ten years extending from 1851 to 1860. Of the 627 registration
districts of England, one only had an entire escape from diseases which, in
whole or in part, were prevalent in all the others: 'In all the ten years it had
not a single death by measles, nor a single death by small-pox, nor a single
death by scarlet-fever. And why? Not because of its general sanitary merits,
for it had an average amounts of other evidence of unhealthiness. Doubtless,
the reason of its escape was that it was insular. It was the district of the
Scilly Isles; to which it was most improbable that any febrile contagion
should come from without. And its escape is an approximative proof that, at
least for those ten years, no contagium of measles, nor any contagium of
scarlet-fever, nor any contagium of smallpox had arisen spontaneously
within its limits.' It may be added that there were only seven districts in
England in which no death from diphtheria occurred, and that, of those
seven districts, the district of the Scilly Isles was one.
A second parasitic disease of silkworms, called in France la flacherie, co-
existent with pébrine, but quite distinct from it, has also been investigated
Page 124
by Pasteur. Enough, however, has been said to send the reader interested in
these questions to the original volumes for further information. To one
important practical point M. Pasteur, in a letter to myself, directs attention:
-----
Permettez-moi de terminer ces quelques lignes que je dois dicter, vaincu que
je suis par la maladie, en vous faisant observer que vous rendriez service
aux Colonies de la Grande-Bretagne en répandant la connaissance de ce
livre, et des principes que j'établis touchant la maladie des vers à soie.
Beaucoup de ces colonies pourraient cultiver le mûrier avec succés, et, en
jetant les yeux sur mon ouvrage, vous vous convaincrez aisement qu'il est
facile aujourd'hui, nonseulement d'éloigner la maladie régnante, mais en
outre de donner aux récoltes de la soie une prospérité qu'elles n'ont jamais
eue.
Origin and Propagation of Contagious Matter.
Prior to Pasteur, the most diverse and contradictory opinions were
entertained as to the contagious character of pébrine; some stoutly affirmed
it, others as stoutly denied it. But on one point all were agreed. I They
believed in the existence of a deleterious medium, rendered epidemic by
some occult and mysterious influence, to which was attributed the cause of
the disease.' Those acquainted with our medical literature will not fail to
observe an instructive analogy here. We have on the one side accomplished
writers ascribing epidemic diseases to 'deleterious media' which arise
spontaneously in crowded hospitals and ill-smelling drains. According to
them, the contagia of epidemic disease are formed de novo in a putrescent
atmosphere. On the other side we have writers, clear, vigorous, with well-
defined ideas and methods of research, contending that the matter which
produces epidemic disease comes always from a parent stock. It behaves as
germinal matter, and they do not hesitate to regard it as such. They no more
believe in the spontaneous generation of such diseases, than they do in the
spontaneous generation of mice. Pasteur, for example, found that pébrine
had been known for an indefinite time as a disease among silkworms. The
development of it which he combated was merely the expansion of an
these questions to the original volumes for further information. To one
important practical point M. Pasteur, in a letter to myself, directs attention:
-----
Permettez-moi de terminer ces quelques lignes que je dois dicter, vaincu que
je suis par la maladie, en vous faisant observer que vous rendriez service
aux Colonies de la Grande-Bretagne en répandant la connaissance de ce
livre, et des principes que j'établis touchant la maladie des vers à soie.
Beaucoup de ces colonies pourraient cultiver le mûrier avec succés, et, en
jetant les yeux sur mon ouvrage, vous vous convaincrez aisement qu'il est
facile aujourd'hui, nonseulement d'éloigner la maladie régnante, mais en
outre de donner aux récoltes de la soie une prospérité qu'elles n'ont jamais
eue.
Origin and Propagation of Contagious Matter.
Prior to Pasteur, the most diverse and contradictory opinions were
entertained as to the contagious character of pébrine; some stoutly affirmed
it, others as stoutly denied it. But on one point all were agreed. I They
believed in the existence of a deleterious medium, rendered epidemic by
some occult and mysterious influence, to which was attributed the cause of
the disease.' Those acquainted with our medical literature will not fail to
observe an instructive analogy here. We have on the one side accomplished
writers ascribing epidemic diseases to 'deleterious media' which arise
spontaneously in crowded hospitals and ill-smelling drains. According to
them, the contagia of epidemic disease are formed de novo in a putrescent
atmosphere. On the other side we have writers, clear, vigorous, with well-
defined ideas and methods of research, contending that the matter which
produces epidemic disease comes always from a parent stock. It behaves as
germinal matter, and they do not hesitate to regard it as such. They no more
believe in the spontaneous generation of such diseases, than they do in the
spontaneous generation of mice. Pasteur, for example, found that pébrine
had been known for an indefinite time as a disease among silkworms. The
development of it which he combated was merely the expansion of an
Page 125
already existing power — the bursting into open conflagration of a
previously smouldering fire. There is nothing surprising in this. For though
epidemic disease requires a special contagium to produce it, surrounding
conditions must have a potent influence on its development. Common seeds
may be duly sown, but the conditions of temperature and moisture may be
such as to restrict, or altogether prevent, the subsequent growth. Looked at,
therefore, from the point of view of the germ theory, the exceptional energy
which epidemic disease from time to time exhibits, is in harmony with the
method of Nature. We sometimes hear diphtheria spoken of as if it were a
new disease of the last twenty years; but Mr. Simon tells me that about three
centuries ago tremendous epidemics of it began to rage in Spain (where it
was named Garrotillo), and soon afterwards in Italy; and that since that time
the disease has been well known to all successive generations of doctors. In
or about 1758, for instance, Dr. Starr, of Liskeard, in a communication to
the Royal Society, particularly described the disease, with all the characters
which have recently again become familiar, but under the name of morbus
strangulatorius, as then severely epidemic in Cornwall. This fact is the
more interesting, as diphtheria, in its more modern reappearance, again
showed predilection for that remote county. Many also believe that the
Black Death, of five centuries ago, has disappeared as mysteriously as it
came; but Mr. Simon finds that it is believed to be prevalent at this hour in
some of the north-western parts of India.
Let me here state an item of my own experience. When I was at the Bel Alp
in 1869, the English chaplain received letters informing him of the breaking
out of scarlet-fever among his children. He lived, if I remember rightly, on
the healthful eminence of Dartmoor, and it was difficult to imagine how
scarlet-fever could have been wafted to the place. A drain ran close to his
house, and on it his suspicions were manifestly fixed. Some of our medical
writers would fortify him in this notion, and thus deflect him from the truth,
while those of another, and, in my opinion, a wiser school, would deny to a
drain, however foul, the power of generating de novo a specific disease.
After close enquiry he recollected that a hobby-horse had been used both by
his boy and another, who, a short time previously, had passed through
scarlet-fever.
previously smouldering fire. There is nothing surprising in this. For though
epidemic disease requires a special contagium to produce it, surrounding
conditions must have a potent influence on its development. Common seeds
may be duly sown, but the conditions of temperature and moisture may be
such as to restrict, or altogether prevent, the subsequent growth. Looked at,
therefore, from the point of view of the germ theory, the exceptional energy
which epidemic disease from time to time exhibits, is in harmony with the
method of Nature. We sometimes hear diphtheria spoken of as if it were a
new disease of the last twenty years; but Mr. Simon tells me that about three
centuries ago tremendous epidemics of it began to rage in Spain (where it
was named Garrotillo), and soon afterwards in Italy; and that since that time
the disease has been well known to all successive generations of doctors. In
or about 1758, for instance, Dr. Starr, of Liskeard, in a communication to
the Royal Society, particularly described the disease, with all the characters
which have recently again become familiar, but under the name of morbus
strangulatorius, as then severely epidemic in Cornwall. This fact is the
more interesting, as diphtheria, in its more modern reappearance, again
showed predilection for that remote county. Many also believe that the
Black Death, of five centuries ago, has disappeared as mysteriously as it
came; but Mr. Simon finds that it is believed to be prevalent at this hour in
some of the north-western parts of India.
Let me here state an item of my own experience. When I was at the Bel Alp
in 1869, the English chaplain received letters informing him of the breaking
out of scarlet-fever among his children. He lived, if I remember rightly, on
the healthful eminence of Dartmoor, and it was difficult to imagine how
scarlet-fever could have been wafted to the place. A drain ran close to his
house, and on it his suspicions were manifestly fixed. Some of our medical
writers would fortify him in this notion, and thus deflect him from the truth,
while those of another, and, in my opinion, a wiser school, would deny to a
drain, however foul, the power of generating de novo a specific disease.
After close enquiry he recollected that a hobby-horse had been used both by
his boy and another, who, a short time previously, had passed through
scarlet-fever.
Page 126
Drains and cesspools, indeed, are by no means in such evil odour as they
used to be. A fetid Thames and a low death-rate occur from time to time
together in London. For, if the special matter or germs of epidemic disorder
be not present, a corrupt atmosphere, however obnoxious otherwise, will not
produce the disorder. But, if the germs be present, defective drains and
cesspools become the potent distributors of disease and death. Corrupted air
may promote an epidemic, but cannot produce it. On the other hand,
through the transport of the special germ or virus, disease may develop itself
in regions where the drainage is good and the atmosphere pure.
If you see a new thistle growing in your field, you feel sure that its seed has
been wafted thither. Just as sure does it seem that the contagious matter of
epidemic disease has been transplanted to the place where it newly appears.
With a clearness and conclusiveness s not to be surpassed, Dr. William
Budd has traced such diseases from place to place; showing how they plant
themselves, at distinct foci, among populations subjected to the same
atmospheric influences, just as grains of corn might be carried in the pocket
and sown. Hildebrand, to whose remarkable work, 'Du Typhus contagieux,'
Dr. de Mussy has directed my attention, gives the following striking case,
both of the durability and the transport of the virus of scarlatina: 'Un habit
noir que j'avais en visitant une malade attaquée de scarlatina, et que je portai
de Vienne en Podolie, sans l'avoir mis depuis plus d'un an et demi, me
communiqua, dès que je fus arrivé, cette maladie contagieuse, que je
répandis ensuite dans cette province, où elle était jusqu'alors presque
inconnue.' Some years ago Dr. de Mussy himself was summoned to a
country house in Surrey, to see a young lady who was suffering from a
dropsy, evidently the consequence of scarlatina. The original disease, being
of a very mild character, had been quite overlooked; but circumstances were
recorded which could leave no doubt upon the mind as to the nature and
cause of the complaint. But then the question arose, How did the young lady
catch the scarlatina? She had come there on a visit two months previously,
and it was only after she had been a month in the house that she was taken
ill. The housekeeper at length cleared up the mystery. The young lady, on
her arrival, had expressed a wish to occupy a room in an isolated tower. Her
desire was granted; and in that room, six months previously, a visitor had
been confined with an attack of scarlatina. The room had been swept and
whitewashed, but the carpets had been permitted to remain.
used to be. A fetid Thames and a low death-rate occur from time to time
together in London. For, if the special matter or germs of epidemic disorder
be not present, a corrupt atmosphere, however obnoxious otherwise, will not
produce the disorder. But, if the germs be present, defective drains and
cesspools become the potent distributors of disease and death. Corrupted air
may promote an epidemic, but cannot produce it. On the other hand,
through the transport of the special germ or virus, disease may develop itself
in regions where the drainage is good and the atmosphere pure.
If you see a new thistle growing in your field, you feel sure that its seed has
been wafted thither. Just as sure does it seem that the contagious matter of
epidemic disease has been transplanted to the place where it newly appears.
With a clearness and conclusiveness s not to be surpassed, Dr. William
Budd has traced such diseases from place to place; showing how they plant
themselves, at distinct foci, among populations subjected to the same
atmospheric influences, just as grains of corn might be carried in the pocket
and sown. Hildebrand, to whose remarkable work, 'Du Typhus contagieux,'
Dr. de Mussy has directed my attention, gives the following striking case,
both of the durability and the transport of the virus of scarlatina: 'Un habit
noir que j'avais en visitant une malade attaquée de scarlatina, et que je portai
de Vienne en Podolie, sans l'avoir mis depuis plus d'un an et demi, me
communiqua, dès que je fus arrivé, cette maladie contagieuse, que je
répandis ensuite dans cette province, où elle était jusqu'alors presque
inconnue.' Some years ago Dr. de Mussy himself was summoned to a
country house in Surrey, to see a young lady who was suffering from a
dropsy, evidently the consequence of scarlatina. The original disease, being
of a very mild character, had been quite overlooked; but circumstances were
recorded which could leave no doubt upon the mind as to the nature and
cause of the complaint. But then the question arose, How did the young lady
catch the scarlatina? She had come there on a visit two months previously,
and it was only after she had been a month in the house that she was taken
ill. The housekeeper at length cleared up the mystery. The young lady, on
her arrival, had expressed a wish to occupy a room in an isolated tower. Her
desire was granted; and in that room, six months previously, a visitor had
been confined with an attack of scarlatina. The room had been swept and
whitewashed, but the carpets had been permitted to remain.
Page 127
Thousands of cases could probably be cited in which the disease has shown
itself in this mysterious way, but where a strict examination has revealed its
true parentage and extraction. Is it, then, philosophical to take refuge in the
fortuitous concourse of atoms as a cause of specific disease, merely because
in special cases the parentage may be indistinct? Those best acquainted with
atomic nature, and who are most ready to admit, as regards even higher
things than this, the potentialities of matter, will be the last to accept these
rash hypotheses.
.
The Germ Theory applied to Surgery.
Not only medical but still more especially surgical science is now seeking
light and guidance from this germ theory. Upon it the antiseptic system of
Professor Lister of Edinburgh is founded. As already stated, the germ theory
of putrefaction was started by Schwann; but the illustrations of this theory
adduced by Professor Lister are of such public moment as not only to
justify, but to render imperative, their introduction here.
Schwann's observations (says Professor Lister) did not receive the attention
which they appeared to me to have deserved. The fermentation of sugar was
generally allowed to be occasioned by the Torula cerevisiae; but it was not
admitted that putrefaction was due to an analogous agency. And yet the two
cases present a very striking parallel. In each a stable chemical compound,
sugar in the one case, albumen in the other, undergoes extraordinary
chemical changes under the influence of an excessively minute quantity of a
substance which, regarded chemically, we should suppose inert. As an
example of this in the case of putrefaction, let us take a circumstance often
witnessed in the treatment of large chronic abscesses. In order to guard
against the access of atmospheric air, we used to draw off the matter by
means of a canula and trocar, such as you see here, consisting of a silver
tube with a sharp-pointed steel rod fitted into it, and projecting beyond it.
The instrument, dipped in oil, was thrust into the cavity of the abscess, the
trocar was withdrawn, and the pus flowed out through the canula, care being
taken by gentle pressure over the part to prevent the possibility of
regurgitation. The canula was then drawn out with due precaution against
the reflux of air. This method was frequently successful as to its immediate
itself in this mysterious way, but where a strict examination has revealed its
true parentage and extraction. Is it, then, philosophical to take refuge in the
fortuitous concourse of atoms as a cause of specific disease, merely because
in special cases the parentage may be indistinct? Those best acquainted with
atomic nature, and who are most ready to admit, as regards even higher
things than this, the potentialities of matter, will be the last to accept these
rash hypotheses.
.
The Germ Theory applied to Surgery.
Not only medical but still more especially surgical science is now seeking
light and guidance from this germ theory. Upon it the antiseptic system of
Professor Lister of Edinburgh is founded. As already stated, the germ theory
of putrefaction was started by Schwann; but the illustrations of this theory
adduced by Professor Lister are of such public moment as not only to
justify, but to render imperative, their introduction here.
Schwann's observations (says Professor Lister) did not receive the attention
which they appeared to me to have deserved. The fermentation of sugar was
generally allowed to be occasioned by the Torula cerevisiae; but it was not
admitted that putrefaction was due to an analogous agency. And yet the two
cases present a very striking parallel. In each a stable chemical compound,
sugar in the one case, albumen in the other, undergoes extraordinary
chemical changes under the influence of an excessively minute quantity of a
substance which, regarded chemically, we should suppose inert. As an
example of this in the case of putrefaction, let us take a circumstance often
witnessed in the treatment of large chronic abscesses. In order to guard
against the access of atmospheric air, we used to draw off the matter by
means of a canula and trocar, such as you see here, consisting of a silver
tube with a sharp-pointed steel rod fitted into it, and projecting beyond it.
The instrument, dipped in oil, was thrust into the cavity of the abscess, the
trocar was withdrawn, and the pus flowed out through the canula, care being
taken by gentle pressure over the part to prevent the possibility of
regurgitation. The canula was then drawn out with due precaution against
the reflux of air. This method was frequently successful as to its immediate
Page 128
object, the patient being relieved from the mass of the accumulated fluid,
and experiencing no inconvenience from the operation. But the pus was
pretty certain to reaccumulate in course of time, and it became necessary
again and again to repeat the process. And unhappily there was no absolute
security of immunity from bad consequences. However carefully the
procedure was conducted, it sometimes happened, even though the puncture
seemed healing by first intention, that feverish symptoms declared
themselves in the course of the first or second day, and, on inspecting the
seat of the abscess, the skin was perhaps seen to be red, implying the
presence of some cause of irritation, while a rapid reaccumulation of the
fluid was found to have occurred. Under these circumstances, it became
necessary to open the abscess by free incision, when a quantity, large in
proportion to the size of the abscess, say, for example, a quart, of pus
escaped, fetid from putrefaction. Now, how had this change been brought
about? Without the germ theory, I venture to say, no rational explanation of
it could have been given. It must have been caused by the introduction of
something from without. Inflammation of the punctured wound, even
supposing it to have occurred, would not explain the phenomenon. For mere
inflammation, whether acute or chronic, though it occasions the formation
of pus, does not induce Putrefaction. The pus originally evacuated was
perfectly sweet, and we know of nothing to account for the alteration in its
quality but the influence of something derived from the external world. And
what could that something be? The dipping of the instrument in oil, and the
subsequent precautions, prevented the entrance of oxygen. Or even if you
allowed that a few atoms of the gas did enter, it would be an extraordinary
assumption to make that these could in so short a time effect such changes
in so large a mass of albuminous material. Besides, the pyogenic membrane
is abundantly supplied with capillary vessels, through which arterial blood,
rich in oxygen, is perpetually flowing; and there can be little doubt that the
pus, before it was evacuated at all, was liable to any action which the
element might be disposed to exert upon it.
On the oxygen theory, then, the occurrence of putrefaction under these
circumstances is quite inexplicable. But if you admit the germ theory, the
difficulty vanishes at once. The canula and trocar having been lying exposed
to the air, dust will have been deposited upon them, and will be present in
the angle between the trocar and the silver tube, and in that protected
and experiencing no inconvenience from the operation. But the pus was
pretty certain to reaccumulate in course of time, and it became necessary
again and again to repeat the process. And unhappily there was no absolute
security of immunity from bad consequences. However carefully the
procedure was conducted, it sometimes happened, even though the puncture
seemed healing by first intention, that feverish symptoms declared
themselves in the course of the first or second day, and, on inspecting the
seat of the abscess, the skin was perhaps seen to be red, implying the
presence of some cause of irritation, while a rapid reaccumulation of the
fluid was found to have occurred. Under these circumstances, it became
necessary to open the abscess by free incision, when a quantity, large in
proportion to the size of the abscess, say, for example, a quart, of pus
escaped, fetid from putrefaction. Now, how had this change been brought
about? Without the germ theory, I venture to say, no rational explanation of
it could have been given. It must have been caused by the introduction of
something from without. Inflammation of the punctured wound, even
supposing it to have occurred, would not explain the phenomenon. For mere
inflammation, whether acute or chronic, though it occasions the formation
of pus, does not induce Putrefaction. The pus originally evacuated was
perfectly sweet, and we know of nothing to account for the alteration in its
quality but the influence of something derived from the external world. And
what could that something be? The dipping of the instrument in oil, and the
subsequent precautions, prevented the entrance of oxygen. Or even if you
allowed that a few atoms of the gas did enter, it would be an extraordinary
assumption to make that these could in so short a time effect such changes
in so large a mass of albuminous material. Besides, the pyogenic membrane
is abundantly supplied with capillary vessels, through which arterial blood,
rich in oxygen, is perpetually flowing; and there can be little doubt that the
pus, before it was evacuated at all, was liable to any action which the
element might be disposed to exert upon it.
On the oxygen theory, then, the occurrence of putrefaction under these
circumstances is quite inexplicable. But if you admit the germ theory, the
difficulty vanishes at once. The canula and trocar having been lying exposed
to the air, dust will have been deposited upon them, and will be present in
the angle between the trocar and the silver tube, and in that protected
Page 129
situation will fail to be wiped off when the instrument is thrust through the
tissues. Then when the trocar is withdrawn, some portions of this dust will
naturally remain upon the margin of the canula, which is left projecting into
the abscess, and nothing is more likely than that some particles may fail to
be washed off by the stream of out-flowing pus, but may be dislodged when
the tube is taken out, and left behind in the cavity. The germ theory tells us
that these particles of dust will be pretty sure to contain the germs of
putrefactive organisms, and if one such is left in the albuminous liquid, it
will rapidly develop at the high temperature of the body, and account for all
the phenomena.
But striking as is the parallel between putrefaction in this instance and the
vinous fermentation, as regards the greatness of the effect produced,
compared with the minuteness and the inertness, chemically speaking, of
the cause, you will naturally desire further evidence of the similarity of the
two processes. You can see with the microscope the Torula of fermenting
must or beer. Is there, you may ask, any organism to be detected in the
putrefying pus? Yes, gentlemen, there is. If any drop of the putrid matter is
examined with a good glass, it is found to be teeming with myriads of
minute jointed bodies, called vibrios, which indubitably proclaim their
vitality by the energy of their movements. It is not an affair of probability,
but a fact, that the entire mass of that quart of pus has become peopled with
living organisms as the result of the introduction of the canula and trocar;
for the matter first let out was as free from vibrios as it was from
putrefaction. If this be so, the greatness of the chemical changes that have
taken place in the pus ceases to be surprising. We know that it is one of the
chief peculiarities of living structures that they possess extraordinary
powers of effecting chemical changes in materials in their vicinity, out of all
proportion to their energy as mere chemical compounds. And we can hardly
doubt that the animalcules which have been developed in the albuminous
liquid, and have grown at its expense, must have altered its constitution, just
as we ourselves alter that of the materials on which we feed. [Footnote:
'Introductory Lecture before the University of Edinburgh.']
In the operations of Professor Lister care is taken that every portion of tissue
laid bare by the knife shall be defended from germs; that if they fall upon
the wound they should be killed as they fall. With this in view he showers
tissues. Then when the trocar is withdrawn, some portions of this dust will
naturally remain upon the margin of the canula, which is left projecting into
the abscess, and nothing is more likely than that some particles may fail to
be washed off by the stream of out-flowing pus, but may be dislodged when
the tube is taken out, and left behind in the cavity. The germ theory tells us
that these particles of dust will be pretty sure to contain the germs of
putrefactive organisms, and if one such is left in the albuminous liquid, it
will rapidly develop at the high temperature of the body, and account for all
the phenomena.
But striking as is the parallel between putrefaction in this instance and the
vinous fermentation, as regards the greatness of the effect produced,
compared with the minuteness and the inertness, chemically speaking, of
the cause, you will naturally desire further evidence of the similarity of the
two processes. You can see with the microscope the Torula of fermenting
must or beer. Is there, you may ask, any organism to be detected in the
putrefying pus? Yes, gentlemen, there is. If any drop of the putrid matter is
examined with a good glass, it is found to be teeming with myriads of
minute jointed bodies, called vibrios, which indubitably proclaim their
vitality by the energy of their movements. It is not an affair of probability,
but a fact, that the entire mass of that quart of pus has become peopled with
living organisms as the result of the introduction of the canula and trocar;
for the matter first let out was as free from vibrios as it was from
putrefaction. If this be so, the greatness of the chemical changes that have
taken place in the pus ceases to be surprising. We know that it is one of the
chief peculiarities of living structures that they possess extraordinary
powers of effecting chemical changes in materials in their vicinity, out of all
proportion to their energy as mere chemical compounds. And we can hardly
doubt that the animalcules which have been developed in the albuminous
liquid, and have grown at its expense, must have altered its constitution, just
as we ourselves alter that of the materials on which we feed. [Footnote:
'Introductory Lecture before the University of Edinburgh.']
In the operations of Professor Lister care is taken that every portion of tissue
laid bare by the knife shall be defended from germs; that if they fall upon
the wound they should be killed as they fall. With this in view he showers
Page 130
upon his exposed surfaces the spray of dilute carbolic acid, which is
particularly deadly to the germs, and he surrounds the wound in the most
careful manner with antiseptic bandages. To those accustomed to strict
experiment it is manifest that we have a strict experimenter here — a man
with a perfectly distinct object in view, which he pursues with never-tiring
patience and unwavering faith. And the result, in his hospital practice, as
described by himself, has been, that even in the midst of abominations too
shocking to be mentioned here, and in the neighbourhood of wards where
death was rampant from pyaemia, erysipelas, and hospital gangrene, he was
able to keep his patients absolutely free from these terrible scourges. Let me
here recommend to your attention Professor Lister's 'Introductory Lecture
before the University of Edinburgh,' which I have already quoted; his paper
on The Effect of the Antiseptic System of Treatment on the Salubrity of a
Surgical Hospital;' and the article in the 'British Medical Journal' of January
14, 1871.
If, instead of using carbolic acid spray, he could surround his wounds with
properly filtered air, the result would, he contends, be the same. In a room
where the germs not only float but cling to clothes and walls, this would be
difficult, if not impossible. But surgery is acquainted with a class of wounds
in which the blood is freely mixed with air that has passed through the
lungs, and it is a most remarkable fact that such air does not produce
putrefaction. Professor Lister, as far as I know, was the first to give a
philosophical interpretation of this fact, which he describes and comments
upon thus:
I have explained to my own mind the remarkable fact that in simple fracture
of the ribs, if the lung be punctured by a fragment, the blood effused into the
pleural cavity, though freely mixed with air, undergoes no decomposition.
The air is sometimes pumped into the pleural cavity in such abundance that,
making its way through the wound in the pleura costalis, it inflates the
cellular tissue of the whole body. Yet this occasions no alarm to the surgeon
(although if the blood in the pleura were to putrefy, it would infallibly
occasion dangerous suppurative pleurisy). Why air introduced into the
pleural cavity through a wounded lung, should have such wholly different
effects from that entering directly through a wound in the chest, was to me a
complete mystery until I heard of the germ theory of putrefaction, when it at
particularly deadly to the germs, and he surrounds the wound in the most
careful manner with antiseptic bandages. To those accustomed to strict
experiment it is manifest that we have a strict experimenter here — a man
with a perfectly distinct object in view, which he pursues with never-tiring
patience and unwavering faith. And the result, in his hospital practice, as
described by himself, has been, that even in the midst of abominations too
shocking to be mentioned here, and in the neighbourhood of wards where
death was rampant from pyaemia, erysipelas, and hospital gangrene, he was
able to keep his patients absolutely free from these terrible scourges. Let me
here recommend to your attention Professor Lister's 'Introductory Lecture
before the University of Edinburgh,' which I have already quoted; his paper
on The Effect of the Antiseptic System of Treatment on the Salubrity of a
Surgical Hospital;' and the article in the 'British Medical Journal' of January
14, 1871.
If, instead of using carbolic acid spray, he could surround his wounds with
properly filtered air, the result would, he contends, be the same. In a room
where the germs not only float but cling to clothes and walls, this would be
difficult, if not impossible. But surgery is acquainted with a class of wounds
in which the blood is freely mixed with air that has passed through the
lungs, and it is a most remarkable fact that such air does not produce
putrefaction. Professor Lister, as far as I know, was the first to give a
philosophical interpretation of this fact, which he describes and comments
upon thus:
I have explained to my own mind the remarkable fact that in simple fracture
of the ribs, if the lung be punctured by a fragment, the blood effused into the
pleural cavity, though freely mixed with air, undergoes no decomposition.
The air is sometimes pumped into the pleural cavity in such abundance that,
making its way through the wound in the pleura costalis, it inflates the
cellular tissue of the whole body. Yet this occasions no alarm to the surgeon
(although if the blood in the pleura were to putrefy, it would infallibly
occasion dangerous suppurative pleurisy). Why air introduced into the
pleural cavity through a wounded lung, should have such wholly different
effects from that entering directly through a wound in the chest, was to me a
complete mystery until I heard of the germ theory of putrefaction, when it at
Page 131
once occurred to me that it was only natural that air should be filtered of
germs by the air-passages, one of whose offices is to arrest inhaled particles
of dust, and prevent them from entering the air-cells.
-----
I shall have occasion to refer to this remarkable hypothesis farther on.
The advocates of the germ theory, both of putrefaction and epidemic
disease, hold that both arise, not from the air, but from something contained
in the air. They hold, moreover, that this 'something' is not a vapour nor a
gas, nor indeed a molecule of any kind, but a particle. [Footnote: As
regards size, there is probably no sharp line of division between molecules
and particles; the one gradually shades into the other. But the distinction
that I would draw is this: the atom or the molecule, if free, is always part of
a gas, the particle is never so. A particle is a bit of liquid or solid matter,
formed by the Aggregation of atoms or molecules.] The term 'particulate
'has been used in the Reports of the Medical Department of the Privy
Council to describe this supposed constitution of contagious matter; and Dr.
Sanderson's experiments render it in the highest degree probable, if they do
not actually demonstrate, that the virus of small-pox is 'particulate.' Definite
knowledge upon this point is of exceeding importance, because in the
treatment of particles methods are available which it would be futile to
apply to molecules.
The Luminous beam as a means of Research.
My own interference with this great question, while sanctioned by eminent
names, has been also an object of varied and ingenious attack. On this point
I will only say that when angry feeling escapes from behind the intellect,
where it may be useful as an urging force, and places itself athwart the
intellect, it is liable to produce all manner of delusions. Thus my censors,
for the most part, have levelled their remarks against positions which were
never assumed, and against claims which were never made. The simple
history of the matter is this: During the autumn of 1868 I was much
occupied with the observations referred to at the beginning of this discourse,
germs by the air-passages, one of whose offices is to arrest inhaled particles
of dust, and prevent them from entering the air-cells.
-----
I shall have occasion to refer to this remarkable hypothesis farther on.
The advocates of the germ theory, both of putrefaction and epidemic
disease, hold that both arise, not from the air, but from something contained
in the air. They hold, moreover, that this 'something' is not a vapour nor a
gas, nor indeed a molecule of any kind, but a particle. [Footnote: As
regards size, there is probably no sharp line of division between molecules
and particles; the one gradually shades into the other. But the distinction
that I would draw is this: the atom or the molecule, if free, is always part of
a gas, the particle is never so. A particle is a bit of liquid or solid matter,
formed by the Aggregation of atoms or molecules.] The term 'particulate
'has been used in the Reports of the Medical Department of the Privy
Council to describe this supposed constitution of contagious matter; and Dr.
Sanderson's experiments render it in the highest degree probable, if they do
not actually demonstrate, that the virus of small-pox is 'particulate.' Definite
knowledge upon this point is of exceeding importance, because in the
treatment of particles methods are available which it would be futile to
apply to molecules.
The Luminous beam as a means of Research.
My own interference with this great question, while sanctioned by eminent
names, has been also an object of varied and ingenious attack. On this point
I will only say that when angry feeling escapes from behind the intellect,
where it may be useful as an urging force, and places itself athwart the
intellect, it is liable to produce all manner of delusions. Thus my censors,
for the most part, have levelled their remarks against positions which were
never assumed, and against claims which were never made. The simple
history of the matter is this: During the autumn of 1868 I was much
occupied with the observations referred to at the beginning of this discourse,
Page 132
and in part described in the preceding article. For fifteen years it had been
my habit to make use of floating dust to reveal the paths of luminous beams
through the air; but until 1868 I did not intentionally reverse the process,
and employ a luminous beam to reveal and examine the dust. In a paper
presented to the Royal Society in December, 1869, the observations which
induced me to give more special attention to the question of spontaneous
generation, and the germ theory of epidemic disease, are thus described:
The Floating Matter of the Air.
Prior to the discovery of the foregoing action (the chemical action of light
upon vapours, Fragment IV.), and also during the experiments just referred
to, the nature of my work compelled me to aim at obtaining experimental
tubes absolutely clean upon the surface, and absolutely free within from
suspended matter. Neither condition is, however, easily attained.
For however well the tubes might be washed and polished, and however
bright and pure they might appear in ordinary daylight, the electric beam
infallibly revealed signs and tokens of dirt. The air was always present, and
it was sure to deposit some impurity. All chemical processes, not conducted
in a vacuum, are open to this disturbance. When the experimental tube was
exhausted, it exhibited no trace of floating matter, but on admitting the air
through the U-tubes (containing caustic potash and sulphuric acid), a dust-
cone more or less distinct was always revealed by the powerfully condensed
electric beam.
The floating motes resembled minute particles of liquid which had been
carried mechanically from the U-tubes into the experimental tube.
Precautions were therefore taken to prevent any such transfer. They
produced little or no mitigation. I did not imagine, at the time, that the dust
of the external air could find such free passage through the caustic potash
and sulphuric acid. This, however, was the case; the motes really came from
without. They also passed with freedom through a variety of aethers and
alcohols. In fact, it requires long-continued action on the part of an acid first
to wet the motes and afterwards to destroy them. By carefully passing the
air through the flame of a spirit lamp, or through a platinum tube heated to
my habit to make use of floating dust to reveal the paths of luminous beams
through the air; but until 1868 I did not intentionally reverse the process,
and employ a luminous beam to reveal and examine the dust. In a paper
presented to the Royal Society in December, 1869, the observations which
induced me to give more special attention to the question of spontaneous
generation, and the germ theory of epidemic disease, are thus described:
The Floating Matter of the Air.
Prior to the discovery of the foregoing action (the chemical action of light
upon vapours, Fragment IV.), and also during the experiments just referred
to, the nature of my work compelled me to aim at obtaining experimental
tubes absolutely clean upon the surface, and absolutely free within from
suspended matter. Neither condition is, however, easily attained.
For however well the tubes might be washed and polished, and however
bright and pure they might appear in ordinary daylight, the electric beam
infallibly revealed signs and tokens of dirt. The air was always present, and
it was sure to deposit some impurity. All chemical processes, not conducted
in a vacuum, are open to this disturbance. When the experimental tube was
exhausted, it exhibited no trace of floating matter, but on admitting the air
through the U-tubes (containing caustic potash and sulphuric acid), a dust-
cone more or less distinct was always revealed by the powerfully condensed
electric beam.
The floating motes resembled minute particles of liquid which had been
carried mechanically from the U-tubes into the experimental tube.
Precautions were therefore taken to prevent any such transfer. They
produced little or no mitigation. I did not imagine, at the time, that the dust
of the external air could find such free passage through the caustic potash
and sulphuric acid. This, however, was the case; the motes really came from
without. They also passed with freedom through a variety of aethers and
alcohols. In fact, it requires long-continued action on the part of an acid first
to wet the motes and afterwards to destroy them. By carefully passing the
air through the flame of a spirit lamp, or through a platinum tube heated to
Page 133
bright redness, the floating matter was sensibly destroyed. It was therefore
combustible, in other words, organic, matter. I tried to intercept it by a large
respirator of cotton-wool. Close pressure was necessary to render the wool
effective. A plug of the wool, rammed pretty tightly into the tube through
which the air passed, was finally found competent to hold back the motes.
They appeared from time to time afterwards, and gave me much trouble; but
they were invariably traced in the end to some defect in the purifying
apparatus — to some crack or flaw in the sealing-wax employed to render
the tubes air-tight. Thus through proper care, but not without a great deal of
searching out of disturbances, the experimental tube, even when filled with
air or vapour, contains nothing competent to scatter the light. The space
within it has the aspect of an absolute vacuum.
An experimental tube in this condition I call optically empty.
The simple apparatus employed in these experiments will be at once
understood by reference to a figure printed in the last article (Fig. 3.) s s' is
the glass experimental tube, which has varied in length from 1 to 5 feet, and
which may be from 2 to 3 inches in diameter. From the end s, the pipe p p'
passes to an air-pump. Connected with the other end s' we have the flask F,
containing the liquid whose vapour is to be examined; then follows a U-
tube, T, filled with fragments of clean glass, wetted with sulphuric acid;
then a second U-tube, T, containing fragments of marble, wetted with
caustic potash; and finally a narrow straight tube t t', containing a tolerably
tightly fitting plug of cotton-wool. To save the air-pump gauge from the
attack of such vapours as act on mercury, as also to facilitate observation, a
separate barometer tube was employed.
Through the cork which stops the flask F two glass tubes, a and b, pass air-
tight. The tube a ends immediately under the cork; the tube b, on the
contrary, descends to the bottom of the flask and dips into the liquid. The
end of the tube b is drawn out so as to render very small the orifice through
which the air escapes into the liquid.
The experimental tube s s' being exhausted, a cock at the end s' is turned
carefully on. The air passes slowly through the cotton-wool, the caustic
potash, and the sulphuric acid in succession. Thus purified, it enters the
flask F and bubbles through the liquid. Charged with vapour, it finally
combustible, in other words, organic, matter. I tried to intercept it by a large
respirator of cotton-wool. Close pressure was necessary to render the wool
effective. A plug of the wool, rammed pretty tightly into the tube through
which the air passed, was finally found competent to hold back the motes.
They appeared from time to time afterwards, and gave me much trouble; but
they were invariably traced in the end to some defect in the purifying
apparatus — to some crack or flaw in the sealing-wax employed to render
the tubes air-tight. Thus through proper care, but not without a great deal of
searching out of disturbances, the experimental tube, even when filled with
air or vapour, contains nothing competent to scatter the light. The space
within it has the aspect of an absolute vacuum.
An experimental tube in this condition I call optically empty.
The simple apparatus employed in these experiments will be at once
understood by reference to a figure printed in the last article (Fig. 3.) s s' is
the glass experimental tube, which has varied in length from 1 to 5 feet, and
which may be from 2 to 3 inches in diameter. From the end s, the pipe p p'
passes to an air-pump. Connected with the other end s' we have the flask F,
containing the liquid whose vapour is to be examined; then follows a U-
tube, T, filled with fragments of clean glass, wetted with sulphuric acid;
then a second U-tube, T, containing fragments of marble, wetted with
caustic potash; and finally a narrow straight tube t t', containing a tolerably
tightly fitting plug of cotton-wool. To save the air-pump gauge from the
attack of such vapours as act on mercury, as also to facilitate observation, a
separate barometer tube was employed.
Through the cork which stops the flask F two glass tubes, a and b, pass air-
tight. The tube a ends immediately under the cork; the tube b, on the
contrary, descends to the bottom of the flask and dips into the liquid. The
end of the tube b is drawn out so as to render very small the orifice through
which the air escapes into the liquid.
The experimental tube s s' being exhausted, a cock at the end s' is turned
carefully on. The air passes slowly through the cotton-wool, the caustic
potash, and the sulphuric acid in succession. Thus purified, it enters the
flask F and bubbles through the liquid. Charged with vapour, it finally
Page 134
passes into the experimental tube, where it is submitted to examination. The
electric lamp L placed at the end of the experimental tube furnishes the
necessary beam.
-----
The facts here forced upon my attention had a bearing too evident to be
overlooked. The inability of air which had been filtered through cotton-wool
to generate animalcular life, had been demonstrated by Schroeder and
Pasteur: here the cause of its impotence was rendered evident to the eye.
The experiment proved that no sensible amount of light was scattered by the
molecules of the air; that the scattered light always arose from suspended
particles; and the fact that the removal of these abolished simultaneously
the power of scattering light and of originating life, obviously detached the
life-originating power from the air, and fixed it on something suspended in
the air. Gases of all kinds passed with freedom through the plug of cotton-
wool; hence the thing whose removal by the cotton-wool rendered the gas
impotent, could not itself have been matter in the gaseous condition. It at
once occurred to me that the retina, protected as it was, in these
experiments, from all extraneous light, might be converted into a new and
powerful instrument of demonstration in relation to the germ theory.
But the observations also revealed the danger incurred in experiments of
this nature; showing that without an amount of care far beyond that hitherto
bestowed upon them, such experiments left the door open to errors of the
gravest description. It was especially manifest that the chemical method
employed by Schultze in his experiments, and so often resorted to since,
might lead to the most erroneous consequences; that neither acids nor
alkalies had the power of rapid destruction hitherto ascribed to them. In
short, the employment of the luminous beam rendered evident the cause of
success in experiments rigidly conducted like those of Pasteur; while it
made equally evident the certainty of failure in experiments less severely
carried out.
Dr. Bennett's Experiments.
electric lamp L placed at the end of the experimental tube furnishes the
necessary beam.
-----
The facts here forced upon my attention had a bearing too evident to be
overlooked. The inability of air which had been filtered through cotton-wool
to generate animalcular life, had been demonstrated by Schroeder and
Pasteur: here the cause of its impotence was rendered evident to the eye.
The experiment proved that no sensible amount of light was scattered by the
molecules of the air; that the scattered light always arose from suspended
particles; and the fact that the removal of these abolished simultaneously
the power of scattering light and of originating life, obviously detached the
life-originating power from the air, and fixed it on something suspended in
the air. Gases of all kinds passed with freedom through the plug of cotton-
wool; hence the thing whose removal by the cotton-wool rendered the gas
impotent, could not itself have been matter in the gaseous condition. It at
once occurred to me that the retina, protected as it was, in these
experiments, from all extraneous light, might be converted into a new and
powerful instrument of demonstration in relation to the germ theory.
But the observations also revealed the danger incurred in experiments of
this nature; showing that without an amount of care far beyond that hitherto
bestowed upon them, such experiments left the door open to errors of the
gravest description. It was especially manifest that the chemical method
employed by Schultze in his experiments, and so often resorted to since,
might lead to the most erroneous consequences; that neither acids nor
alkalies had the power of rapid destruction hitherto ascribed to them. In
short, the employment of the luminous beam rendered evident the cause of
success in experiments rigidly conducted like those of Pasteur; while it
made equally evident the certainty of failure in experiments less severely
carried out.
Dr. Bennett's Experiments.
Page 135
But I do not wish to leave an assertion of this kind without illustration.
Take, then, the well-conceived experiments of Dr. Hughes Bennett,
described before the Royal Society of Surgeons in Edinburgh on January 17,
1868. [Footnote: 'British Medical Journal,' 13, pt. ii. 1868.] Into flasks
containing decoctions of liquorice-root, hay, or tea, Dr. Bennett, by an
ingenious method, forced air. The air was driven through two U-tubes, the
one containing a solution of caustic potash, the other sulphuric acid. 'All the
bent tubes were filled with fragments of pumice-stone to break up the air, so
as to prevent the possibility of any germs passing through in the centre of
bubbles.' The air also passed through a Liebig's bulb containing sulphuric
acid, and also through a bulb containing gun-cotton.
It was only natural for Dr. Bennett to believe that his 'bent tubes' entirely cut
off the germs. Previous to the observations just referred to, I also believed in
their efficacy. But these observations destroy any such notion. The gun-
cotton, moreover, will fail to arrest the whole of the floating matter, unless it
is tightly packed, and there is no indication in Dr. Bennett's memoir that it
was so packed. On the whole, I should infer, from the mere inspection of Dr.
Bennett's apparatus, the very results which he has described — a retardation
of the development of life, a total absence of it in some cases, and its
presence in others.
In his first series of experiments, eight flasks were fed with sifted air, and
five with common air. In ten or twelve days all the five had fungi in them;
whilst it required from four to nine months to develop fungi in the others. In
one of the eight, moreover, even after this interval no fungi appeared. In a
second series of experiments there was a similar exception. In a third series
the cork stoppers used in the first and second series were abandoned, and
glass stoppers employed. Flasks containing decoctions of tea, beef, and hay
were filled with common air, and other flasks with sifted air. In every one of
the former fungi appeared and in not one of the latter. These experiments
simply ruin the doctrine that Dr. Bennett finally espouses.
In all these negative cases, the prepared air was forced into the infusion
when it was boiling hot. Dr. Bennett made a fourth series of experiments, in
which, previous to forcing in the air, he permitted the flasks to cool. Into
four bottles thus treated he forced prepared air, and after a time found fungi
in all of them. What is his conclusion? Not that the boiling hot liquid,
Take, then, the well-conceived experiments of Dr. Hughes Bennett,
described before the Royal Society of Surgeons in Edinburgh on January 17,
1868. [Footnote: 'British Medical Journal,' 13, pt. ii. 1868.] Into flasks
containing decoctions of liquorice-root, hay, or tea, Dr. Bennett, by an
ingenious method, forced air. The air was driven through two U-tubes, the
one containing a solution of caustic potash, the other sulphuric acid. 'All the
bent tubes were filled with fragments of pumice-stone to break up the air, so
as to prevent the possibility of any germs passing through in the centre of
bubbles.' The air also passed through a Liebig's bulb containing sulphuric
acid, and also through a bulb containing gun-cotton.
It was only natural for Dr. Bennett to believe that his 'bent tubes' entirely cut
off the germs. Previous to the observations just referred to, I also believed in
their efficacy. But these observations destroy any such notion. The gun-
cotton, moreover, will fail to arrest the whole of the floating matter, unless it
is tightly packed, and there is no indication in Dr. Bennett's memoir that it
was so packed. On the whole, I should infer, from the mere inspection of Dr.
Bennett's apparatus, the very results which he has described — a retardation
of the development of life, a total absence of it in some cases, and its
presence in others.
In his first series of experiments, eight flasks were fed with sifted air, and
five with common air. In ten or twelve days all the five had fungi in them;
whilst it required from four to nine months to develop fungi in the others. In
one of the eight, moreover, even after this interval no fungi appeared. In a
second series of experiments there was a similar exception. In a third series
the cork stoppers used in the first and second series were abandoned, and
glass stoppers employed. Flasks containing decoctions of tea, beef, and hay
were filled with common air, and other flasks with sifted air. In every one of
the former fungi appeared and in not one of the latter. These experiments
simply ruin the doctrine that Dr. Bennett finally espouses.
In all these negative cases, the prepared air was forced into the infusion
when it was boiling hot. Dr. Bennett made a fourth series of experiments, in
which, previous to forcing in the air, he permitted the flasks to cool. Into
four bottles thus treated he forced prepared air, and after a time found fungi
in all of them. What is his conclusion? Not that the boiling hot liquid,
Page 136
employed in his first experiments, had destroyed such germs as had run the
gauntlet of his apparatus; but that air which, previous to being sealed up,
had been exposed to a temperature of 212°, is too rare to support life. This
conclusion is so remarkable that it ought to be stated in Dr. Bennett's own
words. 'It may be easily conceived that air subjected to a boiling
temperature is so expanded as scarcely to merit the name of air, and that it is
more or less unfit for the purpose of sustaining animal or vegetable life.'
Now numerical data are attainable here, and as a matter of fact I live and
flourish for a considerable portion of each year in a medium of less density
than that which Dr. Bennett describes as scarcely meriting the name of air.
The inhabitants of the higher Alpine chalets, with their flocks and herds, and
the grasses which support these, do the same; while the chamois rears its
kids in air rarer still. Insect life, moreover, is sometimes exhibited with
monstrous prodigality at Alpine heights.
In a fifth series of experiments sixteen bottles were filled with infusions.
Into four of them, while cold, ordinary unheated and unsifted air was
pumped. In these four bottles fungi were developed. Into four other bottles,
containing a boiling infusion, ordinary air was also pumped — no fungi
were here developed. Into four other bottles containing an infusion which
had been boiled and permitted to cool, sifted air was pumped — no fungi
were developed. Finally, into four bottles containing a boiling infusion
sifted air was pumped no fungi were developed. Only, therefore, in the four
cases where the infusions were cold infusions, and the air ordinary air, did
fungi appear.
Dr. Bennett does not draw from his experiments the conclusion to which
they so obviously point. On them, on the contrary, he founds a defence of
the doctrine of spontaneous generation, and a general theory of spontaneous
development. So strongly was he impressed with the idea that the germs
could not possibly pass through his potash and sulphuric acid tubes, that the
appearance of fungi, even in a small minority of cases, where the air had
been sent through these tubes, was to him conclusive evidence of the
spontaneous origin of such fungi. And he accounts for the absence of life in
many of his experiments by an hypothesis which will not bear a moment's
examination. But, knowing that organic particles may pass unscathed
through alkalies and acids, the results of Dr. Bennett are precisely what
gauntlet of his apparatus; but that air which, previous to being sealed up,
had been exposed to a temperature of 212°, is too rare to support life. This
conclusion is so remarkable that it ought to be stated in Dr. Bennett's own
words. 'It may be easily conceived that air subjected to a boiling
temperature is so expanded as scarcely to merit the name of air, and that it is
more or less unfit for the purpose of sustaining animal or vegetable life.'
Now numerical data are attainable here, and as a matter of fact I live and
flourish for a considerable portion of each year in a medium of less density
than that which Dr. Bennett describes as scarcely meriting the name of air.
The inhabitants of the higher Alpine chalets, with their flocks and herds, and
the grasses which support these, do the same; while the chamois rears its
kids in air rarer still. Insect life, moreover, is sometimes exhibited with
monstrous prodigality at Alpine heights.
In a fifth series of experiments sixteen bottles were filled with infusions.
Into four of them, while cold, ordinary unheated and unsifted air was
pumped. In these four bottles fungi were developed. Into four other bottles,
containing a boiling infusion, ordinary air was also pumped — no fungi
were here developed. Into four other bottles containing an infusion which
had been boiled and permitted to cool, sifted air was pumped — no fungi
were developed. Finally, into four bottles containing a boiling infusion
sifted air was pumped no fungi were developed. Only, therefore, in the four
cases where the infusions were cold infusions, and the air ordinary air, did
fungi appear.
Dr. Bennett does not draw from his experiments the conclusion to which
they so obviously point. On them, on the contrary, he founds a defence of
the doctrine of spontaneous generation, and a general theory of spontaneous
development. So strongly was he impressed with the idea that the germs
could not possibly pass through his potash and sulphuric acid tubes, that the
appearance of fungi, even in a small minority of cases, where the air had
been sent through these tubes, was to him conclusive evidence of the
spontaneous origin of such fungi. And he accounts for the absence of life in
many of his experiments by an hypothesis which will not bear a moment's
examination. But, knowing that organic particles may pass unscathed
through alkalies and acids, the results of Dr. Bennett are precisely what
Page 137
ought wider the circumstances to be expected. Indeed, their harmony with
the conditions now revealed is a proof of the honesty and accuracy with
which they were executed.
The caution exercised by Pasteur both in the execution of his experiments,
and in the reasoning based upon them, is perfectly evident to those who,
through the practice of severe experimental enquiry, have rendered
themselves competent to judge of good experimental work. He found germs
in the mercury used to isolate his air. He was never sure that they did not
cling to the instruments he employed, or to his own person. Thus when he
opened his hermetically sealed flasks upon the Mer de Glace, he had his eye
upon the file used to detach the drawn-out necks of his bottles; and he was
careful to stand to leeward when each flask was opened. Using these
precautions, he found the glacier air incompetent, in nineteen cases out of
twenty, to generate life; while similar flasks, opened amid the vegetation of
the lowlands, were soon crowded with living things. M. Pouchet repeated
Pasteur's experiments in the Pyrenees, adopting the precaution of holding
his flasks above his head, and obtaining a different result. Now great care
would be needed to render this procedure a real precaution. The luminous
beam at once shows us its possible effect. Let smoking brown paper be
placed at the open mouth of a glass shade, so that the smoke shall ascend
and fill the shade. A beam sent through the shade forms a bright track
through the smoke. When the closed fist is placed underneath the shade, a
vertical wind of surprising violence, considering the small elevation of
temperature, rises from the band, displacing by comparatively dark air the
illuminated smoke. Unless special care were taken such a wind would rise
from M. Pouchet's body as he held his flasks above his head, and thus the
precaution of Pasteur, of not coming between the wind and the flask, would
be annulled.
Let me now direct attention to another result of Pasteur, the cause and
significance of which are at once revealed by the luminous beam. He
prepared twenty one flasks, each containing a decoction of yeast, filtered
and clear. He boiled the decoction so as to destroy whatever germs it might
contain, and, while the space above the liquid was filled with pure steam, he
sealed his flasks with a blow-pipe. He opened ten of them in the deep, damp
caves of the Paris Observatory, and eleven of them in the courtyard of the
the conditions now revealed is a proof of the honesty and accuracy with
which they were executed.
The caution exercised by Pasteur both in the execution of his experiments,
and in the reasoning based upon them, is perfectly evident to those who,
through the practice of severe experimental enquiry, have rendered
themselves competent to judge of good experimental work. He found germs
in the mercury used to isolate his air. He was never sure that they did not
cling to the instruments he employed, or to his own person. Thus when he
opened his hermetically sealed flasks upon the Mer de Glace, he had his eye
upon the file used to detach the drawn-out necks of his bottles; and he was
careful to stand to leeward when each flask was opened. Using these
precautions, he found the glacier air incompetent, in nineteen cases out of
twenty, to generate life; while similar flasks, opened amid the vegetation of
the lowlands, were soon crowded with living things. M. Pouchet repeated
Pasteur's experiments in the Pyrenees, adopting the precaution of holding
his flasks above his head, and obtaining a different result. Now great care
would be needed to render this procedure a real precaution. The luminous
beam at once shows us its possible effect. Let smoking brown paper be
placed at the open mouth of a glass shade, so that the smoke shall ascend
and fill the shade. A beam sent through the shade forms a bright track
through the smoke. When the closed fist is placed underneath the shade, a
vertical wind of surprising violence, considering the small elevation of
temperature, rises from the band, displacing by comparatively dark air the
illuminated smoke. Unless special care were taken such a wind would rise
from M. Pouchet's body as he held his flasks above his head, and thus the
precaution of Pasteur, of not coming between the wind and the flask, would
be annulled.
Let me now direct attention to another result of Pasteur, the cause and
significance of which are at once revealed by the luminous beam. He
prepared twenty one flasks, each containing a decoction of yeast, filtered
and clear. He boiled the decoction so as to destroy whatever germs it might
contain, and, while the space above the liquid was filled with pure steam, he
sealed his flasks with a blow-pipe. He opened ten of them in the deep, damp
caves of the Paris Observatory, and eleven of them in the courtyard of the
Page 138
establishment. Of the former, one only showed signs of life subsequently. In
nine out of the ten flasks no organisms of any kind were developed. In all
the others organisms speedily appeared.
Now here is an experiment conducted in Paris, on which we can throw
obvious light in London. Causing our luminous beam to pass through a
large flask filled with the air of this room, and charged with its germs and its
dust, the beam is seen crossing the flask from side to side. But here is
another similar flask, which cuts a clear gap out of the beam. It is filled with
unfiltered air, and still no trace of the beam is visible. Why? By pure
accident I stumbled on this flask in our apparatus room, where it had
remained quiet for some time. Acting upon this obvious suggestion I set
aside three other flasks, filled, in the first instance, with mote-laden air.
They are now optically empty. Our former experiments proved that the life-
producing particles attach themselves to the fibres of cotton-wool. In the
present experiment the motes have been brought by gentle air-currents,
established by slight differences of temperature within our closed vessels,
into contact with the interior surface, to which they adhere. The air of these
flasks has deposited its dust, germs and all, and is practically free from
suspended matter.
I had a chamber erected, the lower half of which is of wood, its upper half
being enclosed by four glazed window-frames. It tapers to a truncated cone
at the top. It measures in plan 3 ft. by 2 ft. 6 in., and its height is 5 ft. 10 in.
On February 6 it was closed, every crevice that could admit dust, or cause
displacement of the air, being carefully pasted over with paper. The electric
beam at first revealed the dust within the chamber as it did in the air of the
laboratory. The chamber was examined almost daily; a perceptible
diminution of the floating matter being noticed as time advanced. At the end
of a week the chamber was optically empty, exhibiting no trace of matter
competent to scatter the light. Such must have been the case in the stagnant
caves of the Paris Observatory. Were our electric beam sent through the air
of these caves its track would be invisible; thus showing the indissoluble
association of the scattering of light by air and its power to generate life.
I will now turn to what seems to me a more interesting application of the
luminous beam than any hitherto described. My reference to Professor
Lister's interpretation of the fact, that air which has passed through the lungs
nine out of the ten flasks no organisms of any kind were developed. In all
the others organisms speedily appeared.
Now here is an experiment conducted in Paris, on which we can throw
obvious light in London. Causing our luminous beam to pass through a
large flask filled with the air of this room, and charged with its germs and its
dust, the beam is seen crossing the flask from side to side. But here is
another similar flask, which cuts a clear gap out of the beam. It is filled with
unfiltered air, and still no trace of the beam is visible. Why? By pure
accident I stumbled on this flask in our apparatus room, where it had
remained quiet for some time. Acting upon this obvious suggestion I set
aside three other flasks, filled, in the first instance, with mote-laden air.
They are now optically empty. Our former experiments proved that the life-
producing particles attach themselves to the fibres of cotton-wool. In the
present experiment the motes have been brought by gentle air-currents,
established by slight differences of temperature within our closed vessels,
into contact with the interior surface, to which they adhere. The air of these
flasks has deposited its dust, germs and all, and is practically free from
suspended matter.
I had a chamber erected, the lower half of which is of wood, its upper half
being enclosed by four glazed window-frames. It tapers to a truncated cone
at the top. It measures in plan 3 ft. by 2 ft. 6 in., and its height is 5 ft. 10 in.
On February 6 it was closed, every crevice that could admit dust, or cause
displacement of the air, being carefully pasted over with paper. The electric
beam at first revealed the dust within the chamber as it did in the air of the
laboratory. The chamber was examined almost daily; a perceptible
diminution of the floating matter being noticed as time advanced. At the end
of a week the chamber was optically empty, exhibiting no trace of matter
competent to scatter the light. Such must have been the case in the stagnant
caves of the Paris Observatory. Were our electric beam sent through the air
of these caves its track would be invisible; thus showing the indissoluble
association of the scattering of light by air and its power to generate life.
I will now turn to what seems to me a more interesting application of the
luminous beam than any hitherto described. My reference to Professor
Lister's interpretation of the fact, that air which has passed through the lungs
Page 139
cannot produce putrefaction, is fresh in your memories. 'Why air,' said he,
'introduced into the pleural cavity, through a wounded lung, should have
such wholly different effects from that entering through a permanently open
wound, penetrating from without, was to me a complete mystery, till I heard
of the germ -theory of putrefaction, when it at once occurred to me that it
was only natural that the air should be filtered of germs by the air passages,
one of whose offices is to arrest inhaled particles of. dust, and prevent them
from entering the air-cells.'
Here is a surmise which bears the stamp of genius, but which needs
verification. If, for the words 'it is only natural' we were authorised to write
'it is perfectly certain,' the demonstration would be complete. Such
demonstration is furnished by experiments with a beam of light. One
evening, towards the close of 1869, while pouring various pure gases across
the dusty track of a luminous beam, the thought occurred to me of using my
breath instead of the gases. I then noticed, for the first time, the
extraordinary darkness produced by the expired air, towards the end of the
expiration. Permit me to repeat the experiment in your presence. I fill my
lungs with ordinary air and breathe through a glass tube across the beam.
The condensation of the aqueous vapour of the breath is shown by the
formation of a luminous white cloud of delicate texture. We abolish this
cloud by drying the breath previous to its entering the beam; or, still more
simply, by warming the glass tube. The luminous track of the beam is for a
time uninterrupted by the breath, because the dust returning from the lungs
makes good, in great part, the particles displaced. After a time, however, an
obscure disk appears in the beam, the darkness of which increases, until
finally, towards the end of the expiration, the beam is, as it were, pierced by
an intensely black hole, in which no particles whatever can be discerned.
The deeper air of the lungs is thus proved to be absolutely free from
suspended matter. It is therefore in the precise condition required by
Professor Lister's explanation. This experiment may be repeated any
number of times with the same result. I think it must be regarded as a
crowning piece of evidence both of the correctness of Professor Lister's
views and of the impotence, as regards vital development, of optically pure
air. [Footnote: Dr. Burden Sanderson draws attention to the important
observation of Brauell, which shows that the contagium of a pregnant
animal, suffering from splenic fever, is not found in the blood of the foetus;
'introduced into the pleural cavity, through a wounded lung, should have
such wholly different effects from that entering through a permanently open
wound, penetrating from without, was to me a complete mystery, till I heard
of the germ -theory of putrefaction, when it at once occurred to me that it
was only natural that the air should be filtered of germs by the air passages,
one of whose offices is to arrest inhaled particles of. dust, and prevent them
from entering the air-cells.'
Here is a surmise which bears the stamp of genius, but which needs
verification. If, for the words 'it is only natural' we were authorised to write
'it is perfectly certain,' the demonstration would be complete. Such
demonstration is furnished by experiments with a beam of light. One
evening, towards the close of 1869, while pouring various pure gases across
the dusty track of a luminous beam, the thought occurred to me of using my
breath instead of the gases. I then noticed, for the first time, the
extraordinary darkness produced by the expired air, towards the end of the
expiration. Permit me to repeat the experiment in your presence. I fill my
lungs with ordinary air and breathe through a glass tube across the beam.
The condensation of the aqueous vapour of the breath is shown by the
formation of a luminous white cloud of delicate texture. We abolish this
cloud by drying the breath previous to its entering the beam; or, still more
simply, by warming the glass tube. The luminous track of the beam is for a
time uninterrupted by the breath, because the dust returning from the lungs
makes good, in great part, the particles displaced. After a time, however, an
obscure disk appears in the beam, the darkness of which increases, until
finally, towards the end of the expiration, the beam is, as it were, pierced by
an intensely black hole, in which no particles whatever can be discerned.
The deeper air of the lungs is thus proved to be absolutely free from
suspended matter. It is therefore in the precise condition required by
Professor Lister's explanation. This experiment may be repeated any
number of times with the same result. I think it must be regarded as a
crowning piece of evidence both of the correctness of Professor Lister's
views and of the impotence, as regards vital development, of optically pure
air. [Footnote: Dr. Burden Sanderson draws attention to the important
observation of Brauell, which shows that the contagium of a pregnant
animal, suffering from splenic fever, is not found in the blood of the foetus;
Page 140
the placental apparatus acting as a filter, and holding back the infective
particles. ]
.
Application of Luminous beams to Water.
The method of examination here pursued is also applicable to water. It is in
some sense complementary to that of the microscope, and may, I think,
materially aid enquiries conducted with that instrument. In microscopic
examination attention is directed to a small portion of the liquid, and the
aim is to detect the individual particles. By the present method a large
portion of the liquid is illuminated, the collective action of the particles
being revealed, by the scattered light. Care is taken to defend the eye from
the access of all other light, and, thus defended, it becomes an organ of
inconceivable delicacy. Indeed, an amount of impurity so infinitesimal as to
be scarcely expressible in numbers, and the individual particles of which are
so small as wholly to elude the microscope, may, when examined by the
method alluded to, produce not only sensible, but striking, effects upon the
eye.
We will apply the method, in the first place, to an experiment of M. Pouchet
intended to prove conclusively that animalcular life is developed in cases
where no antecedent germs could possibly exist. He produced water from
the combustion of hydrogen in air, justly arguing that no germ could survive
the heat of a hydrogen flame. But he overlooked the fact that his aqueous
vapour was condensed in the air, and was allowed as water to trickle
through the air. Indeed the experiment is one of a number by which workers
like M. Pouchet are differentiated from workers like Pasteur. I will show
you some water, produced by allowing a hydrogen flame to play upon a
polished silver condenser, formed by the bottom of a silver basin,
containing ice. The collected liquid is pellucid in the common light; but in
the condensed electric beam it is seen to be laden with particles, so thick-
strewn and minute as to produce a continuous luminous cone. In passing
through the air the water loaded itself with this matter; and the deportment
of such water could obviously have no influence in deciding this great
question.
particles. ]
.
Application of Luminous beams to Water.
The method of examination here pursued is also applicable to water. It is in
some sense complementary to that of the microscope, and may, I think,
materially aid enquiries conducted with that instrument. In microscopic
examination attention is directed to a small portion of the liquid, and the
aim is to detect the individual particles. By the present method a large
portion of the liquid is illuminated, the collective action of the particles
being revealed, by the scattered light. Care is taken to defend the eye from
the access of all other light, and, thus defended, it becomes an organ of
inconceivable delicacy. Indeed, an amount of impurity so infinitesimal as to
be scarcely expressible in numbers, and the individual particles of which are
so small as wholly to elude the microscope, may, when examined by the
method alluded to, produce not only sensible, but striking, effects upon the
eye.
We will apply the method, in the first place, to an experiment of M. Pouchet
intended to prove conclusively that animalcular life is developed in cases
where no antecedent germs could possibly exist. He produced water from
the combustion of hydrogen in air, justly arguing that no germ could survive
the heat of a hydrogen flame. But he overlooked the fact that his aqueous
vapour was condensed in the air, and was allowed as water to trickle
through the air. Indeed the experiment is one of a number by which workers
like M. Pouchet are differentiated from workers like Pasteur. I will show
you some water, produced by allowing a hydrogen flame to play upon a
polished silver condenser, formed by the bottom of a silver basin,
containing ice. The collected liquid is pellucid in the common light; but in
the condensed electric beam it is seen to be laden with particles, so thick-
strewn and minute as to produce a continuous luminous cone. In passing
through the air the water loaded itself with this matter; and the deportment
of such water could obviously have no influence in deciding this great
question.
Page 141
We are invaded with dirt not only in the air we breathe, but in the water we
drink. To prove this I take the bottle of water intended to quench your
lecturer's thirst; which, in the track of the beam, simply reveals itself as
dirty water. And this water is no worse than the other London waters.
Thanks to the kindness of Professor Frankland, I have been furnished with
specimens of the water of eight London companies. They are all laden with
impurities mechanically suspended. But you will ask whether filtering will
not remove the suspended matter? The grosser matter, undoubtedly, but not
the more finely divided matter. Water may be passed any number of times
through bibulous paper, it will continue laden with fine matter. Water passed
through Lipscomb's charcoal filter, or through the filters of the Silicated
Carbon Company, has its grosser matter removed, but it is thick with fine
matter. Nine-tenths of the light scattered by these suspended particles is
perfectly polarised in a direction at right angles to the beam, and this release
of the particles from the ordinary law of polarisation is a demonstration of
their smallness. I should say by far the greater number of the particles
concerned in this scattering are wholly beyond the range of the microscope,
and no ordinary filter can intercept such particles. It is next to impossible,
by artificial means, to produce a pure water. Mr. Hartley, for example, some
time ago distilled water while surrounded by hydrogen, but the water was
not free from floating matter. It is so hard to be clean in the midst of dirt. In
water from the Lake of Geneva, which has remained long without being
stirred, we have an approach to the pure liquid. I have a bottle of it here,
which was carefully filled for me by my distinguished friend Soret. The
track of the beam through it is of a delicate sky-blue; there is scarcely a
trace of grosser matter.
The purest water that I have seen — probably the purest which has been
seen hitherto — has been obtained from the fusion of selected specimens of
ice. But extraordinary. precautions are required to obtain this degree of
purity. The following apparatus has been constructed for this purpose:
Through the plate of an air-pump passes the shank of a large funnel,
attached to which below the plate is a clean glass bulb. In the funnel is
placed a block of the most transparent ice, and over the funnel a glass
receiver. This is first exhausted and refilled several times with air, filtered
by its passage through cotton-wool, the ice being thus surrounded by pure
moteless air. But the ice has previously been in contact with mote-filled air;
drink. To prove this I take the bottle of water intended to quench your
lecturer's thirst; which, in the track of the beam, simply reveals itself as
dirty water. And this water is no worse than the other London waters.
Thanks to the kindness of Professor Frankland, I have been furnished with
specimens of the water of eight London companies. They are all laden with
impurities mechanically suspended. But you will ask whether filtering will
not remove the suspended matter? The grosser matter, undoubtedly, but not
the more finely divided matter. Water may be passed any number of times
through bibulous paper, it will continue laden with fine matter. Water passed
through Lipscomb's charcoal filter, or through the filters of the Silicated
Carbon Company, has its grosser matter removed, but it is thick with fine
matter. Nine-tenths of the light scattered by these suspended particles is
perfectly polarised in a direction at right angles to the beam, and this release
of the particles from the ordinary law of polarisation is a demonstration of
their smallness. I should say by far the greater number of the particles
concerned in this scattering are wholly beyond the range of the microscope,
and no ordinary filter can intercept such particles. It is next to impossible,
by artificial means, to produce a pure water. Mr. Hartley, for example, some
time ago distilled water while surrounded by hydrogen, but the water was
not free from floating matter. It is so hard to be clean in the midst of dirt. In
water from the Lake of Geneva, which has remained long without being
stirred, we have an approach to the pure liquid. I have a bottle of it here,
which was carefully filled for me by my distinguished friend Soret. The
track of the beam through it is of a delicate sky-blue; there is scarcely a
trace of grosser matter.
The purest water that I have seen — probably the purest which has been
seen hitherto — has been obtained from the fusion of selected specimens of
ice. But extraordinary. precautions are required to obtain this degree of
purity. The following apparatus has been constructed for this purpose:
Through the plate of an air-pump passes the shank of a large funnel,
attached to which below the plate is a clean glass bulb. In the funnel is
placed a block of the most transparent ice, and over the funnel a glass
receiver. This is first exhausted and refilled several times with air, filtered
by its passage through cotton-wool, the ice being thus surrounded by pure
moteless air. But the ice has previously been in contact with mote-filled air;
Page 142
it is therefore necessary to let it wash its own surface, and also to wash the
bulb which is to receive the water of liquefaction. The ice is permitted to
melt, the bulb is filled and emptied several times, until finally the large
block dwindles to a small one. We may be sure that all impurity has been
thus removed from the surface of the ice. The water obtained in this way is
the purest hitherto obtained. Still I should hesitate to call it absolutely pure.
When condensed light is sent through it, the track of the beam is not
invisible, but of the most exquisitely delicate blue. This blue is purer than
that of the sky, so that the matter which produces it must be finer than that
of the sky. It may be and indeed has been, contended that this blue is
scattered by the very molecules of the water, and not by matter suspended in
the water. But when we remember that this perfection of blue is approached
gradually through stages of less perfect blue; and when we consider that a
blue in all respects similar is demonstrably obtainable from particles
mechanically suspended, we should hesitate, I think, to conclude that we
have arrived here at the last stage of purification. The evidence, I think,
points distinctly to the conclusion that, could we push the process of
purification still farther, even this last delicate trace of blue would
disappear.
Chalk-water. Clark's Softening Process.
But is it not possible to match the water of the Lake of Geneva here in
England? Undoubtedly it is. We have in England a kind of rock which
constitutes at once an exceedingly clean recipient and a natural filter, and
from which we can obtain water extremely free from mechanical impurities.
I refer to the chalk formation, in which large quantities of water are held in
store. Our chalk hills are in most cases covered with thin layers of soil, and
with very scanty vegetation. Neither opposes much obstacle to the entry of
the rain into the chalk, where any organic impurity which the water may
carry in is soon oxidised and rendered harmless. Those who have scampered
like myself over the downs of Hants and Wilts will remember the scarcity of
water in these regions. In fact, the rainfall, instead of washing the surface
and collecting in streams, sinks into the fissured chalk and percolates
through it. When this formation is suitably tapped, we obtain water of
exceeding briskness and purity. A large glass globe, filled with the water of
bulb which is to receive the water of liquefaction. The ice is permitted to
melt, the bulb is filled and emptied several times, until finally the large
block dwindles to a small one. We may be sure that all impurity has been
thus removed from the surface of the ice. The water obtained in this way is
the purest hitherto obtained. Still I should hesitate to call it absolutely pure.
When condensed light is sent through it, the track of the beam is not
invisible, but of the most exquisitely delicate blue. This blue is purer than
that of the sky, so that the matter which produces it must be finer than that
of the sky. It may be and indeed has been, contended that this blue is
scattered by the very molecules of the water, and not by matter suspended in
the water. But when we remember that this perfection of blue is approached
gradually through stages of less perfect blue; and when we consider that a
blue in all respects similar is demonstrably obtainable from particles
mechanically suspended, we should hesitate, I think, to conclude that we
have arrived here at the last stage of purification. The evidence, I think,
points distinctly to the conclusion that, could we push the process of
purification still farther, even this last delicate trace of blue would
disappear.
Chalk-water. Clark's Softening Process.
But is it not possible to match the water of the Lake of Geneva here in
England? Undoubtedly it is. We have in England a kind of rock which
constitutes at once an exceedingly clean recipient and a natural filter, and
from which we can obtain water extremely free from mechanical impurities.
I refer to the chalk formation, in which large quantities of water are held in
store. Our chalk hills are in most cases covered with thin layers of soil, and
with very scanty vegetation. Neither opposes much obstacle to the entry of
the rain into the chalk, where any organic impurity which the water may
carry in is soon oxidised and rendered harmless. Those who have scampered
like myself over the downs of Hants and Wilts will remember the scarcity of
water in these regions. In fact, the rainfall, instead of washing the surface
and collecting in streams, sinks into the fissured chalk and percolates
through it. When this formation is suitably tapped, we obtain water of
exceeding briskness and purity. A large glass globe, filled with the water of
Page 143
a well near Tring, shows itself to be wonderfully free from mechanical
impurity. Indeed, it stands to reason that water wholly withdrawn from
surface contamination, and percolating through so clean a substance, should
be pure. It has been a subject much debated, whether the supply of excellent
water which the chalk holds in store could not be rendered available for
London. Many of the most eminent engineers and chemists have ardently
recommended this source, and have sought to show, not only that its purity
is unrivalled, but that its quantity is practically inexhaustible. Data sufficient
to test this are now, I believe, in existence; the number of wells sunk in the
chalk being so considerable, and the quantity of water which they yield so
well known.
But this water, so admirable as regards freedom from mechanical impurity,
labours under the disadvantage of being rendered very hard by the carbonate
of lime which it holds in solution. The chalk-water in the neighbourhood of
Watford contains about seventeen grains of carbonate of lime per gallon.
This, in the old terminology, used to be called seventeen degrees of
hardness. This hard water is bad for tea, bad for washing, and it furs our
boilers, because the lime held in solution is precipitated by boiling. If the
water be used cold, its hardness must be neutralised at the expense of soap,
before it will give a lather. These are serious objections to the use of chalk-
water in London. But they are successfully met by the fact that such water
can be softened inexpensively, and on a grand scale. I had long known the
method of softening water called Clark's process, but not until recently,
under the guidance of Mr. Homersham, did I see proof of its larger
applications. The chalk-water is softened for the supply of the city of
Canterbury; and at the Chiltern Hills it is softened for the supply of Tring
and Aylesbury. Caterham also enjoys the luxury.
I have visited all these places, and made myself acquainted with the works.
At Canterbury there are three reservoirs covered in and protected, by a
concrete roof and layers of pebbles, both from the summer's heat and the
winter's cold. Each reservoir holds 120,000 gallons of water. Adjacent to
these reservoirs are others containing pure slaked lime — the so-called
'cream of lime.' These being filled with water, the lime and water are
thoroughly mixed by air forced by an engine through apertures in the
bottom of the reservoir. The water soon dissolves all the lime it is capable of
impurity. Indeed, it stands to reason that water wholly withdrawn from
surface contamination, and percolating through so clean a substance, should
be pure. It has been a subject much debated, whether the supply of excellent
water which the chalk holds in store could not be rendered available for
London. Many of the most eminent engineers and chemists have ardently
recommended this source, and have sought to show, not only that its purity
is unrivalled, but that its quantity is practically inexhaustible. Data sufficient
to test this are now, I believe, in existence; the number of wells sunk in the
chalk being so considerable, and the quantity of water which they yield so
well known.
But this water, so admirable as regards freedom from mechanical impurity,
labours under the disadvantage of being rendered very hard by the carbonate
of lime which it holds in solution. The chalk-water in the neighbourhood of
Watford contains about seventeen grains of carbonate of lime per gallon.
This, in the old terminology, used to be called seventeen degrees of
hardness. This hard water is bad for tea, bad for washing, and it furs our
boilers, because the lime held in solution is precipitated by boiling. If the
water be used cold, its hardness must be neutralised at the expense of soap,
before it will give a lather. These are serious objections to the use of chalk-
water in London. But they are successfully met by the fact that such water
can be softened inexpensively, and on a grand scale. I had long known the
method of softening water called Clark's process, but not until recently,
under the guidance of Mr. Homersham, did I see proof of its larger
applications. The chalk-water is softened for the supply of the city of
Canterbury; and at the Chiltern Hills it is softened for the supply of Tring
and Aylesbury. Caterham also enjoys the luxury.
I have visited all these places, and made myself acquainted with the works.
At Canterbury there are three reservoirs covered in and protected, by a
concrete roof and layers of pebbles, both from the summer's heat and the
winter's cold. Each reservoir holds 120,000 gallons of water. Adjacent to
these reservoirs are others containing pure slaked lime — the so-called
'cream of lime.' These being filled with water, the lime and water are
thoroughly mixed by air forced by an engine through apertures in the
bottom of the reservoir. The water soon dissolves all the lime it is capable of
Page 144
dissolving. The mechanically suspended lime is then allowed to subside to
the bottom, leaving a perfectly transparent lime-water behind.
The softening process is this: Into one of the empty reservoirs is introduced
a certain quantity of the clear lime-water, and after this about nine times the
quantity of the chalk-water. The transparency immediately disappears — the
mixture of the two clear liquids becoming thickly turbid, through the
precipitation of carbonate of lime. The precipitate is crystalline and heavy,
and in about twelve hours a layer of pure white carbonate of lime is formed
at the bottom of the reservoir, with a water of extraordinary beauty and
purity overhead. A few days ago I pitched some halfpence into a reservoir
sixteen feet deep at the Chiltern Hills. This depth hardly dimmed the coin.
Had I cast in a pin, it could have been seen at the bottom. By this process of
softening, the water is reduced from about seventeen degrees of hardness, to
three degrees of hardness. It yields a lather immediately. Its temperature is
constant throughout the year. In the hottest summer it is cool, its
temperature being twenty degrees above the freezing point; and it does not
freeze in winter if conveyed in proper pipes. The reservoirs are covered; a
leaf cannot blow into them, and no surface contamination can reach the
water. It passes direct from the main into the house tap; no cisterns are
employed, and the supply is always fresh and pure. This is the kind of water
which is supplied to the fortunate people of Tring, Caterham, and
Canterbury.
-----
The foregoing article, as far as it relates to the theory which ascribes
epidemic disease to the development of low parasitic life within the human
life, was embodied in a discourse delivered before the Royal Institution in
January 1870. In June 1871, after a brief reference to the polarisation of
light by cloudy matter, I ventured to recur to the subject in these terms:
What is the practical use of these curiosities? If we exclude the interest
attached to the observation of new facts, and the enhancement of that
interest through the knowledge that facts often become the exponents of
laws, these curiosities are in themselves worth little. They will not enable us
to add to our stock of food, or drink, or clothes, or jewellery. But though
thus shorn of all usefulness in themselves, they may, by carrying thought
into places which it would not otherwise have entered, become the
the bottom, leaving a perfectly transparent lime-water behind.
The softening process is this: Into one of the empty reservoirs is introduced
a certain quantity of the clear lime-water, and after this about nine times the
quantity of the chalk-water. The transparency immediately disappears — the
mixture of the two clear liquids becoming thickly turbid, through the
precipitation of carbonate of lime. The precipitate is crystalline and heavy,
and in about twelve hours a layer of pure white carbonate of lime is formed
at the bottom of the reservoir, with a water of extraordinary beauty and
purity overhead. A few days ago I pitched some halfpence into a reservoir
sixteen feet deep at the Chiltern Hills. This depth hardly dimmed the coin.
Had I cast in a pin, it could have been seen at the bottom. By this process of
softening, the water is reduced from about seventeen degrees of hardness, to
three degrees of hardness. It yields a lather immediately. Its temperature is
constant throughout the year. In the hottest summer it is cool, its
temperature being twenty degrees above the freezing point; and it does not
freeze in winter if conveyed in proper pipes. The reservoirs are covered; a
leaf cannot blow into them, and no surface contamination can reach the
water. It passes direct from the main into the house tap; no cisterns are
employed, and the supply is always fresh and pure. This is the kind of water
which is supplied to the fortunate people of Tring, Caterham, and
Canterbury.
-----
The foregoing article, as far as it relates to the theory which ascribes
epidemic disease to the development of low parasitic life within the human
life, was embodied in a discourse delivered before the Royal Institution in
January 1870. In June 1871, after a brief reference to the polarisation of
light by cloudy matter, I ventured to recur to the subject in these terms:
What is the practical use of these curiosities? If we exclude the interest
attached to the observation of new facts, and the enhancement of that
interest through the knowledge that facts often become the exponents of
laws, these curiosities are in themselves worth little. They will not enable us
to add to our stock of food, or drink, or clothes, or jewellery. But though
thus shorn of all usefulness in themselves, they may, by carrying thought
into places which it would not otherwise have entered, become the
Page 145
antecedents of practical consequences. In looking, for example, at our
illuminated dust, we may ask ourselves what it is. How does it act, not upon
a beam of light, but upon our own bodies? The question then assumes a
practical character. We find on examination that this dust is mainly organic
matter — in part living, in part dead. There are among it particles of ground
straw, torn rags, smoke, the pollen of flowers, the spores of fungi, and the
germs of other things. But what have they to do with the animal economy?
Let me give you an illustration to which my attention has been lately drawn
by Mr. George Henry Lewes, who writes to me thus:
'I wish to direct your attention to the experiments of von Recklingshausen
should you happen not to know them. They are striking confirmations of
what you say of dust and disease. Last spring, when I was at his laboratory
in Wuerzburg, I examined with him blood that had been three weeks, a
month, and five weeks, out of the body, preserved in little porcelain cups
under glass shades. This blood was living and growing. Not only were the
Amoeba-like movements of the white corpuscles present, but there were
abundant evidences of the growth and development of the corpuscles. (I
also saw a frog's heart still pulsating which had been removed from the
body I forget how many days, but certainly more than a week). There were
other examples of the same persistent vitality, or absence of putrefaction.
Von Recklingshausen did not attribute this to the absence of germs — germs
were not mentioned by him; but when I asked him how he represented the
thing to himself, he said the whole mystery of his operation consisted in
keeping the blood free from dirt. The instruments employed were raised to a
red heat just before use; the thread was silver thread and was similarly
treated; and the porcelain cups, though not kept free from air, were kept free
from currents. He said he often had failures, and these he attributed to
particles of dust having escaped his precautions.'
Professor Lister, who has founded upon the removal or destruction of this
'dirt' momentous improvements in surgery, tells us the effect of its
introduction into the blood of wounds. The blood would putrefy and
become fetid; and when you examine more closely what putrefaction
means, you find the putrefying substance swarming with infusorial life, the
germs of which have been derived from the atmospheric dust.
illuminated dust, we may ask ourselves what it is. How does it act, not upon
a beam of light, but upon our own bodies? The question then assumes a
practical character. We find on examination that this dust is mainly organic
matter — in part living, in part dead. There are among it particles of ground
straw, torn rags, smoke, the pollen of flowers, the spores of fungi, and the
germs of other things. But what have they to do with the animal economy?
Let me give you an illustration to which my attention has been lately drawn
by Mr. George Henry Lewes, who writes to me thus:
'I wish to direct your attention to the experiments of von Recklingshausen
should you happen not to know them. They are striking confirmations of
what you say of dust and disease. Last spring, when I was at his laboratory
in Wuerzburg, I examined with him blood that had been three weeks, a
month, and five weeks, out of the body, preserved in little porcelain cups
under glass shades. This blood was living and growing. Not only were the
Amoeba-like movements of the white corpuscles present, but there were
abundant evidences of the growth and development of the corpuscles. (I
also saw a frog's heart still pulsating which had been removed from the
body I forget how many days, but certainly more than a week). There were
other examples of the same persistent vitality, or absence of putrefaction.
Von Recklingshausen did not attribute this to the absence of germs — germs
were not mentioned by him; but when I asked him how he represented the
thing to himself, he said the whole mystery of his operation consisted in
keeping the blood free from dirt. The instruments employed were raised to a
red heat just before use; the thread was silver thread and was similarly
treated; and the porcelain cups, though not kept free from air, were kept free
from currents. He said he often had failures, and these he attributed to
particles of dust having escaped his precautions.'
Professor Lister, who has founded upon the removal or destruction of this
'dirt' momentous improvements in surgery, tells us the effect of its
introduction into the blood of wounds. The blood would putrefy and
become fetid; and when you examine more closely what putrefaction
means, you find the putrefying substance swarming with infusorial life, the
germs of which have been derived from the atmospheric dust.
Page 146
We are now assuredly in the midst of practical matters; and with your
permission I will refer once more to a question which has recently occupied
a good deal of public attention. As regards the lowest forms of life, the
world is divided, and has for a long time been divided, into two parties, the
one affirming that we have only to submit absolutely dead matter to certain
physical conditions, to evolve from it living things; the other (without
wishing to set bounds to the power of matter) affirming that, in our day, life
has never been found to arise independently of pre-existing life. I belong to
the party which claims life as a derivative of life. The question has two
factors — the evidence, and the mind that judges of the evidence; and it
may be purely a mental set or bias on my part that causes me throughout
this long discussion, to see, on the one side, dubious facts and defective
logic, and on the other side firm reasoning and a knowledge of what rigid
experimental enquiry demands. But, judged of practically, what, again, has
the question of Spontaneous Generation to do with us? Let us see. There are
numerous diseases of men and animals that are demonstrably the products
of parasitic life, and such diseases may take the most terrible epidemic
forms, as in the case of the silkworms of France, referred to at an earlier part
of this article. Now it is in the highest degree important to know whether the
parasites in question are spontaneously developed, or whether they have
been wafted from without to those afflicted with the disease. The means of
prevention, if not of cure, would be widely different in the two cases.
But this is not all. Besides these universally admitted cases, there is the
broad theory, now broached and daily growing in strength and clearness —
daily, indeed, gaining more and more of assent from the most successful
workers and profound thinkers of the medical profession itself — the
theory, namely, that contagious disease, generally, is of this parasitic
character. Had I any cause to regret having introduced this theory to your
notice more than a year ago, that regret should now be expressed. I would
certainly renounce in your presence whatever leaning towards the germ
theory my words might then have betrayed. But since the time referred to
nothing has occurred to shake my conviction of the truth of the theory. Let
me briefly state the grounds on which its supporters rely. From their
respective viruses you may plant typhoid fever, scarlatina, or small-pox.
What is the crop that arises from this husbandry? As surely as a thistle rises
from a thistle seed, as surely as the fig comes from the fig, the grape from
permission I will refer once more to a question which has recently occupied
a good deal of public attention. As regards the lowest forms of life, the
world is divided, and has for a long time been divided, into two parties, the
one affirming that we have only to submit absolutely dead matter to certain
physical conditions, to evolve from it living things; the other (without
wishing to set bounds to the power of matter) affirming that, in our day, life
has never been found to arise independently of pre-existing life. I belong to
the party which claims life as a derivative of life. The question has two
factors — the evidence, and the mind that judges of the evidence; and it
may be purely a mental set or bias on my part that causes me throughout
this long discussion, to see, on the one side, dubious facts and defective
logic, and on the other side firm reasoning and a knowledge of what rigid
experimental enquiry demands. But, judged of practically, what, again, has
the question of Spontaneous Generation to do with us? Let us see. There are
numerous diseases of men and animals that are demonstrably the products
of parasitic life, and such diseases may take the most terrible epidemic
forms, as in the case of the silkworms of France, referred to at an earlier part
of this article. Now it is in the highest degree important to know whether the
parasites in question are spontaneously developed, or whether they have
been wafted from without to those afflicted with the disease. The means of
prevention, if not of cure, would be widely different in the two cases.
But this is not all. Besides these universally admitted cases, there is the
broad theory, now broached and daily growing in strength and clearness —
daily, indeed, gaining more and more of assent from the most successful
workers and profound thinkers of the medical profession itself — the
theory, namely, that contagious disease, generally, is of this parasitic
character. Had I any cause to regret having introduced this theory to your
notice more than a year ago, that regret should now be expressed. I would
certainly renounce in your presence whatever leaning towards the germ
theory my words might then have betrayed. But since the time referred to
nothing has occurred to shake my conviction of the truth of the theory. Let
me briefly state the grounds on which its supporters rely. From their
respective viruses you may plant typhoid fever, scarlatina, or small-pox.
What is the crop that arises from this husbandry? As surely as a thistle rises
from a thistle seed, as surely as the fig comes from the fig, the grape from
Page 147
the grape, the thorn from the thorn, so surely does the typhoid virus increase
and multiply into typhoid fever, the scarlatina virus into scarlatina, the
small-pox virus into small-pox. What is the conclusion that suggests itself
here? It is this: That the thing which we vaguely call a virus is to all intents
and purposes a seed. Excluding the notion of vitality, in the whole range of
chemical science you cannot point to an action which illustrates this perfect
parallelism with the phenomena of life — this demonstrated power of self-
multiplication and reproduction. The germ theory alone accounts for the
phenomena.
In cases of epidemic disease, it is not on bad air or foul drains that the
attention of the physician of the future will primarily be fixed, but upon
disease germs, which no bad air or foul drains can create, but which may be
pushed by foul air into virulent energy of reproduction. You may think I am
treading on dangerous ground, that I am putting forth views that may
interfere with salutary practice. No such thing. If you wish to learn the
impotence of medical practice in dealing with contagious diseases, you have
only to refer to the Harveian oration for 1871, by Sir William Gull. Such
diseases defy the physician. They must run their course, and the utmost that
can be done for them is careful nursing. And this, though I do not specially
insist upon it, would favour the idea of their vital origin. For if the seeds of
contagious disease be themselves living things, it may be difficult to destroy
either them or their progeny, without involving their living habitat in the
same destruction.
It has been said, and it is sure to be repeated, that I am quitting my own
métier, in speaking of these things. Not so. I am dealing with a question on
which minds accustomed to weigh the value of experimental evidence are
alone competent to decide, and regarding which, in its present condition,
minds so trained are as capable of forming an opinion as regarding the
phenomena of magnetism or radiant heat. 'The germ theory of disease,' it
has been said, 'appertains to the biologist and the physician.' Where, I would
ask in reply, is the biologist or physician, whose researches, in connection
with this subject, could for one instant be compared to those of the chemist
Pasteur? It is not the philosophic members of the medical profession who
are dull to the reception of truth not originated within the pale of the
profession itself. I cannot better conclude this portion of my story than by
and multiply into typhoid fever, the scarlatina virus into scarlatina, the
small-pox virus into small-pox. What is the conclusion that suggests itself
here? It is this: That the thing which we vaguely call a virus is to all intents
and purposes a seed. Excluding the notion of vitality, in the whole range of
chemical science you cannot point to an action which illustrates this perfect
parallelism with the phenomena of life — this demonstrated power of self-
multiplication and reproduction. The germ theory alone accounts for the
phenomena.
In cases of epidemic disease, it is not on bad air or foul drains that the
attention of the physician of the future will primarily be fixed, but upon
disease germs, which no bad air or foul drains can create, but which may be
pushed by foul air into virulent energy of reproduction. You may think I am
treading on dangerous ground, that I am putting forth views that may
interfere with salutary practice. No such thing. If you wish to learn the
impotence of medical practice in dealing with contagious diseases, you have
only to refer to the Harveian oration for 1871, by Sir William Gull. Such
diseases defy the physician. They must run their course, and the utmost that
can be done for them is careful nursing. And this, though I do not specially
insist upon it, would favour the idea of their vital origin. For if the seeds of
contagious disease be themselves living things, it may be difficult to destroy
either them or their progeny, without involving their living habitat in the
same destruction.
It has been said, and it is sure to be repeated, that I am quitting my own
métier, in speaking of these things. Not so. I am dealing with a question on
which minds accustomed to weigh the value of experimental evidence are
alone competent to decide, and regarding which, in its present condition,
minds so trained are as capable of forming an opinion as regarding the
phenomena of magnetism or radiant heat. 'The germ theory of disease,' it
has been said, 'appertains to the biologist and the physician.' Where, I would
ask in reply, is the biologist or physician, whose researches, in connection
with this subject, could for one instant be compared to those of the chemist
Pasteur? It is not the philosophic members of the medical profession who
are dull to the reception of truth not originated within the pale of the
profession itself. I cannot better conclude this portion of my story than by
Page 148
reading to you an extract from a letter addressed to me some time ago by
Dr. William Budd, of Clifton, to whose insight and energy the town of
Bristol owes so much in the way of sanitary improvement.
'As to the germ theory itself,' writes Dr. Budd, that is a matter on which I
have long since made up my mind. From the day when I first began to think
of these subjects I have never had a doubt that the specific cause of
contagious fevers must be living organisms.
'It is impossible, in fact, to make any statement bearing upon the essence or
distinctive characters of these fevers, without using terms which are of all
others the most distinctive of life. Take up the writings of the most violent
opponent of the germ theory, and, ten to one, you will find them full of such
terms as "propagation," "self-propagation," "reproduction," 61 self-
multiplication," and so on. Try as he may — if he has anything to say of
those diseases which is characteristic of them — he cannot evade the use of
these terms, or the exact equivalents to them. While perfectly applicable to
living things, these terms express qualities which are not only inapplicable
to common chemical agents, but, as far as I can see, actually inconceivable
of them.'
.
.
Cotton-wool Respirator.
Once, then, established within the body, this evil form of life, if you will
allow me to call it so, must run its course. Medicine as yet is powerless to
arrest its progress, and the great point to be aimed at is to prevent its access
to the body. It was with this thought in my mind that I ventured to
recommend, more than a year ago, the use of cotton-wool respirators in
infectious places. I would here repeat my belief in their efficacy if properly
constructed. But I do not wish to prejudice the use of these respirators, by
connecting them indissolubly with the germ theory. There are too many
trades in England where life is shortened and rendered miserable by the
introduction of matters into the lungs which might be kept out of them. Dr.
Greenhow has shown the stony grit deposited in the lungs of stonecutters.
Dr. William Budd, of Clifton, to whose insight and energy the town of
Bristol owes so much in the way of sanitary improvement.
'As to the germ theory itself,' writes Dr. Budd, that is a matter on which I
have long since made up my mind. From the day when I first began to think
of these subjects I have never had a doubt that the specific cause of
contagious fevers must be living organisms.
'It is impossible, in fact, to make any statement bearing upon the essence or
distinctive characters of these fevers, without using terms which are of all
others the most distinctive of life. Take up the writings of the most violent
opponent of the germ theory, and, ten to one, you will find them full of such
terms as "propagation," "self-propagation," "reproduction," 61 self-
multiplication," and so on. Try as he may — if he has anything to say of
those diseases which is characteristic of them — he cannot evade the use of
these terms, or the exact equivalents to them. While perfectly applicable to
living things, these terms express qualities which are not only inapplicable
to common chemical agents, but, as far as I can see, actually inconceivable
of them.'
.
.
Cotton-wool Respirator.
Once, then, established within the body, this evil form of life, if you will
allow me to call it so, must run its course. Medicine as yet is powerless to
arrest its progress, and the great point to be aimed at is to prevent its access
to the body. It was with this thought in my mind that I ventured to
recommend, more than a year ago, the use of cotton-wool respirators in
infectious places. I would here repeat my belief in their efficacy if properly
constructed. But I do not wish to prejudice the use of these respirators, by
connecting them indissolubly with the germ theory. There are too many
trades in England where life is shortened and rendered miserable by the
introduction of matters into the lungs which might be kept out of them. Dr.
Greenhow has shown the stony grit deposited in the lungs of stonecutters.
Page 149
The black lungs of colliers is another case in point. In fact, a hundred
obvious cases might be cited, and others that are not obvious might be
added to them. We should not, for example, think that printing implied
labour where the use of cotton-wool respirators might come into play; but
the fact is that the dust arising from the sorting of the type is very
destructive of health. I went some time ago into a manufactory in one of our
large towns, where iron vessels are enamelled by coating them with a
mineral powder, and subjecting them to a heat sufficient to fuse the powder.
The organisation of the establishment was excellent, and one thing only was
needed to make it faultless. In a large room a number of women were
engaged covering the vessels. The air was laden with the fine dust, and their
faces appeared as white and bloodless as the powder with which they
worked. By the use of cotton-wool respirators these women might be caused
to breathe air as free from suspended matter as that of the open street. Over
a year ago a Lancashire seedsman wrote to me, stating that during the seed
season his men suffered horribly from irritation and fever, so that many of
them left his service. He asked for help, and I gave him my advice. At the
conclusion of the season, this year, he wrote to inform me that he had folded
a little cotton-wool. in muslin, and tied it in front of the mouth; and that
with this simple defence he had passed through the season in comfort, and
without a single complaint from his men.
Against the use of such a respirator the obvious objection arises, that it
becomes wet and heated by the breath. While casting about for a remedy for
this, a friend forwarded to me from Newcastle a form of respirator invented
by Mr. Carrick, a hotel-keeper at Glasgow, which, by a slight modification,
may be caused to meet the case perfectly. The respirator, with its back in
part removed, is shown in fig. 4. Under the partition of wire-gauze q r, is a
space intended by Mr. Carrick for 'medicated substances,' and which may be
filled with cotton-wool. The mouth is placed against the aperture o, which
fits closely round the lips, and the filtered air enters the mouth through a
light valve v, which is lifted by the act of inhalation.
During exhalation this valve closes; the breath escapes by a second valve,
v', into the open. air. The wool is thus kept dry and cool; the air in passing
through it being filtered of everything it holds in suspension. The respirator
has since taken other forms.
obvious cases might be cited, and others that are not obvious might be
added to them. We should not, for example, think that printing implied
labour where the use of cotton-wool respirators might come into play; but
the fact is that the dust arising from the sorting of the type is very
destructive of health. I went some time ago into a manufactory in one of our
large towns, where iron vessels are enamelled by coating them with a
mineral powder, and subjecting them to a heat sufficient to fuse the powder.
The organisation of the establishment was excellent, and one thing only was
needed to make it faultless. In a large room a number of women were
engaged covering the vessels. The air was laden with the fine dust, and their
faces appeared as white and bloodless as the powder with which they
worked. By the use of cotton-wool respirators these women might be caused
to breathe air as free from suspended matter as that of the open street. Over
a year ago a Lancashire seedsman wrote to me, stating that during the seed
season his men suffered horribly from irritation and fever, so that many of
them left his service. He asked for help, and I gave him my advice. At the
conclusion of the season, this year, he wrote to inform me that he had folded
a little cotton-wool. in muslin, and tied it in front of the mouth; and that
with this simple defence he had passed through the season in comfort, and
without a single complaint from his men.
Against the use of such a respirator the obvious objection arises, that it
becomes wet and heated by the breath. While casting about for a remedy for
this, a friend forwarded to me from Newcastle a form of respirator invented
by Mr. Carrick, a hotel-keeper at Glasgow, which, by a slight modification,
may be caused to meet the case perfectly. The respirator, with its back in
part removed, is shown in fig. 4. Under the partition of wire-gauze q r, is a
space intended by Mr. Carrick for 'medicated substances,' and which may be
filled with cotton-wool. The mouth is placed against the aperture o, which
fits closely round the lips, and the filtered air enters the mouth through a
light valve v, which is lifted by the act of inhalation.
During exhalation this valve closes; the breath escapes by a second valve,
v', into the open. air. The wool is thus kept dry and cool; the air in passing
through it being filtered of everything it holds in suspension. The respirator
has since taken other forms.
Page 150
FIG. 4.
Page 151
-----
Fireman's Respirator.
We have thus been led by our first unpractical experiments into a thicket of
practical considerations. But another step is possible. Admiring, as I do, the
bravery of our firemen, and hearing that smoke was a more serious enemy
than flame itself, I thought of devising a fireman's respirator.
Our fire-escapes are each in charge of a single man, and it would be of
obvious importance to place it in the power of each of those men to penetrate
through the densest smoke, into the recesses of a house, and there to rescue
those who would otherwise be suffocated or burnt. Cotton-wool, which so
effectually arrested dust, was first tried; but, though found soothing in
certain gentle kinds of smoke, it was no match for the pungent fumes of a
resinous fire. For the purpose of catching the atmospheric germs, M. Pouchet
spread a film of glycerine on a plate of glass, urged air against the film, and
examined the dust which stuck to it. The moistening of the cotton-wool with
glycerine was a decided improvement; still the respirator only enabled us to
remain in dense smoke for three or four minutes, after which the irritation
became unendurable. Reflection suggested that, besides the smoke, there
must be numerous hydrocarbons produced, which, being in a state of vapour,
would be very imperfectly arrested by the cotton-wool. These, in all
probability, were the cause of the residual irritation; and if these could be
removed, a practically perfect respirator might possibly be obtained.
I state the reasoning exactly as it occurred to my mind. Its result will be
anticipated by many present. All bodies possess the power of condensing, in
a greater or less degree, gases and vapours upon their surfaces, and when the
condensing body is very porous, or in a fine state of division, the force of
condensation may produce very remarkable effects. Thus, a clean piece of
platinum-foil placed in a mixture of oxygen and hydrogen so squeezes the
gases together as to cause them to combine; and if the experiment be made
with care, the heat of combination may raise the platinum to bright redness.
Fireman's Respirator.
We have thus been led by our first unpractical experiments into a thicket of
practical considerations. But another step is possible. Admiring, as I do, the
bravery of our firemen, and hearing that smoke was a more serious enemy
than flame itself, I thought of devising a fireman's respirator.
Our fire-escapes are each in charge of a single man, and it would be of
obvious importance to place it in the power of each of those men to penetrate
through the densest smoke, into the recesses of a house, and there to rescue
those who would otherwise be suffocated or burnt. Cotton-wool, which so
effectually arrested dust, was first tried; but, though found soothing in
certain gentle kinds of smoke, it was no match for the pungent fumes of a
resinous fire. For the purpose of catching the atmospheric germs, M. Pouchet
spread a film of glycerine on a plate of glass, urged air against the film, and
examined the dust which stuck to it. The moistening of the cotton-wool with
glycerine was a decided improvement; still the respirator only enabled us to
remain in dense smoke for three or four minutes, after which the irritation
became unendurable. Reflection suggested that, besides the smoke, there
must be numerous hydrocarbons produced, which, being in a state of vapour,
would be very imperfectly arrested by the cotton-wool. These, in all
probability, were the cause of the residual irritation; and if these could be
removed, a practically perfect respirator might possibly be obtained.
I state the reasoning exactly as it occurred to my mind. Its result will be
anticipated by many present. All bodies possess the power of condensing, in
a greater or less degree, gases and vapours upon their surfaces, and when the
condensing body is very porous, or in a fine state of division, the force of
condensation may produce very remarkable effects. Thus, a clean piece of
platinum-foil placed in a mixture of oxygen and hydrogen so squeezes the
gases together as to cause them to combine; and if the experiment be made
with care, the heat of combination may raise the platinum to bright redness.
Page 152
The promptness of this action is greatly augmented by reducing the platinum
to a state of fine division. A pellet of 'spongy platinum,' for instance, plunged
into a mixture of oxygen and hydrogen, causes the gases to explode
instantly. In virtue of its extreme porosity, a similar power is possessed by
charcoal. It is not strong enough to cause the oxygen and hydrogen to
combine like the spongy platinum, but it so squeezes the more condensable
vapours, and acts with such condensing power upon the oxygen of the air, as
to bring both within the combining distance, thus enabling the oxygen to
attack and destroy the vapours in the pores of the charcoal. In this way,
effluvia of all kinds may be virtually burnt up; and this is the principle of the
excellent charcoal respirators invented by Dr. Stenhouse. Armed with one of
these, you may go into the foulest-smelling places without having your nose
offended.
But, while powerful to arrest vapours, the charcoal respirator is ineffectual
as regards smoke. The smoke-particles get freely through the respirator. With
a number of such respirators, tested in a proper room, from half a minute to a
minute was the limit of endurance. This might be exceeded by Faraday's
simple method of emptying the lungs completely, and then filling them
before going into a smoky atmosphere. In fact, each solid smoke particle is
itself a bit of charcoal, and carries on it, and in it, its little load of irritating
vapour. It is this, far more than the particles of carbon themselves, that
produces the irritation. Hence two causes of offence are to be removed: the
carbon particles which convey the irritant by adhesion and condensation, and
the free vapour which accompanies the particles. The cotton-wool moistened
with glycerine I knew would arrest the first; fragments of charcoal I hoped
would stop the second. In the first fireman's respirator, Mr. Carrick's
arrangement of two valves, the one for inhalation, the other for exhalation,
was preserved. But the portion of the respirator which holds the filtering and
absorbent substances, was prolonged to a depth of four or five inches (see
fig. 5.) Under the partition of wire-gauze q r at the bottom of the space
which fronts the mouth was placed a layer of cotton-wool, c, moistened with
glycerine; then a thin layer of dry wool, c'; then a layer of charcoal
fragments; and finally a second thin layer of dry cotton-wool. The
succession of the layers may be changed without prejudice to the action. A
wire-gauze cover, shown in plan under fig. 5, keeps the substances from
falling out of the respirator. A layer of caustic lime may be added for the
absorption of carbonic acid; but in the densest smoke that we have hitherto
to a state of fine division. A pellet of 'spongy platinum,' for instance, plunged
into a mixture of oxygen and hydrogen, causes the gases to explode
instantly. In virtue of its extreme porosity, a similar power is possessed by
charcoal. It is not strong enough to cause the oxygen and hydrogen to
combine like the spongy platinum, but it so squeezes the more condensable
vapours, and acts with such condensing power upon the oxygen of the air, as
to bring both within the combining distance, thus enabling the oxygen to
attack and destroy the vapours in the pores of the charcoal. In this way,
effluvia of all kinds may be virtually burnt up; and this is the principle of the
excellent charcoal respirators invented by Dr. Stenhouse. Armed with one of
these, you may go into the foulest-smelling places without having your nose
offended.
But, while powerful to arrest vapours, the charcoal respirator is ineffectual
as regards smoke. The smoke-particles get freely through the respirator. With
a number of such respirators, tested in a proper room, from half a minute to a
minute was the limit of endurance. This might be exceeded by Faraday's
simple method of emptying the lungs completely, and then filling them
before going into a smoky atmosphere. In fact, each solid smoke particle is
itself a bit of charcoal, and carries on it, and in it, its little load of irritating
vapour. It is this, far more than the particles of carbon themselves, that
produces the irritation. Hence two causes of offence are to be removed: the
carbon particles which convey the irritant by adhesion and condensation, and
the free vapour which accompanies the particles. The cotton-wool moistened
with glycerine I knew would arrest the first; fragments of charcoal I hoped
would stop the second. In the first fireman's respirator, Mr. Carrick's
arrangement of two valves, the one for inhalation, the other for exhalation,
was preserved. But the portion of the respirator which holds the filtering and
absorbent substances, was prolonged to a depth of four or five inches (see
fig. 5.) Under the partition of wire-gauze q r at the bottom of the space
which fronts the mouth was placed a layer of cotton-wool, c, moistened with
glycerine; then a thin layer of dry wool, c'; then a layer of charcoal
fragments; and finally a second thin layer of dry cotton-wool. The
succession of the layers may be changed without prejudice to the action. A
wire-gauze cover, shown in plan under fig. 5, keeps the substances from
falling out of the respirator. A layer of caustic lime may be added for the
absorption of carbonic acid; but in the densest smoke that we have hitherto
Page 153
employed, it has not been found necessary, nor is it shown in the figure. In a
flaming building, indeed, the mixture of air with the smoke never permits the
carbonic acid to become so dense as to be irrespirable; but in a place where
the gas is present in undue quantity, the fragments of lime would materially
mitigate its action.
In a small cellar-like chamber with a stone flooring and stone walls, the first
experiments were made. We Placed there furnaces containing resinous pine-
wood, lighted the wood, and, placing over it a lid which prevented too brisk
a circulation of the air, generated dense volumes of smoke. With our eyes
protected by suitable glasses, my assistant and I have remained for half an
hour and more in smoke so dense and pungent that a single inhalation,
through the undefended mouth, would be perfectly unendurable. We might
have prolonged our stay for hours.
flaming building, indeed, the mixture of air with the smoke never permits the
carbonic acid to become so dense as to be irrespirable; but in a place where
the gas is present in undue quantity, the fragments of lime would materially
mitigate its action.
In a small cellar-like chamber with a stone flooring and stone walls, the first
experiments were made. We Placed there furnaces containing resinous pine-
wood, lighted the wood, and, placing over it a lid which prevented too brisk
a circulation of the air, generated dense volumes of smoke. With our eyes
protected by suitable glasses, my assistant and I have remained for half an
hour and more in smoke so dense and pungent that a single inhalation,
through the undefended mouth, would be perfectly unendurable. We might
have prolonged our stay for hours.
Page 154
Page 155
FIG. 5.
Having thus far perfected the instrument, I wrote to the chief officer of the
Metropolitan Fire Brigade, asking him whether such a respirator would be of
use to him. His reply was prompt; it would be most valuable. He had,
however, made himself acquainted with every contrivance of the kind in this
and other countries, and had found none of them of any practical use. He
offered to come and test it here, or to place a room at my disposal in the City.
At my request he came here, accompanied by three of his men. Our small
room was filled with smoke to their entire satisfaction. The three men went
successively into it, and remained there as long as Captain Shaw wished
them. On coming out they said that they had not suffered the slightest
inconvenience; that they could have remained all day in the smoke. Captain
Shaw then tested the respirator with the same result, and he afterwards took
great interest in the perfecting of the instrument.
-----
Various ameliorations and improvements have recently been introduced into
the smoke respirator. The hood of Captain Shaw has been improved upon by
the simple and less expensive mouthpiece of Mr. Sinclair; and this, in its
turn, has been simplified and improved by my assistant Mr. John Cottrell.
The respirator is now in considerable demand, and it has already done good
practical service. Care is, however, necessary, in moistening the wool with
glycerine. It must be carefully teazed, so that the individual fibres may be
moistened, and clots must be avoided. I cannot recommend the layers of
moistened flannel which, in some cases, have been used instead of cotton-
wool: nothing equals the wool, when carefully treated.
An experiment made last year brought out very conspicuously the necessity
of careful packing, and the enormous comparative power of resisting smoke
irritation possessed by our firemen, and the able officer who commands
them. Having heard from Captain Shaw that, in some recent very trying
experiments, he had obtained the best effects from dry cotton-wool, and
thinking that I could not have been mistaken in my first results, which
proved the dry so much inferior to the moistened wool and its associated
charcoal, I proposed to Captain Shaw to bring the matter to a test at his
workshops in the City. He was good enough to accept my proposal, and
Having thus far perfected the instrument, I wrote to the chief officer of the
Metropolitan Fire Brigade, asking him whether such a respirator would be of
use to him. His reply was prompt; it would be most valuable. He had,
however, made himself acquainted with every contrivance of the kind in this
and other countries, and had found none of them of any practical use. He
offered to come and test it here, or to place a room at my disposal in the City.
At my request he came here, accompanied by three of his men. Our small
room was filled with smoke to their entire satisfaction. The three men went
successively into it, and remained there as long as Captain Shaw wished
them. On coming out they said that they had not suffered the slightest
inconvenience; that they could have remained all day in the smoke. Captain
Shaw then tested the respirator with the same result, and he afterwards took
great interest in the perfecting of the instrument.
-----
Various ameliorations and improvements have recently been introduced into
the smoke respirator. The hood of Captain Shaw has been improved upon by
the simple and less expensive mouthpiece of Mr. Sinclair; and this, in its
turn, has been simplified and improved by my assistant Mr. John Cottrell.
The respirator is now in considerable demand, and it has already done good
practical service. Care is, however, necessary, in moistening the wool with
glycerine. It must be carefully teazed, so that the individual fibres may be
moistened, and clots must be avoided. I cannot recommend the layers of
moistened flannel which, in some cases, have been used instead of cotton-
wool: nothing equals the wool, when carefully treated.
An experiment made last year brought out very conspicuously the necessity
of careful packing, and the enormous comparative power of resisting smoke
irritation possessed by our firemen, and the able officer who commands
them. Having heard from Captain Shaw that, in some recent very trying
experiments, he had obtained the best effects from dry cotton-wool, and
thinking that I could not have been mistaken in my first results, which
proved the dry so much inferior to the moistened wool and its associated
charcoal, I proposed to Captain Shaw to bring the matter to a test at his
workshops in the City. He was good enough to accept my proposal, and
Page 156
thither I went on May 7, 1874. The smoke was generated in a confined space
from wet straw, and it was certainly very diabolical.
At this season of the year I am usually somewhat shorn of vigour, and
therefore not in the best condition for severe experiments; still I wished to
test the matter in my own person. With a respirator which had been in use
some days previously, and which was not carefully packed, I followed a
fireman into the smoke, he being provided with a dry-wool respirator. I was
compelled to quit the place in about three minutes, while the fireman
remained there for six or seven minutes.
I then tried his respirator upon myself, and found that with it I could not
remain more than a minute in the smoke; in fact the first inhalation provoked
coughing.
Thinking that Captain Shaw himself might have lungs more like mine than
those of his fireman, I proposed that we should try the respirators together;
but he informed me that his lungs were very strong. He was, however, good
enough to accede to my request. Before entering the den a second time I
repacked my respirator, with due care, and entered the smoke in company
with Captain Shaw. I could hear him breathe long slow inhalations; his
labour was certainly greater than mine, and after the lapse of seven minutes I
heard him cough. In seven and a half minutes he had to quit the place, thus
proving that his lungs were able to endure the irritation seven times as long
as mine could bear it. I continued in the smoke, with hardly any discomfort,
for sixteen minutes, and certainly could have remained in it much longer.
The advantage arising from the glycerine was thus placed beyond question.
During this time I was in a condition to render very material assistance to a
person in danger of suffocation.
Helmholtz on Hay Fever.
In my lecture on Dust and Disease in 1870, I referred to an experiment made
by Helmholtz upon himself which strikingly connected hay fever with
animalcular life. About a year ago I received from Professor Binz of Bonn a
from wet straw, and it was certainly very diabolical.
At this season of the year I am usually somewhat shorn of vigour, and
therefore not in the best condition for severe experiments; still I wished to
test the matter in my own person. With a respirator which had been in use
some days previously, and which was not carefully packed, I followed a
fireman into the smoke, he being provided with a dry-wool respirator. I was
compelled to quit the place in about three minutes, while the fireman
remained there for six or seven minutes.
I then tried his respirator upon myself, and found that with it I could not
remain more than a minute in the smoke; in fact the first inhalation provoked
coughing.
Thinking that Captain Shaw himself might have lungs more like mine than
those of his fireman, I proposed that we should try the respirators together;
but he informed me that his lungs were very strong. He was, however, good
enough to accede to my request. Before entering the den a second time I
repacked my respirator, with due care, and entered the smoke in company
with Captain Shaw. I could hear him breathe long slow inhalations; his
labour was certainly greater than mine, and after the lapse of seven minutes I
heard him cough. In seven and a half minutes he had to quit the place, thus
proving that his lungs were able to endure the irritation seven times as long
as mine could bear it. I continued in the smoke, with hardly any discomfort,
for sixteen minutes, and certainly could have remained in it much longer.
The advantage arising from the glycerine was thus placed beyond question.
During this time I was in a condition to render very material assistance to a
person in danger of suffocation.
Helmholtz on Hay Fever.
In my lecture on Dust and Disease in 1870, I referred to an experiment made
by Helmholtz upon himself which strikingly connected hay fever with
animalcular life. About a year ago I received from Professor Binz of Bonn a
Page 157
short, but important paper, embracing Helmholtz's account of his
observation, to which Professor Binz has added some remarks of his own.
The paper, being mainly intended for English medical men, was published in
English, and though here and there its style might be amended, I think it
better to publish it unaltered.
From what I have observed (says Professor Binz) of recent English
publications on the subject of hay fever, I am led to suppose that English
authorities are inaccurately acquainted with the discovery of Professor
Helmholtz, as far back as 1868, of the existence of uncommon low
organisms in the nasal secretions in this complaint, and of the possibility of
arresting their action by the local employment of quinine. I therefore purpose
to republish the letter in which he originally announced these facts to myself,
and to add some further observations on this topic. The letter is as follows :
— [Footnote: Cf. Virchow's 'Archiv.' vol. xlvi. p. 100]
'I have suffered, as well as I can remember, since the year 1847, from the
peculiar catarrh called by the English "hay fever," the speciality of which
consists in its attacking its victims regularly in the hay season (myself-
between May 20 and the end of June), that it ceases in the cooler weather,
but on the other hand quickly reaches a great intensity if the patients expose
themselves to heat and sunshine. An extraordinary violent sneezing then sets
in, and a strongly corrosive thin discharge, with which much epithelium is
thrown off. This increases, after a few hours, to a painful inflammation of
the mucous membrane and of the outside of the nose, and excites fever with
severe headache and great depression, if the patient cannot withdraw himself
from the heat and the sunshine. In a cool room, however, these symptoms
vanish as quickly as they come on, and there then only remains for a few
days a lessened discharge and soreness, as if caused by the loss of
epithelium. I remark, by the way, that in all my other years I had very little
tendency to catarrh or catching cold, while the hay fever has never failed
during the twenty-one years of which I have spoken, and has never attacked
me earlier or later in the year than the times named. The condition is
extremely troublesome, and increases, if one is obliged to be much exposed
to the sun, to an excessively severe malady.
'The curious dependence of the disease on the season of the year suggested
to me the thought that organisms might be the origin of the mischief. In
observation, to which Professor Binz has added some remarks of his own.
The paper, being mainly intended for English medical men, was published in
English, and though here and there its style might be amended, I think it
better to publish it unaltered.
From what I have observed (says Professor Binz) of recent English
publications on the subject of hay fever, I am led to suppose that English
authorities are inaccurately acquainted with the discovery of Professor
Helmholtz, as far back as 1868, of the existence of uncommon low
organisms in the nasal secretions in this complaint, and of the possibility of
arresting their action by the local employment of quinine. I therefore purpose
to republish the letter in which he originally announced these facts to myself,
and to add some further observations on this topic. The letter is as follows :
— [Footnote: Cf. Virchow's 'Archiv.' vol. xlvi. p. 100]
'I have suffered, as well as I can remember, since the year 1847, from the
peculiar catarrh called by the English "hay fever," the speciality of which
consists in its attacking its victims regularly in the hay season (myself-
between May 20 and the end of June), that it ceases in the cooler weather,
but on the other hand quickly reaches a great intensity if the patients expose
themselves to heat and sunshine. An extraordinary violent sneezing then sets
in, and a strongly corrosive thin discharge, with which much epithelium is
thrown off. This increases, after a few hours, to a painful inflammation of
the mucous membrane and of the outside of the nose, and excites fever with
severe headache and great depression, if the patient cannot withdraw himself
from the heat and the sunshine. In a cool room, however, these symptoms
vanish as quickly as they come on, and there then only remains for a few
days a lessened discharge and soreness, as if caused by the loss of
epithelium. I remark, by the way, that in all my other years I had very little
tendency to catarrh or catching cold, while the hay fever has never failed
during the twenty-one years of which I have spoken, and has never attacked
me earlier or later in the year than the times named. The condition is
extremely troublesome, and increases, if one is obliged to be much exposed
to the sun, to an excessively severe malady.
'The curious dependence of the disease on the season of the year suggested
to me the thought that organisms might be the origin of the mischief. In
Page 158
examining the secretion I regularly found, in the last five years, certain
vibrio-like bodies in it, which at other times I could not observe in my nasal
secretion. . . . They are very small, and can only be recognised with the
immersion-lens of a very good Hartnack's microscope. It is characteristic of
the common isolated single joints that they contain four nuclei in a row, of
which two pairs are more closely united. The length of the joints is 0.004
millimetre. Upon the warm objective-stage they move with moderate
activity, partly in, mere vibration, partly shooting backwards and forwards in
the direction of their long axis; in lower temperatures they are very inactive.
Occasionally one finds them arranged in rows upon each other, or in
branching series. Observed some days in the moist chamber, they vegetated
again, and appeared somewhat larger and more conspicuous than
immediately after their excretion. It is to be noticed that only that kind of
secretion contains them which is expelled by violent sneezings; that which
drops slowly does not contain any. They stick tenaciously enough in the
lower cavities and recesses of the nose.
'When I saw your first notice respecting the poisonous action of quinine
upon infusoria, I determined at once to make an experiment with that
substance, thinking that these vibrionic bodies, even if they did not cause the
whole illness, still could render it much more unpleasant through their
movements and the decompositions caused by them. For that reason I made
a neutral solution of sulphate of quinine, which did not contain much of the
salt (1·800), but still was effective enough, and caused moderate irritation
on the mucus membrane of the nose. I then lay flat on my back, keeping my
head very low, and poured with a pipette about four cubic centimetres into
both nostrils. Then I turned my head about in order to let the liquid flow in
all directions.
'The desired effect was obtained immediately, and remained for some hours;
I could expose myself to the sun without fits of sneezing and the other
disagreeable symptoms coming on. It was sufficient to repeat the treatment
three times a day, even under the most unfavourable circumstances, in order
to keep myself quite free. [Footnote: There is no foundation for the
objection that syringing the nose could not cure the asthma which
accompanies hay fever; for this asthma is only the reflex effect arising from
the irritation of the nose. — B.] There were then no such vibrios in the
secretion. If I only go out in the evening, it suffices to inject the quinine once
vibrio-like bodies in it, which at other times I could not observe in my nasal
secretion. . . . They are very small, and can only be recognised with the
immersion-lens of a very good Hartnack's microscope. It is characteristic of
the common isolated single joints that they contain four nuclei in a row, of
which two pairs are more closely united. The length of the joints is 0.004
millimetre. Upon the warm objective-stage they move with moderate
activity, partly in, mere vibration, partly shooting backwards and forwards in
the direction of their long axis; in lower temperatures they are very inactive.
Occasionally one finds them arranged in rows upon each other, or in
branching series. Observed some days in the moist chamber, they vegetated
again, and appeared somewhat larger and more conspicuous than
immediately after their excretion. It is to be noticed that only that kind of
secretion contains them which is expelled by violent sneezings; that which
drops slowly does not contain any. They stick tenaciously enough in the
lower cavities and recesses of the nose.
'When I saw your first notice respecting the poisonous action of quinine
upon infusoria, I determined at once to make an experiment with that
substance, thinking that these vibrionic bodies, even if they did not cause the
whole illness, still could render it much more unpleasant through their
movements and the decompositions caused by them. For that reason I made
a neutral solution of sulphate of quinine, which did not contain much of the
salt (1·800), but still was effective enough, and caused moderate irritation
on the mucus membrane of the nose. I then lay flat on my back, keeping my
head very low, and poured with a pipette about four cubic centimetres into
both nostrils. Then I turned my head about in order to let the liquid flow in
all directions.
'The desired effect was obtained immediately, and remained for some hours;
I could expose myself to the sun without fits of sneezing and the other
disagreeable symptoms coming on. It was sufficient to repeat the treatment
three times a day, even under the most unfavourable circumstances, in order
to keep myself quite free. [Footnote: There is no foundation for the
objection that syringing the nose could not cure the asthma which
accompanies hay fever; for this asthma is only the reflex effect arising from
the irritation of the nose. — B.] There were then no such vibrios in the
secretion. If I only go out in the evening, it suffices to inject the quinine once
Page 159
a day, just before going. After continuing this treatment for some days the
symptoms disappear completely, but if I leave off they return till towards the
end of June.
'My first experiments with quinine date from the summer of 1867; this year
(1868) I began at once as soon as the first traces of the illness appeared, and
I have thus been able to stop its development completely.
'I have hesitated as yet in publishing the matter, because I have found no
other patient [Footnote: Helmholtz, now Professor of Physics at the
University of Berlin, is, although M.D., no medical practitioner. — B.] on
whom I could try the experiment. There is, it seems to me, no doubt,
considering the extraordinary regularity in the recurrence and course of the
illness, that quinine had here a most quick and decided effect. And this again
makes my hypothesis very probable, that the vibrios, although of no specific
form but a very frequent one, are at least the cause of the rapid increase of
the symptoms in warm air, as heat excites them to lively action.
I should be very glad if the above lines would induce medical men in
England — the haunt of hay fever — to test the observation of Helmholtz.
To most patients the application with the pipette may be too difficult or
impossible; I have therefore already suggested the use of Weber's very
simple but effective nose-douche. Also it will be advisable to apply the
solution of quinine tepid. It can, further, not be repeated often enough that
quinine is frequently adulterated, especially with cinchona, the action of
which is much less to be depended upon.
Dr. Frickhoefer, of Schwalbach, has communicated to me a second case in
which hay fever was cured by local application of quinine. [Footnote: Cf.
Virchow's 'Archiv.' (1870), vol. li. p. 176.] Professor Busch, of Bonn,
authorises me to say that he succeeded in two cases of 'catarrhus aestivus' by
the same method: a third patient was obliged to abstain from the use of
quinine, as it produced an unbearable irritation of the sensible nerves of the
nose. In the autumn of 1872 Helmholtz told me that his fever was quite
cured, and that in the meantime two other patients had, by his advice, tried
this method, and with the same success. [Footnote: Prof. Helmholtz, whom I
had the pleasure of meeting in Switzerland last year, then told me that he
symptoms disappear completely, but if I leave off they return till towards the
end of June.
'My first experiments with quinine date from the summer of 1867; this year
(1868) I began at once as soon as the first traces of the illness appeared, and
I have thus been able to stop its development completely.
'I have hesitated as yet in publishing the matter, because I have found no
other patient [Footnote: Helmholtz, now Professor of Physics at the
University of Berlin, is, although M.D., no medical practitioner. — B.] on
whom I could try the experiment. There is, it seems to me, no doubt,
considering the extraordinary regularity in the recurrence and course of the
illness, that quinine had here a most quick and decided effect. And this again
makes my hypothesis very probable, that the vibrios, although of no specific
form but a very frequent one, are at least the cause of the rapid increase of
the symptoms in warm air, as heat excites them to lively action.
I should be very glad if the above lines would induce medical men in
England — the haunt of hay fever — to test the observation of Helmholtz.
To most patients the application with the pipette may be too difficult or
impossible; I have therefore already suggested the use of Weber's very
simple but effective nose-douche. Also it will be advisable to apply the
solution of quinine tepid. It can, further, not be repeated often enough that
quinine is frequently adulterated, especially with cinchona, the action of
which is much less to be depended upon.
Dr. Frickhoefer, of Schwalbach, has communicated to me a second case in
which hay fever was cured by local application of quinine. [Footnote: Cf.
Virchow's 'Archiv.' (1870), vol. li. p. 176.] Professor Busch, of Bonn,
authorises me to say that he succeeded in two cases of 'catarrhus aestivus' by
the same method: a third patient was obliged to abstain from the use of
quinine, as it produced an unbearable irritation of the sensible nerves of the
nose. In the autumn of 1872 Helmholtz told me that his fever was quite
cured, and that in the meantime two other patients had, by his advice, tried
this method, and with the same success. [Footnote: Prof. Helmholtz, whom I
had the pleasure of meeting in Switzerland last year, then told me that he
Page 160
was quite convinced that hay fever was produced by the pollen afloat in
early summer in the atmosphere.]
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
VI. VOYAGE TO ALGERIA TO OBSERVE THE ECLIPSE.
1870.
THE opening of the Eclipse Expedition was not propitious. Portsmouth, on
Monday, December 5, 1870, was swathed by fog, which was intensified by
smoke, and traversed by a drizzle of fine rain. At six P.M. I was on board the
'Urgent.' On Tuesday morning the weather was too thick to permit of the
ship's being swung and her compasses calibrated. The Admiral of the port, a
man of very noble presence, came on board. Under his stimulus the energy
which the weather had damped appeared to become more active, and soon
after his departure we steamed down to Spithead. Here the fog had so far
lightened as to enable the officers to swing the ship.
At three P.M. on Tuesday, December 6, we got away, gliding successively
past Whitecliff Bay, Bembridge, Sandown, Shanklin, Ventnor, and St.
Catherine's Lighthouse. On Wednesday morning we sighted the Isle of
Ushant, on the French side of the Channel. The northern end of the island
has been fretted by the waves into detached tower-like masses of rock of
very remarkable appearance. In the Channel the sea was green, and opposite
Ushant it was a brighter green. On Wednesday evening we committed
ourselves to the Bay of Biscay. The roll of the Atlantic was full, but not
early summer in the atmosphere.]
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
VI. VOYAGE TO ALGERIA TO OBSERVE THE ECLIPSE.
1870.
THE opening of the Eclipse Expedition was not propitious. Portsmouth, on
Monday, December 5, 1870, was swathed by fog, which was intensified by
smoke, and traversed by a drizzle of fine rain. At six P.M. I was on board the
'Urgent.' On Tuesday morning the weather was too thick to permit of the
ship's being swung and her compasses calibrated. The Admiral of the port, a
man of very noble presence, came on board. Under his stimulus the energy
which the weather had damped appeared to become more active, and soon
after his departure we steamed down to Spithead. Here the fog had so far
lightened as to enable the officers to swing the ship.
At three P.M. on Tuesday, December 6, we got away, gliding successively
past Whitecliff Bay, Bembridge, Sandown, Shanklin, Ventnor, and St.
Catherine's Lighthouse. On Wednesday morning we sighted the Isle of
Ushant, on the French side of the Channel. The northern end of the island
has been fretted by the waves into detached tower-like masses of rock of
very remarkable appearance. In the Channel the sea was green, and opposite
Ushant it was a brighter green. On Wednesday evening we committed
ourselves to the Bay of Biscay. The roll of the Atlantic was full, but not
Page 161
violent. There had been scarcely a gleam of sunshine throughout the day, but
the cloud-forms were fine, and their apparent solidity impressive. On
Thursday morning the green of the sea was displaced by a deep indigo blue.
The whole of Thursday we steamed across the bay. We had little blue sky,
but the clouds were again grand and varied — cirrus, stratus, cumulus, and
nimbus, we had them all. Dusky hair-like trails were sometimes dropped
from the distant clouds to the sea.
These were falling showers, and they. sometimes occupied the whole
horizon, while we steamed across the rainless circle which was thus
surrounded. Sometimes we plunged into the rain, and once or twice, by
slightly changing our course, avoided a heavy shower. From time to time
perfect rainbows spanned the heavens from side to side. At times a bow
would appear in fragments, showing the keystone of the arch midway in air,
and its two buttresses on the horizon. In all cases the light of the bow could
be quenched by a Nicol's prism, with its long diagonal tangent to the arc.
Sometimes gleaming patches of the firmament were seen amid the clouds.
When viewed in the proper direction, the gleam could be quenched by a
Nicol's prism, a dark aperture being thus opened into stellar space.
At sunset on Thursday the denser clouds were fiercely fringed, while
through the lighter ones seemed to issue the glow of a conflagration. On
Friday morning we sighted Cape Finisterre — the extreme end of the arc
which sweeps from Ushant round the Bay of Biscay. Calm spaces of blue, in
which floated quietly scraps of cumuli, were behind us, but in front of us
was a horizon of portentous darkness. It continued thus threatening
throughout the day. Towards evening the wind strengthened to a gale, and at
dinner it was difficult to preserve the plates and dishes from destruction. Our
thinned company hinted that the rolling had other consequences. It was very
wild when we went to bed. I slumbered and slept, but after some time was
rendered anxiously conscious that my body had become a kind of projectile,
with the ship's side for a target. I gripped the edge of my berth to save
myself from being thrown out. Outside, I could hear somebody say that he
had been thrown from his berth, and sent spinning to the other side of the
saloon. The screw laboured violently amid the lurching; it incessantly
quitted the water, and, twirling in the air, rattled against its bearings, causing
the ship to shudder from stem to stern. At times the waves struck us, not with
the soft impact which might be expected from a liquid, but with the sudden
the cloud-forms were fine, and their apparent solidity impressive. On
Thursday morning the green of the sea was displaced by a deep indigo blue.
The whole of Thursday we steamed across the bay. We had little blue sky,
but the clouds were again grand and varied — cirrus, stratus, cumulus, and
nimbus, we had them all. Dusky hair-like trails were sometimes dropped
from the distant clouds to the sea.
These were falling showers, and they. sometimes occupied the whole
horizon, while we steamed across the rainless circle which was thus
surrounded. Sometimes we plunged into the rain, and once or twice, by
slightly changing our course, avoided a heavy shower. From time to time
perfect rainbows spanned the heavens from side to side. At times a bow
would appear in fragments, showing the keystone of the arch midway in air,
and its two buttresses on the horizon. In all cases the light of the bow could
be quenched by a Nicol's prism, with its long diagonal tangent to the arc.
Sometimes gleaming patches of the firmament were seen amid the clouds.
When viewed in the proper direction, the gleam could be quenched by a
Nicol's prism, a dark aperture being thus opened into stellar space.
At sunset on Thursday the denser clouds were fiercely fringed, while
through the lighter ones seemed to issue the glow of a conflagration. On
Friday morning we sighted Cape Finisterre — the extreme end of the arc
which sweeps from Ushant round the Bay of Biscay. Calm spaces of blue, in
which floated quietly scraps of cumuli, were behind us, but in front of us
was a horizon of portentous darkness. It continued thus threatening
throughout the day. Towards evening the wind strengthened to a gale, and at
dinner it was difficult to preserve the plates and dishes from destruction. Our
thinned company hinted that the rolling had other consequences. It was very
wild when we went to bed. I slumbered and slept, but after some time was
rendered anxiously conscious that my body had become a kind of projectile,
with the ship's side for a target. I gripped the edge of my berth to save
myself from being thrown out. Outside, I could hear somebody say that he
had been thrown from his berth, and sent spinning to the other side of the
saloon. The screw laboured violently amid the lurching; it incessantly
quitted the water, and, twirling in the air, rattled against its bearings, causing
the ship to shudder from stem to stern. At times the waves struck us, not with
the soft impact which might be expected from a liquid, but with the sudden
Page 162
solid shock of battering-rams. 'No man knows the force of water,' said one of
the officers,' until he has experienced a storm at sea.' These blows followed
each other at quicker intervals, the screw rattling after each of them, until,
finally, the delivery of a heavier stroke than ordinary seemed to reduce the
saloon to chaos. Furniture crashed, glasses rang, and alarmed enquiries
immediately followed. Amid the noises I heard one note of forced laughter;
it sounded very ghastly. Men tramped through the saloon, and busy voices
were heard aft, as if something there had gone wrong.
I rose, and not without difficulty got into my clothes. In the after-cabin,
under the superintendence of the able and energetic navigating lieutenant,
Mr. Brown, a group of blue-jackets were working at the tiller-ropes. These
had become loose, and the helm refused to answer the wheel. High moral
lessons might be gained on shipboard, by observing what steadfast
adherence to an object can accomplish, and what large effects are heaped up
by the addition of infinitesimals. The tiller-rope, as the blue-jackets strained
in concert, seemed hardly to move; still it did move a little, until finally, by
timing the pull to the lurching of the ship, the mastery of the rudder was
obtained. I had previously gone on deck. Round the saloon-door were a few
members of the eclipse party, who seemed in no mood for scientific
observation. Nor did I; but I wished to see the storm. I climbed the steps to
the poop, exchanged a word with Captain Toynbee, the only member of the
party to be seen on the poop, and by his direction made towards a cleat not
far from the wheel. [Footnote: The cleat is a T-shaped mass of metal
employed for the fastening of ropes.] Round it I coiled my arms. With the
exception of the men at the wheel, who stood as silent as corpses, I was
alone.
I had seen grandeur elsewhere, but this was a new form of grandeur to me.
The 'Urgent' is long and narrow, and during our expedition she lacked the
steadying influence of sufficient ballast. She was for a time practically
rudderless, and lay in the trough of the sea. I could see the long ridges, with
some hundreds of feet between their crests, rolling upon the ship perfectly
parallel to her sides. As they approached, they so grew upon the eye as to
render the expression 'mountains high' intelligible. At all events, there was
no mistaking their mechanical might, as they took the ship upon their
shoulders, and swung her like a pendulum. The deck sloped sometimes at an
angle which I estimated at over forty-five degrees; wanting my previous
the officers,' until he has experienced a storm at sea.' These blows followed
each other at quicker intervals, the screw rattling after each of them, until,
finally, the delivery of a heavier stroke than ordinary seemed to reduce the
saloon to chaos. Furniture crashed, glasses rang, and alarmed enquiries
immediately followed. Amid the noises I heard one note of forced laughter;
it sounded very ghastly. Men tramped through the saloon, and busy voices
were heard aft, as if something there had gone wrong.
I rose, and not without difficulty got into my clothes. In the after-cabin,
under the superintendence of the able and energetic navigating lieutenant,
Mr. Brown, a group of blue-jackets were working at the tiller-ropes. These
had become loose, and the helm refused to answer the wheel. High moral
lessons might be gained on shipboard, by observing what steadfast
adherence to an object can accomplish, and what large effects are heaped up
by the addition of infinitesimals. The tiller-rope, as the blue-jackets strained
in concert, seemed hardly to move; still it did move a little, until finally, by
timing the pull to the lurching of the ship, the mastery of the rudder was
obtained. I had previously gone on deck. Round the saloon-door were a few
members of the eclipse party, who seemed in no mood for scientific
observation. Nor did I; but I wished to see the storm. I climbed the steps to
the poop, exchanged a word with Captain Toynbee, the only member of the
party to be seen on the poop, and by his direction made towards a cleat not
far from the wheel. [Footnote: The cleat is a T-shaped mass of metal
employed for the fastening of ropes.] Round it I coiled my arms. With the
exception of the men at the wheel, who stood as silent as corpses, I was
alone.
I had seen grandeur elsewhere, but this was a new form of grandeur to me.
The 'Urgent' is long and narrow, and during our expedition she lacked the
steadying influence of sufficient ballast. She was for a time practically
rudderless, and lay in the trough of the sea. I could see the long ridges, with
some hundreds of feet between their crests, rolling upon the ship perfectly
parallel to her sides. As they approached, they so grew upon the eye as to
render the expression 'mountains high' intelligible. At all events, there was
no mistaking their mechanical might, as they took the ship upon their
shoulders, and swung her like a pendulum. The deck sloped sometimes at an
angle which I estimated at over forty-five degrees; wanting my previous
Page 163
Alpine practice, I should have felt less confidence in my grip of the cleat.
Here and there the long rollers were tossed by interference into heaps of
greater height. The wind caught their crests, and scattered them over the sea,
the whole surface of which was seething white. The aspect of the clouds was
a fit accompaniment to the fury of the ocean. The moon was almost full — at
times concealed, at times revealed, as the scud flew wildly over it. These
things appealed to the eye, while the ear was filled by the groaning of the
screw and the whistle and boom of the storm.
Nor was the outward agitation the only object of interest to me. I was at once
subject and object to myself, and watched with intense interest the workings
of my own mind. The 'Urgent' is an elderly ship. She had been built, I was
told, by a contracting firm for some foreign Government, and had been
diverted from her first purpose when converted into a troop-ship. She had
been for some time out of work, and I had heard that one of her boilers, at
least, needed repair. Our scanty but excellent crew, moreover, did not belong
to the 'Urgent,' but had been gathered from other ships. Our three lieutenants
were also volunteers. All this passed swiftly through my mind as the steamer
shook under the blows of the waves, and I thought that probably no one on
board could say how much of this thumping and straining the 'Urgent' would
be able to bear. This uncertainty caused me to look steadily at the worst, and
I tried to strengthen myself in the face of it.
But at length the helm laid hold of the water, and the ship was got gradually
round to face the waves. The rolling diminished, a certain amount of
pitching taking its place. Our speed had fallen from eleven knots to two. I
went again to bed. After a space of calm, when we seemed crossing the
vortex of a storm, heavy tossing recommenced. I was afraid to allow myself
to fall asleep, as my berth was high, and to be pitched out of it might be
attended with bruises, if not with fractures. From Friday at noon to Saturday
at noon we accomplished sixty-six miles, or an average of less than three
miles an hour. I overheard the sailors talking about this storm. The 'Urgent,'
according to those that knew her, had never previously experienced anything
like it. [Footnote: 'There is, it will be seen, a fair agreement between these
impressions and those so vigorously described by a scientific correspondent
of the 'Times.']
Here and there the long rollers were tossed by interference into heaps of
greater height. The wind caught their crests, and scattered them over the sea,
the whole surface of which was seething white. The aspect of the clouds was
a fit accompaniment to the fury of the ocean. The moon was almost full — at
times concealed, at times revealed, as the scud flew wildly over it. These
things appealed to the eye, while the ear was filled by the groaning of the
screw and the whistle and boom of the storm.
Nor was the outward agitation the only object of interest to me. I was at once
subject and object to myself, and watched with intense interest the workings
of my own mind. The 'Urgent' is an elderly ship. She had been built, I was
told, by a contracting firm for some foreign Government, and had been
diverted from her first purpose when converted into a troop-ship. She had
been for some time out of work, and I had heard that one of her boilers, at
least, needed repair. Our scanty but excellent crew, moreover, did not belong
to the 'Urgent,' but had been gathered from other ships. Our three lieutenants
were also volunteers. All this passed swiftly through my mind as the steamer
shook under the blows of the waves, and I thought that probably no one on
board could say how much of this thumping and straining the 'Urgent' would
be able to bear. This uncertainty caused me to look steadily at the worst, and
I tried to strengthen myself in the face of it.
But at length the helm laid hold of the water, and the ship was got gradually
round to face the waves. The rolling diminished, a certain amount of
pitching taking its place. Our speed had fallen from eleven knots to two. I
went again to bed. After a space of calm, when we seemed crossing the
vortex of a storm, heavy tossing recommenced. I was afraid to allow myself
to fall asleep, as my berth was high, and to be pitched out of it might be
attended with bruises, if not with fractures. From Friday at noon to Saturday
at noon we accomplished sixty-six miles, or an average of less than three
miles an hour. I overheard the sailors talking about this storm. The 'Urgent,'
according to those that knew her, had never previously experienced anything
like it. [Footnote: 'There is, it will be seen, a fair agreement between these
impressions and those so vigorously described by a scientific correspondent
of the 'Times.']
Page 164
All through Saturday the wind, though somewhat sobered, blew dead against
us. The atmospheric effects were exceedingly fine. The cumuli resembled
mountains in shape, and their peaked summits shone as white as Alpine
snows. At one place this resemblance was greatly strengthened by a vast area
of cloud, uniformly illuminated, and lying like a névé below the peaks. From
it fell a kind of cloud-river strikingly like a glacier. The horizon at sunset
was remarkable — spaces of brilliant green between clouds of fiery red,
Rainbows had been frequent throughout the day, and at night a perfectly
continuous lunar bow spanned the heavens from side to side. Its colours
were feeble; but, contrasted with the black ground against which it rested, its
luminousness was extraordinary.
Sunday morning found us opposite to Lisbon, and at midnight we rounded
Cape St. Vincent, where the lurching seemed disposed to recommence.
Through the kindness of Lieutenant Walton, a cot had been slung for me. It
hung between a tiller-wheel and a flue, and at one A.M. I was roused by the
banging of the cot against its boundaries. But the wind was now behind us,
and we went along at a speed of eleven knots. We felt certain of reaching
Cadiz by three. But a new lighthouse came in sight, which some affirmed to
be Cadiz Lighthouse, while the surrounding houses were declared to be
those of Cadiz itself. these statements, the navigating lieutenant changed his
course, and steered for the place. A pilot came on board, and he informed us
that we were before the mouth of the Guadalquivir, and that the lighthouse
was that of Cipiòna. Cadiz was still some eighteen miles distant.
We steered towards the city, hoping to get into the harbour before dark. But
the pilot who would have guided us had been snapped up by another vessel,
and we did not get in. We beat about during the night, and in the morning
found ourselves about fifteen miles from Cadiz. The sun rose behind the city,
and we steered straight into the light. The three-towered cathedral stood in
the midst, round which swarmed apparently a multitude of chimney-stacks.
A nearer approach showed the chimneys to be small turrets. A pilot was
taken on board; for there is a dangerous shoal in the harbour. The appearance
of the town as the sun shone upon its white and lofty walls was singularly
beautiful. We cast anchor; some officials arrived and demanded a clean bill
of health. We had none. They would have nothing to do with us; so the
yellow quarantine flag was hoisted, and we waited for permission to land the
Cadiz party. After some hours' delay the English consul and vice-consul
us. The atmospheric effects were exceedingly fine. The cumuli resembled
mountains in shape, and their peaked summits shone as white as Alpine
snows. At one place this resemblance was greatly strengthened by a vast area
of cloud, uniformly illuminated, and lying like a névé below the peaks. From
it fell a kind of cloud-river strikingly like a glacier. The horizon at sunset
was remarkable — spaces of brilliant green between clouds of fiery red,
Rainbows had been frequent throughout the day, and at night a perfectly
continuous lunar bow spanned the heavens from side to side. Its colours
were feeble; but, contrasted with the black ground against which it rested, its
luminousness was extraordinary.
Sunday morning found us opposite to Lisbon, and at midnight we rounded
Cape St. Vincent, where the lurching seemed disposed to recommence.
Through the kindness of Lieutenant Walton, a cot had been slung for me. It
hung between a tiller-wheel and a flue, and at one A.M. I was roused by the
banging of the cot against its boundaries. But the wind was now behind us,
and we went along at a speed of eleven knots. We felt certain of reaching
Cadiz by three. But a new lighthouse came in sight, which some affirmed to
be Cadiz Lighthouse, while the surrounding houses were declared to be
those of Cadiz itself. these statements, the navigating lieutenant changed his
course, and steered for the place. A pilot came on board, and he informed us
that we were before the mouth of the Guadalquivir, and that the lighthouse
was that of Cipiòna. Cadiz was still some eighteen miles distant.
We steered towards the city, hoping to get into the harbour before dark. But
the pilot who would have guided us had been snapped up by another vessel,
and we did not get in. We beat about during the night, and in the morning
found ourselves about fifteen miles from Cadiz. The sun rose behind the city,
and we steered straight into the light. The three-towered cathedral stood in
the midst, round which swarmed apparently a multitude of chimney-stacks.
A nearer approach showed the chimneys to be small turrets. A pilot was
taken on board; for there is a dangerous shoal in the harbour. The appearance
of the town as the sun shone upon its white and lofty walls was singularly
beautiful. We cast anchor; some officials arrived and demanded a clean bill
of health. We had none. They would have nothing to do with us; so the
yellow quarantine flag was hoisted, and we waited for permission to land the
Cadiz party. After some hours' delay the English consul and vice-consul
Page 165
came on board, and with them a Spanish officer ablaze with gold lace and
decorations. Under slight pressure the requisite permission had been granted.
We landed our party, and in the afternoon weighed anchor. Thanks to the
kindness of our excellent paymaster, I was here transferred to a more roomy
berth.
Cadiz soon sank beneath the sea, and we sighted in succession Cape
Trafalgar, Tarifa, and the revolving light of Ceuta. The water was very calm,
and the moon rose in a quiet heaven. She swung with her convex surface
downwards, the common boundary between light and shadow being almost
horizontal. A pillar of reflected light shimmered up to us from the slightly
rippled sea. I had previously noticed the phosphorescence of the water, but
tonight it was stronger than usual, especially among the foam at the bows. A
bucket let down into the sea brought up a number of the little sparkling
organisms which caused the phosphorescence. I caught some of them in my
hand. And here an appearance was observed which was new to most of us,
and strikingly beautiful to all. Standing at the bow and looking forwards, at a
distance of forty or fifty yards from the ship, a number of luminous
streamers were seen rushing towards us. On nearing the vessel they rapidly
turned, like a comet round its perihelion, placed themselves side by side,
and, in parallel trails of light, kept up with the ship. One of them placed itself
right in front of the bow as a pioneer. These comets of the sea were joined at
intervals by others. Sometimes as many as six at a time would rush at us,
bend with extraordinary rapidity round a sharp curve, and afterwards keep us
company. I leaned over the bow, and scanned the streamers closely. The
frontal portion of each of them revealed the outline of a porpoise. The rush
of the creatures through the water had started the phosphorescence, every
spark of which was converted by the motion of the retina into a line of light.
Each porpoise was thus wrapped in a luminous sheath. The phosphorescence
did not cease at the creature's tail, but was carried many porpoise-lengths
behind it.
To our right we had the African hills, illuminated by the moon. Gibraltar
Rock at length became visible, but the town remained long hidden by a belt
of haze, through which at length the brighter lamps struggled. It was like the
gradual resolution of a nebula into stars. As the intervening depth became
gradually less, the mist vanished more and more, and finally all the lamps
shone through it They formed a bright foil to the sombre mass of rock above
decorations. Under slight pressure the requisite permission had been granted.
We landed our party, and in the afternoon weighed anchor. Thanks to the
kindness of our excellent paymaster, I was here transferred to a more roomy
berth.
Cadiz soon sank beneath the sea, and we sighted in succession Cape
Trafalgar, Tarifa, and the revolving light of Ceuta. The water was very calm,
and the moon rose in a quiet heaven. She swung with her convex surface
downwards, the common boundary between light and shadow being almost
horizontal. A pillar of reflected light shimmered up to us from the slightly
rippled sea. I had previously noticed the phosphorescence of the water, but
tonight it was stronger than usual, especially among the foam at the bows. A
bucket let down into the sea brought up a number of the little sparkling
organisms which caused the phosphorescence. I caught some of them in my
hand. And here an appearance was observed which was new to most of us,
and strikingly beautiful to all. Standing at the bow and looking forwards, at a
distance of forty or fifty yards from the ship, a number of luminous
streamers were seen rushing towards us. On nearing the vessel they rapidly
turned, like a comet round its perihelion, placed themselves side by side,
and, in parallel trails of light, kept up with the ship. One of them placed itself
right in front of the bow as a pioneer. These comets of the sea were joined at
intervals by others. Sometimes as many as six at a time would rush at us,
bend with extraordinary rapidity round a sharp curve, and afterwards keep us
company. I leaned over the bow, and scanned the streamers closely. The
frontal portion of each of them revealed the outline of a porpoise. The rush
of the creatures through the water had started the phosphorescence, every
spark of which was converted by the motion of the retina into a line of light.
Each porpoise was thus wrapped in a luminous sheath. The phosphorescence
did not cease at the creature's tail, but was carried many porpoise-lengths
behind it.
To our right we had the African hills, illuminated by the moon. Gibraltar
Rock at length became visible, but the town remained long hidden by a belt
of haze, through which at length the brighter lamps struggled. It was like the
gradual resolution of a nebula into stars. As the intervening depth became
gradually less, the mist vanished more and more, and finally all the lamps
shone through it They formed a bright foil to the sombre mass of rock above
Page 166
them. The sea was so calm and the scene so lovely that Mr. Huggins and
myself stayed on deck till near midnight, when the ship was moored. During
our walking to and fro a striking enlargement of the disk of Jupiter was
observed, whenever the heated air of the funnel came between us and the
planet. On passing away from the heated air, the flat dim disk would
immediately shrink to a luminous point. The effect was one of visual
persistence. The retinal image of the planet was set quivering in all azimuths
by the streams of heated air, describing in quick succession minute lines of
light, which summed themselves to a disk of sensible area.
At six o'clock next morning, the gun at the Signal Station on the summit of
the rock, boomed. At eight the band on board the 'Trafalgar' training-ship,
which was in the harbour, struck up the national anthem; and immediately
afterwards a crowd of mite-like cadets swarmed up the rigging. After the
removal of the apparatus belonging to the Gibraltar party we went on shore.
Winter was in England when we left, but here we had the warmth of
summer. The vegetation was luxuriant — palm-trees, cactuses, and aloes, all
ablaze with scarlet flowers. A visit to the Governor was proposed, as an act
of necessary courtesy, and I accompanied Admiral Ommaney and Mr.
Huggins to 'the Convent,' or Government House. We sent in our cards,
waited for a time, and were then conducted by an orderly to his Excellency.
He is a fine old man, over six feet high, and of frank military bearing. He
received us and conversed with us in a very genial manner. He took us to see
his garden, his palms, his shaded promenades, and his orange-trees loaded
with fruit, in all of which he took manifest delight. Evidently 'the hero of
Kars' had fallen upon quarters after his own heart. He appeared full of good
nature, and engaged us on the spot to dine with him that day.
We sought the town-major for a pass to visit the lines. While awaiting his
arrival I purchased a stock of white glass bottles, with a view to experiments
on the colour of the sea. Mr. Huggins and myself, who wished to see the
rock, were taken by Captain Salmond to the library, where a model of
Gibraltar is kept, and where we had a useful preliminary lesson. At the
library we met Colonel Maberly, a courteous and kindly man, who gave us
good advice regarding our excursion. He sent an orderly with us to the
entrance of the lines. The orderly handed us over to an intelligent Irishman,
who was directed to show us everything that we desired to see, and to hide
nothing from us. We took the 'upper line,' traversed the galleries hewn
myself stayed on deck till near midnight, when the ship was moored. During
our walking to and fro a striking enlargement of the disk of Jupiter was
observed, whenever the heated air of the funnel came between us and the
planet. On passing away from the heated air, the flat dim disk would
immediately shrink to a luminous point. The effect was one of visual
persistence. The retinal image of the planet was set quivering in all azimuths
by the streams of heated air, describing in quick succession minute lines of
light, which summed themselves to a disk of sensible area.
At six o'clock next morning, the gun at the Signal Station on the summit of
the rock, boomed. At eight the band on board the 'Trafalgar' training-ship,
which was in the harbour, struck up the national anthem; and immediately
afterwards a crowd of mite-like cadets swarmed up the rigging. After the
removal of the apparatus belonging to the Gibraltar party we went on shore.
Winter was in England when we left, but here we had the warmth of
summer. The vegetation was luxuriant — palm-trees, cactuses, and aloes, all
ablaze with scarlet flowers. A visit to the Governor was proposed, as an act
of necessary courtesy, and I accompanied Admiral Ommaney and Mr.
Huggins to 'the Convent,' or Government House. We sent in our cards,
waited for a time, and were then conducted by an orderly to his Excellency.
He is a fine old man, over six feet high, and of frank military bearing. He
received us and conversed with us in a very genial manner. He took us to see
his garden, his palms, his shaded promenades, and his orange-trees loaded
with fruit, in all of which he took manifest delight. Evidently 'the hero of
Kars' had fallen upon quarters after his own heart. He appeared full of good
nature, and engaged us on the spot to dine with him that day.
We sought the town-major for a pass to visit the lines. While awaiting his
arrival I purchased a stock of white glass bottles, with a view to experiments
on the colour of the sea. Mr. Huggins and myself, who wished to see the
rock, were taken by Captain Salmond to the library, where a model of
Gibraltar is kept, and where we had a useful preliminary lesson. At the
library we met Colonel Maberly, a courteous and kindly man, who gave us
good advice regarding our excursion. He sent an orderly with us to the
entrance of the lines. The orderly handed us over to an intelligent Irishman,
who was directed to show us everything that we desired to see, and to hide
nothing from us. We took the 'upper line,' traversed the galleries hewn
Page 167
through the limestone; looked through the embrasures, which opened like
doors in the precipice, towards the hills of Spain; reached St. George's hall,
and went still higher, emerging on the summit of one of the noblest cliffs I
have ever seen.
Beyond were the Spanish lines, marked by a line of white sentry-boxes;
nearer were the English lines, less conspicuously indicated; and between
both was the neutral ground. Behind the Spanish lines rose the conical hill
called the Queen of Spain's Chair. The general aspect of the mainland from
the rock is bold and rugged. Doubling back from the galleries, we struck
upwards towards the crest, reached the Signal Station, where we indulged in
'shandy-gaff' and bread and cheese. Thence to O'Hara's Tower, the highest
point of the rock. It was built by a former Governor, who, forgetful of the
laws of terrestrial curvature, thought he might look from the tower into-the
port of Cadiz. The tower is riven, and it may be climbed along the edges of
the crack. We got to the top of it; thence descended the curious
Mediterranean Stair — a zigzag, mostly of steps down a steeply falling
slope, amid palmetto brush, aloes, and prickly pear.
Passing over the Windmill Hill, we were joined at the 'Governor's Cottage'
by a car, and drove afterwards to the lighthouse at Europa Point. The tower
was built, I believe, by Queen Adelaide, and it contains a fine dioptric
apparatus of the first order, constructed by Messrs. Chance, of Birmingham.
At the appointed hour we were at the Convent. During dinner the same
genial traits which appeared in the morning were still more conspicuous. The
freshness of the Governor's nature showed itself best when he spoke of his
old antagonist in arms, Mouravieff. Chivalry in war is consistent with its
stern prosecution. These two men were chivalrous, and after striking the last
blow became friends for ever. Our kind and courteous reception at Gibraltar
is a thing to be remembered with pleasure.
On December 15 we committed ourselves to the Mediterranean. The views
of Gibraltar with which we are most acquainted represent it as a huge ridge;
but its aspect, end on, both from the Spanish lines and from the other side, is
truly noble. There is a sloping bank of sand at the back of the rock, which I
was disposed to regard simply as the débris of the limestone. I wished to let
myself down upon it, but had not the time. My friend Mr. Busk, however,
assures me that it is silica, and that the same sand constitutes the adjacent
doors in the precipice, towards the hills of Spain; reached St. George's hall,
and went still higher, emerging on the summit of one of the noblest cliffs I
have ever seen.
Beyond were the Spanish lines, marked by a line of white sentry-boxes;
nearer were the English lines, less conspicuously indicated; and between
both was the neutral ground. Behind the Spanish lines rose the conical hill
called the Queen of Spain's Chair. The general aspect of the mainland from
the rock is bold and rugged. Doubling back from the galleries, we struck
upwards towards the crest, reached the Signal Station, where we indulged in
'shandy-gaff' and bread and cheese. Thence to O'Hara's Tower, the highest
point of the rock. It was built by a former Governor, who, forgetful of the
laws of terrestrial curvature, thought he might look from the tower into-the
port of Cadiz. The tower is riven, and it may be climbed along the edges of
the crack. We got to the top of it; thence descended the curious
Mediterranean Stair — a zigzag, mostly of steps down a steeply falling
slope, amid palmetto brush, aloes, and prickly pear.
Passing over the Windmill Hill, we were joined at the 'Governor's Cottage'
by a car, and drove afterwards to the lighthouse at Europa Point. The tower
was built, I believe, by Queen Adelaide, and it contains a fine dioptric
apparatus of the first order, constructed by Messrs. Chance, of Birmingham.
At the appointed hour we were at the Convent. During dinner the same
genial traits which appeared in the morning were still more conspicuous. The
freshness of the Governor's nature showed itself best when he spoke of his
old antagonist in arms, Mouravieff. Chivalry in war is consistent with its
stern prosecution. These two men were chivalrous, and after striking the last
blow became friends for ever. Our kind and courteous reception at Gibraltar
is a thing to be remembered with pleasure.
On December 15 we committed ourselves to the Mediterranean. The views
of Gibraltar with which we are most acquainted represent it as a huge ridge;
but its aspect, end on, both from the Spanish lines and from the other side, is
truly noble. There is a sloping bank of sand at the back of the rock, which I
was disposed to regard simply as the débris of the limestone. I wished to let
myself down upon it, but had not the time. My friend Mr. Busk, however,
assures me that it is silica, and that the same sand constitutes the adjacent
Page 168
neutral ground. There are theories afloat as to its having been blown from
Sahara. The Mediterranean throughout this first day, and indeed throughout
the entire voyage to Oran, was of a less deep blue than the
Atlantic. Possibly the quantity of organisms may have modified the colour.
At night the phosphorescence was startling, breaking suddenly out along the
crests of the waves formed by the port and starboard bows. Its strength was
not uniform. Having flashed brilliantly for a time, it would in part subside,
and afterwards regain its vigour. Several large phosphorescent masses of
weird appearance also floated past.
On the morning of the 16th we sighted the fort and lighthouse of Marsa el
Kibir, and beyond them the white walls of Oran lying in the bight of a bay,
sheltered by dominant hills. The sun was shining brightly; during our whole
voyage we had not had so fine a day. The wisdom which had led us to
choose Oran as our place of observation seemed demonstrated. A rather
excitable pilot came on board, and he guided us in behind the Mole, which
had suffered much damage the previous year from an unexplained outburst
of waves from the Mediterranean. Both port and bow anchors were cast in
deep water. With three huge hawsers the ship's stem was made fast to three
gun-pillars fixed in the Mole; and here for a time the 'Urgent' rested from her
labours.
M. Janssen, who had rendered his name celebrated by his observations of the
eclipse in India in 1868, when he showed the solar flames to be eruptions of
incandescent hydrogen, was already encamped in the open country about
eight miles from Oran. On December 2 he had quitted Paris in a balloon,
with a strong young sailor as his assistant, had descended near the mouth of
the Loire, seen M. Gambetta, and received from him encouragement and aid.
On the day of our arrival his encampment was visited by Mr. Huggins, and
the kind and courteous Engineer of the Port drove me subsequently, in his
own phaeton, to the place. It bore the best repute as regards freedom from
haze and fog, and commanded an open outlook; but it was inconvenient for
us on account of its distance from the ship. The place next in repute was the
railway station, between two and three miles distant from the Mole. It was
inspected, but, being enclosed, was abandoned for an eminence in an
adjacent garden, the property of Mr. Hinshelwood, a Scotchman who had
settled some years previously as an Esparto merchant in Oran. [Footnote:
Sahara. The Mediterranean throughout this first day, and indeed throughout
the entire voyage to Oran, was of a less deep blue than the
Atlantic. Possibly the quantity of organisms may have modified the colour.
At night the phosphorescence was startling, breaking suddenly out along the
crests of the waves formed by the port and starboard bows. Its strength was
not uniform. Having flashed brilliantly for a time, it would in part subside,
and afterwards regain its vigour. Several large phosphorescent masses of
weird appearance also floated past.
On the morning of the 16th we sighted the fort and lighthouse of Marsa el
Kibir, and beyond them the white walls of Oran lying in the bight of a bay,
sheltered by dominant hills. The sun was shining brightly; during our whole
voyage we had not had so fine a day. The wisdom which had led us to
choose Oran as our place of observation seemed demonstrated. A rather
excitable pilot came on board, and he guided us in behind the Mole, which
had suffered much damage the previous year from an unexplained outburst
of waves from the Mediterranean. Both port and bow anchors were cast in
deep water. With three huge hawsers the ship's stem was made fast to three
gun-pillars fixed in the Mole; and here for a time the 'Urgent' rested from her
labours.
M. Janssen, who had rendered his name celebrated by his observations of the
eclipse in India in 1868, when he showed the solar flames to be eruptions of
incandescent hydrogen, was already encamped in the open country about
eight miles from Oran. On December 2 he had quitted Paris in a balloon,
with a strong young sailor as his assistant, had descended near the mouth of
the Loire, seen M. Gambetta, and received from him encouragement and aid.
On the day of our arrival his encampment was visited by Mr. Huggins, and
the kind and courteous Engineer of the Port drove me subsequently, in his
own phaeton, to the place. It bore the best repute as regards freedom from
haze and fog, and commanded an open outlook; but it was inconvenient for
us on account of its distance from the ship. The place next in repute was the
railway station, between two and three miles distant from the Mole. It was
inspected, but, being enclosed, was abandoned for an eminence in an
adjacent garden, the property of Mr. Hinshelwood, a Scotchman who had
settled some years previously as an Esparto merchant in Oran. [Footnote:
Page 169
Esparto is a kind of grass now much used in the manufacture of paper.] He,
in the most liberal manner, placed his ground at the disposition of the party.
Here the tents were pitched, on the Saturday, by Captain Salmond and his
intelligent corps of sappers, the instruments being erected on the Monday
under cover of the tents.
Close to the railway station runs a new loopholed wall of defence, through
which the highway passes into the open country. Standing on the highway,
and looking southwards, about twenty yards to the right is a small bastionet,
intended to carry a gun or two. Its roof I thought would form an admirable
basis for my telescope, while the view of the surrounding country was
unimpeded in all directions. The authorities kindly allowed me the use of
this bastionet. Two men, one a blue-jacket named Elliot, and the other a
marine named Hill, were placed at my disposal by Lieutenant Walton; and,
thus aided, on Monday morning I mounted my telescope. The instrument
was new to me, and some hours of discipline were spent in mastering all the
details of its manipulation.
Mr. Huggins joined me, and we visited together the Arab quarter of Oran.
The flat-roofed houses appeared very clean and white. The street was filled
with loiterers, and the thresholds were occupied by picturesque groups.
Some of the men were very fine. We saw many straight, manly fellows who
must have been six feet four in height. They passed us with perfect
indifference, evincing no anger, suspicion, or curiosity, hardly caring in fact
to glance at us as we passed. In one instance only during my stay at Oran
was I spoken to by an Arab. He was a tall, good-humoured fellow, who came
smiling up to me, and muttered something about 'les Anglais.' The mixed
population of Oran is picturesque in the highest degree: the Jews, rich and
poor, varying in their costumes as their wealth varies; the Arabs more
picturesque still, and of all shades of complexion — the negroes, the
Spaniards, the French, all grouped together, each race preserving its own
individuality, formed a picture intensely interesting to me.
On Tuesday, the 20th, I was early at the bastionet. The night had been very
squally. The sergeant of the sappers had taken charge of our key, and on
Tuesday morning Elliot went for it. He brought back the intelligence that the
tents had been blown down, and the instruments overturned. Among these
was a large and valuable equatorial from the Royal Observatory, Greenwich.
in the most liberal manner, placed his ground at the disposition of the party.
Here the tents were pitched, on the Saturday, by Captain Salmond and his
intelligent corps of sappers, the instruments being erected on the Monday
under cover of the tents.
Close to the railway station runs a new loopholed wall of defence, through
which the highway passes into the open country. Standing on the highway,
and looking southwards, about twenty yards to the right is a small bastionet,
intended to carry a gun or two. Its roof I thought would form an admirable
basis for my telescope, while the view of the surrounding country was
unimpeded in all directions. The authorities kindly allowed me the use of
this bastionet. Two men, one a blue-jacket named Elliot, and the other a
marine named Hill, were placed at my disposal by Lieutenant Walton; and,
thus aided, on Monday morning I mounted my telescope. The instrument
was new to me, and some hours of discipline were spent in mastering all the
details of its manipulation.
Mr. Huggins joined me, and we visited together the Arab quarter of Oran.
The flat-roofed houses appeared very clean and white. The street was filled
with loiterers, and the thresholds were occupied by picturesque groups.
Some of the men were very fine. We saw many straight, manly fellows who
must have been six feet four in height. They passed us with perfect
indifference, evincing no anger, suspicion, or curiosity, hardly caring in fact
to glance at us as we passed. In one instance only during my stay at Oran
was I spoken to by an Arab. He was a tall, good-humoured fellow, who came
smiling up to me, and muttered something about 'les Anglais.' The mixed
population of Oran is picturesque in the highest degree: the Jews, rich and
poor, varying in their costumes as their wealth varies; the Arabs more
picturesque still, and of all shades of complexion — the negroes, the
Spaniards, the French, all grouped together, each race preserving its own
individuality, formed a picture intensely interesting to me.
On Tuesday, the 20th, I was early at the bastionet. The night had been very
squally. The sergeant of the sappers had taken charge of our key, and on
Tuesday morning Elliot went for it. He brought back the intelligence that the
tents had been blown down, and the instruments overturned. Among these
was a large and valuable equatorial from the Royal Observatory, Greenwich.
Page 170
It seemed hardly possible that this instrument, with its wheels and verniers
and delicate adjustments, could have escaped uninjured from such a fall.
This, however, was the case; and during the day all the overturned
instruments were restored to their places, and found to be in practical
working order. This and the following day were devoted to incessant
schooling. I had come out as a general stargazer, and not with the intention
of devoting myself to the observation of any particular phenomenon. I
wished to see the whole — the first contact, the advance of the moon, the
successive swallowing up of the solar spots, the breaking of the last line of
crescent by the lunar mountains into Bailey's beads, the advance of the
shadow through the air, the appearance of the corona and prominences at the
moment of totality, the radiant streamer; of the corona, the internal structure
of the flames, a glance through a polariscope, a sweep round the landscape
with the naked eye, the reappearance of the soar limb through Bailey's
beads, and, finally, the retreat of the lunar shadow through the air.
I was provided with a telescope of admirable definition, mounted, adjusted,
packed, and most liberally placed at my disposal by Mr. Warren De La Rue.
The telescope grasped the whole of the sun, and a considerable portion of the
space surrounding it. But it would not take in the extreme limits of the
corona. For this I had lashed on to the large telescope a light but powerful
instrument, constructed by Ross, and lent to me by Mr. Huggins. I was also
furnished with an excellent binocular by Mr. Dallmeyer. In fact, no man
could have been more efficiently supported.
It required a strict parcelling out of the interval of totality to embrace in it
the entire series of observations. These, while the sun remained visible, were
to be made with an unsilvered diagonal eye-piece, which reflected but a
small fraction of the sun's light, this fraction, being still further toned down
by a dark glass. At the moment of totality the dark glass was to be removed,
and a silver reflector pushed in, so as to get the maximum of light from the
corona and prominences The time of totality was distributed as follows:
1. Observe approach of shadow through the air:
totality.
and delicate adjustments, could have escaped uninjured from such a fall.
This, however, was the case; and during the day all the overturned
instruments were restored to their places, and found to be in practical
working order. This and the following day were devoted to incessant
schooling. I had come out as a general stargazer, and not with the intention
of devoting myself to the observation of any particular phenomenon. I
wished to see the whole — the first contact, the advance of the moon, the
successive swallowing up of the solar spots, the breaking of the last line of
crescent by the lunar mountains into Bailey's beads, the advance of the
shadow through the air, the appearance of the corona and prominences at the
moment of totality, the radiant streamer; of the corona, the internal structure
of the flames, a glance through a polariscope, a sweep round the landscape
with the naked eye, the reappearance of the soar limb through Bailey's
beads, and, finally, the retreat of the lunar shadow through the air.
I was provided with a telescope of admirable definition, mounted, adjusted,
packed, and most liberally placed at my disposal by Mr. Warren De La Rue.
The telescope grasped the whole of the sun, and a considerable portion of the
space surrounding it. But it would not take in the extreme limits of the
corona. For this I had lashed on to the large telescope a light but powerful
instrument, constructed by Ross, and lent to me by Mr. Huggins. I was also
furnished with an excellent binocular by Mr. Dallmeyer. In fact, no man
could have been more efficiently supported.
It required a strict parcelling out of the interval of totality to embrace in it
the entire series of observations. These, while the sun remained visible, were
to be made with an unsilvered diagonal eye-piece, which reflected but a
small fraction of the sun's light, this fraction, being still further toned down
by a dark glass. At the moment of totality the dark glass was to be removed,
and a silver reflector pushed in, so as to get the maximum of light from the
corona and prominences The time of totality was distributed as follows:
1. Observe approach of shadow through the air:
totality.
Page 171
2. Telescope 30 seconds.
3. Finder 30 seconds.
4. Double image prism 15 seconds.
5. Naked eye. 10 seconds.
6. Finder or binocular 20 seconds.
7. Telescope. 20 seconds.
8. Observe retreat of shadow.
In our rehearsals Elliot stood beside me, watch in hand, and furnished with a
lantern. He called out at the end of each interval, while I moved from
telescope to finder, from finder to polariscope, from polariscope to naked
eye, from naked eye back to finder, from finder to telescope, abandoning the
instrument finally to observe the retreating shadow. All this we went over
twenty times, while looking at the actual sun, and keeping him in the middle
of the field. It was my object to render the repetition of the lesson so
mechanical as to leave no room for flurry, forgetfulness, or excitement.
Volition was not to be called upon, nor judgment exercised, but a well-
beaten path of routine was to be followed. Had the opportunity occurred, I
think the programme would have been strictly carried out.
But the opportunity did not occur. For several days the weather had been ill-
natured. We had wind so strong As to render the hawsers at the stern of the
'Urgent' as rigid as iron, and to destroy the navigating lieutenant's sleep. We
had clouds, a thunder-storm, and some rain. Still the hope was held out that
3. Finder 30 seconds.
4. Double image prism 15 seconds.
5. Naked eye. 10 seconds.
6. Finder or binocular 20 seconds.
7. Telescope. 20 seconds.
8. Observe retreat of shadow.
In our rehearsals Elliot stood beside me, watch in hand, and furnished with a
lantern. He called out at the end of each interval, while I moved from
telescope to finder, from finder to polariscope, from polariscope to naked
eye, from naked eye back to finder, from finder to telescope, abandoning the
instrument finally to observe the retreating shadow. All this we went over
twenty times, while looking at the actual sun, and keeping him in the middle
of the field. It was my object to render the repetition of the lesson so
mechanical as to leave no room for flurry, forgetfulness, or excitement.
Volition was not to be called upon, nor judgment exercised, but a well-
beaten path of routine was to be followed. Had the opportunity occurred, I
think the programme would have been strictly carried out.
But the opportunity did not occur. For several days the weather had been ill-
natured. We had wind so strong As to render the hawsers at the stern of the
'Urgent' as rigid as iron, and to destroy the navigating lieutenant's sleep. We
had clouds, a thunder-storm, and some rain. Still the hope was held out that
Page 172
the atmosphere would cleanse itself, and if it did we were promised air of
extraordinary limpidity. Early on the 22nd we were all at our posts. Spaces
of blue in the early morning gave us some encouragement, but all depended
on the relation of these spaces to the surrounding clouds. Which of them
were to grow as the day advanced? The wind was high, and to secure the
steadiness of my instrument I was forced to retreat behind a projection of the
bastionet, place stones upon its stand, and, further, to avail myself of the
shelter of a sail. My practised men fastened the sail at the top, and loaded it
with boulders at the bottom. It was tried severely, but it stood firm.
The clouds and blue spaces fought for a time with varying success. The sun
was bidden and revealed at intervals, hope oscillating in synchronism with
the changes of the sky. At the moment of first contact a dense cloud
intervened; but a minute or two afterwards the cloud had passed, and the
encroachment of the black body of the moon was evident upon the solar
disk. The moon marched onward, and I saw it at frequent intervals; a large
group of spots were approached and swallowed up. Subsequently I caught
sight of the lunar limb as it cut through the middle of a large spot. The spot
was not to be distinguished from the moon, but rose like a mountain above
it. The clouds, when thin, could be seen as grey scud drifting across the
black surface of the moon; but they thickened more and more, and made the
intervals of clearness scantier. During these moments I watched with an
interest bordering upon fascination the march of the silver sickle of the sun
across the field of the telescope. It was so sharp and so beautiful. No trace of
the lunar limb could be observed beyond the sun's boundary. Here, indeed, it
could only be relieved by the corona, which was utterly cut off by the dark
glass. The blackness of the moon beyond the sun was, in fact, confounded
with the blackness of space.
Beside me was Elliot with the watch and lantern, while Lieutenant Archer, of
the Royal Engineers, had the kindness to take charge of my note-book. I
mentioned, and he wrote rapidly down, such things as seemed worthy of
remembrance. Thus my hands and mind were entirely free; but it was all to
no purpose. A patch of sunlight fell and rested upon the landscape some
miles away. It was the only illuminated spot within view. But to the north-
west there was still a space of blue which might. reach us in time. Within
seven minutes of totality another space towards the zenith became very dark.
The atmosphere was, as it were, on the brink of a precipice, being charged
extraordinary limpidity. Early on the 22nd we were all at our posts. Spaces
of blue in the early morning gave us some encouragement, but all depended
on the relation of these spaces to the surrounding clouds. Which of them
were to grow as the day advanced? The wind was high, and to secure the
steadiness of my instrument I was forced to retreat behind a projection of the
bastionet, place stones upon its stand, and, further, to avail myself of the
shelter of a sail. My practised men fastened the sail at the top, and loaded it
with boulders at the bottom. It was tried severely, but it stood firm.
The clouds and blue spaces fought for a time with varying success. The sun
was bidden and revealed at intervals, hope oscillating in synchronism with
the changes of the sky. At the moment of first contact a dense cloud
intervened; but a minute or two afterwards the cloud had passed, and the
encroachment of the black body of the moon was evident upon the solar
disk. The moon marched onward, and I saw it at frequent intervals; a large
group of spots were approached and swallowed up. Subsequently I caught
sight of the lunar limb as it cut through the middle of a large spot. The spot
was not to be distinguished from the moon, but rose like a mountain above
it. The clouds, when thin, could be seen as grey scud drifting across the
black surface of the moon; but they thickened more and more, and made the
intervals of clearness scantier. During these moments I watched with an
interest bordering upon fascination the march of the silver sickle of the sun
across the field of the telescope. It was so sharp and so beautiful. No trace of
the lunar limb could be observed beyond the sun's boundary. Here, indeed, it
could only be relieved by the corona, which was utterly cut off by the dark
glass. The blackness of the moon beyond the sun was, in fact, confounded
with the blackness of space.
Beside me was Elliot with the watch and lantern, while Lieutenant Archer, of
the Royal Engineers, had the kindness to take charge of my note-book. I
mentioned, and he wrote rapidly down, such things as seemed worthy of
remembrance. Thus my hands and mind were entirely free; but it was all to
no purpose. A patch of sunlight fell and rested upon the landscape some
miles away. It was the only illuminated spot within view. But to the north-
west there was still a space of blue which might. reach us in time. Within
seven minutes of totality another space towards the zenith became very dark.
The atmosphere was, as it were, on the brink of a precipice, being charged
Page 173
with humidity, which required but a slight chill to bring it down in clouds.
This was furnished by the withdrawal of the solar beams: the clouds did
come down, covering up the space of blue on which our hopes had so long
rested. I abandoned the telescope and walked to and fro in despair. As the
moment of totality approached, the descent towards darkness was as obvious
as a falling stone. I looked towards a distant ridge, where the darkness would
first appear. At the moment a fan of beams, issuing from the hidden sun, was
spread out over the southern heavens. These beams are bars of alternate light
and shade, produced in illuminated haze by the shadows of floating cloudlets
of varying density. The beams are practically parallel, but by an effect of
perspective they appear divergent, having the sun, in fact, for their point of
convergence. The darkness took possession of the ridge referred to, lowered
upon M. Janssen's observatory, passed over the southern heavens, blotting
out the beams as if a sponge had been drawn across them. It then took
successive possession of three spaces of blue sky in the south-eastern
atmosphere. I again looked towards the ridge. A glimmer as of day-dawn
was behind it, and immediately afterwards the fan of beams, which had been
for more than two minutes absent, revived. The eclipse of 1870 had ended,
and, as far as the corona and flames were concerned, we had been defeated.
Even in the heart of the eclipse the darkness was by no means perfect. Small
print could be read. In fact, the clouds which rendered the day a dark one, by
scattering light into the shadow, rendered the darkness less intense than it
would have been had the atmosphere been without cloud. In the more open
spaces I sought for stars, but could find none. There was a lull in the wind
before and after totality, but during the totality the wind was strong. I waited
for some time on the bastionet, hoping to get a glimpse of the moon on the
opposite border of the sun, but in vain. The clouds continued, and some rain
fell. The day brightened somewhat afterwards, and, having packed all up, in
the sober twilight Mr. Crookes and myself climbed the heights above the fort
of Vera Cruz. From this eminence we had a very noble view over the
Mediterranean and the flanking African hills. The sunset was remarkable,
and the whole outlook exceedingly fine.
The able and well-instructed medical officer of the 'Urgent,' Mr. Goodman,
observed the following temperatures during the progress of the eclipse:
This was furnished by the withdrawal of the solar beams: the clouds did
come down, covering up the space of blue on which our hopes had so long
rested. I abandoned the telescope and walked to and fro in despair. As the
moment of totality approached, the descent towards darkness was as obvious
as a falling stone. I looked towards a distant ridge, where the darkness would
first appear. At the moment a fan of beams, issuing from the hidden sun, was
spread out over the southern heavens. These beams are bars of alternate light
and shade, produced in illuminated haze by the shadows of floating cloudlets
of varying density. The beams are practically parallel, but by an effect of
perspective they appear divergent, having the sun, in fact, for their point of
convergence. The darkness took possession of the ridge referred to, lowered
upon M. Janssen's observatory, passed over the southern heavens, blotting
out the beams as if a sponge had been drawn across them. It then took
successive possession of three spaces of blue sky in the south-eastern
atmosphere. I again looked towards the ridge. A glimmer as of day-dawn
was behind it, and immediately afterwards the fan of beams, which had been
for more than two minutes absent, revived. The eclipse of 1870 had ended,
and, as far as the corona and flames were concerned, we had been defeated.
Even in the heart of the eclipse the darkness was by no means perfect. Small
print could be read. In fact, the clouds which rendered the day a dark one, by
scattering light into the shadow, rendered the darkness less intense than it
would have been had the atmosphere been without cloud. In the more open
spaces I sought for stars, but could find none. There was a lull in the wind
before and after totality, but during the totality the wind was strong. I waited
for some time on the bastionet, hoping to get a glimpse of the moon on the
opposite border of the sun, but in vain. The clouds continued, and some rain
fell. The day brightened somewhat afterwards, and, having packed all up, in
the sober twilight Mr. Crookes and myself climbed the heights above the fort
of Vera Cruz. From this eminence we had a very noble view over the
Mediterranean and the flanking African hills. The sunset was remarkable,
and the whole outlook exceedingly fine.
The able and well-instructed medical officer of the 'Urgent,' Mr. Goodman,
observed the following temperatures during the progress of the eclipse:
Page 174
Hour Deg.
11.45 56
11.55 55
12.10 54
12.37 53
12.39 52
12.43 51
1.5 52
1.27 53
1.44 56
2.10 57
The minimum temperature occurred some minutes after totality, when a
slight rain fell.
11.45 56
11.55 55
12.10 54
12.37 53
12.39 52
12.43 51
1.5 52
1.27 53
1.44 56
2.10 57
The minimum temperature occurred some minutes after totality, when a
slight rain fell.
Page 175
The wind was so strong on the 23rd that Captain Henderson would not
venture out. Guided by Mr. Goodman, I visited a cave in a remarkable
stratum of shell-breccia, and, thanks to my guide, secured specimens. Mr.
Busk informs me that a precisely similar breccia, is found at Gibraltar, at
approximately the same level. During the afternoon, Admiral Ommaney and
myself drove to the fort of Marsa el Kibir. The fortification is of ancient
origin, the Moorish arches being still there in decay, but the fort is now very
strong. About four or five hundred fine-looking dragoons were looking after
their horses, waiting for a lull to enable them to embark for France. One of
their officers was wandering in a very solitary fashion over the fort. We had
some conversation with him. He had been at Sedan, had been taken prisoner,
but had effected his escape. He shook his head when we spoke of the
termination of the war, and predicted its long continuance. There was
bitterness in his tone as he spoke of the charges of treason so lightly levelled
against French commanders.
The green waves raved round the promontory on which the fort stands,
smiting the rocks, breaking into foam, and jumping, after impact, to a height
of a hundred feet and more into the air. As we returned our vehicle broke
down through the loss of a wheel. The Admiral went on board, while I
remained long watching the agitated sea. The little horses of Oran well merit
a passing word. Their speed and endurance, both of which are heavily drawn
upon by their drivers, are extraordinary.
The wind sinking, we lifted anchor on the 24th. For some hours we went
pleasantly along; but during the afternoon the storm revived, and it blew
heavily against us all the night. When we came opposite the Bay of Almeria,
on the 25th, the captain turned the ship, and steered into the bay, where,
under the shadow of the Sierra Nevada, we passed Christmas night in peace.
Next morning 'a rose of dawn' rested on the snows of the adjacent
mountains, while a purple haze was spread over the lower hills. I had no
notion that Spain possessed so fine a range of mountains as the Sierra
Nevada. The height is considerable, but the form also is such as to get the
maximum of grandeur out of the height. We weighed anchor at eight A.M.,
passing for a time through shoal water, the bottom having been evidently
stirred up. The adjacent land seemed eroded in a remarkable manner. It has
its floods, which excavate these valleys and ravines, and leave those singular
ridges behind. Towards evening I climbed the mainmast, and, standing on
venture out. Guided by Mr. Goodman, I visited a cave in a remarkable
stratum of shell-breccia, and, thanks to my guide, secured specimens. Mr.
Busk informs me that a precisely similar breccia, is found at Gibraltar, at
approximately the same level. During the afternoon, Admiral Ommaney and
myself drove to the fort of Marsa el Kibir. The fortification is of ancient
origin, the Moorish arches being still there in decay, but the fort is now very
strong. About four or five hundred fine-looking dragoons were looking after
their horses, waiting for a lull to enable them to embark for France. One of
their officers was wandering in a very solitary fashion over the fort. We had
some conversation with him. He had been at Sedan, had been taken prisoner,
but had effected his escape. He shook his head when we spoke of the
termination of the war, and predicted its long continuance. There was
bitterness in his tone as he spoke of the charges of treason so lightly levelled
against French commanders.
The green waves raved round the promontory on which the fort stands,
smiting the rocks, breaking into foam, and jumping, after impact, to a height
of a hundred feet and more into the air. As we returned our vehicle broke
down through the loss of a wheel. The Admiral went on board, while I
remained long watching the agitated sea. The little horses of Oran well merit
a passing word. Their speed and endurance, both of which are heavily drawn
upon by their drivers, are extraordinary.
The wind sinking, we lifted anchor on the 24th. For some hours we went
pleasantly along; but during the afternoon the storm revived, and it blew
heavily against us all the night. When we came opposite the Bay of Almeria,
on the 25th, the captain turned the ship, and steered into the bay, where,
under the shadow of the Sierra Nevada, we passed Christmas night in peace.
Next morning 'a rose of dawn' rested on the snows of the adjacent
mountains, while a purple haze was spread over the lower hills. I had no
notion that Spain possessed so fine a range of mountains as the Sierra
Nevada. The height is considerable, but the form also is such as to get the
maximum of grandeur out of the height. We weighed anchor at eight A.M.,
passing for a time through shoal water, the bottom having been evidently
stirred up. The adjacent land seemed eroded in a remarkable manner. It has
its floods, which excavate these valleys and ravines, and leave those singular
ridges behind. Towards evening I climbed the mainmast, and, standing on
Page 176
the cross-trees, saw the sun set amid a blaze of fiery clouds. The wind was
strong and bitterly cold, and I was glad to slide back to the deck along a
rope, which stretched from the mast-head to the ship's side. That night we
cast anchor beside the Mole of Gibraltar.
On the morning of the 27th, in company with two friends, I drove to the
Spanish lines, with the view of seeing the rock from that side. It is an
exceedingly noble mass. The Peninsular and Oriental mail-boat had been
signalled and had come. Heavy duties called me homeward, and by
transferring myself from the 'Urgent' to the mail-steamer I should gain three
days. I hired a boat, rowed to the steamer, learned that she was to start at
one, and returned with all speed to the 'Urgent.' Making known to Captain
Henderson my wish to get away, he expressed doubts as to the possibility of
reaching the mail-steamer in time. With his accustomed kindness, he
however placed a boat at my disposal. Four hardy fellows and one of the
ship's officers jumped into it; my luggage, hastily thrown together, was
tumbled in, and we were immediately on our way. We had nearly four miles
to row in about twenty minutes; but we hoped the mail-boat might not be
punctual. For a time we watched her anxiously; there was no motion; we
came nearer, but the flags were not yet hauled in. The men put forth all their
strength, animated by the exhortations of the officer at the helm. The
roughness of the sea rendered their efforts to some extent nugatory: still we
were rapidly approaching the steamer. At length she moved, punctual almost
to the minute, at first slowly, but soon with quickened pace.
We turned to the left, so as to cut across her bows. Five minutes' pull would
have brought us up to her. The officer waved his cap and I my hat. 'If they
could only see us, they might back to us in a moment.' But they did not see
us, or if they did, they paid us no attention. I returned to the 'Urgent,'
discomfited, but grateful to the fine fellows who had wrought so hard to
carry out my wishes.
Glad of the quiet, in the sober afternoon I took a walk towards Europa Point.
The sky darkened and heavy squalls passed at intervals. Private theatricals
were at the Convent, and the kind and courteous Governor had sent cards to
the eclipse party. I failed in my duty in not going. St. Michael's Cave is said
to rival, if it does not outrival, the Mammoth Cave of Kentucky. On the 28th
Mr. Crookes, Mr. Carpenter, and myself, guided by a military policeman
strong and bitterly cold, and I was glad to slide back to the deck along a
rope, which stretched from the mast-head to the ship's side. That night we
cast anchor beside the Mole of Gibraltar.
On the morning of the 27th, in company with two friends, I drove to the
Spanish lines, with the view of seeing the rock from that side. It is an
exceedingly noble mass. The Peninsular and Oriental mail-boat had been
signalled and had come. Heavy duties called me homeward, and by
transferring myself from the 'Urgent' to the mail-steamer I should gain three
days. I hired a boat, rowed to the steamer, learned that she was to start at
one, and returned with all speed to the 'Urgent.' Making known to Captain
Henderson my wish to get away, he expressed doubts as to the possibility of
reaching the mail-steamer in time. With his accustomed kindness, he
however placed a boat at my disposal. Four hardy fellows and one of the
ship's officers jumped into it; my luggage, hastily thrown together, was
tumbled in, and we were immediately on our way. We had nearly four miles
to row in about twenty minutes; but we hoped the mail-boat might not be
punctual. For a time we watched her anxiously; there was no motion; we
came nearer, but the flags were not yet hauled in. The men put forth all their
strength, animated by the exhortations of the officer at the helm. The
roughness of the sea rendered their efforts to some extent nugatory: still we
were rapidly approaching the steamer. At length she moved, punctual almost
to the minute, at first slowly, but soon with quickened pace.
We turned to the left, so as to cut across her bows. Five minutes' pull would
have brought us up to her. The officer waved his cap and I my hat. 'If they
could only see us, they might back to us in a moment.' But they did not see
us, or if they did, they paid us no attention. I returned to the 'Urgent,'
discomfited, but grateful to the fine fellows who had wrought so hard to
carry out my wishes.
Glad of the quiet, in the sober afternoon I took a walk towards Europa Point.
The sky darkened and heavy squalls passed at intervals. Private theatricals
were at the Convent, and the kind and courteous Governor had sent cards to
the eclipse party. I failed in my duty in not going. St. Michael's Cave is said
to rival, if it does not outrival, the Mammoth Cave of Kentucky. On the 28th
Mr. Crookes, Mr. Carpenter, and myself, guided by a military policeman
Page 177
who understood his work, explored the cavern. The mouth is about 1,100
feet above the sea. We zigzagged up to it, and first were led into an aperture
in the rock, at some height above the true entrance of the cave. In this upper
cavern we saw some tall and beautiful stalactite pillars.
The water drips from the roof charged with bicarbonate of lime. Exposed to
the air, the carbonic acid partially escapes, and the simple carbonate of lime,
which is hardly at all soluble in water, deposits itself as a solid, forming
stalactites and stalagmites. Even the exposure of chalk or limestone water to
the open air partially softens it. A specimen of the Redbourne water exposed
by Professors Graham, Miller, and Hofmann, in a shallow basin, fell from
eighteen degrees to nine degrees of hardness. The softening process of Clark
is virtually a hastening of the natural process. Here, however, instead of
being permitted to evaporate, half the carbonic acid is appropriated by lime,
the half thus taken up, as well as the remaining half, being precipitated. The
solid precipitate is permitted to sink, and the clear supernatant liquid is
limpid soft water.
We returned to the real mouth of St. Michael's Cave, which is entered by a
wicket. The floor was somewhat muddy, and the roof and walls were wet.
We soon found ourselves in the midst of a natural temple, where tall
columns sprang complete from floor to roof, while incipient columns were
growing to meet each other, upwards and downwards. The water which
trickles from the stalactite, after having in part yielded up its carbonate of
lime, falls upon the floor vertically underneath, and there builds the
stalagmite. Consequently, the pillars grow from above and below
simultaneously, along the same vertical. It is easy to distinguish the
stalagmitic from the stalactitic portion of the pillars. The former is always
divided into short segments by protuberant rings, as if deposited periodically,
while the latter presents a uniform surface. In some cases the points of
inverted cones of stalactite rested on the centres of pillars of stalagmite. The
process of solidification and the consequent architecture were alike
beautiful.
We followed our guide through various branches and arms of the cave,
climbed and descended steps, halted at the edges of dark shafts and
apertures, and squeezed ourselves through narrow passages. From time to
time we halted, while Mr. Crookes illuminated with ignited magnesium wire,
feet above the sea. We zigzagged up to it, and first were led into an aperture
in the rock, at some height above the true entrance of the cave. In this upper
cavern we saw some tall and beautiful stalactite pillars.
The water drips from the roof charged with bicarbonate of lime. Exposed to
the air, the carbonic acid partially escapes, and the simple carbonate of lime,
which is hardly at all soluble in water, deposits itself as a solid, forming
stalactites and stalagmites. Even the exposure of chalk or limestone water to
the open air partially softens it. A specimen of the Redbourne water exposed
by Professors Graham, Miller, and Hofmann, in a shallow basin, fell from
eighteen degrees to nine degrees of hardness. The softening process of Clark
is virtually a hastening of the natural process. Here, however, instead of
being permitted to evaporate, half the carbonic acid is appropriated by lime,
the half thus taken up, as well as the remaining half, being precipitated. The
solid precipitate is permitted to sink, and the clear supernatant liquid is
limpid soft water.
We returned to the real mouth of St. Michael's Cave, which is entered by a
wicket. The floor was somewhat muddy, and the roof and walls were wet.
We soon found ourselves in the midst of a natural temple, where tall
columns sprang complete from floor to roof, while incipient columns were
growing to meet each other, upwards and downwards. The water which
trickles from the stalactite, after having in part yielded up its carbonate of
lime, falls upon the floor vertically underneath, and there builds the
stalagmite. Consequently, the pillars grow from above and below
simultaneously, along the same vertical. It is easy to distinguish the
stalagmitic from the stalactitic portion of the pillars. The former is always
divided into short segments by protuberant rings, as if deposited periodically,
while the latter presents a uniform surface. In some cases the points of
inverted cones of stalactite rested on the centres of pillars of stalagmite. The
process of solidification and the consequent architecture were alike
beautiful.
We followed our guide through various branches and arms of the cave,
climbed and descended steps, halted at the edges of dark shafts and
apertures, and squeezed ourselves through narrow passages. From time to
time we halted, while Mr. Crookes illuminated with ignited magnesium wire,
Page 178
the roof, columns, dependent spears, and graceful drapery of the stalactites.
Once, coming to a magnificent cluster of icicle-like spears, we helped
ourselves to specimens. There was some difficulty in detaching the more
delicate ones, their fragility was so great. A consciousness of vandalism,
which smote me at the time, haunts me still; for, though our requisitions
were moderate, this beauty ought not to be at all invaded. Pendent from the
roof, in their natural habitat, nothing can exceed their delicate beauty; they
live, as it were, surrounded by organic connections. In London they are
curious, but not beautiful. Of gathered shells Emerson writes:
I wiped away the weeds and foam,
And brought my sea-born treasures home
But the poor, unsightly, noisome things
Had left their beauty on the shore,
With the sun, and the sand, and the wild uproar.
The promontory of Gibraltar is so burrowed with caverns that it has been
called the Hill of Caves. They are apparently related to the geologic
disturbances which the rock has undergone. The earliest of these is the tilting
of the once horizontal strata. Suppose a force of torsion to act upon the
promontory at its southern extremity near Europa Point, and suppose the
rock to be of a partially yielding character; such a force would twist the
strata into screw-surfaces, the greatest amount of twisting being endured
near the point of application of the force. Such a twisting the rock appears to
have suffered; but instead of the twist fading gradually and uniformly off, in
passing from south to north, the want of uniformity in the material has
produced lines of dislocation where there are abrupt changes in the amount
of twist. Thus, at the northern end of the rock the dip to the west is nineteen
degrees; in the Middle Hill, it is thirty-eight degrees; in the centre of the
South hill, or Sugar Loaf, it is fifty-seven degrees. At the southern extremity
of the Sugar Loaf the strata are vertical, while farther to the south they
actually turn over and dip to the east.
The rock is thus divided into three sections, separated from each other by
places of dislocation, where the strata are much wrenched and broken. These
are called the Northern and Southern Quebrada, from the Spanish 'Tierra
Quebrada,' or broken ground. It is at these places that the inland caves of
Gibraltar are almost exclusively found. Based on the observations of Dr.
Once, coming to a magnificent cluster of icicle-like spears, we helped
ourselves to specimens. There was some difficulty in detaching the more
delicate ones, their fragility was so great. A consciousness of vandalism,
which smote me at the time, haunts me still; for, though our requisitions
were moderate, this beauty ought not to be at all invaded. Pendent from the
roof, in their natural habitat, nothing can exceed their delicate beauty; they
live, as it were, surrounded by organic connections. In London they are
curious, but not beautiful. Of gathered shells Emerson writes:
I wiped away the weeds and foam,
And brought my sea-born treasures home
But the poor, unsightly, noisome things
Had left their beauty on the shore,
With the sun, and the sand, and the wild uproar.
The promontory of Gibraltar is so burrowed with caverns that it has been
called the Hill of Caves. They are apparently related to the geologic
disturbances which the rock has undergone. The earliest of these is the tilting
of the once horizontal strata. Suppose a force of torsion to act upon the
promontory at its southern extremity near Europa Point, and suppose the
rock to be of a partially yielding character; such a force would twist the
strata into screw-surfaces, the greatest amount of twisting being endured
near the point of application of the force. Such a twisting the rock appears to
have suffered; but instead of the twist fading gradually and uniformly off, in
passing from south to north, the want of uniformity in the material has
produced lines of dislocation where there are abrupt changes in the amount
of twist. Thus, at the northern end of the rock the dip to the west is nineteen
degrees; in the Middle Hill, it is thirty-eight degrees; in the centre of the
South hill, or Sugar Loaf, it is fifty-seven degrees. At the southern extremity
of the Sugar Loaf the strata are vertical, while farther to the south they
actually turn over and dip to the east.
The rock is thus divided into three sections, separated from each other by
places of dislocation, where the strata are much wrenched and broken. These
are called the Northern and Southern Quebrada, from the Spanish 'Tierra
Quebrada,' or broken ground. It is at these places that the inland caves of
Gibraltar are almost exclusively found. Based on the observations of Dr.
Page 179
Falconer and himself, an excellent and most interesting account of these
'caves, and of the human remains and works of art which they contain, was
communicated by Mr. Busk to the meeting of the Congress of Prehistoric
Archaeology at Norwich, and afterwards printed in the 'Transactions' of the
Congress. [Footnote: In this essay Mr. Busk refers to the previous labours of
Mr. Smith, of Jordan Hill, to whom we owe most of our knowledge of the
geology of the rock.] Long subsequent to the operation of the twisting force
just referred to, the promontory underwent various changes of level. There
are sea-terraces and layers of shell-breccia along its flanks, and numerous
caves which, unlike the inland ones, are the product of marine erosion. The
Ape's Hill, on the African side of the strait, Mr. Busk informs me has
undergone similar disturbances. [Footnote: No one can rise from the perusal
of Mr. Busk's paper without a feeling of admiration for the principal
discoverer and indefatigable explorer of the Gibraltar caves, the late
Captain Frederick Brome.]
-----
In the harbour of Gibraltar, on the morning of our departure, I resumed a
series of observations on the colour of the sea. On the way out a number of
specimens had been collected, with a view to subsequent examination. But
the bottles were claret bottles, of doubtful purity. At Gibraltar, therefore, I
purchased fifteen white glass bottles, with ground glass stoppers, and at
Cadiz, thanks to the friendly guidance of Mr. Cameron, I secured a dozen
more. These seven-and-twenty bottles were filled with water, taken at
different places between Oran and Spithead.
And here let me express my warmest acknowledgments to Captain
Henderson, the commander of H.M.S. 'Urgent,' who aided me in my
observations in every possible way. Indeed, my thanks are due to all the
officers for their unfailing courtesy and help. The captain placed at my
disposal his own coxswain, an intelligent fellow named Thorogood, who
skilfully attached a cord to each bottle, weighted it with lead, cast it into the
sea, and, after three successive rinsings, filled it under my own eyes. The
contact of jugs, buckets, or other vessels was thus avoided; and even the
necessity of pouring out the water, afterwards, through the dirty London air.
'caves, and of the human remains and works of art which they contain, was
communicated by Mr. Busk to the meeting of the Congress of Prehistoric
Archaeology at Norwich, and afterwards printed in the 'Transactions' of the
Congress. [Footnote: In this essay Mr. Busk refers to the previous labours of
Mr. Smith, of Jordan Hill, to whom we owe most of our knowledge of the
geology of the rock.] Long subsequent to the operation of the twisting force
just referred to, the promontory underwent various changes of level. There
are sea-terraces and layers of shell-breccia along its flanks, and numerous
caves which, unlike the inland ones, are the product of marine erosion. The
Ape's Hill, on the African side of the strait, Mr. Busk informs me has
undergone similar disturbances. [Footnote: No one can rise from the perusal
of Mr. Busk's paper without a feeling of admiration for the principal
discoverer and indefatigable explorer of the Gibraltar caves, the late
Captain Frederick Brome.]
-----
In the harbour of Gibraltar, on the morning of our departure, I resumed a
series of observations on the colour of the sea. On the way out a number of
specimens had been collected, with a view to subsequent examination. But
the bottles were claret bottles, of doubtful purity. At Gibraltar, therefore, I
purchased fifteen white glass bottles, with ground glass stoppers, and at
Cadiz, thanks to the friendly guidance of Mr. Cameron, I secured a dozen
more. These seven-and-twenty bottles were filled with water, taken at
different places between Oran and Spithead.
And here let me express my warmest acknowledgments to Captain
Henderson, the commander of H.M.S. 'Urgent,' who aided me in my
observations in every possible way. Indeed, my thanks are due to all the
officers for their unfailing courtesy and help. The captain placed at my
disposal his own coxswain, an intelligent fellow named Thorogood, who
skilfully attached a cord to each bottle, weighted it with lead, cast it into the
sea, and, after three successive rinsings, filled it under my own eyes. The
contact of jugs, buckets, or other vessels was thus avoided; and even the
necessity of pouring out the water, afterwards, through the dirty London air.
Page 180
The mode of examination applied to these bottles has been already
described. [Footnote: See "On Dust and Disease".] The liquid is illuminated
by a powerfully condensed beam, its condition being revealed through the
light scattered by its suspended particles. 'Care is taken to defend the eye
from the access of all other light, and, thus defended, it becomes an organ of
inconceivable delicacy.' Were water of uniform density perfectly free from
suspended matter, it would, in my opinion, scatter no light at all. The track of
a luminous beam could not be seen in such water. But 'an amount of
impurity so infinitesimal as to be scarcely expressible in numbers, and the
individual particles of which are so small as wholly to elude the microscope,
may, when examined by the method alluded to, produce not only sensible,
but striking, effects upon the eye.'
The results of the examination of nineteen bottles filled at various places
between Gibraltar and Spithead, are here tabulated:
No. Locality Colour of Sea Appearance in
Luminous beam
1 Gibraltar Harbour. Green Thick with fine
particles
2 Two miles from Gibraltar Clearer green Thick with very fine
particles
3 Off Cabreta Point Bright green Still thick, but less so
4 Off Cabreta Point Black-indigo Much less thick, very
pure
5 Off Tarifa Undecided Thicker than No. 4
described. [Footnote: See "On Dust and Disease".] The liquid is illuminated
by a powerfully condensed beam, its condition being revealed through the
light scattered by its suspended particles. 'Care is taken to defend the eye
from the access of all other light, and, thus defended, it becomes an organ of
inconceivable delicacy.' Were water of uniform density perfectly free from
suspended matter, it would, in my opinion, scatter no light at all. The track of
a luminous beam could not be seen in such water. But 'an amount of
impurity so infinitesimal as to be scarcely expressible in numbers, and the
individual particles of which are so small as wholly to elude the microscope,
may, when examined by the method alluded to, produce not only sensible,
but striking, effects upon the eye.'
The results of the examination of nineteen bottles filled at various places
between Gibraltar and Spithead, are here tabulated:
No. Locality Colour of Sea Appearance in
Luminous beam
1 Gibraltar Harbour. Green Thick with fine
particles
2 Two miles from Gibraltar Clearer green Thick with very fine
particles
3 Off Cabreta Point Bright green Still thick, but less so
4 Off Cabreta Point Black-indigo Much less thick, very
pure
5 Off Tarifa Undecided Thicker than No. 4
Page 181
6 Beyond Tarifa Cobalt-blue Much purer than No.
5
7 Twelve miles from Cadiz . Yellow-green Very thick
8 Cadiz Harbour Yellow-green Exceedingly thick
9 Fourteen miles from Cadiz Yellow-green Thick, but less so
10 Fourteen miles from Cadiz Bright green Much less thick
11 Between Capes St. Mary and Deep indigo Very little matter,
Vincent. very pure
12 Off the Burlings. Strong green. Thick, with fine
matter
13 Beyond the Burlings . Indigo Very little matter,
pure
14 Off Cape Finisterre. Undecided. Less pure
15 Bay of Biscay Black-indigo. Very little matter,
very pure
5
7 Twelve miles from Cadiz . Yellow-green Very thick
8 Cadiz Harbour Yellow-green Exceedingly thick
9 Fourteen miles from Cadiz Yellow-green Thick, but less so
10 Fourteen miles from Cadiz Bright green Much less thick
11 Between Capes St. Mary and Deep indigo Very little matter,
Vincent. very pure
12 Off the Burlings. Strong green. Thick, with fine
matter
13 Beyond the Burlings . Indigo Very little matter,
pure
14 Off Cape Finisterre. Undecided. Less pure
15 Bay of Biscay Black-indigo. Very little matter,
very pure
Page 182
16 Bay of Biscay Indigo Very fine matter.
Iridescent
17 Off Ushant Dark green. A good deal of
matter
18 Off St. Catherine's . Yellow-green Exceedingly thick
19 Spithead Green Exceedingly thick
Here we have three specimens of water, described as green, a clearer green,
and bright green, taken in Gibraltar Harbour, at a point two miles from the
harbour, and off Cabreta Point. The home examination showed the first to be
thick with suspended matter, the second less thick, and the third still less
thick. Thus the green brightened as the suspended matter diminished in
amount.
Previous to the fourth observation our excellent navigating lieutenant, Mr.
Brown, steered along the coast, thus avoiding the adverse current which sets
in, through the Strait, from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean. He was at
length forced to cross the boundary of the Atlantic current, which was
defined with extraordinary sharpness. On the one side of it the water was a
vivid green, on the other a deep blue. Standing at the bow of the ship, a
bottle could be filled with blue water, while at the same moment a bottle cast
from the stern could be filled with green water. Two bottles were secured,
one on each side of this remarkable boundary. In the distance the Atlantic
had the hue called ultra-marine; but looked fairly down upon, it was of
almost inky blackness — black qualified by a trace of indigo.
What change does the home examination here reveal? In passing to indigo,
the water becomes suddenly augmented in purity, the suspended matter
becoming suddenly less. Off Tarifa, the deep indigo disappears, and the sea
is undecided in colour. Accompanying this change, we have a rise in the
Iridescent
17 Off Ushant Dark green. A good deal of
matter
18 Off St. Catherine's . Yellow-green Exceedingly thick
19 Spithead Green Exceedingly thick
Here we have three specimens of water, described as green, a clearer green,
and bright green, taken in Gibraltar Harbour, at a point two miles from the
harbour, and off Cabreta Point. The home examination showed the first to be
thick with suspended matter, the second less thick, and the third still less
thick. Thus the green brightened as the suspended matter diminished in
amount.
Previous to the fourth observation our excellent navigating lieutenant, Mr.
Brown, steered along the coast, thus avoiding the adverse current which sets
in, through the Strait, from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean. He was at
length forced to cross the boundary of the Atlantic current, which was
defined with extraordinary sharpness. On the one side of it the water was a
vivid green, on the other a deep blue. Standing at the bow of the ship, a
bottle could be filled with blue water, while at the same moment a bottle cast
from the stern could be filled with green water. Two bottles were secured,
one on each side of this remarkable boundary. In the distance the Atlantic
had the hue called ultra-marine; but looked fairly down upon, it was of
almost inky blackness — black qualified by a trace of indigo.
What change does the home examination here reveal? In passing to indigo,
the water becomes suddenly augmented in purity, the suspended matter
becoming suddenly less. Off Tarifa, the deep indigo disappears, and the sea
is undecided in colour. Accompanying this change, we have a rise in the
Page 183
quantity of suspended matter. Beyond Tarifa, we change to cobalt-blue, the
suspended matter falling at the same time in quantity. This water is distinctly
purer than the green. We approach Cadiz, and at twelve miles from the city
get into yellow-green water; this the London examination shows to be thick
with suspended matter. The same is true of Cadiz harbour, and also of a point
fourteen miles from Cadiz in the homeward direction. Here there is a sudden
change from yellow-green to a bright emerald-green, and accompanying the
change a sudden fall in the quantity of suspended matter. Between Cape St.
Mary and Cape St: Vincent the water changes to the deepest indigo, a further
diminution of the suspended matter being the concomitant phenomenon.
We now reach the remarkable group of rocks called the Burlings, and find
the water between the shore and the rocks a strong green; the home
examination shows it to be thick with fine matter. Fifteen or twenty miles
beyond the Burlings we come again into indigo water, from which the
suspended matter has in great part disappeared. Off Cape Finisterre, about
the place where the 'Captain' went down, the water becomes green, and the
home examination pronounces it to be thicker. Then we enter the Bay of
Biscay, where the indigo resumes its power, and where the home
examination shows the greatly augmented purity of the water. A second
specimen of water, taken from the Bay of Biscay, held in suspension fine
particles of a peculiar kind; the size of them was such as to render the water
richly iridescent. It showed itself green, blue, or salmon-coloured, according
to the direction of the line of vision. Finally, we come to our last two bottles,
the one taken opposite St. Catherine's lighthouse, in the Isle of Wight, the
other at Spithead. The sea at both these places was green, and both
specimens, as might be expected, were pronounced by the home examination
to be thick with suspended matter.
Two distinct series of observations are here referred to — the one consisting
of direct observations of the colour of the sea, conducted during the voyage
from Gibraltar to Portsmouth: the other carried out in the laboratory of the
Royal Institution. And here it is to be noted that in the home examination I
never knew what water was placed in my hands. The labels, with the names
of the localities written upon them, had been tied up, all information
regarding the source of the water being thus held back. The bottles were
simply numbered, and not till all of them had been examined, and described,
were the labels opened, and the locality and sea-colour corresponding to the
suspended matter falling at the same time in quantity. This water is distinctly
purer than the green. We approach Cadiz, and at twelve miles from the city
get into yellow-green water; this the London examination shows to be thick
with suspended matter. The same is true of Cadiz harbour, and also of a point
fourteen miles from Cadiz in the homeward direction. Here there is a sudden
change from yellow-green to a bright emerald-green, and accompanying the
change a sudden fall in the quantity of suspended matter. Between Cape St.
Mary and Cape St: Vincent the water changes to the deepest indigo, a further
diminution of the suspended matter being the concomitant phenomenon.
We now reach the remarkable group of rocks called the Burlings, and find
the water between the shore and the rocks a strong green; the home
examination shows it to be thick with fine matter. Fifteen or twenty miles
beyond the Burlings we come again into indigo water, from which the
suspended matter has in great part disappeared. Off Cape Finisterre, about
the place where the 'Captain' went down, the water becomes green, and the
home examination pronounces it to be thicker. Then we enter the Bay of
Biscay, where the indigo resumes its power, and where the home
examination shows the greatly augmented purity of the water. A second
specimen of water, taken from the Bay of Biscay, held in suspension fine
particles of a peculiar kind; the size of them was such as to render the water
richly iridescent. It showed itself green, blue, or salmon-coloured, according
to the direction of the line of vision. Finally, we come to our last two bottles,
the one taken opposite St. Catherine's lighthouse, in the Isle of Wight, the
other at Spithead. The sea at both these places was green, and both
specimens, as might be expected, were pronounced by the home examination
to be thick with suspended matter.
Two distinct series of observations are here referred to — the one consisting
of direct observations of the colour of the sea, conducted during the voyage
from Gibraltar to Portsmouth: the other carried out in the laboratory of the
Royal Institution. And here it is to be noted that in the home examination I
never knew what water was placed in my hands. The labels, with the names
of the localities written upon them, had been tied up, all information
regarding the source of the water being thus held back. The bottles were
simply numbered, and not till all of them had been examined, and described,
were the labels opened, and the locality and sea-colour corresponding to the
Page 184
various specimens ascertained. The home observations, therefore, must have
been perfectly unbiassed, and they clearly establish the association of the
green colour with fine suspended matter, and of the ultramarine colour, and
more especially of the black-indigo hue of the Atlantic, with the comparative
absence of such matter.
So much for mere observation; but what is the cause of the dark hue of the
deep ocean? [Footnote: A note, written to me on October 22, by my friend
Canon Kingsley, contains the following reference to this point: 'I have never
seen the Lake of Geneva, but I thought of the brilliant dazzling dark blue of
the mid-Atlantic under the sunlight, and its black-blue under cloud, both so
solid that one might leap off the sponson on to it without fear; this was to me
the most wonderful thing which I saw on my voyages to and from the West
Indies.']
A preliminary remark or two will clear our way towards an explanation.
Colour resides in white light, appearing when any constituent of the white
light is withdrawn. The hue of a purple liquid, for example, is immediately
accounted for by its action on a spectrum. It cuts out the yellow and green,
and allows the red and blue to pass through. The blending of these two
colours produces the purple. But while such a liquid attacks with special
energy the yellow and green, it enfeebles the whole spectrum. By increasing
the thickness of the stratum we may absorb the whole of the light. The
colour of a blue liquid is similarly accounted for. It first extinguishes the red;
then, as the thickness augments, it attacks the orange, yellow, and green in
succession; the blue alone finally remaining. But even it might be
extinguished by a sufficient depth of 'the liquid.
And now we are prepared for a brief, but tolerably complete, statement of
that action of sea-water upon light, to which it owes its darkness. The
spectrum embraces three classes of rays — the thermal, the visual, and the
chemical. These divisions overlap each other; the thermal rays are in part
visual, the visual rays in part chemical, and vice versa. The vast body of
thermal rays lie beyond the red, being invisible. These rays are attacked with
exceeding energy by water. They are absorbed close to the surface of the sea,
and are the great agents in evaporation. At the same time the whole spectrum
suffers enfeeblement; water attacks all its rays, but with different degrees of
energy. Of the visual rays, the red are first extinguished. As the solar beam
been perfectly unbiassed, and they clearly establish the association of the
green colour with fine suspended matter, and of the ultramarine colour, and
more especially of the black-indigo hue of the Atlantic, with the comparative
absence of such matter.
So much for mere observation; but what is the cause of the dark hue of the
deep ocean? [Footnote: A note, written to me on October 22, by my friend
Canon Kingsley, contains the following reference to this point: 'I have never
seen the Lake of Geneva, but I thought of the brilliant dazzling dark blue of
the mid-Atlantic under the sunlight, and its black-blue under cloud, both so
solid that one might leap off the sponson on to it without fear; this was to me
the most wonderful thing which I saw on my voyages to and from the West
Indies.']
A preliminary remark or two will clear our way towards an explanation.
Colour resides in white light, appearing when any constituent of the white
light is withdrawn. The hue of a purple liquid, for example, is immediately
accounted for by its action on a spectrum. It cuts out the yellow and green,
and allows the red and blue to pass through. The blending of these two
colours produces the purple. But while such a liquid attacks with special
energy the yellow and green, it enfeebles the whole spectrum. By increasing
the thickness of the stratum we may absorb the whole of the light. The
colour of a blue liquid is similarly accounted for. It first extinguishes the red;
then, as the thickness augments, it attacks the orange, yellow, and green in
succession; the blue alone finally remaining. But even it might be
extinguished by a sufficient depth of 'the liquid.
And now we are prepared for a brief, but tolerably complete, statement of
that action of sea-water upon light, to which it owes its darkness. The
spectrum embraces three classes of rays — the thermal, the visual, and the
chemical. These divisions overlap each other; the thermal rays are in part
visual, the visual rays in part chemical, and vice versa. The vast body of
thermal rays lie beyond the red, being invisible. These rays are attacked with
exceeding energy by water. They are absorbed close to the surface of the sea,
and are the great agents in evaporation. At the same time the whole spectrum
suffers enfeeblement; water attacks all its rays, but with different degrees of
energy. Of the visual rays, the red are first extinguished. As the solar beam
Page 185
plunges deeper into the sea, orange follows red, yellow follows orange,
green follows yellow, and the various shades of blue, where the water is
deep enough, follow green. Absolute extinction of the solar beam would be
the consequence if the water were deep and uniform. If it contained no
suspended matter, such water would be as black as ink. A reflected glimmer
of ordinary light would reach us from its surface, as it would from the
surface of actual ink; but no light, hence no colour, would reach us from the
body of the water.
In very clear and deep sea-water this condition is approximately fulfilled,
and hence the extraordinary darkness of such water. The indigo, already
referred to, is, I believe, to be ascribed in part to the suspended matter, which
is never absent, even in the purest natural water; and in part to the slight
reflection of the light from the limiting surfaces of strata of different
densities. A modicum of light is thus thrown back to the eye, before the
depth necessary to absolute extinction has been attained. An effect precisely
similar occurs under the moraines of glaciers. The ice here is exceptionally
compact, and, owing to the absence of the internal scattering common in
bubbled ice, the light plunges into the mass, where it is extinguished, the
perfectly clear ice presenting an appearance of pitchy blackness. [Footnote:
I learn from a correspondent that certain Welsh tarns, which are reputed
bottomless, have this inky hue.]
The green colour of the sea has now to be accounted for; and here, again, let
us fall back upon the sure basis of experiment. A strong white dinner-plate
had a lead weight securely fastened to it. Fifty or sixty yards of strong
hempen line were attached to the plate.
My assistant, Thorogood, occupied a boat, fastened as usual to the davits of
the 'Urgent,' while I occupied a second boat nearer the stern of the ship. He
cast the plate as a mariner heaves the lead, and by the time it reached me it
had sunk a considerable depth in the water. In all cases the hue of this plate
was green. Even when the sea was of the darkest indigo, the green was vivid
and pronounced. I could notice the gradual deepening of the colour as the
plate sank, but at its greatest depth, even in indigo water, the colour was still
a blue-green. [Footnote: In no case, of course, is the green pure, but a
mixture of green and blue.]
green follows yellow, and the various shades of blue, where the water is
deep enough, follow green. Absolute extinction of the solar beam would be
the consequence if the water were deep and uniform. If it contained no
suspended matter, such water would be as black as ink. A reflected glimmer
of ordinary light would reach us from its surface, as it would from the
surface of actual ink; but no light, hence no colour, would reach us from the
body of the water.
In very clear and deep sea-water this condition is approximately fulfilled,
and hence the extraordinary darkness of such water. The indigo, already
referred to, is, I believe, to be ascribed in part to the suspended matter, which
is never absent, even in the purest natural water; and in part to the slight
reflection of the light from the limiting surfaces of strata of different
densities. A modicum of light is thus thrown back to the eye, before the
depth necessary to absolute extinction has been attained. An effect precisely
similar occurs under the moraines of glaciers. The ice here is exceptionally
compact, and, owing to the absence of the internal scattering common in
bubbled ice, the light plunges into the mass, where it is extinguished, the
perfectly clear ice presenting an appearance of pitchy blackness. [Footnote:
I learn from a correspondent that certain Welsh tarns, which are reputed
bottomless, have this inky hue.]
The green colour of the sea has now to be accounted for; and here, again, let
us fall back upon the sure basis of experiment. A strong white dinner-plate
had a lead weight securely fastened to it. Fifty or sixty yards of strong
hempen line were attached to the plate.
My assistant, Thorogood, occupied a boat, fastened as usual to the davits of
the 'Urgent,' while I occupied a second boat nearer the stern of the ship. He
cast the plate as a mariner heaves the lead, and by the time it reached me it
had sunk a considerable depth in the water. In all cases the hue of this plate
was green. Even when the sea was of the darkest indigo, the green was vivid
and pronounced. I could notice the gradual deepening of the colour as the
plate sank, but at its greatest depth, even in indigo water, the colour was still
a blue-green. [Footnote: In no case, of course, is the green pure, but a
mixture of green and blue.]
Page 186
Other observations confirmed this one. The 'Urgent' is a screw steamer, and
right over the blades of the screw was an orifice called the screw-well,
through which one could look from the poop down upon the screw. The
surface-glimmer, which so pesters the eye, was here in a great measure
removed. Midway down, a plank crossed the screw-well from side to side;
on this I placed myself and observed the action of the screw underneath. The
eye was rendered sensitive by the moderation of the light; and, to remove
still further all disturbing causes, Lieutenant Walton had a sail and tarpaulin
thrown over the mouth of the well. Underneath this I perched myself on the
plank and watched the screw. In an indigo sea the play of colour was
indescribably beautiful, and the contrast between the water, which had the
screw-blades, and that which had the bottom of the ocean, as a background,
was extraordinary. The one was of the most brilliant green, the other of the
deepest ultramarine. The surface of the water above the screw-blade was
always ruffled. Liquid lenses were thus formed, by which the coloured light
was withdrawn from some places and concentrated upon others, the water
flashing with metallic lustre. The screw-blades in this case played the part of
the dinner-plate in the former case, and there were other instances of a
similar kind. The white bellies of porpoises showed the green hue, varying in
intensity as the creatures swung to and fro between the surface and the
deeper water. Foam, at a certain depth below the surface, was also green. In
a rough sea the light which penetrated the summit of a wave sometimes
reached the eye, a beautiful green cap being thus placed upon the wave, even
in indigo water.
But how is this colour to be connected with the suspended particles? Thus.
Take the dinner-plate which showed so brilliant a green when thrown into
indigo water. Suppose it to diminish in size, until it reaches an almost
microscopic magnitude. It would still behave substantially as the larger
plate, sending to the eye its modicum of green light. If the plate, instead of
being a large coherent mass, were ground to a powder sufficiently fine, and
in this condition diffused through the clear sea-water, it would also send
green light to the eye. In fact, the suspended particles which the home
examination reveals, act in all essential particulars like the plate, or like the
screw-blades, or like the foam, or like the bellies of the porpoises. Thus I
think the greenness of the sea is physically connected with the matter which
it holds in suspension.
right over the blades of the screw was an orifice called the screw-well,
through which one could look from the poop down upon the screw. The
surface-glimmer, which so pesters the eye, was here in a great measure
removed. Midway down, a plank crossed the screw-well from side to side;
on this I placed myself and observed the action of the screw underneath. The
eye was rendered sensitive by the moderation of the light; and, to remove
still further all disturbing causes, Lieutenant Walton had a sail and tarpaulin
thrown over the mouth of the well. Underneath this I perched myself on the
plank and watched the screw. In an indigo sea the play of colour was
indescribably beautiful, and the contrast between the water, which had the
screw-blades, and that which had the bottom of the ocean, as a background,
was extraordinary. The one was of the most brilliant green, the other of the
deepest ultramarine. The surface of the water above the screw-blade was
always ruffled. Liquid lenses were thus formed, by which the coloured light
was withdrawn from some places and concentrated upon others, the water
flashing with metallic lustre. The screw-blades in this case played the part of
the dinner-plate in the former case, and there were other instances of a
similar kind. The white bellies of porpoises showed the green hue, varying in
intensity as the creatures swung to and fro between the surface and the
deeper water. Foam, at a certain depth below the surface, was also green. In
a rough sea the light which penetrated the summit of a wave sometimes
reached the eye, a beautiful green cap being thus placed upon the wave, even
in indigo water.
But how is this colour to be connected with the suspended particles? Thus.
Take the dinner-plate which showed so brilliant a green when thrown into
indigo water. Suppose it to diminish in size, until it reaches an almost
microscopic magnitude. It would still behave substantially as the larger
plate, sending to the eye its modicum of green light. If the plate, instead of
being a large coherent mass, were ground to a powder sufficiently fine, and
in this condition diffused through the clear sea-water, it would also send
green light to the eye. In fact, the suspended particles which the home
examination reveals, act in all essential particulars like the plate, or like the
screw-blades, or like the foam, or like the bellies of the porpoises. Thus I
think the greenness of the sea is physically connected with the matter which
it holds in suspension.
Page 187
We reached Portsmouth on January 5, 1871. Then ended a voyage which,
though its main object was not realised, has left behind it pleasant memories,
both of the aspects of nature and the kindliness of men.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
VII. NIAGARA.
[Footnote: A Discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
April 4, 1873.]
It is one of the disadvantages of reading books about natural scenery that
they fill the mind with pictures, often exaggerated, often distorted, often
blurred, and, even when well drawn, injurious to the freshness of first
impressions. Such has been the fate of most of us with regard to the Falls of
Niagara. There was little accuracy in the estimates of the first observers of
the cataract. Startled by an exhibition of power so novel and so grand,
emotion leaped beyond the control of the judgment, and gave currency to
notions which have often led to disappointment.
A record of a voyage in 1535 by a French mariner named Jacques Cartier,
contains, it is said, the first printed allusion to Niagara. In 1603 the first map
of the district was constructed by a Frenchman named Champlain. In 1648
the Jesuit Rageneau, in a letter to his superior at Paris, mentions Niagara as
'a cataract of frightful height.' [Footnote: From an interesting little book
presented to me at Brooklyn by its author, Mr. Holly, some of these data are
derived: Hennepin, Kalm, Bakewell, Lyell, Hall, and others I have myself
though its main object was not realised, has left behind it pleasant memories,
both of the aspects of nature and the kindliness of men.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
VII. NIAGARA.
[Footnote: A Discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
April 4, 1873.]
It is one of the disadvantages of reading books about natural scenery that
they fill the mind with pictures, often exaggerated, often distorted, often
blurred, and, even when well drawn, injurious to the freshness of first
impressions. Such has been the fate of most of us with regard to the Falls of
Niagara. There was little accuracy in the estimates of the first observers of
the cataract. Startled by an exhibition of power so novel and so grand,
emotion leaped beyond the control of the judgment, and gave currency to
notions which have often led to disappointment.
A record of a voyage in 1535 by a French mariner named Jacques Cartier,
contains, it is said, the first printed allusion to Niagara. In 1603 the first map
of the district was constructed by a Frenchman named Champlain. In 1648
the Jesuit Rageneau, in a letter to his superior at Paris, mentions Niagara as
'a cataract of frightful height.' [Footnote: From an interesting little book
presented to me at Brooklyn by its author, Mr. Holly, some of these data are
derived: Hennepin, Kalm, Bakewell, Lyell, Hall, and others I have myself
Page 188
consulted.] In the winter of 1678 and 1679 the cataract was visited by Father
Hennepin, and described in a book dedicated 'to the King of Great Britain.'
He gives a drawing of the waterfall, which shows that serious changes have
taken place since his time. He describes it as 'a great and prodigious cadence
of water, to which the universe does not offer a parallel.' The height of the
fall, according to Hennepin, was more than 600 feet. 'The waters,' he says,
'which fall from this great precipice do foam and boil in the most astonishing
manner, making a noise more terrible than that of thunder. When the wind
blows to the south its frightful roaring may be heard for more than fifteen
leagues.' The Baron la Hontan, who visited Niagara in 1687, makes the
height 800 feet. In 1721 Charlevois, in a letter to Madame de Maintenon,
after referring to the exaggerations of his predecessors, thus states the result
of his own observations: 'For my part, after examining it on all sides, I am
inclined to think that we cannot allow it less than 140 or 150 feet,' — a
remarkably close estimate. At that time, viz. a hundred and fifty years ago, it
had the shape of a horseshoe, and reasons will subsequently be given for
holding that this has been always the form of the cataract, from its origin to
its present site.
As regards the noise of the fall, Charlevois declares the accounts of his
predecessors, which, I may say, are repeated to the present hour, to be
altogether extravagant. He is perfectly right. The thunders of Niagara are
formidable enough to those who really seek them at the base of the
Horseshoe Fall; but on the banks of the river, and particularly above the fall,
its silence, rather than its noise, is surprising. This arises, in part, from the
lack of resonance; the surrounding country being flat, and therefore
furnishing no echoing surfaces to reinforce the shock of the water. The
resonance from the surrounding rocks causes the Swiss Reuss at the Devil's
Bridge, when full, to thunder more loudly than the Niagara.
On Friday, November 1, 1872, just before reaching the village of Niagara
Falls, I caught, from the railway train, my first glimpse of the smoke of the
cataract. Immediately after my arrival I went with a friend to the northern
end of the American Fall. It may be that my mood at the time toned down
the impression produced by the first aspect of this grand cascade; but I felt
nothing like disappointment, knowing, from old experience, that time and
close acquaintanceship, the gradual interweaving of mind and nature, must
powerfully influence my final estimate of the scene. After dinner we crossed
Hennepin, and described in a book dedicated 'to the King of Great Britain.'
He gives a drawing of the waterfall, which shows that serious changes have
taken place since his time. He describes it as 'a great and prodigious cadence
of water, to which the universe does not offer a parallel.' The height of the
fall, according to Hennepin, was more than 600 feet. 'The waters,' he says,
'which fall from this great precipice do foam and boil in the most astonishing
manner, making a noise more terrible than that of thunder. When the wind
blows to the south its frightful roaring may be heard for more than fifteen
leagues.' The Baron la Hontan, who visited Niagara in 1687, makes the
height 800 feet. In 1721 Charlevois, in a letter to Madame de Maintenon,
after referring to the exaggerations of his predecessors, thus states the result
of his own observations: 'For my part, after examining it on all sides, I am
inclined to think that we cannot allow it less than 140 or 150 feet,' — a
remarkably close estimate. At that time, viz. a hundred and fifty years ago, it
had the shape of a horseshoe, and reasons will subsequently be given for
holding that this has been always the form of the cataract, from its origin to
its present site.
As regards the noise of the fall, Charlevois declares the accounts of his
predecessors, which, I may say, are repeated to the present hour, to be
altogether extravagant. He is perfectly right. The thunders of Niagara are
formidable enough to those who really seek them at the base of the
Horseshoe Fall; but on the banks of the river, and particularly above the fall,
its silence, rather than its noise, is surprising. This arises, in part, from the
lack of resonance; the surrounding country being flat, and therefore
furnishing no echoing surfaces to reinforce the shock of the water. The
resonance from the surrounding rocks causes the Swiss Reuss at the Devil's
Bridge, when full, to thunder more loudly than the Niagara.
On Friday, November 1, 1872, just before reaching the village of Niagara
Falls, I caught, from the railway train, my first glimpse of the smoke of the
cataract. Immediately after my arrival I went with a friend to the northern
end of the American Fall. It may be that my mood at the time toned down
the impression produced by the first aspect of this grand cascade; but I felt
nothing like disappointment, knowing, from old experience, that time and
close acquaintanceship, the gradual interweaving of mind and nature, must
powerfully influence my final estimate of the scene. After dinner we crossed
Page 189
to Goat Island, and, turning to the right, reached the southern end of the
American Fall. The river is here studded with small islands. Crossing a
wooden bridge to Luna Island, and clasping a tree which grows near its
edge, I looked long at the cataract, which here shoots down the precipice like
an avalanche of foam. It grew in power and beauty. The channel spanned by
the wooden bridge was deep, and the river there doubled over the edge of the
precipice, like the swell of a muscle, unbroken. The ledge here overhangs,
the water being poured out far beyond the base of the precipice. A space,
called the Cave of the Winds, is thus enclosed between the wall of rock and
the falling water.
Goat Island ends in a sheer dry precipice, which connects the American and
Horseshoe Falls. Midway between both is a wooden hut, the residence of the
guide to the Cave of the Winds, and from the hut a winding staircase, called
Biddle's Stair, descends to the base of the precipice. On the evening of my
arrival I went down this stair, and wandered along the bottom of the cliff.
One well-known factor in the formation and retreat of the cataract was
immediately observed. A thick layer of limestone formed the upper portion
of the cliff. This rested upon a bed of soft shale, which extended round the
base of the cataract. The violent recoil of the water against this yielding
substance crumbles it away, undermining the ledge above, which,
unsupported, eventually breaks off, and produces the observed recession.
At the southern extremity of the Horseshoe is a promontory, formed by the
doubling back of the gorge excavated by the cataract, and into which it
plunges. On the promontory stands a stone building, called the Terrapin
Tower, the door of which had been nailed up because of the decay of the
staircase within it. Through the kindness of Mr. Townsend, the
superintendent of Goat Island, the door was opened for me. From this tower,
at all hours of the day, and at some hours of the night, I watched and listened
to the Horseshoe Fall. The river here is evidently much deeper than the
American branch; and instead of bursting into foam where it quits the ledge,
it bends solidly over, and falls in a continuous layer of the most vivid green.
The tint is not uniform; long stripes of deeper hue alternating with bands of
brighter colour. Close to the ledge over which the water rolls, foam is
generated, the light falling upon which, and flashing back from it, is sifted in
its passage to and fro, and changed from white to emerald-green. Heaps of
superficial foam are also formed at intervals along the ledge, and are
American Fall. The river is here studded with small islands. Crossing a
wooden bridge to Luna Island, and clasping a tree which grows near its
edge, I looked long at the cataract, which here shoots down the precipice like
an avalanche of foam. It grew in power and beauty. The channel spanned by
the wooden bridge was deep, and the river there doubled over the edge of the
precipice, like the swell of a muscle, unbroken. The ledge here overhangs,
the water being poured out far beyond the base of the precipice. A space,
called the Cave of the Winds, is thus enclosed between the wall of rock and
the falling water.
Goat Island ends in a sheer dry precipice, which connects the American and
Horseshoe Falls. Midway between both is a wooden hut, the residence of the
guide to the Cave of the Winds, and from the hut a winding staircase, called
Biddle's Stair, descends to the base of the precipice. On the evening of my
arrival I went down this stair, and wandered along the bottom of the cliff.
One well-known factor in the formation and retreat of the cataract was
immediately observed. A thick layer of limestone formed the upper portion
of the cliff. This rested upon a bed of soft shale, which extended round the
base of the cataract. The violent recoil of the water against this yielding
substance crumbles it away, undermining the ledge above, which,
unsupported, eventually breaks off, and produces the observed recession.
At the southern extremity of the Horseshoe is a promontory, formed by the
doubling back of the gorge excavated by the cataract, and into which it
plunges. On the promontory stands a stone building, called the Terrapin
Tower, the door of which had been nailed up because of the decay of the
staircase within it. Through the kindness of Mr. Townsend, the
superintendent of Goat Island, the door was opened for me. From this tower,
at all hours of the day, and at some hours of the night, I watched and listened
to the Horseshoe Fall. The river here is evidently much deeper than the
American branch; and instead of bursting into foam where it quits the ledge,
it bends solidly over, and falls in a continuous layer of the most vivid green.
The tint is not uniform; long stripes of deeper hue alternating with bands of
brighter colour. Close to the ledge over which the water rolls, foam is
generated, the light falling upon which, and flashing back from it, is sifted in
its passage to and fro, and changed from white to emerald-green. Heaps of
superficial foam are also formed at intervals along the ledge, and are
Page 190
immediately drawn into long white striae. [Footnote: The direction of the
wind with reference to the course of a ship may be inferred with accuracy
from the foam-streaks on the surface of the sea.] Lower down, the surface,
shaken by the reaction from below, incessantly rustles into whiteness. The
descent finally resolves itself into a rhythm, the water reaching the bottom of
the fall in periodic gushes. Nor is the spray uniformly diffused through the
air, but is wafted through it in successive veils of gauze-like texture. From
all this it is evident that beauty is not absent from the Horseshoe Fall, but
majesty is its chief attribute. The plunge of the water is not wild, but
deliberate, vast, and fascinating. From the Terrapin Tower, the adjacent arm
of the Horseshoe is seen projected against the opposite one, midway down;
to the imagination, therefore, is left the picturing of the gulf into which the
cataract plunges.
The delight which natural scenery produces in some minds is difficult to
explain, and the conduct which it prompts can hardly be fairly criticised by
those who have never experienced it. It seems to me a deduction from the
completeness of the celebrated Thomas Young, that he was unable to
appreciate natural scenery. 'He had really,' says Dean Peacock, 'no taste for
life in the country; he was one of those who thought that no one who was
able to live in London would be content to 'live elsewhere.' Well, Dr. Young,
like Dr. Johnson, had a right to his delights; but I can understand a,
hesitation to accept them, high as they were, to the exclusion of
That o'erflowing joy which Nature yields
To her true lovers.
To all who are of this mind, the strengthening of desire on my part to see and
know Niagara Falls, as far as it is possible for them to be seen and known,
will be intelligible.
On the first evening of my visit, I met, at the head of Biddle's Stair, the guide
to the Cave of the Winds. He was in the prime of manhood — large, well
built, firm and pleasant in mouth and eye. My interest in the scene stirred up
his, and made him communicative.
Turning to a photograph, he described, by reference to it, a feat which he had
accomplished some time previously, and which had brought him almost
wind with reference to the course of a ship may be inferred with accuracy
from the foam-streaks on the surface of the sea.] Lower down, the surface,
shaken by the reaction from below, incessantly rustles into whiteness. The
descent finally resolves itself into a rhythm, the water reaching the bottom of
the fall in periodic gushes. Nor is the spray uniformly diffused through the
air, but is wafted through it in successive veils of gauze-like texture. From
all this it is evident that beauty is not absent from the Horseshoe Fall, but
majesty is its chief attribute. The plunge of the water is not wild, but
deliberate, vast, and fascinating. From the Terrapin Tower, the adjacent arm
of the Horseshoe is seen projected against the opposite one, midway down;
to the imagination, therefore, is left the picturing of the gulf into which the
cataract plunges.
The delight which natural scenery produces in some minds is difficult to
explain, and the conduct which it prompts can hardly be fairly criticised by
those who have never experienced it. It seems to me a deduction from the
completeness of the celebrated Thomas Young, that he was unable to
appreciate natural scenery. 'He had really,' says Dean Peacock, 'no taste for
life in the country; he was one of those who thought that no one who was
able to live in London would be content to 'live elsewhere.' Well, Dr. Young,
like Dr. Johnson, had a right to his delights; but I can understand a,
hesitation to accept them, high as they were, to the exclusion of
That o'erflowing joy which Nature yields
To her true lovers.
To all who are of this mind, the strengthening of desire on my part to see and
know Niagara Falls, as far as it is possible for them to be seen and known,
will be intelligible.
On the first evening of my visit, I met, at the head of Biddle's Stair, the guide
to the Cave of the Winds. He was in the prime of manhood — large, well
built, firm and pleasant in mouth and eye. My interest in the scene stirred up
his, and made him communicative.
Turning to a photograph, he described, by reference to it, a feat which he had
accomplished some time previously, and which had brought him almost
Page 191
under the green water of the Horseshoe Fall. 'Can you lead me there to-
morrow?' I asked. He eyed me enquiringly, weighing, perhaps, the chances
of a man of light build, and with grey in his whiskers, in such an
undertaking. 'I wish,' I added, 'to see as much of the fall as can be seen, and
where you lead I will endeavour to follow.' His scrutiny relaxed into a smile,
and he said, 'Very well; I shall be ready for you to-morrow.'
On the morrow, accordingly, I came. In the hut at the head of Biddle's Stair I
stripped wholly, and re-dressed according to instructions, — drawing on two
pairs of woollen pantaloons, three woollen jackets, two pairs of socks, and a
pair of felt shoes. Even if wet, my guide assured me that the clothes would
keep me from being chilled; and he was right. A suit and hood of yellow
oilcloth covered all. Most laudable precautions were taken by the young
assistant who helped to dress me to keep the water out; but his devices broke
down immediately when severely tested.
We descended the stair; the handle of a pitchfork doing, in my case, the duty
of an alpenstock. At the bottom, the guide enquired whether we should go
first to the Cave of the Winds, or to the Horseshoe, remarking that the latter
would try us most. I decided on getting the roughest done first, and he turned
to the left over the stones. They were sharp and trying. The base of the first
portion of the cataract is covered with huge boulders, obviously the ruins of
the limestone ledge above. The water does not distribute itself uniformly
among these, but seeks out channels through which it pours torrentially. We
passed some of these with wetted feet, but without difficulty. At length we
came to the side of a more formidable current. My guide walked along its
edge until he reached its least turbulent portion. Halting, he said, 'This is our
greatest difficulty; if we can cross here, we shall get far towards the
Horseshoe.'
He waded in. It evidently required all his strength to steady him. The water
rose above his loins, and it foamed still higher. He had to search for footing,
amid unseen boulders, against which the torrent rose violently. He struggled
and swayed, but he struggled successfully, and finally reached the shallower
water at the other side. Stretching out his arm, he said to me, 'Now come on.'
I looked down the torrent, as it' rushed to the river below, which was
seething with the tumult of the cataract. De Saussure recommended the
inspection of Alpine dangers, with the view of making them familiar to the
morrow?' I asked. He eyed me enquiringly, weighing, perhaps, the chances
of a man of light build, and with grey in his whiskers, in such an
undertaking. 'I wish,' I added, 'to see as much of the fall as can be seen, and
where you lead I will endeavour to follow.' His scrutiny relaxed into a smile,
and he said, 'Very well; I shall be ready for you to-morrow.'
On the morrow, accordingly, I came. In the hut at the head of Biddle's Stair I
stripped wholly, and re-dressed according to instructions, — drawing on two
pairs of woollen pantaloons, three woollen jackets, two pairs of socks, and a
pair of felt shoes. Even if wet, my guide assured me that the clothes would
keep me from being chilled; and he was right. A suit and hood of yellow
oilcloth covered all. Most laudable precautions were taken by the young
assistant who helped to dress me to keep the water out; but his devices broke
down immediately when severely tested.
We descended the stair; the handle of a pitchfork doing, in my case, the duty
of an alpenstock. At the bottom, the guide enquired whether we should go
first to the Cave of the Winds, or to the Horseshoe, remarking that the latter
would try us most. I decided on getting the roughest done first, and he turned
to the left over the stones. They were sharp and trying. The base of the first
portion of the cataract is covered with huge boulders, obviously the ruins of
the limestone ledge above. The water does not distribute itself uniformly
among these, but seeks out channels through which it pours torrentially. We
passed some of these with wetted feet, but without difficulty. At length we
came to the side of a more formidable current. My guide walked along its
edge until he reached its least turbulent portion. Halting, he said, 'This is our
greatest difficulty; if we can cross here, we shall get far towards the
Horseshoe.'
He waded in. It evidently required all his strength to steady him. The water
rose above his loins, and it foamed still higher. He had to search for footing,
amid unseen boulders, against which the torrent rose violently. He struggled
and swayed, but he struggled successfully, and finally reached the shallower
water at the other side. Stretching out his arm, he said to me, 'Now come on.'
I looked down the torrent, as it' rushed to the river below, which was
seething with the tumult of the cataract. De Saussure recommended the
inspection of Alpine dangers, with the view of making them familiar to the
Page 192
eye before they are encountered; and it is a wholesome custom in places of
difficulty to put the possibility of an accident clearly before the mind, and to
decide beforehand what ought to be done should the accident occur. Thus
wound up in the present instance, I entered the water. Even where it was not
more than knee-deep, its power was manifest. As it rose around me, I sought
to split the torrent by presenting a side to it; but the insecurity of the footing
enabled it to grasp my loins, twist me fairly round, and bring its impetus to
bear upon my back. Further struggle was impossible; and feeling my balance
hopelessly gone, I turned, flung myself towards the bank just quitted, and
was instantly, as expected, swept into shallower water.
The oilcloth covering was a great incumbrance; it had been made for a much
stouter man, and, standing upright after my submersion, my legs occupied
the centre of two bags of water. My guide exhorted me to try again.
Prudence was at my elbow, whispering dissuasion; but, taking everything
into account, it appeared more immoral to retreat than to proceed. Instructed
by the first misadventure, I once more entered the stream. Had the
alpenstock been of iron it might have helped me; but, as it was, the tendency
of the water to sweep it out of my hands rendered it worse than useless. I,
however, clung to it by habit. Again the torrent rose, and again I wavered;
but, by keeping the left hip well against it, I remained upright, and at length
grasped the hand of my leader at the other side. He laughed pleasantly. The
first victory was gained, and he enjoyed it. 'No traveller,' he said, 'was ever
here before.' Soon afterwards, by trusting to a piece of drift-wood which
seemed firm, I was again taken off my feet, but was immediately caught by a
protruding rock.
We clambered over the boulders towards the thickest spray, which soon
became so weighty as to cause us to stagger under its shock. For the most
part nothing could be seen; we were in the midst of bewildering tumult,
lashed by the water, which sounded at times like the cracking of innumerable
whips. Underneath this was the deep resonant roar of the cataract. I tried to
shield my eyes with my hands, and look upwards; but the defence was
useless. The guide continued to move on, but at a certain place he halted,
desiring me to take shelter in his lee, and observe the cataract. The spray did
not come so much from the upper ledge, as from the rebound of the shattered
water when it struck the bottom. Hence the eyes could be protected from the
blinding shock of the spray, while the line of vision to the upper ledges
difficulty to put the possibility of an accident clearly before the mind, and to
decide beforehand what ought to be done should the accident occur. Thus
wound up in the present instance, I entered the water. Even where it was not
more than knee-deep, its power was manifest. As it rose around me, I sought
to split the torrent by presenting a side to it; but the insecurity of the footing
enabled it to grasp my loins, twist me fairly round, and bring its impetus to
bear upon my back. Further struggle was impossible; and feeling my balance
hopelessly gone, I turned, flung myself towards the bank just quitted, and
was instantly, as expected, swept into shallower water.
The oilcloth covering was a great incumbrance; it had been made for a much
stouter man, and, standing upright after my submersion, my legs occupied
the centre of two bags of water. My guide exhorted me to try again.
Prudence was at my elbow, whispering dissuasion; but, taking everything
into account, it appeared more immoral to retreat than to proceed. Instructed
by the first misadventure, I once more entered the stream. Had the
alpenstock been of iron it might have helped me; but, as it was, the tendency
of the water to sweep it out of my hands rendered it worse than useless. I,
however, clung to it by habit. Again the torrent rose, and again I wavered;
but, by keeping the left hip well against it, I remained upright, and at length
grasped the hand of my leader at the other side. He laughed pleasantly. The
first victory was gained, and he enjoyed it. 'No traveller,' he said, 'was ever
here before.' Soon afterwards, by trusting to a piece of drift-wood which
seemed firm, I was again taken off my feet, but was immediately caught by a
protruding rock.
We clambered over the boulders towards the thickest spray, which soon
became so weighty as to cause us to stagger under its shock. For the most
part nothing could be seen; we were in the midst of bewildering tumult,
lashed by the water, which sounded at times like the cracking of innumerable
whips. Underneath this was the deep resonant roar of the cataract. I tried to
shield my eyes with my hands, and look upwards; but the defence was
useless. The guide continued to move on, but at a certain place he halted,
desiring me to take shelter in his lee, and observe the cataract. The spray did
not come so much from the upper ledge, as from the rebound of the shattered
water when it struck the bottom. Hence the eyes could be protected from the
blinding shock of the spray, while the line of vision to the upper ledges
Page 193
remained to some extent clear. On looking upwards over the guide's shoulder
I could see the water bending over the ledge, while the Terrapin Tower
loomed fitfully through the intermittent spray-gusts. We were right under the
tower. A little farther on the cataract, after its first plunge, hit a protuberance
some way down, and flew from it in a prodigious burst of spray; through this
we staggered. We rounded the promontory on which the Terrapin Tower
stands, and moved, amid the wildest commotion, along the arm of the Horse-
hoe, until the boulders failed us, and the cataract fell into the profound gorge
of the Niagara River.
Here the guide sheltered me again, and desired me 'to look up; I did so, and
could see, as before, the green gleam of the mighty curve sweeping over the
"dipper ledge, and the fitful plunge of the water, as the spray between us and
it alternately gathered and disappeared. An eminent friend of mine often
speaks of the mistake of those physicians who regard man's ailments as
purely chemical, to be met by chemical remedies only. He contends for the
psychological element of cure. By agreeable emotions, he says, nervous
currents are liberated which stimulate blood, brain, and viscera. The
influence rained from ladies' eyes enables my friend to thrive on dishes
which would kill him if eaten alone. A sanative effect of the same order I
experienced amid the spray and thunder of Niagara. Quickened by the
emotions there aroused, the blood sped exultingly through the arteries,
abolishing introspection, clearing the heart of all bitterness, and enabling one
to think with tolerance, if not with tenderness, on the most relentless and
unreasonable foe. Apart from its scientific value, and purely as a moral
agent, the play was worth the candle. My companion knew no more of me
than that I enjoyed the wildness of the scene; but as I bent in the shelter of
his large frame he said, 'I should like to see you attempting to describe all
this.' He rightly thought it indescribable. The name of this gallant fellow was
Thomas Conroy.
We returned, clambering at intervals up and down, so as to catch glimpses of
the most impressive portions of the cataract. We passed under ledges formed
by tabular masses of limestone, and through some curious openings formed
by the falling together of the summits of the rocks. At length we found
ourselves beside our enemy of the morning. Conroy halted for a minute or
two, scanning the torrent thoughtfully. I said that, as a guide, he ought to
have a rope in such a place; but he retorted that, as no traveller had ever
I could see the water bending over the ledge, while the Terrapin Tower
loomed fitfully through the intermittent spray-gusts. We were right under the
tower. A little farther on the cataract, after its first plunge, hit a protuberance
some way down, and flew from it in a prodigious burst of spray; through this
we staggered. We rounded the promontory on which the Terrapin Tower
stands, and moved, amid the wildest commotion, along the arm of the Horse-
hoe, until the boulders failed us, and the cataract fell into the profound gorge
of the Niagara River.
Here the guide sheltered me again, and desired me 'to look up; I did so, and
could see, as before, the green gleam of the mighty curve sweeping over the
"dipper ledge, and the fitful plunge of the water, as the spray between us and
it alternately gathered and disappeared. An eminent friend of mine often
speaks of the mistake of those physicians who regard man's ailments as
purely chemical, to be met by chemical remedies only. He contends for the
psychological element of cure. By agreeable emotions, he says, nervous
currents are liberated which stimulate blood, brain, and viscera. The
influence rained from ladies' eyes enables my friend to thrive on dishes
which would kill him if eaten alone. A sanative effect of the same order I
experienced amid the spray and thunder of Niagara. Quickened by the
emotions there aroused, the blood sped exultingly through the arteries,
abolishing introspection, clearing the heart of all bitterness, and enabling one
to think with tolerance, if not with tenderness, on the most relentless and
unreasonable foe. Apart from its scientific value, and purely as a moral
agent, the play was worth the candle. My companion knew no more of me
than that I enjoyed the wildness of the scene; but as I bent in the shelter of
his large frame he said, 'I should like to see you attempting to describe all
this.' He rightly thought it indescribable. The name of this gallant fellow was
Thomas Conroy.
We returned, clambering at intervals up and down, so as to catch glimpses of
the most impressive portions of the cataract. We passed under ledges formed
by tabular masses of limestone, and through some curious openings formed
by the falling together of the summits of the rocks. At length we found
ourselves beside our enemy of the morning. Conroy halted for a minute or
two, scanning the torrent thoughtfully. I said that, as a guide, he ought to
have a rope in such a place; but he retorted that, as no traveller had ever
Page 194
thought of coming there, he did not see the necessity of keeping a rope. He
waded in. The struggle to keep himself erect was evident enough; he
swayed, but recovered himself again and again. At length he slipped, gave
way, did as I had done, threw himself towards the bank, and was swept into
the shallows. Standing in the stream near its edge, he stretched his arm
towards me. I retained the pitchfork handle, for it had been useful among the
boulders. By wading some way in, the staff could be made to reach him, and
I proposed his seizing it. 'If you are sure,' he replied, 'that, in case of giving
way, you can maintain your grasp, then I will certainly hold you.' Remarking
that he might count on this, I waded in, and stretched the staff to my
companion. It was firmly grasped by both of us. Thus helped, though its
onset was strong, I moved safely across the torrent. All danger ended here.
We afterwards roamed sociably among the torrents and boulders below the
Cave of the Winds. The rocks were covered with organic slime, which could
not have been walked over with bare feet, but the felt shoes effectually
prevented slipping. We reached the cave and entered it, first by a wooden
way carried over the boulders, and then along a narrow ledge, to the point
eaten deepest into the shale. When the wind is from the south, the falling
water, I am told, can be seen tranquilly from this spot; but when we were
there, a blinding hurricane of spray was whirled against us. On the evening
of the same day, I went behind the water on the Canada side, which, after the
experiences of the morning, struck me as an imposture.
Still even this latter is exciting to some nerves. Its effect upon himself is thus
vividly described by Bakewell, jun.: 'On turning a sharp angle of the rock, a
sudden gust of wind met us, coming from the hollow between the fall and
the rock, which drove the spray directly in our faces, with such force that in
an instant we were wet through. When in the midst of this shower-bath the
shock took away my breath: I turned back and scrambled over the loose
stones to escape the conflict. The guide soon followed, and told me that I
had passed the worst part. With that assurance I made a second attempt; but
so wild and disordered was my imagination that when I had reached half
way I could bear it no longer.' [Footnote: 'Mag. of Nat. Hist.,' 1830, pp. 121,
122.]
To complete my knowledge I desired to see the fall from the river below it,
and long negotiations were necessary to secure the means of doing so. The
only boat fit for the undertaking had been laid up for the winter; but this
waded in. The struggle to keep himself erect was evident enough; he
swayed, but recovered himself again and again. At length he slipped, gave
way, did as I had done, threw himself towards the bank, and was swept into
the shallows. Standing in the stream near its edge, he stretched his arm
towards me. I retained the pitchfork handle, for it had been useful among the
boulders. By wading some way in, the staff could be made to reach him, and
I proposed his seizing it. 'If you are sure,' he replied, 'that, in case of giving
way, you can maintain your grasp, then I will certainly hold you.' Remarking
that he might count on this, I waded in, and stretched the staff to my
companion. It was firmly grasped by both of us. Thus helped, though its
onset was strong, I moved safely across the torrent. All danger ended here.
We afterwards roamed sociably among the torrents and boulders below the
Cave of the Winds. The rocks were covered with organic slime, which could
not have been walked over with bare feet, but the felt shoes effectually
prevented slipping. We reached the cave and entered it, first by a wooden
way carried over the boulders, and then along a narrow ledge, to the point
eaten deepest into the shale. When the wind is from the south, the falling
water, I am told, can be seen tranquilly from this spot; but when we were
there, a blinding hurricane of spray was whirled against us. On the evening
of the same day, I went behind the water on the Canada side, which, after the
experiences of the morning, struck me as an imposture.
Still even this latter is exciting to some nerves. Its effect upon himself is thus
vividly described by Bakewell, jun.: 'On turning a sharp angle of the rock, a
sudden gust of wind met us, coming from the hollow between the fall and
the rock, which drove the spray directly in our faces, with such force that in
an instant we were wet through. When in the midst of this shower-bath the
shock took away my breath: I turned back and scrambled over the loose
stones to escape the conflict. The guide soon followed, and told me that I
had passed the worst part. With that assurance I made a second attempt; but
so wild and disordered was my imagination that when I had reached half
way I could bear it no longer.' [Footnote: 'Mag. of Nat. Hist.,' 1830, pp. 121,
122.]
To complete my knowledge I desired to see the fall from the river below it,
and long negotiations were necessary to secure the means of doing so. The
only boat fit for the undertaking had been laid up for the winter; but this
Page 195
difficulty, through the kind intervention of Mr. Townsend, was overcome.
The main one was to secure oarsmen sufficiently strong and skilful to urge
the boat where I wished it to be taken. The son of the owner of the boat, a
finely-built young fellow, but only twenty, and therefore not sufficiently
hardened, was willing to go; and up the river, it was stated, there lived
another man who could do anything with the boat which strength and daring
could accomplish. He came. His figure and expression of face certainly
indicated extraordinary firmness and power. On Tuesday, November 5, we
started, each of us being clad in oilcloth. The elder oarsman at once assumed
a tone of authority over his companion, and struck immediately in amid the
breakers below the American Fall. He hugged the cross freshets instead of
striking out into the smoother water. I asked him why he did so, and he
replied that they were directed outwards, not downwards. The struggle,
however, to prevent the bow of the boat from being turned by them, was
often very severe.
The spray was in general blinding, but at times it disappeared and yielded
noble views of the fall. The edge of the cataract is crimped by indentations
which exalt its beauty. Here and there, a little below the highest ledge, a
secondary one juts out; the water strikes it and bursts from it in huge
protuberant masses of foam and spray. We passed Goat Island, came to the
Horseshoe, and worked for a time along its base, the boulders over which
Conroy and myself had scrambled a few days previously lying between us
and the cataract. A rock was before us, concealed and revealed at intervals,
as the waves passed over it. Our leader tried to get above this rock, first on
the outside of it. The water, however, was here in violent motion. The men
struggled fiercely, the older one ringing out an incessant peal of command
and exhortation to the younger. As we were just clearing the rock, the bow
came obliquely to the surge; the boat was turned suddenly round and shot
with astonishing rapidity down the river. The men returned to the charge,
now trying to get up between the half-concealed rock and the boulders to the
left. But the torrent set in strongly through this channel. The tugging was
quick and violent, but we made little way. At length, seizing a rope, the
principal oarsman made a desperate attempt to get upon one of the boulders,
hoping to be able to drag the boat through the channel; but it bumped so
violently against the rock, that the man flung himself back and relinquished
the attempt.
The main one was to secure oarsmen sufficiently strong and skilful to urge
the boat where I wished it to be taken. The son of the owner of the boat, a
finely-built young fellow, but only twenty, and therefore not sufficiently
hardened, was willing to go; and up the river, it was stated, there lived
another man who could do anything with the boat which strength and daring
could accomplish. He came. His figure and expression of face certainly
indicated extraordinary firmness and power. On Tuesday, November 5, we
started, each of us being clad in oilcloth. The elder oarsman at once assumed
a tone of authority over his companion, and struck immediately in amid the
breakers below the American Fall. He hugged the cross freshets instead of
striking out into the smoother water. I asked him why he did so, and he
replied that they were directed outwards, not downwards. The struggle,
however, to prevent the bow of the boat from being turned by them, was
often very severe.
The spray was in general blinding, but at times it disappeared and yielded
noble views of the fall. The edge of the cataract is crimped by indentations
which exalt its beauty. Here and there, a little below the highest ledge, a
secondary one juts out; the water strikes it and bursts from it in huge
protuberant masses of foam and spray. We passed Goat Island, came to the
Horseshoe, and worked for a time along its base, the boulders over which
Conroy and myself had scrambled a few days previously lying between us
and the cataract. A rock was before us, concealed and revealed at intervals,
as the waves passed over it. Our leader tried to get above this rock, first on
the outside of it. The water, however, was here in violent motion. The men
struggled fiercely, the older one ringing out an incessant peal of command
and exhortation to the younger. As we were just clearing the rock, the bow
came obliquely to the surge; the boat was turned suddenly round and shot
with astonishing rapidity down the river. The men returned to the charge,
now trying to get up between the half-concealed rock and the boulders to the
left. But the torrent set in strongly through this channel. The tugging was
quick and violent, but we made little way. At length, seizing a rope, the
principal oarsman made a desperate attempt to get upon one of the boulders,
hoping to be able to drag the boat through the channel; but it bumped so
violently against the rock, that the man flung himself back and relinquished
the attempt.
Page 196
We returned along the base of the American Fall, running in and out among
the currents which rushed from it laterally into the river. Seen from below
the American Fall is certainly exquisitely beautiful, but it is a mere frill of
adornment to its nobler neighbour the Horseshoe. At times we took to the
river, from the centre of which the Horseshoe Fall appeared especially
magnificent. A streak of cloud across the neck of Mont Blanc can double its
apparent height, so here the green summit of the cataract shining above the
smoke of spray appeared lifted to an extraordinary elevation. Had Hennepin
and La Hontan seen the fall from this position, their estimates of the height
would have been perfectly excusable.
-----
From a point a little way below the American Fall, a ferry crosses the river,
in summer, to the Canadian side. Below the ferry is a suspension bridge for
carriages and foot-passengers, and a mile or two lower down is the railway
suspension bridge. Between ferry and bridge the river Niagara flows
unruffled; but at the suspension bridge the bed steepens and the river
quickens its motion. Lower down the gorge narrows, and the rapidity and
turbulence increase. At the place called the 'Whirlpool Rapids' I estimated
the width of the river at 300 feet, an estimate confirmed by the dwellers on
the spot. When it is remembered that the drainage of nearly half a continent
is compressed into this space, the impetuosity of the river's rush may be
imagined. Had it not been for Mr. Bierstädt, the distinguished photographer
of Niagara, I should have quitted the place without seeing these rapids; for
this, and for his agreeable company to the spot, I have to thank him. From
the edge of the cliff above the rapids, we descended, a little, I confess, to a
climber's disgust, in an 'elevator,' because the effects are best seen from the
water level.
Two kinds of motion are here obviously active, a motion of translation and a
motion of undulation — the race of the river through its gorge, and the great
waves generated by its collision with, and rebound from, the obstacles in its
way. In the middle of the river the rush and tossing are most violent; at all
events, the impetuous force of the individual waves is here most strikingly
displayed. Vast pyramidal heaps leap incessantly from the river, some of
them with such energy as to jerk their summits into the air, where they hang
momentarily suspended in crowds of liquid spherules. The sun shone for a
the currents which rushed from it laterally into the river. Seen from below
the American Fall is certainly exquisitely beautiful, but it is a mere frill of
adornment to its nobler neighbour the Horseshoe. At times we took to the
river, from the centre of which the Horseshoe Fall appeared especially
magnificent. A streak of cloud across the neck of Mont Blanc can double its
apparent height, so here the green summit of the cataract shining above the
smoke of spray appeared lifted to an extraordinary elevation. Had Hennepin
and La Hontan seen the fall from this position, their estimates of the height
would have been perfectly excusable.
-----
From a point a little way below the American Fall, a ferry crosses the river,
in summer, to the Canadian side. Below the ferry is a suspension bridge for
carriages and foot-passengers, and a mile or two lower down is the railway
suspension bridge. Between ferry and bridge the river Niagara flows
unruffled; but at the suspension bridge the bed steepens and the river
quickens its motion. Lower down the gorge narrows, and the rapidity and
turbulence increase. At the place called the 'Whirlpool Rapids' I estimated
the width of the river at 300 feet, an estimate confirmed by the dwellers on
the spot. When it is remembered that the drainage of nearly half a continent
is compressed into this space, the impetuosity of the river's rush may be
imagined. Had it not been for Mr. Bierstädt, the distinguished photographer
of Niagara, I should have quitted the place without seeing these rapids; for
this, and for his agreeable company to the spot, I have to thank him. From
the edge of the cliff above the rapids, we descended, a little, I confess, to a
climber's disgust, in an 'elevator,' because the effects are best seen from the
water level.
Two kinds of motion are here obviously active, a motion of translation and a
motion of undulation — the race of the river through its gorge, and the great
waves generated by its collision with, and rebound from, the obstacles in its
way. In the middle of the river the rush and tossing are most violent; at all
events, the impetuous force of the individual waves is here most strikingly
displayed. Vast pyramidal heaps leap incessantly from the river, some of
them with such energy as to jerk their summits into the air, where they hang
momentarily suspended in crowds of liquid spherules. The sun shone for a
Page 197
few minutes. At times the wind, coming up the river, searched and sifted the
spray, carrying away the lighter drops, and leaving the heavier ones behind.
Wafted in the proper direction, rainbows appeared and disappeared fitfully in
the lighter mist. In other directions the common gleam of the sunshine from
the waves and their shattered crests was exquisitely beautiful. The
complexity of the action was still further illustrated by the fact, that in some
cases, as if by the exercise of a local explosive force, the drops were shot
radially from a particular centre, forming around it a kind of halo.
The first impression, and, indeed, the current explanation of these rapids is,
that the central bed of the river is cumbered with large boulders, and that the
jostling, tossing, and wild leaping of the water there, are due to its impact
against these obstacles. I doubt this explanation. At all events, there is
another sufficient reason to be taken into account. Boulders derived from the
adjacent cliffs visibly cumber the sides of the river. Against these the water
rises and sinks rhythmically but violently, large waves being thus produced.
On the generation of each wave, there is an immediate compounding of the
wave-motion with he river-motion. The ridges, which in still water would
proceed in circular curves round the centre of disturbance, cross the river
obliquely, and the result is that at the centre waves commingle, which have
really been generated at the sides. In the first instance, we had a composition
of wave-motion with river-motion; here we have the coalescence of waves
with waves. Where crest and furrow cross each other, the motion is annulled;
where furrow and furrow cross, the river is ploughed to a greater depth; and
where crest and crest aid each other, we have that astonishing leap of the
water which breaks the cohesion of the crests, and tosses them shattered into
the air. From the water level the cause of the action is not so easily seen; but
from the summit of the cliff the lateral generation of the waves, and their
propagation to the perfectly obvious. If this explanation be correct, the
phenomena observed at the Whirlpool Rapids form one of the grandest
illustrations of the principle of interference. The Nile 'cataract,' Mr. Huxley
informs me, offers more moderate examples of the same action.
At some distance below the Whirlpool Rapids we have the celebrated
whirlpool itself. Here the river makes a sudden bend to the north-east,
forming nearly a right angle with its previous direction. The water strikes the
concave bank with great force, and scoops it incessantly away. A vast basin
has been thus formed, in which the sweep of the river prolongs itself in
spray, carrying away the lighter drops, and leaving the heavier ones behind.
Wafted in the proper direction, rainbows appeared and disappeared fitfully in
the lighter mist. In other directions the common gleam of the sunshine from
the waves and their shattered crests was exquisitely beautiful. The
complexity of the action was still further illustrated by the fact, that in some
cases, as if by the exercise of a local explosive force, the drops were shot
radially from a particular centre, forming around it a kind of halo.
The first impression, and, indeed, the current explanation of these rapids is,
that the central bed of the river is cumbered with large boulders, and that the
jostling, tossing, and wild leaping of the water there, are due to its impact
against these obstacles. I doubt this explanation. At all events, there is
another sufficient reason to be taken into account. Boulders derived from the
adjacent cliffs visibly cumber the sides of the river. Against these the water
rises and sinks rhythmically but violently, large waves being thus produced.
On the generation of each wave, there is an immediate compounding of the
wave-motion with he river-motion. The ridges, which in still water would
proceed in circular curves round the centre of disturbance, cross the river
obliquely, and the result is that at the centre waves commingle, which have
really been generated at the sides. In the first instance, we had a composition
of wave-motion with river-motion; here we have the coalescence of waves
with waves. Where crest and furrow cross each other, the motion is annulled;
where furrow and furrow cross, the river is ploughed to a greater depth; and
where crest and crest aid each other, we have that astonishing leap of the
water which breaks the cohesion of the crests, and tosses them shattered into
the air. From the water level the cause of the action is not so easily seen; but
from the summit of the cliff the lateral generation of the waves, and their
propagation to the perfectly obvious. If this explanation be correct, the
phenomena observed at the Whirlpool Rapids form one of the grandest
illustrations of the principle of interference. The Nile 'cataract,' Mr. Huxley
informs me, offers more moderate examples of the same action.
At some distance below the Whirlpool Rapids we have the celebrated
whirlpool itself. Here the river makes a sudden bend to the north-east,
forming nearly a right angle with its previous direction. The water strikes the
concave bank with great force, and scoops it incessantly away. A vast basin
has been thus formed, in which the sweep of the river prolongs itself in
Page 198
gyratory currents. Bodies and trees which have come over the falls, are
stated to circulate here for days without finding the outlet. From various
points of the cliffs above, this is curiously hidden. The rush of the river into
the whirlpool is obvious enough; and though you imagine the outlet must be
visible, if one existed, you cannot find it. Turning, however, round the bend
of the precipice to the north-east, the outlet comes into view.
The Niagara season was over; the chatter of sightseers had ceased, and the
scene presented itself as one of holy seclusion and beauty. I went down to
the river's edge, where the weird loneliness seemed to increase. The basin is
enclosed by high and almost precipitous banks — covered, at the time, with
russet woods. A kind of mystery attaches itself to gyrating water, due
perhaps to the fact that we are to some extent ignorant of the direction of its
force. It is said that at certain points of the whirlpool, pine-trees are sucked
down, to be ejected mysteriously elsewhere. The 'water is of the brightest
emerald-green. The gorge through which it escapes is narrow, and the
motion of the river swift though silent. The surface is steeply inclined, but it
is perfectly unbroken. There are no lateral waves, no ripples with their
breaking bubbles to raise a murmur; while the depth is here too great to
allow the inequality of the bed to ruffle the surface. Nothing can be more
beautiful than this sloping liquid mirror formed by the Niagara, in sliding
from the whirlpool.
The green colour is, I think, correctly accounted for in the last Fragment.
While crossing the Atlantic in 1872-73 I had frequent opportunities of
testing the explanation there given. Looked properly down upon, there are
portions of the ocean to which we should hardly ascribe a trace of blue; at
the most, a mere hint of indigo reaches the eye. The water, indeed, is
practically black, and this is an indication both of its depth and of its
freedom from mechanically suspended matter. In small thicknesses water is
sensibly transparent to all kinds of light; but, as the thickness increases, the
rays of low refrangibility are first absorbed, and after them the other rays.
Where, therefore, the water is very deep and very pure, all the colours are
absorbed, and such water ought to appear black, as no light is sent from its
interior to the eye. The approximation of the Atlantic Ocean to this condition
is an indication of its extreme purity.
stated to circulate here for days without finding the outlet. From various
points of the cliffs above, this is curiously hidden. The rush of the river into
the whirlpool is obvious enough; and though you imagine the outlet must be
visible, if one existed, you cannot find it. Turning, however, round the bend
of the precipice to the north-east, the outlet comes into view.
The Niagara season was over; the chatter of sightseers had ceased, and the
scene presented itself as one of holy seclusion and beauty. I went down to
the river's edge, where the weird loneliness seemed to increase. The basin is
enclosed by high and almost precipitous banks — covered, at the time, with
russet woods. A kind of mystery attaches itself to gyrating water, due
perhaps to the fact that we are to some extent ignorant of the direction of its
force. It is said that at certain points of the whirlpool, pine-trees are sucked
down, to be ejected mysteriously elsewhere. The 'water is of the brightest
emerald-green. The gorge through which it escapes is narrow, and the
motion of the river swift though silent. The surface is steeply inclined, but it
is perfectly unbroken. There are no lateral waves, no ripples with their
breaking bubbles to raise a murmur; while the depth is here too great to
allow the inequality of the bed to ruffle the surface. Nothing can be more
beautiful than this sloping liquid mirror formed by the Niagara, in sliding
from the whirlpool.
The green colour is, I think, correctly accounted for in the last Fragment.
While crossing the Atlantic in 1872-73 I had frequent opportunities of
testing the explanation there given. Looked properly down upon, there are
portions of the ocean to which we should hardly ascribe a trace of blue; at
the most, a mere hint of indigo reaches the eye. The water, indeed, is
practically black, and this is an indication both of its depth and of its
freedom from mechanically suspended matter. In small thicknesses water is
sensibly transparent to all kinds of light; but, as the thickness increases, the
rays of low refrangibility are first absorbed, and after them the other rays.
Where, therefore, the water is very deep and very pure, all the colours are
absorbed, and such water ought to appear black, as no light is sent from its
interior to the eye. The approximation of the Atlantic Ocean to this condition
is an indication of its extreme purity.
Page 199
Throw a white pebble into such water; as it sinks it becomes greener and
greener, and, before it disappears, it reaches a vivid blue-green. Break such a
pebble into fragments, each of these will behave like the unbroken mass;
grind the pebble to powder, every particle will yield its modicum of green;
and if the particles be so fine as to remain suspended in the water, the
scattered light will be a uniform green. Hence the greenness of shoal water.
You go to bed with the black Atlantic around you. You rise in the morning,
find it a vivid green, and correctly infer that you are crossing the bank of
Newfoundland. Such water is found charged with fine matter in a state of
mechanical suspension. The light from the bottom may sometimes come into
play, but it is not necessary. A storm can render the water muddy, by
rendering the particles too numerous and gross. Such a case occurred
towards the close of my visit to Niagara. There had been rain and storm in
the upper lake-regions, and the quantity of suspended matter brought down
quite extinguished the fascinating green of the Horseshoe.
Nothing can be more superb than the green of the Atlantic waves, when the
circumstances are favourable to the exhibition of the colour. As long as a
wave remains unbroken no colour appears; but when the foam just doubles
over the crest, like an Alpine snow-cornice, under the cornice we often see a
display of the most exquisite green. It is metallic in its brilliancy. But the
foam is necessary to its production. The foam is first illuminated, and it
scatters the light in all directions; the light which passes through the higher
portion of the wave alone reaches the eye, and gives to that portion its
matchless colour. The folding of the wave, producing as it does a series of
longitudinal protuberances and furrows which act like cylindrical lenses,
introduces variations in the intensity of the light, and materially enhances its
beauty.
-----
We have now to consider the genesis and proximate destiny of the Falls of
Niagara. We may open our way to this subject by a few preliminary remarks
upon erosion. Time and intensity are the main factors of geologic change,
and they are in a certain sense convertible. A feeble force acting through
long periods, and an intense force acting through short ones, may produce
approximately the same results. To Dr. Hooker I have been indebted for
some specimens of stones, the first examples of which were picked up by
greener, and, before it disappears, it reaches a vivid blue-green. Break such a
pebble into fragments, each of these will behave like the unbroken mass;
grind the pebble to powder, every particle will yield its modicum of green;
and if the particles be so fine as to remain suspended in the water, the
scattered light will be a uniform green. Hence the greenness of shoal water.
You go to bed with the black Atlantic around you. You rise in the morning,
find it a vivid green, and correctly infer that you are crossing the bank of
Newfoundland. Such water is found charged with fine matter in a state of
mechanical suspension. The light from the bottom may sometimes come into
play, but it is not necessary. A storm can render the water muddy, by
rendering the particles too numerous and gross. Such a case occurred
towards the close of my visit to Niagara. There had been rain and storm in
the upper lake-regions, and the quantity of suspended matter brought down
quite extinguished the fascinating green of the Horseshoe.
Nothing can be more superb than the green of the Atlantic waves, when the
circumstances are favourable to the exhibition of the colour. As long as a
wave remains unbroken no colour appears; but when the foam just doubles
over the crest, like an Alpine snow-cornice, under the cornice we often see a
display of the most exquisite green. It is metallic in its brilliancy. But the
foam is necessary to its production. The foam is first illuminated, and it
scatters the light in all directions; the light which passes through the higher
portion of the wave alone reaches the eye, and gives to that portion its
matchless colour. The folding of the wave, producing as it does a series of
longitudinal protuberances and furrows which act like cylindrical lenses,
introduces variations in the intensity of the light, and materially enhances its
beauty.
-----
We have now to consider the genesis and proximate destiny of the Falls of
Niagara. We may open our way to this subject by a few preliminary remarks
upon erosion. Time and intensity are the main factors of geologic change,
and they are in a certain sense convertible. A feeble force acting through
long periods, and an intense force acting through short ones, may produce
approximately the same results. To Dr. Hooker I have been indebted for
some specimens of stones, the first examples of which were picked up by
Page 200
Mr. Hackworth on the shores of Lyell's Bay, near Wellington, in New
Zealand. They were described by Mr. Travers in the 'Transactions of the
New Zealand Institute.' Unacquainted with their origin, you would certainly
ascribe their forms to human workmanship. They resemble knives and spear-
heads, being apparently chiselled off into facets, with as much attention to
symmetry as if a tool, guided by human intelligence, had passed over them.
But no human instrument has been brought to bear upon these stones. They
have been wrought into their present shape by the wind-blown sand of
Lyell's Bay. Two winds are, dominant here, and they in succession urged the
sand against opposite sides of the stone; every little particle of sand chipped
away its infinitesimal bit of stone, and in the end sculptured these singular
forms. [Footnote: 'These stones, which have a strong resemblance to works
of human art, occur in great abundance, and of various sizes, from half-an-
inch to several inches in length. A large number were exhibited showing the
various forms, which are those of wedges, knives, arrow-heads, &c., and all
with sharp cutting edges.
'Mr. Travers explained that, notwithstanding their artificial appearance,
these stones were formed by the cutting action of the wind-driven sand, as it
passed to and fro over an exposed boulder-bank. He gave a minute account
of the manner in which the varieties of form are produced, and referred to
the effect which the erosive action thus indicated would have on railway and
other works executed on sandy tracts.
'Dr. Hector stated that although, as a group, the specimens on the table
could not well be mistaken for artificial productions, still the forms are so
peculiar, and the edges, in a few of them, so perfect, that if they were
discovered associated with human works, there is no doubt that they would
have been referred to the so-called "stone period."' — Extracted from the
Minutes of the Wellington Philosophical Society, February 9, 1869.]
The Sphynx of Egypt is nearly covered up by the sand of the desert. The
neck of the Sphynx is partly cut across, not, as I am assured by Mr. Huxley,
by ordinary weathering, but by the eroding action of the fine sand blown
against it. In these cases Nature furnishes us with hints which may be taken
advantage of in art; and this action of sand has been recently turned to
extraordinary account in the United States. When in Boston, I was taken by
my courteous and helpful friend, Mr. Josiah Quincey, to see the action of the
Zealand. They were described by Mr. Travers in the 'Transactions of the
New Zealand Institute.' Unacquainted with their origin, you would certainly
ascribe their forms to human workmanship. They resemble knives and spear-
heads, being apparently chiselled off into facets, with as much attention to
symmetry as if a tool, guided by human intelligence, had passed over them.
But no human instrument has been brought to bear upon these stones. They
have been wrought into their present shape by the wind-blown sand of
Lyell's Bay. Two winds are, dominant here, and they in succession urged the
sand against opposite sides of the stone; every little particle of sand chipped
away its infinitesimal bit of stone, and in the end sculptured these singular
forms. [Footnote: 'These stones, which have a strong resemblance to works
of human art, occur in great abundance, and of various sizes, from half-an-
inch to several inches in length. A large number were exhibited showing the
various forms, which are those of wedges, knives, arrow-heads, &c., and all
with sharp cutting edges.
'Mr. Travers explained that, notwithstanding their artificial appearance,
these stones were formed by the cutting action of the wind-driven sand, as it
passed to and fro over an exposed boulder-bank. He gave a minute account
of the manner in which the varieties of form are produced, and referred to
the effect which the erosive action thus indicated would have on railway and
other works executed on sandy tracts.
'Dr. Hector stated that although, as a group, the specimens on the table
could not well be mistaken for artificial productions, still the forms are so
peculiar, and the edges, in a few of them, so perfect, that if they were
discovered associated with human works, there is no doubt that they would
have been referred to the so-called "stone period."' — Extracted from the
Minutes of the Wellington Philosophical Society, February 9, 1869.]
The Sphynx of Egypt is nearly covered up by the sand of the desert. The
neck of the Sphynx is partly cut across, not, as I am assured by Mr. Huxley,
by ordinary weathering, but by the eroding action of the fine sand blown
against it. In these cases Nature furnishes us with hints which may be taken
advantage of in art; and this action of sand has been recently turned to
extraordinary account in the United States. When in Boston, I was taken by
my courteous and helpful friend, Mr. Josiah Quincey, to see the action of the
Page 201
sand-blast. A kind of hopper containing fine silicious sand was connected
with a reservoir of compressed air, the pressure being variable at pleasure.
The hopper ended in a long slit, from which the sand was blown. A plate of
glass was placed beneath this slit, and caused to pass slowly under it; it came
out perfectly depolished, with a bright opalescent glimmer, such as could
only be produced by the most careful grinding. Every little particle of sand
urged against the glass, having all its energy concentrated on the point of
impact, formed there a little pit, the depolished surface consisting of
innumerable hollows of this description.
But this was not all. By protecting certain portions of the surface, and
exposing others, figures and tracery of any required form could be etched
upon the glass. The figures of open iron-work could be thus copied; while
wire-gauze placed over the glass produced a reticulated pattern. But it
required no such resisting substance as iron to shelter the glass. The patterns
of the finest lace could be thus reproduced; the delicate filaments of the lace
itself offering a sufficient protection. All these effects have been obtained
with a simple model of the sand-blast devised by my assistant. A fraction of
a minute suffices to etch upon glass a rich and beautiful lace pattern. Any
yielding substance may be employed to protect the glass. By diffusing the
shock of the particle, such substances practically destroy the local erosive
power. The hand can bear, without inconvenience, a sand-shower which
would pulverise glass. Etchings executed on glass with suitable kinds of ink
are accurately worked out by the sandblast. In fact, within certain limits, the
harder the surface, the greater is the concentration of the shock, and the more
effectual is the erosion. It is not necessary that the sand should be the harder
substance of the two; corundum, for example, is much harder than quartz;
still, quartz-sand can not only depolish, but actually blow a hole through a
plate of corundum. Nay, glass may be depolished by the impact of fine shot;
the grains in this case bruising the glass, before they have time to flatten and
turn their energy into heat.
And here, in passing, we may tie together one or two apparently unrelated
facts. Supposing you turn on, at the lower part of a house, a cock which is
fed by a pipe from a cistern at the top of the house, the column of water,
from the cistern downwards, is set in motion. By turning off the cock, this
motion is stopped; and, when the turning off is very sudden, the pipe, if not
strong, may be burst by the internal impact of the water. By distributing the
with a reservoir of compressed air, the pressure being variable at pleasure.
The hopper ended in a long slit, from which the sand was blown. A plate of
glass was placed beneath this slit, and caused to pass slowly under it; it came
out perfectly depolished, with a bright opalescent glimmer, such as could
only be produced by the most careful grinding. Every little particle of sand
urged against the glass, having all its energy concentrated on the point of
impact, formed there a little pit, the depolished surface consisting of
innumerable hollows of this description.
But this was not all. By protecting certain portions of the surface, and
exposing others, figures and tracery of any required form could be etched
upon the glass. The figures of open iron-work could be thus copied; while
wire-gauze placed over the glass produced a reticulated pattern. But it
required no such resisting substance as iron to shelter the glass. The patterns
of the finest lace could be thus reproduced; the delicate filaments of the lace
itself offering a sufficient protection. All these effects have been obtained
with a simple model of the sand-blast devised by my assistant. A fraction of
a minute suffices to etch upon glass a rich and beautiful lace pattern. Any
yielding substance may be employed to protect the glass. By diffusing the
shock of the particle, such substances practically destroy the local erosive
power. The hand can bear, without inconvenience, a sand-shower which
would pulverise glass. Etchings executed on glass with suitable kinds of ink
are accurately worked out by the sandblast. In fact, within certain limits, the
harder the surface, the greater is the concentration of the shock, and the more
effectual is the erosion. It is not necessary that the sand should be the harder
substance of the two; corundum, for example, is much harder than quartz;
still, quartz-sand can not only depolish, but actually blow a hole through a
plate of corundum. Nay, glass may be depolished by the impact of fine shot;
the grains in this case bruising the glass, before they have time to flatten and
turn their energy into heat.
And here, in passing, we may tie together one or two apparently unrelated
facts. Supposing you turn on, at the lower part of a house, a cock which is
fed by a pipe from a cistern at the top of the house, the column of water,
from the cistern downwards, is set in motion. By turning off the cock, this
motion is stopped; and, when the turning off is very sudden, the pipe, if not
strong, may be burst by the internal impact of the water. By distributing the
Page 202
turning of the cock over half a second of time, the shock and danger of
rupture may be entirely avoided. We have here an example of the
concentration of energy in time. The sand-blast illustrates the concentration
of energy in space. The action of flint and steel is an illustration of the same
principle. The heat required to generate the spark is intense; and the
mechanical action, being moderate, must, to produce fire, be in the highest
degree concentrated. This concentration is secured by the collision of hard
substances. Calc-spar will not supply the place of flint, nor lead the place of
steel, in the production of fire by collision. With the softer substances, the
total heat produced may be greater than with the hard ones, but, to produce
the spark, the heat must be intensely localised.
We can, however, go far beyond the mere depolishing of glass; indeed I have
already said that quartz-sand can wear a hole through corundum. This leads
me to express my acknowledgments to General Tilghman, [Footnote: The
absorbent power, if I may use the phrase, exerted by the industrial arts in the
United States, is forcibly illustrated by the rapid transfer of men like Mr.
Tilghman from the life of the soldier to that of the civilian. General
McClellan, now a civil engineer, whom I had the honour of frequently
meeting in New York, is a most eminent example of the same kind. At the end
of the war, indeed, a million and a half of men were thus drawn, in an
astonishingly short time, from military to civil life.] who is the inventor of
the sand-Blast. To his spontaneous kindness I am indebted for some
beautiful illustrations of his process. In one thick plate of glass a figure has
been worked out to a depth of three eighths of an inch. A second plate, seven
eighths of an inch thick, is entirely perforated. In a circular plate of marble,
nearly half an inch thick, open work of most intricate and elaborate
description has been executed. It would probably take many days to perform
this work by any ordinary process; with the sand-blast it was accomplished
in an hour. So much for the strength of the blast; its delicacy is illustrated by
this beautiful example of line engraving, etched on glass by means of the
Blast.
This power of erosion, so strikingly displayed when sand is urged by air,
renders us better able to conceive its action when urged by water. The
erosive power of a river is vastly augmented by the solid matter carried
along with it. Sand or pebbles, caught in a river vortex, can wear away the
hardest rock potholes' and deep cylindrical shafts being thus produced. An
rupture may be entirely avoided. We have here an example of the
concentration of energy in time. The sand-blast illustrates the concentration
of energy in space. The action of flint and steel is an illustration of the same
principle. The heat required to generate the spark is intense; and the
mechanical action, being moderate, must, to produce fire, be in the highest
degree concentrated. This concentration is secured by the collision of hard
substances. Calc-spar will not supply the place of flint, nor lead the place of
steel, in the production of fire by collision. With the softer substances, the
total heat produced may be greater than with the hard ones, but, to produce
the spark, the heat must be intensely localised.
We can, however, go far beyond the mere depolishing of glass; indeed I have
already said that quartz-sand can wear a hole through corundum. This leads
me to express my acknowledgments to General Tilghman, [Footnote: The
absorbent power, if I may use the phrase, exerted by the industrial arts in the
United States, is forcibly illustrated by the rapid transfer of men like Mr.
Tilghman from the life of the soldier to that of the civilian. General
McClellan, now a civil engineer, whom I had the honour of frequently
meeting in New York, is a most eminent example of the same kind. At the end
of the war, indeed, a million and a half of men were thus drawn, in an
astonishingly short time, from military to civil life.] who is the inventor of
the sand-Blast. To his spontaneous kindness I am indebted for some
beautiful illustrations of his process. In one thick plate of glass a figure has
been worked out to a depth of three eighths of an inch. A second plate, seven
eighths of an inch thick, is entirely perforated. In a circular plate of marble,
nearly half an inch thick, open work of most intricate and elaborate
description has been executed. It would probably take many days to perform
this work by any ordinary process; with the sand-blast it was accomplished
in an hour. So much for the strength of the blast; its delicacy is illustrated by
this beautiful example of line engraving, etched on glass by means of the
Blast.
This power of erosion, so strikingly displayed when sand is urged by air,
renders us better able to conceive its action when urged by water. The
erosive power of a river is vastly augmented by the solid matter carried
along with it. Sand or pebbles, caught in a river vortex, can wear away the
hardest rock potholes' and deep cylindrical shafts being thus produced. An
Page 203
extraordinary instance of this kind of erosion is to be seen in the Val
Tournanche, above the village of this name. The gorge at Handeck has been
thus cut out. Such waterfalls were once frequent in the valleys of
Switzerland; for hardly any valley is without one or more transverse barriers
of resisting material, over which the river flowing through the valley once
fell as a cataract. Near Pontresina, in the Engadin, there is such a case; a hard
gneiss being there worn away to form a gorge, through which the river from
the Morteratsch glacier rushes. The barrier of the Kirchet above Meyringen
is also a case in point. Behind it was a lake, derived from the glacier of the
Aar, and over the barrier the lake poured its excess of water. Here the rock,
being limestone, was in part dissolved; but added to this we had the action of
the sand and gravel carried along by the water, which, on striking the rock,
chipped it away like the particles of the sand-Blast. Thus, by solution and
mechanical erosion, the great chasm of the Finsteraarschlucht was formed. It
is demonstrable that the water which flows at the bottoms of such deep
fissures once flowed at the level of their present edges, and tumbled down
the lower faces of the barriers. Almost every valley in Switzerland furnishes
examples of this kind; the untenable hypothesis of earthquakes, once so
readily resorted to in accounting for these gorges, being now for the most
part abandoned. To produce the Canons of Western America, no other cause
is needed than the integration of effects individually infinitesimal.
And now we come to Niagara. Soon after Europeans had taken possession of
the country, the conviction appears to have arisen that the deep channel of
the river Niagara below the falls had been excavated by the cataract. In Mr.
Bakewell's 'Introduction to Geology,' the prevalence of this belief has been
referred to. It is expressed thus by Professor Joseph Henry in the
'Transactions of the Albany Institute:' [Footnote: Quoted by Bakewell.] 'In
viewing the position of the falls, and the features of the country round, it is
impossible not to be impressed with the idea that this great natural raceway
has been formed by the continued action of the irresistible Niagara, and that
the falls, beginning at Lewiston, have, in the course of ages, worn back the
rocky strata to their present site.' The same view is advocated by Sir Charles
Lyell, by Mr. Hall, by M. Agassiz, by Professor Ramsay, indeed by most of
those who have inspected the place.
A connected image of the origin and progress of the cataract is easily
obtained. Walking northward from the village of Niagara Falls by the side of
Tournanche, above the village of this name. The gorge at Handeck has been
thus cut out. Such waterfalls were once frequent in the valleys of
Switzerland; for hardly any valley is without one or more transverse barriers
of resisting material, over which the river flowing through the valley once
fell as a cataract. Near Pontresina, in the Engadin, there is such a case; a hard
gneiss being there worn away to form a gorge, through which the river from
the Morteratsch glacier rushes. The barrier of the Kirchet above Meyringen
is also a case in point. Behind it was a lake, derived from the glacier of the
Aar, and over the barrier the lake poured its excess of water. Here the rock,
being limestone, was in part dissolved; but added to this we had the action of
the sand and gravel carried along by the water, which, on striking the rock,
chipped it away like the particles of the sand-Blast. Thus, by solution and
mechanical erosion, the great chasm of the Finsteraarschlucht was formed. It
is demonstrable that the water which flows at the bottoms of such deep
fissures once flowed at the level of their present edges, and tumbled down
the lower faces of the barriers. Almost every valley in Switzerland furnishes
examples of this kind; the untenable hypothesis of earthquakes, once so
readily resorted to in accounting for these gorges, being now for the most
part abandoned. To produce the Canons of Western America, no other cause
is needed than the integration of effects individually infinitesimal.
And now we come to Niagara. Soon after Europeans had taken possession of
the country, the conviction appears to have arisen that the deep channel of
the river Niagara below the falls had been excavated by the cataract. In Mr.
Bakewell's 'Introduction to Geology,' the prevalence of this belief has been
referred to. It is expressed thus by Professor Joseph Henry in the
'Transactions of the Albany Institute:' [Footnote: Quoted by Bakewell.] 'In
viewing the position of the falls, and the features of the country round, it is
impossible not to be impressed with the idea that this great natural raceway
has been formed by the continued action of the irresistible Niagara, and that
the falls, beginning at Lewiston, have, in the course of ages, worn back the
rocky strata to their present site.' The same view is advocated by Sir Charles
Lyell, by Mr. Hall, by M. Agassiz, by Professor Ramsay, indeed by most of
those who have inspected the place.
A connected image of the origin and progress of the cataract is easily
obtained. Walking northward from the village of Niagara Falls by the side of
Page 204
the river, we have to our left the deep and comparatively narrow gorge,
through which the Niagara flows. The bounding cliffs of this gorge are from
300 to 350 feet high. We reach the whirlpool, trend to the north-east, and
after a little time gradually resume our northward course. Finally, at about
seven miles from the present falls, we come to the edge of a declivity, which
informs us that we have been hitherto walking on table-land. At some
hundreds of feet below us is a comparatively level plain, which stretches to
Lake Ontario. The declivity marks the end of the precipitous gorge of the
Niagara. Here the river escapes from its steep mural boundaries, and in a
widened bed pursues its way to the lake which finally receives its waters.
The fact that in historic times, even within the memory of man, the fall has
sensibly receded, prompts the question, How far has this recession gone? At
what point did the ledge which thus continually creeps backwards begin its
retrograde course? To minds disciplined in such researches the answer has
been, and will be — At the precipitous declivity which crossed the Niagara
from Lewiston on the American to Queenston on the Canadian side. Over
this transverse barrier the united affluents of all the upper lakes once poured
their waters, and here the work of erosion began. The dam, moreover, was
demonstrably of sufficient height to cause the river above it to submerge
Goat Island; and this would perfectly account for the finding by Sir Charles
Lyell, Mr. Hall, and others, in the sand and gravel of the island, the same
fluviatile shells as are now found in the Niagara River higher up. It would
also account for those deposits along the sides of the river, the discovery of
which enabled Lyell, Hall, and Ramsay to reduce to demonstration the
popular belief that the Niagara once flowed through a shallow valley.
The physics of the problem of excavation, which I made clear to my mind
before quitting Niagara, are revealed by a close inspection of the present
Horseshoe Fall. We see evidently that the greatest weight of water bends
over the very apex of the Horseshoe. In a passage in his excellent chapter on
Niagara Falls, Mr. Hall alludes to this fact. Here we have the most copious
and the most violent whirling of the shattered liquid; here the most powerful
eddies recoil against the shale. From this portion of the fall, indeed, the spray
sometimes rises without solution of continuity to the region of clouds,
becoming gradually more attenuated, and passing finally through the
condition of true cloud into invisible vapour, which is sometimes
reprecipitated higher up. All the phenomena point distinctly to the centre of
through which the Niagara flows. The bounding cliffs of this gorge are from
300 to 350 feet high. We reach the whirlpool, trend to the north-east, and
after a little time gradually resume our northward course. Finally, at about
seven miles from the present falls, we come to the edge of a declivity, which
informs us that we have been hitherto walking on table-land. At some
hundreds of feet below us is a comparatively level plain, which stretches to
Lake Ontario. The declivity marks the end of the precipitous gorge of the
Niagara. Here the river escapes from its steep mural boundaries, and in a
widened bed pursues its way to the lake which finally receives its waters.
The fact that in historic times, even within the memory of man, the fall has
sensibly receded, prompts the question, How far has this recession gone? At
what point did the ledge which thus continually creeps backwards begin its
retrograde course? To minds disciplined in such researches the answer has
been, and will be — At the precipitous declivity which crossed the Niagara
from Lewiston on the American to Queenston on the Canadian side. Over
this transverse barrier the united affluents of all the upper lakes once poured
their waters, and here the work of erosion began. The dam, moreover, was
demonstrably of sufficient height to cause the river above it to submerge
Goat Island; and this would perfectly account for the finding by Sir Charles
Lyell, Mr. Hall, and others, in the sand and gravel of the island, the same
fluviatile shells as are now found in the Niagara River higher up. It would
also account for those deposits along the sides of the river, the discovery of
which enabled Lyell, Hall, and Ramsay to reduce to demonstration the
popular belief that the Niagara once flowed through a shallow valley.
The physics of the problem of excavation, which I made clear to my mind
before quitting Niagara, are revealed by a close inspection of the present
Horseshoe Fall. We see evidently that the greatest weight of water bends
over the very apex of the Horseshoe. In a passage in his excellent chapter on
Niagara Falls, Mr. Hall alludes to this fact. Here we have the most copious
and the most violent whirling of the shattered liquid; here the most powerful
eddies recoil against the shale. From this portion of the fall, indeed, the spray
sometimes rises without solution of continuity to the region of clouds,
becoming gradually more attenuated, and passing finally through the
condition of true cloud into invisible vapour, which is sometimes
reprecipitated higher up. All the phenomena point distinctly to the centre of
Page 205
the river as the place of greatest mechanical energy, and from the centre the
vigour of the fall gradually dies away towards the sides. The Horseshoe
form, with the concavity facing downwards, is an obvious and necessary
consequence of this action. Right along the middle of the river the apex of
the curve pushes its way backwards, cutting along the centre a deep and
comparatively narrow groove, and draining the sides as it passes them.
[Footnote: In the discourse the excavation of the centre and drainage of the
sides action was illustrated by a model devised by my assistant, Mr. John
Cottrell.] Hence the remarkable discrepancy between the widths of the
Niagara above and below the Horseshoe. All along its course, from Lewiston
Heights to its present position, the form of the fall was probably that of a
horseshoe; for this is merely the expression of the greater depth, and
consequently greater excavating power, of the centre of the river. The gorge,
moreover, varies in width, as the depth of the centre of the ancient river
varied, being narrowest where that depth was greatest.
The vast comparative erosive energy of the Horseshoe Fall comes strikingly
into view when it and the American Fall are compared together. The
American branch of the river is cut at a right angle by the gorge of the
Niagara. Here the Horseshoe Fall was the real excavator. It cut the rock, and
formed the precipice, over which the American Fall tumbles. But since its
formation, the erosive action of the American Fall has been almost nil, while
the Horseshoe has cut its way for 600 yards across the end of Goat Island,
and is now doubling back to excavate its channel parallel to the length of the
island. This point, which impressed me forcibly, has not, I have just learned,
escaped the acute observation of Professor Ramsay. [Footnote: His words
are: 'Where the body of water is small in the American Fall, the edge has
only receded a few yards (where most eroded) during the time that the
Canadian Fall has receded from the north corner of Goat Island to the
innermost curve of the Horseshoe Fall.' — Quarterly Journal of Geological
Society, May 1859.] The river bends; the Horseshoe immediately
accommodates itself to the bending, and will follow implicitly the direction
of the deepest water in the upper stream. The flexures of the gorge are
determined by those of the river channel above it. Were the Niagara centre
above the fall sinuous, the gorge would obediently follow its sinuosities.
Once suggested, no doubt geographers will be able to point out many
examples of this action. The Zambesi is thought to present a great difficulty
to the erosion theory, because of the sinuosity of the chasm below the
vigour of the fall gradually dies away towards the sides. The Horseshoe
form, with the concavity facing downwards, is an obvious and necessary
consequence of this action. Right along the middle of the river the apex of
the curve pushes its way backwards, cutting along the centre a deep and
comparatively narrow groove, and draining the sides as it passes them.
[Footnote: In the discourse the excavation of the centre and drainage of the
sides action was illustrated by a model devised by my assistant, Mr. John
Cottrell.] Hence the remarkable discrepancy between the widths of the
Niagara above and below the Horseshoe. All along its course, from Lewiston
Heights to its present position, the form of the fall was probably that of a
horseshoe; for this is merely the expression of the greater depth, and
consequently greater excavating power, of the centre of the river. The gorge,
moreover, varies in width, as the depth of the centre of the ancient river
varied, being narrowest where that depth was greatest.
The vast comparative erosive energy of the Horseshoe Fall comes strikingly
into view when it and the American Fall are compared together. The
American branch of the river is cut at a right angle by the gorge of the
Niagara. Here the Horseshoe Fall was the real excavator. It cut the rock, and
formed the precipice, over which the American Fall tumbles. But since its
formation, the erosive action of the American Fall has been almost nil, while
the Horseshoe has cut its way for 600 yards across the end of Goat Island,
and is now doubling back to excavate its channel parallel to the length of the
island. This point, which impressed me forcibly, has not, I have just learned,
escaped the acute observation of Professor Ramsay. [Footnote: His words
are: 'Where the body of water is small in the American Fall, the edge has
only receded a few yards (where most eroded) during the time that the
Canadian Fall has receded from the north corner of Goat Island to the
innermost curve of the Horseshoe Fall.' — Quarterly Journal of Geological
Society, May 1859.] The river bends; the Horseshoe immediately
accommodates itself to the bending, and will follow implicitly the direction
of the deepest water in the upper stream. The flexures of the gorge are
determined by those of the river channel above it. Were the Niagara centre
above the fall sinuous, the gorge would obediently follow its sinuosities.
Once suggested, no doubt geographers will be able to point out many
examples of this action. The Zambesi is thought to present a great difficulty
to the erosion theory, because of the sinuosity of the chasm below the
Page 206
Victoria Falls. But, assuming the basalt to be of tolerably uniform texture,
had the river been examined before the formation of this sinuous channel,
the present zigzag course of the gorge below the fall could, I am persuaded,
have been predicted, while the sounding of the present river would enable us
to predict the course to be pursued by the erosion in the future.
But not only has the Niagara River cut the gorge; it has carried away the
chips of its own workshop. The shale, being probably crumbled, is easily
carried away. But at the base of the fall we find the huge boulders already
described, and by some means or other these are removed down the river.
The ice which fills the gorge in winter, and which grapples with the
boulders, has been regarded as the transporting agent. Probably it is so to
some extent. But erosion acts without ceasing on the abutting points of the
boulders, thus withdrawing their support and urging them gradually down
the river. Solution also does its portion of the work. That solid matter is
carried down is proved by the difference of depth between the Niagara River
and Lake Ontario, where the river enters it. The depth falls from 72 feet to
20 feet, in consequence of the deposition of solid matter caused by the
diminished motion of the river. [Footnote: Near the mouth of the gorge at
Queenston, the depth, according to the Admiralty Chart, is 180 feet; well
within the gorge it is 132 feet.]
.
The annexed highly instructive map has been reduced from one published in
Mr. Hall's 'Geology of New York.' It is based on surveys executed in 1842,
by Messrs. Gibson and Evershed. The ragged edge of the American Fall
north of Goat Island marks the amount of erosion which it has been able to
accomplish, while the Horseshoe Fall was cutting its way southward across
the end of Goat Island to its present position. The American Fall is 168 feet
high, a precipice cut down, not by itself, but by the Horseshoe Fall. The
latter in 1842 was 159 feet high, and, as shown by the map, is already
turning eastward, to excavate its gorge along the centre of the upper river. P
is the apex of the Horseshoe, and T marks the site of the Terrapin Tower,
with the promontory adjacent, round which I was conducted by Conroy.
Probably since 1842 the Horseshoe has worked back beyond the position
here assigned to it.
had the river been examined before the formation of this sinuous channel,
the present zigzag course of the gorge below the fall could, I am persuaded,
have been predicted, while the sounding of the present river would enable us
to predict the course to be pursued by the erosion in the future.
But not only has the Niagara River cut the gorge; it has carried away the
chips of its own workshop. The shale, being probably crumbled, is easily
carried away. But at the base of the fall we find the huge boulders already
described, and by some means or other these are removed down the river.
The ice which fills the gorge in winter, and which grapples with the
boulders, has been regarded as the transporting agent. Probably it is so to
some extent. But erosion acts without ceasing on the abutting points of the
boulders, thus withdrawing their support and urging them gradually down
the river. Solution also does its portion of the work. That solid matter is
carried down is proved by the difference of depth between the Niagara River
and Lake Ontario, where the river enters it. The depth falls from 72 feet to
20 feet, in consequence of the deposition of solid matter caused by the
diminished motion of the river. [Footnote: Near the mouth of the gorge at
Queenston, the depth, according to the Admiralty Chart, is 180 feet; well
within the gorge it is 132 feet.]
.
The annexed highly instructive map has been reduced from one published in
Mr. Hall's 'Geology of New York.' It is based on surveys executed in 1842,
by Messrs. Gibson and Evershed. The ragged edge of the American Fall
north of Goat Island marks the amount of erosion which it has been able to
accomplish, while the Horseshoe Fall was cutting its way southward across
the end of Goat Island to its present position. The American Fall is 168 feet
high, a precipice cut down, not by itself, but by the Horseshoe Fall. The
latter in 1842 was 159 feet high, and, as shown by the map, is already
turning eastward, to excavate its gorge along the centre of the upper river. P
is the apex of the Horseshoe, and T marks the site of the Terrapin Tower,
with the promontory adjacent, round which I was conducted by Conroy.
Probably since 1842 the Horseshoe has worked back beyond the position
here assigned to it.
Page 207
In conclusion, we may say a word regarding the proximate future of Niagara.
At the rate of excavation assigned to it by Sir Charles Lyell, namely, a foot a
year, five thousand years or so will carry the Horseshoe Fall far higher than
Goat Island. As the gorge recedes it will drain, as it has hitherto done, the
banks right and left of it, thus leaving a nearly level terrace between Goat
Island and the edge of the gorge. Higher up it will totally drain the American
branch of the river; the channel of which in due time will become cultivable
land. The American Fall will then be transformed into a dry precipice,
forming a simple continuation of the cliffy boundary of the Niagara gorge.
At the place occupied by the fall at this moment we shall have the gorge
enclosing a right angle, a second whirlpool being the consequence. To those
who visit Niagara a few millenniums hence I leave the verification of this
prediction. All that can be said is, that if the causes now in action continue to
act, it will prove itself literally true.
-----
At the rate of excavation assigned to it by Sir Charles Lyell, namely, a foot a
year, five thousand years or so will carry the Horseshoe Fall far higher than
Goat Island. As the gorge recedes it will drain, as it has hitherto done, the
banks right and left of it, thus leaving a nearly level terrace between Goat
Island and the edge of the gorge. Higher up it will totally drain the American
branch of the river; the channel of which in due time will become cultivable
land. The American Fall will then be transformed into a dry precipice,
forming a simple continuation of the cliffy boundary of the Niagara gorge.
At the place occupied by the fall at this moment we shall have the gorge
enclosing a right angle, a second whirlpool being the consequence. To those
who visit Niagara a few millenniums hence I leave the verification of this
prediction. All that can be said is, that if the causes now in action continue to
act, it will prove itself literally true.
-----
Page 208
Fig. 6.
POSTSCRIPT.
A year or so after I had quitted the United States, a man sixty years of age,
while engaged in painting one of the bridges which connect Goat Island with
the Three Sisters, slipped through the rails of the bridge into the rapids, and
was carried impetuously towards the Horseshoe Fall. He was urged against a
rock which rose above the water, and with the grasp of desperation he clung
to it. The population of the village of Niagara Falls was soon upon the
island, and ropes were brought, but there was none to use them. In the midst
of the excitement, a tall powerful young fellow was observed making his
way silently through the crowd. He reached a rope; selected from the
bystanders a number of men, and placed one end of the rope in their hands.
POSTSCRIPT.
A year or so after I had quitted the United States, a man sixty years of age,
while engaged in painting one of the bridges which connect Goat Island with
the Three Sisters, slipped through the rails of the bridge into the rapids, and
was carried impetuously towards the Horseshoe Fall. He was urged against a
rock which rose above the water, and with the grasp of desperation he clung
to it. The population of the village of Niagara Falls was soon upon the
island, and ropes were brought, but there was none to use them. In the midst
of the excitement, a tall powerful young fellow was observed making his
way silently through the crowd. He reached a rope; selected from the
bystanders a number of men, and placed one end of the rope in their hands.
Page 209
The other end he fastened round himself, and choosing a point considerably
above that to which the man clung, he plunged into the rapids. He was
carried violently downwards, but he caught the rock, secured the old painter
and saved him. Newspapers from all parts of the Union poured in upon me,
describing this gallant act of my guide Conroy.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
VIII. THE PARALLEL ROADS OF GLEN ROY.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on
June 9, 1876.]
THE first published allusion to the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy occurs in the
appendix to the third volume of Pennant's 'Tour in Scotland,' a work
published in 1776. 'In the face of these hills,' says this writer, 'both sides of
the glen, there are three roads at small distances from each other and directly
opposite on each side. These roads have been measured in the complete parts
of them, and found to be 26 paces of a man 5 feet 10 inches high. The two
highest are pretty near each other, about 50 yards, and the lowest double that
distance from the nearest to it. They are carried along the sides of the glen
with the utmost regularity, nearly as exact as drawn with a line of rule and
compass.'
The correct heights of the three roads of Glen Roy are respectively 1150,
1070, and 860 feet above the sea. Hence a vertical distance of 80 feet
above that to which the man clung, he plunged into the rapids. He was
carried violently downwards, but he caught the rock, secured the old painter
and saved him. Newspapers from all parts of the Union poured in upon me,
describing this gallant act of my guide Conroy.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
VIII. THE PARALLEL ROADS OF GLEN ROY.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on
June 9, 1876.]
THE first published allusion to the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy occurs in the
appendix to the third volume of Pennant's 'Tour in Scotland,' a work
published in 1776. 'In the face of these hills,' says this writer, 'both sides of
the glen, there are three roads at small distances from each other and directly
opposite on each side. These roads have been measured in the complete parts
of them, and found to be 26 paces of a man 5 feet 10 inches high. The two
highest are pretty near each other, about 50 yards, and the lowest double that
distance from the nearest to it. They are carried along the sides of the glen
with the utmost regularity, nearly as exact as drawn with a line of rule and
compass.'
The correct heights of the three roads of Glen Roy are respectively 1150,
1070, and 860 feet above the sea. Hence a vertical distance of 80 feet
Page 210
separates the two highest, while the lowest road is 210 feet below the middle
one.
These 'roads' are usually shelves or terraces formed in the yielding drift
which here covers the slopes of the mountains. They are all sensibly
horizontal and therefore parallel. Pennant accepted as reasonable the
explanation of them given by the country people in his time. They thought
that the roads 'were designed for the chase, and that the terraces were made
after the spots were cleared in lines from wood, in order to tempt the animals
into the open paths after they were rouzed, in order that they might come
within reach of the bowmen who might conceal themselves in the woods
above and below.'
In these attempts of 'the country people' we have an illustration of that
impulse to which all scientific knowledge is due — the desire to know the
causes of things; and it is a matter of surprise that in the case of the parallel
roads, with their weird appearance challenging enquiry, this impulse did not
make itself more rapidly and energetically felt. Their remoteness may
perhaps account for the fact that until the year 1817 no systematic
description of them, and no scientific attempt at an explanation of them,
appeared. In that year Dr. MacCulloch, who was then President of the
Geological Society, presented to that Society a memoir, in which the roads
were discussed, and pronounced to be the margins of lakes once embosomed
in Glen Roy. Why there should be three roads, or why the lakes should stand
at these particular levels, was left unexplained.
To Dr. MacCulloch succeeded a man, possibly not so learned as a geologist,
but obviously fitted by nature to grapple with her facts and to put them in
their proper setting. I refer to Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder, who presented to the
Royal Society of Edinburgh, on the 2nd of March, 1818, his paper on the
Parallel Roads of Glen. Roy. In looking over the literature of this subject,
which is now copious, it is interesting to observe the differentiation of
minds, and to single out those who went by a kind of instinct to the core of
the question, from those who erred in it, or who learnedly occupied
themselves with its analogies, adjuncts, and details. There is no man, in my
opinion, connected with the history of the subject, who has shown, in
relation to it, this spirit of penetration, this force of scientific insight, more
conspicuously than Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder. Two distinct mental processes
one.
These 'roads' are usually shelves or terraces formed in the yielding drift
which here covers the slopes of the mountains. They are all sensibly
horizontal and therefore parallel. Pennant accepted as reasonable the
explanation of them given by the country people in his time. They thought
that the roads 'were designed for the chase, and that the terraces were made
after the spots were cleared in lines from wood, in order to tempt the animals
into the open paths after they were rouzed, in order that they might come
within reach of the bowmen who might conceal themselves in the woods
above and below.'
In these attempts of 'the country people' we have an illustration of that
impulse to which all scientific knowledge is due — the desire to know the
causes of things; and it is a matter of surprise that in the case of the parallel
roads, with their weird appearance challenging enquiry, this impulse did not
make itself more rapidly and energetically felt. Their remoteness may
perhaps account for the fact that until the year 1817 no systematic
description of them, and no scientific attempt at an explanation of them,
appeared. In that year Dr. MacCulloch, who was then President of the
Geological Society, presented to that Society a memoir, in which the roads
were discussed, and pronounced to be the margins of lakes once embosomed
in Glen Roy. Why there should be three roads, or why the lakes should stand
at these particular levels, was left unexplained.
To Dr. MacCulloch succeeded a man, possibly not so learned as a geologist,
but obviously fitted by nature to grapple with her facts and to put them in
their proper setting. I refer to Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder, who presented to the
Royal Society of Edinburgh, on the 2nd of March, 1818, his paper on the
Parallel Roads of Glen. Roy. In looking over the literature of this subject,
which is now copious, it is interesting to observe the differentiation of
minds, and to single out those who went by a kind of instinct to the core of
the question, from those who erred in it, or who learnedly occupied
themselves with its analogies, adjuncts, and details. There is no man, in my
opinion, connected with the history of the subject, who has shown, in
relation to it, this spirit of penetration, this force of scientific insight, more
conspicuously than Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder. Two distinct mental processes
Page 211
are involved in the treatment of such a question. Firstly, the faithful and
sufficient observation of the data; and secondly, that higher mental process
in which the constructive imagination comes into play, connecting the
separate facts of observation with their common cause, and weaving them
into an organic whole. In neither of these requirements did Sir Thomas Dick-
Lauder fail.
Adjacent to Glen Roy is a valley called Glen Gluoy, along the sides of which
ran a single shelf, or terrace, formed obviously in the same manner as the
parallel roads of Glen Roy. The two shelves on the opposing sides of the
glen were at precisely the same level, and Dick-Lauder wished to see
whether, and how, they became united at the head of the glen. He followed
the shelves into the recesses of the mountains. The bottom of the valley, as it
rose, came ever nearer to them, until finally, at the head of Glen Gluoy, he
reached a col, or watershed, of precisely the same elevation as the road
which swept round the glen.
The correct height of this col is 1170 feet above the sea; that is to say, 20 feet
above the highest road in Glen Roy.
From this col a lateral branch-valley — Glen Turrit — led down to Glen
Roy. Our explorer descended from the col to the highest road of the latter
glen, and pursued it exactly as he had pursued the road in Glen Gluoy. For a
time it belted the mountain sides at a considerable height above the bottom
of the valley; but this rose as he proceeded, coming ever nearer to the
highest shelf, until finally he reached a col, or watershed, looking into Glen
Spey, and of precisely the same elevation as the highest road of Glen Roy.
He then dropped down to the lowest of these roads, and followed it towards
the mouth of the glen. Its elevation above the bottom of the valley gradually
increased; not because the shelf rose, but because it remained level while the
valley sloped downwards. He found this lowest road doubling round the hills
at the mouth of Glen Roy, and running along the sides of the mountains
which flank Glen Spean. He followed it eastwards.
sufficient observation of the data; and secondly, that higher mental process
in which the constructive imagination comes into play, connecting the
separate facts of observation with their common cause, and weaving them
into an organic whole. In neither of these requirements did Sir Thomas Dick-
Lauder fail.
Adjacent to Glen Roy is a valley called Glen Gluoy, along the sides of which
ran a single shelf, or terrace, formed obviously in the same manner as the
parallel roads of Glen Roy. The two shelves on the opposing sides of the
glen were at precisely the same level, and Dick-Lauder wished to see
whether, and how, they became united at the head of the glen. He followed
the shelves into the recesses of the mountains. The bottom of the valley, as it
rose, came ever nearer to them, until finally, at the head of Glen Gluoy, he
reached a col, or watershed, of precisely the same elevation as the road
which swept round the glen.
The correct height of this col is 1170 feet above the sea; that is to say, 20 feet
above the highest road in Glen Roy.
From this col a lateral branch-valley — Glen Turrit — led down to Glen
Roy. Our explorer descended from the col to the highest road of the latter
glen, and pursued it exactly as he had pursued the road in Glen Gluoy. For a
time it belted the mountain sides at a considerable height above the bottom
of the valley; but this rose as he proceeded, coming ever nearer to the
highest shelf, until finally he reached a col, or watershed, looking into Glen
Spey, and of precisely the same elevation as the highest road of Glen Roy.
He then dropped down to the lowest of these roads, and followed it towards
the mouth of the glen. Its elevation above the bottom of the valley gradually
increased; not because the shelf rose, but because it remained level while the
valley sloped downwards. He found this lowest road doubling round the hills
at the mouth of Glen Roy, and running along the sides of the mountains
which flank Glen Spean. He followed it eastwards.
Page 212
PARALLEL ROADS OF GLEN ROY.
After a Sketch by Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder.
The bottom of the Spean Valley, like the others, gradually rose, and therefore
gradually approached the road on the adjacent mountain-side. He came to
Loch Laggan, the surface of which rose almost to the level of the road, and
beyond the head of this lake he found, as in the other two cases, a col, or
watershed, at Makul, of exactly the same level as the single road in Glen
Spean, which, it will be remembered, is a continuation of the lowest road in
Glen Roy.
Here we have a series of facts of obvious significance as regards the solution
of this problem. The effort of the mind to form a coherent image from such
facts may be compared with the effort of the eyes to cause the pictures of a
stereoscope to coalesce. For a time we exercise a certain strain, the object
remaining vague and indistinct. Suddenly its various parts seem to run
together, the object starting forth in clear and definite relief. Such, I take it,
After a Sketch by Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder.
The bottom of the Spean Valley, like the others, gradually rose, and therefore
gradually approached the road on the adjacent mountain-side. He came to
Loch Laggan, the surface of which rose almost to the level of the road, and
beyond the head of this lake he found, as in the other two cases, a col, or
watershed, at Makul, of exactly the same level as the single road in Glen
Spean, which, it will be remembered, is a continuation of the lowest road in
Glen Roy.
Here we have a series of facts of obvious significance as regards the solution
of this problem. The effort of the mind to form a coherent image from such
facts may be compared with the effort of the eyes to cause the pictures of a
stereoscope to coalesce. For a time we exercise a certain strain, the object
remaining vague and indistinct. Suddenly its various parts seem to run
together, the object starting forth in clear and definite relief. Such, I take it,
Page 213
was the effect of his ponderings upon the mind of Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder.
His solution was this: Taking all their features into account, he was
convinced that water only could have produced the terraces. But how had the
water been collected? He saw clearly that, supposing the mouth of Glen
Gluoy to be stopped by a barrier sufficiently high, if the waters from the
mountains flanking the glen were allowed to collect, they would form behind
the barrier a lake, the surface of which would gradually rise until it reached
the level of the col at the head of the glen. The rising would then cease; the
superfluous water of Glen Gluoy discharging itself over the col into Glen
Roy. As long as the barrier stopping the mouth of Glen Gluoy continued high
enough, we should have in that glen a lake at the precise level of its shelf,
which lake, acting upon the loose drift of the flanking mountains, would
form the shelf revealed by observation.
So much for Glen Gluoy. But suppose the mouth of Glen Roy also stopped
by a similar barrier. Behind it also the water from the adjacent mountains
would collect. The surface of the lake thus formed would gradually rise,
until it had reached the level of the col which divides Glen Roy from Glen
Spey. Here the rising of the lake would cease; its superabundant water being
poured over the col into the valley of the Spey. This state of things would
continue as long as a sufficiently high barrier remained at the mouth of Glen
Roy. The lake thus dammed in, with its surface at the level of the highest
parallel road, would act, as in Glen Gluoy, upon the friable drift
overspreading the mountains, and would form the highest road or terrace of
Glen Roy.
And now let us suppose the barrier to be so far removed from the mouth of
Glen Roy as to establish a connection between it and the upper part of Glen
Spean, while the lower part of the latter glen still continued to be blocked up.
Upper Glen Spean and Glen Roy would then be occupied by a continuous
lake, the level of which would obviously be determined by the col at the
head of Loch Laggan. The water in Glen Roy would sink from the level it
had previously maintained, to the level of its new place of escape. This new
lake-surface would correspond exactly with the lowest parallel road, and it
would form that road by its action upon the drift of the adjacent mountains.
In presence of the observed facts, this solution commends itself strongly to
the scientific mind. The question next occurs, What was the character of the
His solution was this: Taking all their features into account, he was
convinced that water only could have produced the terraces. But how had the
water been collected? He saw clearly that, supposing the mouth of Glen
Gluoy to be stopped by a barrier sufficiently high, if the waters from the
mountains flanking the glen were allowed to collect, they would form behind
the barrier a lake, the surface of which would gradually rise until it reached
the level of the col at the head of the glen. The rising would then cease; the
superfluous water of Glen Gluoy discharging itself over the col into Glen
Roy. As long as the barrier stopping the mouth of Glen Gluoy continued high
enough, we should have in that glen a lake at the precise level of its shelf,
which lake, acting upon the loose drift of the flanking mountains, would
form the shelf revealed by observation.
So much for Glen Gluoy. But suppose the mouth of Glen Roy also stopped
by a similar barrier. Behind it also the water from the adjacent mountains
would collect. The surface of the lake thus formed would gradually rise,
until it had reached the level of the col which divides Glen Roy from Glen
Spey. Here the rising of the lake would cease; its superabundant water being
poured over the col into the valley of the Spey. This state of things would
continue as long as a sufficiently high barrier remained at the mouth of Glen
Roy. The lake thus dammed in, with its surface at the level of the highest
parallel road, would act, as in Glen Gluoy, upon the friable drift
overspreading the mountains, and would form the highest road or terrace of
Glen Roy.
And now let us suppose the barrier to be so far removed from the mouth of
Glen Roy as to establish a connection between it and the upper part of Glen
Spean, while the lower part of the latter glen still continued to be blocked up.
Upper Glen Spean and Glen Roy would then be occupied by a continuous
lake, the level of which would obviously be determined by the col at the
head of Loch Laggan. The water in Glen Roy would sink from the level it
had previously maintained, to the level of its new place of escape. This new
lake-surface would correspond exactly with the lowest parallel road, and it
would form that road by its action upon the drift of the adjacent mountains.
In presence of the observed facts, this solution commends itself strongly to
the scientific mind. The question next occurs, What was the character of the
Page 214
assumed barrier which stopped the glens? There are at the present moment
vast masses of detritus in certain portions of Glen Spean, and of such detritus
Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder imagined his barriers to have been formed. By
some unknown convulsion, this detritus had been heaped up. But, once
given, and once granted that it was subsequently removed in the manner
indicated, the single road of Glen Gluoy and the highest and lowest roads of
Glen Roy would be explained in a satisfactory manner.
To account for the second or middle road of Glen Roy, Sir Thomas Dick-
Lauder invoked a new agency. He supposed that at a certain point in the
breaking down or waste of his dam, a halt occurred, the barrier holding its
ground at a particular level sufficiently long to dam a lake rising to the
height of, and forming the second road. This point of weakness was at once
detected by Mr. Darwin, and adduced by him as proving that the levels of the
cols did not constitute an essential feature in the phenomena of the parallel
roads. Though not destroyed, Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder's theory was
seriously shaken by this argument, and it became a point of capital
importance, if the facts permitted, to remove such source of weakness. This
was done in 1847 by Mr. David Milne, now Mr. Milne-Home. On walking
up Glen Roy from Roy Bridge, we pass the mouth of a lateral glen, called
Glen Glaster, running eastward from Glen Roy. There is nothing in this
lateral glen to attract attention, or to suggest that it could have any
conspicuous influence in the production of the parallel roads. Hence,
probably, the failure of Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder to notice it. But Mr. Milne-
Home entered this glen, on the northern side of which the middle and lowest
roads are fairly shown. The principal stream running through the glen turns
at a certain point northwards and loses itself among hills too high to offer
any outlet. But another branch of the glen turns to the south-east; and,
following up this branch, Mr. Milne-Home reached a col, or watershed, of
the precise level of the second Glen Roy road. When the barrier blocking the
glens had been so far removed as to open this col, the water in Glen Roy
would sink to the level of the second road. A new lake of diminished depth
would be thus formed, the surplus water of which would escape over the
Glen Glaster col into Glen Spean. The margin of this new lake, acting upon
the detrital matter, would form the second road. The theory of Sir Thomas
Dick-Lauder, as regards the part played by the cols, was re-riveted by this
new and unexpected discovery.
vast masses of detritus in certain portions of Glen Spean, and of such detritus
Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder imagined his barriers to have been formed. By
some unknown convulsion, this detritus had been heaped up. But, once
given, and once granted that it was subsequently removed in the manner
indicated, the single road of Glen Gluoy and the highest and lowest roads of
Glen Roy would be explained in a satisfactory manner.
To account for the second or middle road of Glen Roy, Sir Thomas Dick-
Lauder invoked a new agency. He supposed that at a certain point in the
breaking down or waste of his dam, a halt occurred, the barrier holding its
ground at a particular level sufficiently long to dam a lake rising to the
height of, and forming the second road. This point of weakness was at once
detected by Mr. Darwin, and adduced by him as proving that the levels of the
cols did not constitute an essential feature in the phenomena of the parallel
roads. Though not destroyed, Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder's theory was
seriously shaken by this argument, and it became a point of capital
importance, if the facts permitted, to remove such source of weakness. This
was done in 1847 by Mr. David Milne, now Mr. Milne-Home. On walking
up Glen Roy from Roy Bridge, we pass the mouth of a lateral glen, called
Glen Glaster, running eastward from Glen Roy. There is nothing in this
lateral glen to attract attention, or to suggest that it could have any
conspicuous influence in the production of the parallel roads. Hence,
probably, the failure of Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder to notice it. But Mr. Milne-
Home entered this glen, on the northern side of which the middle and lowest
roads are fairly shown. The principal stream running through the glen turns
at a certain point northwards and loses itself among hills too high to offer
any outlet. But another branch of the glen turns to the south-east; and,
following up this branch, Mr. Milne-Home reached a col, or watershed, of
the precise level of the second Glen Roy road. When the barrier blocking the
glens had been so far removed as to open this col, the water in Glen Roy
would sink to the level of the second road. A new lake of diminished depth
would be thus formed, the surplus water of which would escape over the
Glen Glaster col into Glen Spean. The margin of this new lake, acting upon
the detrital matter, would form the second road. The theory of Sir Thomas
Dick-Lauder, as regards the part played by the cols, was re-riveted by this
new and unexpected discovery.
Page 215
I have referred to Mr. Darwin, whose powerful mind swayed for a time the
convictions of the scientific world in relation to this question. His notion was
— and it is a notion which very naturally presents itself — that the parallel
roads were formed by the sea; that this whole region was once submerged
and subsequently upheaved; that there were pauses in the process of
upheaval, during which these glens constituted so many fiords, on the sides
of which the parallel terraces were formed. This theory will not bear close
criticism; nor is it now maintained by Mr. Darwin himself. It would not
account for the sea being 20 feet higher in Glen Gluoy than in Glen Roy. It
would not account for the absence of the second and third Glen Roy roads
from Glen Gluoy, where the mountain flanks are quite as impressionable as
in Glen Roy. It would not account for the absence of the shelves from the
other mountains in the neighbourhood, all of which 'would have been
clasped by the sea had the sea been there. Here then, and no doubt
elsewhere, Mr. Darwin has shown himself to be fallible; but here, as
elsewhere, he has shown himself equal to that discipline of surrender to
evidence which girds his intellect with such unassailable moral strength.
But, granting the significance of Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder's facts, and the
reasonableness, on the whole, of the views which he has founded on them,
they will not bear examination in detail. No such barriers of detritus as he
assumed could have existed without leaving traces behind them; but there is
no trace left. There is detritus enough in Glen Spean, but not where it is
wanted. The two highest parallel roads stop abruptly at different points near
the mouth of Glen Roy, but no remnant of the barrier against which they
abutted is to be seen. It might be urged that the subsequent invasion of the
valley by glaciers has swept the detritus away; but there have been no
glaciers in these valleys since the disappearance of the lakes. Professor
Geikie has favoured me with a drawing of the Glen Spean 'road' near the
entrance to Glen Trieg. The road forms a shelf round a great mound of
detritus which, had a glacier followed the formation of the shelf, must have
been cleared away. Taking all the circumstances into account, you may, I
think, with safety dismiss the detrital barrier as incompetent to account for
the present condition of Glen Gluoy and Glen Roy.
Hypotheses in science, though apparently transcending experience, are in
reality experience modified by scientific thought and pushed into an ultra
experiential region. At the time that he wrote, Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder
convictions of the scientific world in relation to this question. His notion was
— and it is a notion which very naturally presents itself — that the parallel
roads were formed by the sea; that this whole region was once submerged
and subsequently upheaved; that there were pauses in the process of
upheaval, during which these glens constituted so many fiords, on the sides
of which the parallel terraces were formed. This theory will not bear close
criticism; nor is it now maintained by Mr. Darwin himself. It would not
account for the sea being 20 feet higher in Glen Gluoy than in Glen Roy. It
would not account for the absence of the second and third Glen Roy roads
from Glen Gluoy, where the mountain flanks are quite as impressionable as
in Glen Roy. It would not account for the absence of the shelves from the
other mountains in the neighbourhood, all of which 'would have been
clasped by the sea had the sea been there. Here then, and no doubt
elsewhere, Mr. Darwin has shown himself to be fallible; but here, as
elsewhere, he has shown himself equal to that discipline of surrender to
evidence which girds his intellect with such unassailable moral strength.
But, granting the significance of Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder's facts, and the
reasonableness, on the whole, of the views which he has founded on them,
they will not bear examination in detail. No such barriers of detritus as he
assumed could have existed without leaving traces behind them; but there is
no trace left. There is detritus enough in Glen Spean, but not where it is
wanted. The two highest parallel roads stop abruptly at different points near
the mouth of Glen Roy, but no remnant of the barrier against which they
abutted is to be seen. It might be urged that the subsequent invasion of the
valley by glaciers has swept the detritus away; but there have been no
glaciers in these valleys since the disappearance of the lakes. Professor
Geikie has favoured me with a drawing of the Glen Spean 'road' near the
entrance to Glen Trieg. The road forms a shelf round a great mound of
detritus which, had a glacier followed the formation of the shelf, must have
been cleared away. Taking all the circumstances into account, you may, I
think, with safety dismiss the detrital barrier as incompetent to account for
the present condition of Glen Gluoy and Glen Roy.
Hypotheses in science, though apparently transcending experience, are in
reality experience modified by scientific thought and pushed into an ultra
experiential region. At the time that he wrote, Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder
Page 216
could not possibly have discerned the cause subsequently assigned for the
blockage of these glens. A knowledge of the action of ancient glaciers was
the necessary antecedent to the new explanation, and experience of this
nature was not possessed by the distinguished writer just mentioned. The
extension of Swiss glaciers far beyond their present limits, was first made
known by a Swiss engineer named Venetz, who established, by the marks
they had left behind them, their former existence in places which they had
long forsaken. The subject of glacier extension was subsequently followed
up with distinguished success by Charpentier, Studer, and others. With
characteristic vigour Agassiz grappled with it, extending his observations far
beyond the domain of Switzerland. He came to this country in 1840, and
found in various places indubitable marks of ancient glacier action. England,
Scotland, Wales, and Ireland he proved to have once given birth to glaciers.
He visited Glen Roy, surveyed the surrounding neighbourhood, and
pronounced, as a consequence of his investigation, the barriers which
stopped the glens and produced the parallel roads to have been barriers of
ice. To Mr. Jamieson, above all others, we are indebted for the thorough
testing and confirmation of this theory.
And let me here say that Agassiz is only too likely to be misrated and
misjudged by those who, though accurate within a limited sphere, fail to
grasp in their totality the motive powers invoked in scientific investigation.
True he lacked mechanical precision, but he abounded in that force and
freshness of the scientific imagination which in some sciences, and probably
in some stages of all sciences, are essential to the creator of knowledge. To
Agassiz was given, not the art of the refiner, but the instinct of the
discoverer, and the strength of the delver who brings ore from the recesses of
the mine. That ore may contain its share of dross, but it also contains the
precious metal which gives employment to the refiner, and without which
his occupation would depart.
Let us dwell for a moment upon this subject of ancient glaciers. Under a
flask containing water, in which a thermometer is immersed, is placed a
Bunsen's lamp. The water is heated, reaches a temperature of 212°, and then
begins to boil. The rise of the thermometer then ceases, although heat
continues to be poured by the lamp into the water. What becomes of that
heat? We know that it is consumed in the molecular work of vaporization. In
the experiment here arranged, the steam passes from the flask through a tube
blockage of these glens. A knowledge of the action of ancient glaciers was
the necessary antecedent to the new explanation, and experience of this
nature was not possessed by the distinguished writer just mentioned. The
extension of Swiss glaciers far beyond their present limits, was first made
known by a Swiss engineer named Venetz, who established, by the marks
they had left behind them, their former existence in places which they had
long forsaken. The subject of glacier extension was subsequently followed
up with distinguished success by Charpentier, Studer, and others. With
characteristic vigour Agassiz grappled with it, extending his observations far
beyond the domain of Switzerland. He came to this country in 1840, and
found in various places indubitable marks of ancient glacier action. England,
Scotland, Wales, and Ireland he proved to have once given birth to glaciers.
He visited Glen Roy, surveyed the surrounding neighbourhood, and
pronounced, as a consequence of his investigation, the barriers which
stopped the glens and produced the parallel roads to have been barriers of
ice. To Mr. Jamieson, above all others, we are indebted for the thorough
testing and confirmation of this theory.
And let me here say that Agassiz is only too likely to be misrated and
misjudged by those who, though accurate within a limited sphere, fail to
grasp in their totality the motive powers invoked in scientific investigation.
True he lacked mechanical precision, but he abounded in that force and
freshness of the scientific imagination which in some sciences, and probably
in some stages of all sciences, are essential to the creator of knowledge. To
Agassiz was given, not the art of the refiner, but the instinct of the
discoverer, and the strength of the delver who brings ore from the recesses of
the mine. That ore may contain its share of dross, but it also contains the
precious metal which gives employment to the refiner, and without which
his occupation would depart.
Let us dwell for a moment upon this subject of ancient glaciers. Under a
flask containing water, in which a thermometer is immersed, is placed a
Bunsen's lamp. The water is heated, reaches a temperature of 212°, and then
begins to boil. The rise of the thermometer then ceases, although heat
continues to be poured by the lamp into the water. What becomes of that
heat? We know that it is consumed in the molecular work of vaporization. In
the experiment here arranged, the steam passes from the flask through a tube
Page 217
into a second vessel kept at a low temperature. Here it is condensed, and
indeed congealed to ice, the second vessel being plunged in a mixture cold
enough to freeze the water. As a result of the process we obtain a mass of
ice. That ice has an origin very antithetical to its own character. Though
cold, it is the child of heat. If we removed the lamp, there would be no
steam, and if there were no steam there would be no ice. The mere cold of
the mixture surrounding the second vessel would not produce ice. The cold
must have the proper material to work upon; and this material — aqueous
vapour — is, as we here see, the direct product of heat.
It is now, I suppose, fifteen or sixteen years since I found myself conversing
with an illustrious philosopher regarding that glacial epoch which the
researches of Agassiz and others had revealed. This profoundly thoughtful
man maintained the fixed opinion that, at a certain stage in the history of the
solar system, the sun's radiation had suffered diminution, the glacial epoch
being a consequence of this solar chill. The celebrated French mathematician
Poisson had another theory. Astronomers have shown that the solar system
moves through space, and 'the temperature of space' is a familiar expression
with scientific men. It was considered probable by Poisson that our system,
during its motion, had traversed portions of space of different temperatures;
and that, during its passage through one of the colder regions of the universe,
the glacial epoch occurred. Notions such as these were more or less current
everywhere not many years ago, and I therefore thought it worth while to
show how incomplete they were. Suppose the temperature of our planet to
be reduced, by the subsidence of solar heat, the cold of space, or any other
cause, say one hundred degrees. Four-and-twenty hours of such a chill
would bring down as, snow nearly all the moisture of our atmosphere. But
this would not produce a glacial epoch. Such an epoch would require the
long-continued generation of the material from which the ice of glaciers is
derived. Mountain snow, the nutriment of glaciers, is derived from aqueous
vapour raised mainly from the tropical ocean by the sun. The solar fire is as
necessary a factor in the process as our lamp in the experiment referred to a
moment ago. Nothing is easier than to calculate the exact amount of heat
expended by the sun in the production of a glacier. It would, as I have
elsewhere shown, [Footnote: 'Heat a Mode of Motion,' fifth edition, chap.
vi.: Forms of Water, §§ 55 and 56.] raise a quantity of cast iron five times the
weight of the glacier not only to a white heat, but to its point of fusion. If, as
I have already urged, instead of being filled with ice, the valleys of the Alps
indeed congealed to ice, the second vessel being plunged in a mixture cold
enough to freeze the water. As a result of the process we obtain a mass of
ice. That ice has an origin very antithetical to its own character. Though
cold, it is the child of heat. If we removed the lamp, there would be no
steam, and if there were no steam there would be no ice. The mere cold of
the mixture surrounding the second vessel would not produce ice. The cold
must have the proper material to work upon; and this material — aqueous
vapour — is, as we here see, the direct product of heat.
It is now, I suppose, fifteen or sixteen years since I found myself conversing
with an illustrious philosopher regarding that glacial epoch which the
researches of Agassiz and others had revealed. This profoundly thoughtful
man maintained the fixed opinion that, at a certain stage in the history of the
solar system, the sun's radiation had suffered diminution, the glacial epoch
being a consequence of this solar chill. The celebrated French mathematician
Poisson had another theory. Astronomers have shown that the solar system
moves through space, and 'the temperature of space' is a familiar expression
with scientific men. It was considered probable by Poisson that our system,
during its motion, had traversed portions of space of different temperatures;
and that, during its passage through one of the colder regions of the universe,
the glacial epoch occurred. Notions such as these were more or less current
everywhere not many years ago, and I therefore thought it worth while to
show how incomplete they were. Suppose the temperature of our planet to
be reduced, by the subsidence of solar heat, the cold of space, or any other
cause, say one hundred degrees. Four-and-twenty hours of such a chill
would bring down as, snow nearly all the moisture of our atmosphere. But
this would not produce a glacial epoch. Such an epoch would require the
long-continued generation of the material from which the ice of glaciers is
derived. Mountain snow, the nutriment of glaciers, is derived from aqueous
vapour raised mainly from the tropical ocean by the sun. The solar fire is as
necessary a factor in the process as our lamp in the experiment referred to a
moment ago. Nothing is easier than to calculate the exact amount of heat
expended by the sun in the production of a glacier. It would, as I have
elsewhere shown, [Footnote: 'Heat a Mode of Motion,' fifth edition, chap.
vi.: Forms of Water, §§ 55 and 56.] raise a quantity of cast iron five times the
weight of the glacier not only to a white heat, but to its point of fusion. If, as
I have already urged, instead of being filled with ice, the valleys of the Alps
Page 218
were filled with white-hot metal, of quintuple the mass of the present
glaciers, it is the heat, and not the cold, that would arrest our attention and
solicit our explanation. The process of glacier making is obviously one of
distillation, in which the fire of the sun, which generates the vapour, plays as
essential a part as the cold of the mountains which condenses it. [Footnote:
In Lyell's excellent 'Principles of Geology,' the remark occurs that 'several
writers have fallen into the strange error of supposing that the glacial period
must have been one of higher mean temperature than usual.' The really
strange error was the forgetfulness of the fact that without the heat the
substance necessary to the production of glaciers would be wanting.]
It was their ascription to glacier action that first gave the parallel roads of
Glen Roy an interest in my eyes; and in 1867, with a view to self-instruction,
I made a solitary pilgrimage to the place, and explored pretty thoroughly the
roads of the principal glen. I traced the highest road to the col dividing Glen
Roy from Glen Spey, and, thanks to the civility of an Ordnance surveyor, I
was enabled to inspect some of the roads with a theodolite, and to satisfy
myself regarding the common level of the shelves at opposite sides of the
valley. As stated by Pennant, the width of the roads amounts sometimes to
more than twenty yards; but near the head of Glen Roy the highest road
ceases to have any width, for it runs along the face of a rock, the effect of the
lapping of the water on the more friable portions of the rock being perfectly
distinct to this hour. My knowledge of the region was, however, far from
complete, and nine years had dimmed the memory even of the portion which
had been thoroughly examined. Hence my desire to see the roads once more
before venturing to talk to you about them. The Easter holidays of 1876 were
to be devoted to this purpose; but at the last moment a telegram from Roy
Bridge informed me that the roads were snowed up. Finding books and
memories poor substitutes for the flavour of facts, I resolved subsequently to
make another effort to see the roads. Accordingly last Thursday fortnight,
after lecturing here, I packed up, and started (not this time alone) for the
North. Next day at noon my wife and I found ourselves at Dalwhinnie,
whence a drive of some five-and-thirty miles brought us to the excellent
hostelry of Mr. Macintosh, at the mouth of Glen Roy.
We might have found the hills covered with mist, which would have wholly
defeated us; but Nature was good-natured, and we had two successful
working days among the hills. Guided by the excellent ordnance map of the
glaciers, it is the heat, and not the cold, that would arrest our attention and
solicit our explanation. The process of glacier making is obviously one of
distillation, in which the fire of the sun, which generates the vapour, plays as
essential a part as the cold of the mountains which condenses it. [Footnote:
In Lyell's excellent 'Principles of Geology,' the remark occurs that 'several
writers have fallen into the strange error of supposing that the glacial period
must have been one of higher mean temperature than usual.' The really
strange error was the forgetfulness of the fact that without the heat the
substance necessary to the production of glaciers would be wanting.]
It was their ascription to glacier action that first gave the parallel roads of
Glen Roy an interest in my eyes; and in 1867, with a view to self-instruction,
I made a solitary pilgrimage to the place, and explored pretty thoroughly the
roads of the principal glen. I traced the highest road to the col dividing Glen
Roy from Glen Spey, and, thanks to the civility of an Ordnance surveyor, I
was enabled to inspect some of the roads with a theodolite, and to satisfy
myself regarding the common level of the shelves at opposite sides of the
valley. As stated by Pennant, the width of the roads amounts sometimes to
more than twenty yards; but near the head of Glen Roy the highest road
ceases to have any width, for it runs along the face of a rock, the effect of the
lapping of the water on the more friable portions of the rock being perfectly
distinct to this hour. My knowledge of the region was, however, far from
complete, and nine years had dimmed the memory even of the portion which
had been thoroughly examined. Hence my desire to see the roads once more
before venturing to talk to you about them. The Easter holidays of 1876 were
to be devoted to this purpose; but at the last moment a telegram from Roy
Bridge informed me that the roads were snowed up. Finding books and
memories poor substitutes for the flavour of facts, I resolved subsequently to
make another effort to see the roads. Accordingly last Thursday fortnight,
after lecturing here, I packed up, and started (not this time alone) for the
North. Next day at noon my wife and I found ourselves at Dalwhinnie,
whence a drive of some five-and-thirty miles brought us to the excellent
hostelry of Mr. Macintosh, at the mouth of Glen Roy.
We might have found the hills covered with mist, which would have wholly
defeated us; but Nature was good-natured, and we had two successful
working days among the hills. Guided by the excellent ordnance map of the
Page 219
region, on the Saturday morning we went up the glen, and on reaching the
stream called Allt Bhreac Achaidh faced the hills to the west. At the
watershed between Glen Roy and Glen Fintaig we bore northwards, struck
the ridge above Glen Gluoy, came in view of its road, which we persistently
followed as long as it continued visible. It is a feature of all the roads that
they vanish before reaching the cola over which fell the waters of the lakes
which formed them. One reason doubtless is that at their upper ends the
lakes were shallow, and incompetent on this account to raise wavelets of any
strength to act upon the mountain drift. A second reason is that they were
land-locked in the higher portions and protected from the south-westerly
winds, the stillness of their waters causing them to produce but a feeble
impression upon the mountain sides. From Glen Gluoy we passed down
Glen Turrit to Glen Roy, and through it homewards, thus accomplishing two
or three and twenty miles of rough and honest work.
Next day we thoroughly explored Glen Glaster, following its two roads as
far as they were visible. We reached the col discovered by Mr. Milne-Home,
which stands at the level of the middle road of Glen Roy. Thence we crossed
southwards over the mountain Creag Dhubh, and examined the erratic
blocks upon its sides, and the ridges and mounds of moraine matter which
cumber the lower flanks of the mountain. The observations of Mr. Jamieson
upon this region, including the mouth of Glen Trieg, are in the highest
degree interesting. We entered Glen Spean, and continued a search begun on
the evening of our arrival at Roy Bridge — the search, namely, for glacier
polishings and markings. We did not find them copious, but they are
indubitable.
One of the proofs most convenient for reference, is a great rounded rock by
the roadside, 1,000 yards east of the milestone marked three-quarters of a
mile from Roy Bridge. Farther east other cases occur, and they leave no
doubt upon the mind that Glen Spean was at one time filled by a great
glacier. To the disciplined eye the aspect of the mountains is perfectly
conclusive on this point; and in no position can the observer more readily
and thoroughly convince himself of this than at the head of Glen Glaster.
The dominant hills here are all intensely glaciated.
But the great collecting ground of the glaciers which dammed the glens and
produced the parallel roads, were the mountains south and west of Glen
stream called Allt Bhreac Achaidh faced the hills to the west. At the
watershed between Glen Roy and Glen Fintaig we bore northwards, struck
the ridge above Glen Gluoy, came in view of its road, which we persistently
followed as long as it continued visible. It is a feature of all the roads that
they vanish before reaching the cola over which fell the waters of the lakes
which formed them. One reason doubtless is that at their upper ends the
lakes were shallow, and incompetent on this account to raise wavelets of any
strength to act upon the mountain drift. A second reason is that they were
land-locked in the higher portions and protected from the south-westerly
winds, the stillness of their waters causing them to produce but a feeble
impression upon the mountain sides. From Glen Gluoy we passed down
Glen Turrit to Glen Roy, and through it homewards, thus accomplishing two
or three and twenty miles of rough and honest work.
Next day we thoroughly explored Glen Glaster, following its two roads as
far as they were visible. We reached the col discovered by Mr. Milne-Home,
which stands at the level of the middle road of Glen Roy. Thence we crossed
southwards over the mountain Creag Dhubh, and examined the erratic
blocks upon its sides, and the ridges and mounds of moraine matter which
cumber the lower flanks of the mountain. The observations of Mr. Jamieson
upon this region, including the mouth of Glen Trieg, are in the highest
degree interesting. We entered Glen Spean, and continued a search begun on
the evening of our arrival at Roy Bridge — the search, namely, for glacier
polishings and markings. We did not find them copious, but they are
indubitable.
One of the proofs most convenient for reference, is a great rounded rock by
the roadside, 1,000 yards east of the milestone marked three-quarters of a
mile from Roy Bridge. Farther east other cases occur, and they leave no
doubt upon the mind that Glen Spean was at one time filled by a great
glacier. To the disciplined eye the aspect of the mountains is perfectly
conclusive on this point; and in no position can the observer more readily
and thoroughly convince himself of this than at the head of Glen Glaster.
The dominant hills here are all intensely glaciated.
But the great collecting ground of the glaciers which dammed the glens and
produced the parallel roads, were the mountains south and west of Glen
Page 220
Spean. The monarch of these is Ben Nevis, 4,370 feet high. The position of
Ben Nevis and his colleagues, in reference to the vapour-laden winds of the
Atlantic, is a point of the first importance. It is exactly similar to that of
Carrantual and the Macgillicuddy Reeks in the south-west of Ireland. These
mountains are, and were, the first to encounter the south-western Atlantic
winds, and the precipitation, even at present, in the neighbourhood of
Killarney, is enormous. The winds, robbed of their vapour, and charged with
the heat set free by its precipitation, pursue their direction obliquely across
Ireland; and the effect of the drying process may be understood by
comparing the rainfall at Cahirciveen with that at Portarlington. As found by
Dr. Lloyd, the ratio is as 59 to 21 — fifty-nine inches annually at
Cahirciveen to twenty-one at Portarlington. During the glacial epoch this
vapour fell as snow, and the consequence was a system of glaciers which
have left traces and evidences of the most impressive character in the region
of the Killarney Lakes. I have referred in other places to the great glacier
which, descending from the Reeks, moved through the Black Valley, took
possession of the lake-basins, and left its traces on every rock and island
emergent from the waters of the upper lake. They are all conspicuously
glaciated. Not in Switzerland itself do we find clearer traces of ancient
glacier action.
What the Macgillicuddy Reeks did in Ireland, Ben Nevis and the adjacent
mountains did, and continue to do, in Scotland. We had an example of this
on the morning we quitted Roy Bridge. From the bridge westward rain fell
copiously, and the roads were wet; but the precipitation ceased near Loch
Laggan, whence eastward the roads were dry. Measured by the gauge, the
rainfall Fort William is 86 inches, while at Laggan it is only 46 inches
annually. The difference between west and east is forcibly brought out by
observations at the two ends of the Caledonian Canal. Fort William at the
south-western end has, as just stated, 86 inches, while Culloden, at its north-
eastern end, has only 24. To the researches of that able and accomplished
meteorologist, Mr. Buchan, we are indebted for these and other data of the
most interesting and valuable kind.
Adhering to the facts now presented to us, it is not difficult to restore in idea
the process by which the glaciers of Lochaber were produced and the glens
dammed by ice. When the cold of the glacial epoch began to invade the
Scottish hills, the sun at the same time acting with sufficient power upon the
Ben Nevis and his colleagues, in reference to the vapour-laden winds of the
Atlantic, is a point of the first importance. It is exactly similar to that of
Carrantual and the Macgillicuddy Reeks in the south-west of Ireland. These
mountains are, and were, the first to encounter the south-western Atlantic
winds, and the precipitation, even at present, in the neighbourhood of
Killarney, is enormous. The winds, robbed of their vapour, and charged with
the heat set free by its precipitation, pursue their direction obliquely across
Ireland; and the effect of the drying process may be understood by
comparing the rainfall at Cahirciveen with that at Portarlington. As found by
Dr. Lloyd, the ratio is as 59 to 21 — fifty-nine inches annually at
Cahirciveen to twenty-one at Portarlington. During the glacial epoch this
vapour fell as snow, and the consequence was a system of glaciers which
have left traces and evidences of the most impressive character in the region
of the Killarney Lakes. I have referred in other places to the great glacier
which, descending from the Reeks, moved through the Black Valley, took
possession of the lake-basins, and left its traces on every rock and island
emergent from the waters of the upper lake. They are all conspicuously
glaciated. Not in Switzerland itself do we find clearer traces of ancient
glacier action.
What the Macgillicuddy Reeks did in Ireland, Ben Nevis and the adjacent
mountains did, and continue to do, in Scotland. We had an example of this
on the morning we quitted Roy Bridge. From the bridge westward rain fell
copiously, and the roads were wet; but the precipitation ceased near Loch
Laggan, whence eastward the roads were dry. Measured by the gauge, the
rainfall Fort William is 86 inches, while at Laggan it is only 46 inches
annually. The difference between west and east is forcibly brought out by
observations at the two ends of the Caledonian Canal. Fort William at the
south-western end has, as just stated, 86 inches, while Culloden, at its north-
eastern end, has only 24. To the researches of that able and accomplished
meteorologist, Mr. Buchan, we are indebted for these and other data of the
most interesting and valuable kind.
Adhering to the facts now presented to us, it is not difficult to restore in idea
the process by which the glaciers of Lochaber were produced and the glens
dammed by ice. When the cold of the glacial epoch began to invade the
Scottish hills, the sun at the same time acting with sufficient power upon the
Page 221
tropical ocean, the vapours raised and drifted on to these 'northern mountains
were more and more converted into snow. This slid down the slopes, and
from every valley, strath, and corry, south of Glen Spean, glaciers were
poured into that glen. The two great factors here brought into play are the
nutrition of the glaciers by the frozen material above, and their consumption
in the milder air below. For a period supply exceeded consumption, and the
ice extended, filling Glen Spean to an ever-increasing height, and abutting
against the mountains to the north of that glen. But why, it may be asked,
should the valleys south of Glen Spean be receptacles of ice at a time when
those north of it were receptacles of water? The answer is to be found in the
position and the greater elevation of the mountains south of Glen Spean.
They first received the loads of moisture carried by the Atlantic winds, and
not until they had been in part dried, and also warmed by the liberation of
their latent heat, did these winds touch the hills north of the Glen.
An instructive observation bearing upon this point is here to be noted. Had
our visit been in the winter we should have found all the mountains covered;
had it been in the summer we should have found the snow all gone. But
happily it was at a season when the aspect of the mountains north and south
of Glen Spean exhibited their relative powers as snow collectors. Scanning
the former hills from many points of view, we were hardly able to detect a
fleck of snow, while heavy swaths and patches loaded the latter. Were the
glacial epoch to return, the relation indicated by this observation would
cause Glen Spean to be filled with glaciers from the south, while the hills
and valleys on the north, visited by warmer and drier winds, would remain
comparatively free from ice. This flow from the south would be reinforced
from the west, and as long as the supply was in excess of the consumption
the glaciers would extend, the dams which closed the glens increasing in
height. By-and-by supply and consumption becoming approximately equal,
the height of the glacier barriers would remain constant. Then, as milder
weather set in, consumption would be in excess, a lowering of the barriers
and a retreat of the ice being the consequence. But for a long time the
conflict between supply and consumption would continue, retarding
indefinitely the disappearance of the barriers, and keeping the imprisoned
lakes in the northern glens. But however slow its retreat, the ice in the long
run would be forced to yield. The dam at the mouth of Glen Roy, which
probably entered the glen sufficiently far to block up Glen Glaster, would
gradually retreat. Glen Glaster and its col being opened, the subsidence of
were more and more converted into snow. This slid down the slopes, and
from every valley, strath, and corry, south of Glen Spean, glaciers were
poured into that glen. The two great factors here brought into play are the
nutrition of the glaciers by the frozen material above, and their consumption
in the milder air below. For a period supply exceeded consumption, and the
ice extended, filling Glen Spean to an ever-increasing height, and abutting
against the mountains to the north of that glen. But why, it may be asked,
should the valleys south of Glen Spean be receptacles of ice at a time when
those north of it were receptacles of water? The answer is to be found in the
position and the greater elevation of the mountains south of Glen Spean.
They first received the loads of moisture carried by the Atlantic winds, and
not until they had been in part dried, and also warmed by the liberation of
their latent heat, did these winds touch the hills north of the Glen.
An instructive observation bearing upon this point is here to be noted. Had
our visit been in the winter we should have found all the mountains covered;
had it been in the summer we should have found the snow all gone. But
happily it was at a season when the aspect of the mountains north and south
of Glen Spean exhibited their relative powers as snow collectors. Scanning
the former hills from many points of view, we were hardly able to detect a
fleck of snow, while heavy swaths and patches loaded the latter. Were the
glacial epoch to return, the relation indicated by this observation would
cause Glen Spean to be filled with glaciers from the south, while the hills
and valleys on the north, visited by warmer and drier winds, would remain
comparatively free from ice. This flow from the south would be reinforced
from the west, and as long as the supply was in excess of the consumption
the glaciers would extend, the dams which closed the glens increasing in
height. By-and-by supply and consumption becoming approximately equal,
the height of the glacier barriers would remain constant. Then, as milder
weather set in, consumption would be in excess, a lowering of the barriers
and a retreat of the ice being the consequence. But for a long time the
conflict between supply and consumption would continue, retarding
indefinitely the disappearance of the barriers, and keeping the imprisoned
lakes in the northern glens. But however slow its retreat, the ice in the long
run would be forced to yield. The dam at the mouth of Glen Roy, which
probably entered the glen sufficiently far to block up Glen Glaster, would
gradually retreat. Glen Glaster and its col being opened, the subsidence of
Page 222
the lake eighty feet, from the level of the highest to that of the second
parallel road, would follow as a consequence. I think this the most probable
course of things, but it is also possible that Glen Glaster may have been
blocked by a glacier from Glen Trieg. The ice dam continuing to retreat, at
length permitted Glen Roy to connect itself with upper Glen Spean. A
continuous lake then filled both glens, the level of which, as already
explained, was determined by the col at Makul, above the head of Loch
Laggan. The last to yield was the portion of the glacier which derived
nutrition from Ben Nevis, and probably also from the mountains north and
south of Loch Arkaig. But it at length yielded, and the waters in the glens
resumed the courses which they pursue to-day.
For the removal of the ice barriers no cataclysm is to be invoked; the gradual
melting of the dam would produce the entire series of phenomena. In sinking
from col to col the water would flow over a gradually melting barrier, the
surface of the imprisoned lake not remaining sufficiently long at any
particular level to produce a shelf comparable to the parallel roads. By
temporary halts in the process of melting due to atmospheric conditions or to
the character of the dam itself, or through local softness in the drift, small
pseudo-terraces would be formed, which, to the perplexity of some
observers, are seen upon the flanks of the glens to-day.
In presence then of the fact that the barriers which stopped these glens to a
height, it may be, of 1,500 feet above the bottom of Glen Spean, have
dissolved and left not a wreck behind; in presence of the fact, insisted on by
Professor Geikie, that barriers of detritus would undoubtedly have been able
to maintain themselves had they ever been there; in presence of the fact that
great glaciers once most certainly filled these valleys — that the whole
region, as proved by Mr. Jamieson, is filled with the traces of their action;
the theory which ascribes the parallel roads to lakes dammed by barriers of
ice has, in my opinion, a degree of probability on its side which amounts to a
practical demonstration of its truth.
Into the details of the terrace formation I do not enter. Mr. Darwin and Mr.
Jamieson on the one side, and Sir John Lubbock on the other, deal with true
causes. The terraces, no doubt, are due in part to the descending drift
arrested by the water, and in part to the fretting of the wavelets, and the
rearrangement of the stirred detritus, along the belts of contact of lake and
parallel road, would follow as a consequence. I think this the most probable
course of things, but it is also possible that Glen Glaster may have been
blocked by a glacier from Glen Trieg. The ice dam continuing to retreat, at
length permitted Glen Roy to connect itself with upper Glen Spean. A
continuous lake then filled both glens, the level of which, as already
explained, was determined by the col at Makul, above the head of Loch
Laggan. The last to yield was the portion of the glacier which derived
nutrition from Ben Nevis, and probably also from the mountains north and
south of Loch Arkaig. But it at length yielded, and the waters in the glens
resumed the courses which they pursue to-day.
For the removal of the ice barriers no cataclysm is to be invoked; the gradual
melting of the dam would produce the entire series of phenomena. In sinking
from col to col the water would flow over a gradually melting barrier, the
surface of the imprisoned lake not remaining sufficiently long at any
particular level to produce a shelf comparable to the parallel roads. By
temporary halts in the process of melting due to atmospheric conditions or to
the character of the dam itself, or through local softness in the drift, small
pseudo-terraces would be formed, which, to the perplexity of some
observers, are seen upon the flanks of the glens to-day.
In presence then of the fact that the barriers which stopped these glens to a
height, it may be, of 1,500 feet above the bottom of Glen Spean, have
dissolved and left not a wreck behind; in presence of the fact, insisted on by
Professor Geikie, that barriers of detritus would undoubtedly have been able
to maintain themselves had they ever been there; in presence of the fact that
great glaciers once most certainly filled these valleys — that the whole
region, as proved by Mr. Jamieson, is filled with the traces of their action;
the theory which ascribes the parallel roads to lakes dammed by barriers of
ice has, in my opinion, a degree of probability on its side which amounts to a
practical demonstration of its truth.
Into the details of the terrace formation I do not enter. Mr. Darwin and Mr.
Jamieson on the one side, and Sir John Lubbock on the other, deal with true
causes. The terraces, no doubt, are due in part to the descending drift
arrested by the water, and in part to the fretting of the wavelets, and the
rearrangement of the stirred detritus, along the belts of contact of lake and
Page 223
bill. The descent of matter must have been frequent when the drift was
unbound by the rootlets which hold it together now. In some cases, it may be
remarked, the visibility of the roads is materially augmented by differences
of vegetation. The grass upon the terraces is not always of the same
character as that above and below them, while on heather-covered hills the
absence of the dark shrub from the roads greatly enhances their
conspicuousness.
The annexed sketch of a model will enable the reader to grasp the essential
features of the problem and its solution. Glen Gluoy and Glen Roy are lateral
valleys which open into Glen Spean. Let us suppose Glen Spean filled from
v to w with ice of a uniform elevation of 1,500 feet above the sea, the ice not
filling the upper part of that glen. The ice would thrust itself for some
distance up the lateral valleys, closing all their mouths. The streams from the
mountains right and left of Glen Gluoy would pour their waters into that
glen, forming a lake, the level of which would be determined by the height
of the col at A, 1170 feet above the sea. Over this col the water would flow
into Glen Roy. But in Glen Roy it could not rise higher than 1150 feet, the
height of the col at B, over which it would flow into Glen Spey.
The water halting at these levels for a sufficient time, would form the single
road in Glen Gluoy and the highest road in Glen Roy. This state of things
would continue as long as the ice dam was sufficiently high to dominate the
cols at A and B; but when through change of climate the gradually sinking
dam reached, in succession, the levels of these cols, the water would then
begin to flow over the dam instead of over the cols. Let us suppose the
wasting of the ice to continue until a connection was established between
Glen Roy and Glen Glaster, a common lake would then fill both these glens,
the level of which would be determined by that of the col c, over which the
water would pour for an indefinite period into Glen Spean. During this
period the second Glen Roy road and the highest road of Glen Glaster would
be formed. The ice subsiding still further, a connection would eventually be
established between Glen Roy, Glen Glaster, and the upper part of Glen
Spean. A common lake would fill all three glens, the level of which would be
that of the col D, over which for an indefinite period the lake would pour its
water. During this period the lowest Glen Roy road, which is common also
to Glen Glaster and Glen Spean, would be formed. Finally, on the
unbound by the rootlets which hold it together now. In some cases, it may be
remarked, the visibility of the roads is materially augmented by differences
of vegetation. The grass upon the terraces is not always of the same
character as that above and below them, while on heather-covered hills the
absence of the dark shrub from the roads greatly enhances their
conspicuousness.
The annexed sketch of a model will enable the reader to grasp the essential
features of the problem and its solution. Glen Gluoy and Glen Roy are lateral
valleys which open into Glen Spean. Let us suppose Glen Spean filled from
v to w with ice of a uniform elevation of 1,500 feet above the sea, the ice not
filling the upper part of that glen. The ice would thrust itself for some
distance up the lateral valleys, closing all their mouths. The streams from the
mountains right and left of Glen Gluoy would pour their waters into that
glen, forming a lake, the level of which would be determined by the height
of the col at A, 1170 feet above the sea. Over this col the water would flow
into Glen Roy. But in Glen Roy it could not rise higher than 1150 feet, the
height of the col at B, over which it would flow into Glen Spey.
The water halting at these levels for a sufficient time, would form the single
road in Glen Gluoy and the highest road in Glen Roy. This state of things
would continue as long as the ice dam was sufficiently high to dominate the
cols at A and B; but when through change of climate the gradually sinking
dam reached, in succession, the levels of these cols, the water would then
begin to flow over the dam instead of over the cols. Let us suppose the
wasting of the ice to continue until a connection was established between
Glen Roy and Glen Glaster, a common lake would then fill both these glens,
the level of which would be determined by that of the col c, over which the
water would pour for an indefinite period into Glen Spean. During this
period the second Glen Roy road and the highest road of Glen Glaster would
be formed. The ice subsiding still further, a connection would eventually be
established between Glen Roy, Glen Glaster, and the upper part of Glen
Spean. A common lake would fill all three glens, the level of which would be
that of the col D, over which for an indefinite period the lake would pour its
water. During this period the lowest Glen Roy road, which is common also
to Glen Glaster and Glen Spean, would be formed. Finally, on the
Page 224
disappearance of the ice from the lower part of Glen Spean the waters would
flow down their respective valleys as they do to-day.
Fig. 7.
.
Reviewing our work, we find three considerable steps to have marked the
solution of the problem of the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. The first of these
was taken by Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder, the second was the pregnant
conception of Agassiz regarding glacier action, and the third was the testing
and verification of this conception by the very thorough researches of Mr.
Jamieson. No circumstance or incident connected with this discourse gives
me greater pleasure than the recognition of the value of these researches.
They are marked throughout by unflagging industry, by novelty and
acuteness of observation, and by reasoning power of a high and varied kind.
These pages had been returned 'for press' when I learned that the relation of
Ben Nevis and his colleagues to the vapour-laden winds of the Atlantic had
not escaped Mr. Jamieson. To him obviously the exploration of Lochaber,
and the development of the theory of the Parallel Roads, has been a labour of
love.
flow down their respective valleys as they do to-day.
Fig. 7.
.
Reviewing our work, we find three considerable steps to have marked the
solution of the problem of the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. The first of these
was taken by Sir Thomas Dick-Lauder, the second was the pregnant
conception of Agassiz regarding glacier action, and the third was the testing
and verification of this conception by the very thorough researches of Mr.
Jamieson. No circumstance or incident connected with this discourse gives
me greater pleasure than the recognition of the value of these researches.
They are marked throughout by unflagging industry, by novelty and
acuteness of observation, and by reasoning power of a high and varied kind.
These pages had been returned 'for press' when I learned that the relation of
Ben Nevis and his colleagues to the vapour-laden winds of the Atlantic had
not escaped Mr. Jamieson. To him obviously the exploration of Lochaber,
and the development of the theory of the Parallel Roads, has been a labour of
love.
Page 225
Thus ends our rapid survey of this brief episode in the physical history of the
Scottish hills, — brief, that is to say, in comparison with the immeasurable
lapses of time through which, to produce its varied structure and
appearances, our planet must have passed. In the survey of such a field two
things are specially worthy to be taken into account — the widening of the
intellectual horizon and the reaction of expanding knowledge upon the
intellectual organ itself.
At first, as in the case of ancient glaciers, through sheer want of capacity, the
mind refuses to take in revealed facts. But by degrees the steady
contemplation of these facts so strengthens and expands the intellectual
powers, that where truth once could not find an entrance it eventually finds a
home. [Footnote: The formation, connection, successive subsidence, and
final disappearance of the glacial lakes of Lochaber were illustrated in the
discourse here reported by the model just described, constructed under the
supervision of my assistant, Mr. John Cottrell. Glen Gluoy with its lake and
road and the cataract over its col; Glen Roy and its three roads with their
respective cataracts at the head of Glen Spey, Glen Glaster, and Glen Spean,
were all represented. The successive shiftings of the barriers, which were
formed of plate glass, brought each successive lake and its corresponding
road into view, while the entire removal of the barriers caused the streams to
flow down the glens of the model as they flow down the real glens of to-day.]
.
A map of the district, with the parallel roads shown in red, is annexed.
[Transcriber's note: Sorry! No red available to show the line on the map;
Scottish hills, — brief, that is to say, in comparison with the immeasurable
lapses of time through which, to produce its varied structure and
appearances, our planet must have passed. In the survey of such a field two
things are specially worthy to be taken into account — the widening of the
intellectual horizon and the reaction of expanding knowledge upon the
intellectual organ itself.
At first, as in the case of ancient glaciers, through sheer want of capacity, the
mind refuses to take in revealed facts. But by degrees the steady
contemplation of these facts so strengthens and expands the intellectual
powers, that where truth once could not find an entrance it eventually finds a
home. [Footnote: The formation, connection, successive subsidence, and
final disappearance of the glacial lakes of Lochaber were illustrated in the
discourse here reported by the model just described, constructed under the
supervision of my assistant, Mr. John Cottrell. Glen Gluoy with its lake and
road and the cataract over its col; Glen Roy and its three roads with their
respective cataracts at the head of Glen Spey, Glen Glaster, and Glen Spean,
were all represented. The successive shiftings of the barriers, which were
formed of plate glass, brought each successive lake and its corresponding
road into view, while the entire removal of the barriers caused the streams to
flow down the glens of the model as they flow down the real glens of to-day.]
.
A map of the district, with the parallel roads shown in red, is annexed.
[Transcriber's note: Sorry! No red available to show the line on the map;
Page 226
you will have to deduce the course of the roads from the contours etc.]
.
LITERATURE OF THE SUBJECT.
THOMAS PENNANT. — A Tour in Scotland. Vol. iii. 1776, p. 394. JOHN
MACCULLOCH. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Geol. Soc. Trans.
vol. iv. 1817, p. 314.
.
LITERATURE OF THE SUBJECT.
THOMAS PENNANT. — A Tour in Scotland. Vol. iii. 1776, p. 394. JOHN
MACCULLOCH. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Geol. Soc. Trans.
vol. iv. 1817, p. 314.
Page 227
THOMAS LAUDER DICK (afterwards SIR THOMAS DICK-LAUDER,
Bart.) — On the Parallel Roads of Lochaber. Edin. Roy. Soc. Trans. 1818,
vol. ix. p. 1.
CHARLES DARWIN. — Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy,
and of the other parts of Lochaber in Scotland, with an attempt to prove that
they are of marine origin. Phil. Trans. 1839, vol. cxxix. p. 39.
SIR CHARLES LYELL. — Elements of Geology. Second edition, 1841.
Louis AGASSIZ. — The Glacial Theory and its Recent Progress — Parallel
Terraces. Edin. New Phil. Journal, 1842, vol. xxxiii. p. 236.
DAVID MILNE (afterwards DAVID MILNE-HOME). — On the Parallel
Roads of Lochaber; with Remarks on the Change of Relative Levels of Sea
and Land in Scotland, and on the Detrital Deposits in that Country. Edin.
Roy. Soc. Trans. 1847, vol. xvi. p. 395.
ROBERT CHAMBERS. — Ancient Sea Margins. Edinburgh, 1848.
H. D. ROGERS. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Royal Inst.
Proceedings, 1861, vol. iii. p. 341.
THOMAS F. JAMIESON. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, and their
Place in the History of the Glacial Period. Quart. Journal Geol. Soc. 1863,
vol. xix. p. 235.
SIR CHARLES LYELL. — Antiquity of Man. 1863, p. 253.
REV. R. B. WATSON. — On the Marine Origin of the Parallel Roads of
Glen Roy. Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. 1865, vol. xxii. p. 9.
SIR JOHN LUBBOCK. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Quart. Journ.
Geol. Soc. 1867, vol. xxiv. p. 83.
CHARLES BABBAGE. — Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy.
Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. 1868, vol. xxiv. p. 273.
Bart.) — On the Parallel Roads of Lochaber. Edin. Roy. Soc. Trans. 1818,
vol. ix. p. 1.
CHARLES DARWIN. — Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy,
and of the other parts of Lochaber in Scotland, with an attempt to prove that
they are of marine origin. Phil. Trans. 1839, vol. cxxix. p. 39.
SIR CHARLES LYELL. — Elements of Geology. Second edition, 1841.
Louis AGASSIZ. — The Glacial Theory and its Recent Progress — Parallel
Terraces. Edin. New Phil. Journal, 1842, vol. xxxiii. p. 236.
DAVID MILNE (afterwards DAVID MILNE-HOME). — On the Parallel
Roads of Lochaber; with Remarks on the Change of Relative Levels of Sea
and Land in Scotland, and on the Detrital Deposits in that Country. Edin.
Roy. Soc. Trans. 1847, vol. xvi. p. 395.
ROBERT CHAMBERS. — Ancient Sea Margins. Edinburgh, 1848.
H. D. ROGERS. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Royal Inst.
Proceedings, 1861, vol. iii. p. 341.
THOMAS F. JAMIESON. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, and their
Place in the History of the Glacial Period. Quart. Journal Geol. Soc. 1863,
vol. xix. p. 235.
SIR CHARLES LYELL. — Antiquity of Man. 1863, p. 253.
REV. R. B. WATSON. — On the Marine Origin of the Parallel Roads of
Glen Roy. Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. 1865, vol. xxii. p. 9.
SIR JOHN LUBBOCK. — On the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Quart. Journ.
Geol. Soc. 1867, vol. xxiv. p. 83.
CHARLES BABBAGE. — Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy.
Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. 1868, vol. xxiv. p. 273.
Page 228
JAMES NICOL. — On the Origin of the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. 1869.
Geol. Soc. Journal, vol. xxv. p. 282.
JAMES NICOL. — How the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy were formed.
1872. Geol. Soc. Journal, vol. xxviii. p. 237.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY JAMES, R.E. — Notes on the Parallel
Roads of Lochaber. 4to. 1874.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
IX. ALPINE SCULPTURE.
1864.
TO account for the conformation of the Alps, two hypotheses have been
advanced, which may be respectively named the hypothesis of fracture and
the hypothesis of erosion. The former assumes that the forces by which the
mountains were elevated produced fissures in the earth's crust, and that the
valleys of the Alps are the tracks of these fissures; while the latter maintains
that the valleys have been cut out by the action of ice and water, the
mountains themselves being the residual forms of this grand sculpture. I had
heard the Via Mala cited as a conspicuous illustration of the fissure theory
— the profound chasm thus named, and through which the Hinter-Rhein
now flows, could, it was alleged, be nothing else than a crack in the earth's
crust. To the Via Mala I therefore went in 1864 to instruct myself upon the
point in question.
Geol. Soc. Journal, vol. xxv. p. 282.
JAMES NICOL. — How the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy were formed.
1872. Geol. Soc. Journal, vol. xxviii. p. 237.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY JAMES, R.E. — Notes on the Parallel
Roads of Lochaber. 4to. 1874.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
IX. ALPINE SCULPTURE.
1864.
TO account for the conformation of the Alps, two hypotheses have been
advanced, which may be respectively named the hypothesis of fracture and
the hypothesis of erosion. The former assumes that the forces by which the
mountains were elevated produced fissures in the earth's crust, and that the
valleys of the Alps are the tracks of these fissures; while the latter maintains
that the valleys have been cut out by the action of ice and water, the
mountains themselves being the residual forms of this grand sculpture. I had
heard the Via Mala cited as a conspicuous illustration of the fissure theory
— the profound chasm thus named, and through which the Hinter-Rhein
now flows, could, it was alleged, be nothing else than a crack in the earth's
crust. To the Via Mala I therefore went in 1864 to instruct myself upon the
point in question.
Page 229
The gorge commences about a quarter of an hour above Tusis; and, on
entering it, the first impression certainly is that it must be a fissure. This
conclusion in my case was modified as I advanced. Some distance up the
gorge I found upon the slopes to my right quantities of rolled stones,
evidently rounded by water-action. Still further up, and just before reaching
the first bridge which spans the chasm, I found more rolled stones,
associated with sand and gravel. Through this mass of detritus, fortunately, a
vertical cutting had been made, which exhibited a section showing perfect
stratification. There was no agency in the place to roll these stones, and to
deposit these alternating layers of sand and pebbles, but the river which now
rushes some hundreds of feet below them. At one period of the Via Mala's
history the river must have run at this high level. Other evidences of water-
action soon revealed themselves. From the parapet of the first bridge I could
see the solid rock 200 feet above the bed of the river scooped and eroded.
It is stated in the guide-books that the river, which usually runs along the
bottom of the gorge, has been known almost to fill it during violent thunder-
storms; and it may be urged that the marks of erosion which the sides of the
chasm exhibit are due to those occasional floods. In reply to this, it may be
stated that even the existence of such floods is not well authenticated, and
that if the supposition were true, it would be an additional argument in
favour of the cutting power of the river. For if floods operating at rare
intervals could thus erode the rock, the same agency, acting without ceasing
upon the river's bed, must certainly be competent to excavate it.
I proceeded upwards, and from a point near another bridge (which of them I
did not note) had a fine view of a portion of the gorge. The river here runs at
the bottom of a cleft of profound depth, but so narrow that it might be leaped
across. That this cleft must be a crack is the impression first produced; but a
brief inspection suffices to prove that it has been cut by the river. From top
to bottom we have the unmistakable marks of erosion. This cleft was best
seen on looking downwards from a point near the bridge; but looking
upwards from the bridge itself, the evidence of aqueous erosion was equally
convincing.
The character of the erosion depends upon the rock as well as upon the river.
The action of water upon some rocks is almost purely mechanical; they are
simply ground away or detached in sensible masses. Water, however, in
entering it, the first impression certainly is that it must be a fissure. This
conclusion in my case was modified as I advanced. Some distance up the
gorge I found upon the slopes to my right quantities of rolled stones,
evidently rounded by water-action. Still further up, and just before reaching
the first bridge which spans the chasm, I found more rolled stones,
associated with sand and gravel. Through this mass of detritus, fortunately, a
vertical cutting had been made, which exhibited a section showing perfect
stratification. There was no agency in the place to roll these stones, and to
deposit these alternating layers of sand and pebbles, but the river which now
rushes some hundreds of feet below them. At one period of the Via Mala's
history the river must have run at this high level. Other evidences of water-
action soon revealed themselves. From the parapet of the first bridge I could
see the solid rock 200 feet above the bed of the river scooped and eroded.
It is stated in the guide-books that the river, which usually runs along the
bottom of the gorge, has been known almost to fill it during violent thunder-
storms; and it may be urged that the marks of erosion which the sides of the
chasm exhibit are due to those occasional floods. In reply to this, it may be
stated that even the existence of such floods is not well authenticated, and
that if the supposition were true, it would be an additional argument in
favour of the cutting power of the river. For if floods operating at rare
intervals could thus erode the rock, the same agency, acting without ceasing
upon the river's bed, must certainly be competent to excavate it.
I proceeded upwards, and from a point near another bridge (which of them I
did not note) had a fine view of a portion of the gorge. The river here runs at
the bottom of a cleft of profound depth, but so narrow that it might be leaped
across. That this cleft must be a crack is the impression first produced; but a
brief inspection suffices to prove that it has been cut by the river. From top
to bottom we have the unmistakable marks of erosion. This cleft was best
seen on looking downwards from a point near the bridge; but looking
upwards from the bridge itself, the evidence of aqueous erosion was equally
convincing.
The character of the erosion depends upon the rock as well as upon the river.
The action of water upon some rocks is almost purely mechanical; they are
simply ground away or detached in sensible masses. Water, however, in
Page 230
passing over limestone, charges itself with carbonate of lime without
damage to its transparency; the rock is dissolved in the water; and the gorges
cut by water in such rocks often resemble those cut in the ice of glaciers by
glacier streams. To the solubility of limestone is probably to be ascribed the
fantastic forms which peaks of this rock usually assume, and also the grottos
and caverns which interpenetrate limestone formations. A rock capable of
being thus dissolved will expose a smooth surface after the water has quitted
it; and in the case of the Via Mala it is the polish of the surfaces and the
curved hollows scooped in the sides of the gorge, which assure us that the
chasm has been the work of the river.
About four miles from Tusis, and not far from the little village of Zillis, the
Via Mala opens into a plain bounded by high terraces. It occurred to me the
moment I saw it that the plain had been the bed of an ancient lake; and a
farmer, who was my temporary companion, immediately informed me that
such was the tradition of the neighbourhood. This man conversed with
intelligence, and as I drew his attention to the rolled stones, which rest not
only above the river, but above the road, and inferred that the river must
once have been there to have rolled those stones, he saw the force of the
evidence perfectly. In fact, in former times, and subsequent. to the retreat of
the great glaciers, a rocky barrier crossed the valley at this place, damming
the river which came from the mountains higher up. A lake was thus formed
which poured its waters over the barrier. Two actions were here at work,
both tending to obliterate the lake — the raising of its bed by the deposition
of detritus, and the cutting of its dam by the river. In process of time the cut
deepened into the Via Mala; the lake was drained, and the river now flows in
a definite channel through the plain which its waters once totally covered.
From Tusis I crossed to Tiefenkasten by the Schien Pass, and thence over the
Julier Pass to Pontresina. There are three or four ancient lake-beds between
Tiefenkasten and the summit of the Julier. They are all of the same type — a
more or less broad and level valley-bottom, with a barrier in front through
which the river has cut a passage, the drainage of the lake being the
consequence. These lakes were sometimes dammed by barriers of rock,
sometimes by the moraines of ancient glaciers.
An example of this latter kind occurs in the Rosegg valley, about twenty
minutes below the end of the Rosegg glacier, and about an hour from
damage to its transparency; the rock is dissolved in the water; and the gorges
cut by water in such rocks often resemble those cut in the ice of glaciers by
glacier streams. To the solubility of limestone is probably to be ascribed the
fantastic forms which peaks of this rock usually assume, and also the grottos
and caverns which interpenetrate limestone formations. A rock capable of
being thus dissolved will expose a smooth surface after the water has quitted
it; and in the case of the Via Mala it is the polish of the surfaces and the
curved hollows scooped in the sides of the gorge, which assure us that the
chasm has been the work of the river.
About four miles from Tusis, and not far from the little village of Zillis, the
Via Mala opens into a plain bounded by high terraces. It occurred to me the
moment I saw it that the plain had been the bed of an ancient lake; and a
farmer, who was my temporary companion, immediately informed me that
such was the tradition of the neighbourhood. This man conversed with
intelligence, and as I drew his attention to the rolled stones, which rest not
only above the river, but above the road, and inferred that the river must
once have been there to have rolled those stones, he saw the force of the
evidence perfectly. In fact, in former times, and subsequent. to the retreat of
the great glaciers, a rocky barrier crossed the valley at this place, damming
the river which came from the mountains higher up. A lake was thus formed
which poured its waters over the barrier. Two actions were here at work,
both tending to obliterate the lake — the raising of its bed by the deposition
of detritus, and the cutting of its dam by the river. In process of time the cut
deepened into the Via Mala; the lake was drained, and the river now flows in
a definite channel through the plain which its waters once totally covered.
From Tusis I crossed to Tiefenkasten by the Schien Pass, and thence over the
Julier Pass to Pontresina. There are three or four ancient lake-beds between
Tiefenkasten and the summit of the Julier. They are all of the same type — a
more or less broad and level valley-bottom, with a barrier in front through
which the river has cut a passage, the drainage of the lake being the
consequence. These lakes were sometimes dammed by barriers of rock,
sometimes by the moraines of ancient glaciers.
An example of this latter kind occurs in the Rosegg valley, about twenty
minutes below the end of the Rosegg glacier, and about an hour from
Page 231
Pontresina. The valley here is crossed by a pine-covered moraine of the
noblest dimensions; in the neighbourhood of London it might be called a
mountain. That it is a moraine, the inspection of it from a point on the Surlei
slopes above it will convince any person possessing an educated eye. Where,
moreover, the interior of the mound is exposed, it exhibits moraine-matter —
detritus pulverised by the ice, with boulders entangled in it. It stretched quite
across the valley, and at one time dammed the river up. But now the barrier
is cut through, the stream having about one-fourth of the moraine to its right,
and the remaining three-fourths to its left. Other moraines of a more resisting
character hold their ground as barriers to the present day.
In the Val di Campo, for example, about three-quarters of an hour from
Pisciadello, there is a moraine composed of large boulders, which interrupt
the course of a river and compel the water to fall over them in cascades.
They have in great part resisted its action since the retreat of the ancient
glacier which formed the moraine. Behind the moraine is a lake-bed, now
converted into a level meadow, which rests on a deep layer of mould.
At Pontresina a very fine and instructive gorge is to be seen. The river from
the Morteratsch glacier rushes through a deep and narrow chasm which is
spanned at one place by a stone bridge. The rock is not of a character to
preserve smooth polishing; but the larger features of water-action are
perfectly evident from top to bottom. Those features are in part visible from
the bridge, but still better from a point a little distance from the bridge in the
direction of the upper village of Pontresina. The hollowing out of the rock by
the eddies of the water is here quite manifest. A few minutes' walk upwards
brings us to the end of the gorge; and behind it we have the usual indications
of an ancient lake, and terraces of distinct water origin. From this position
indeed the genesis of the gorge is clearly revealed. After the retreat of the
ancient glacier, a transverse ridge of comparatively resisting material crossed
the valley at this place. Over the lowest part of this ridge the river flowed,
rushing steeply down to join at the bottom of the slope the stream which
issued from the Rosegg glacier. On this incline the water became a powerful
eroding agent, and finally cut the channel to its present depth.
Geological writers of reputation assume at this place the existence of a
fissure, the 'washing out' of which resulted in the formation of the gorge.
Now no examination of the bed of the river ever proved the existence of this
noblest dimensions; in the neighbourhood of London it might be called a
mountain. That it is a moraine, the inspection of it from a point on the Surlei
slopes above it will convince any person possessing an educated eye. Where,
moreover, the interior of the mound is exposed, it exhibits moraine-matter —
detritus pulverised by the ice, with boulders entangled in it. It stretched quite
across the valley, and at one time dammed the river up. But now the barrier
is cut through, the stream having about one-fourth of the moraine to its right,
and the remaining three-fourths to its left. Other moraines of a more resisting
character hold their ground as barriers to the present day.
In the Val di Campo, for example, about three-quarters of an hour from
Pisciadello, there is a moraine composed of large boulders, which interrupt
the course of a river and compel the water to fall over them in cascades.
They have in great part resisted its action since the retreat of the ancient
glacier which formed the moraine. Behind the moraine is a lake-bed, now
converted into a level meadow, which rests on a deep layer of mould.
At Pontresina a very fine and instructive gorge is to be seen. The river from
the Morteratsch glacier rushes through a deep and narrow chasm which is
spanned at one place by a stone bridge. The rock is not of a character to
preserve smooth polishing; but the larger features of water-action are
perfectly evident from top to bottom. Those features are in part visible from
the bridge, but still better from a point a little distance from the bridge in the
direction of the upper village of Pontresina. The hollowing out of the rock by
the eddies of the water is here quite manifest. A few minutes' walk upwards
brings us to the end of the gorge; and behind it we have the usual indications
of an ancient lake, and terraces of distinct water origin. From this position
indeed the genesis of the gorge is clearly revealed. After the retreat of the
ancient glacier, a transverse ridge of comparatively resisting material crossed
the valley at this place. Over the lowest part of this ridge the river flowed,
rushing steeply down to join at the bottom of the slope the stream which
issued from the Rosegg glacier. On this incline the water became a powerful
eroding agent, and finally cut the channel to its present depth.
Geological writers of reputation assume at this place the existence of a
fissure, the 'washing out' of which resulted in the formation of the gorge.
Now no examination of the bed of the river ever proved the existence of this
Page 232
fissure; and it is certain that water, particularly when charged with solid
matter in suspension, can cut a channel through unfissured rock. Cases of
deep cutting can be pointed out where the clean bed of the stream is
exposed, the rock which forms the floor of the river not exhibiting a trace of
fissure. An example of this kind on a small scale occurs near the Bernina
Gasthaus, about two hours from Pontresina. A little way below the junction
of the two streams from. the Bernina Pass and the Heuthal the river flows
through a channel cut by itself, and 20 or 30 feet in depth. At some places
the river-bed is covered with rolled stones; at other places it is bare, but
shows no trace of fissure. The abstract power of water, if I may use the term,
to cut through rock is demonstrated by such instances. But if water be
competent to form a gorge without the aid of a fissure, why assume the
existence of such fissures in cases like that at Pontresina? It seems far more
philosophical to accept the simple and impressive history written on the
walls of those gorges by the agent which produced them.
Numerous cases might be pointed out, varying in magnitude, but all identical
in kind, of barriers which crossed valleys and formed lakes having been cut
through by rivers, narrow gorges being the consequence. One of the most
famous examples of this kind is the Finsteraarschlucht in the valley of Hash.
Here the ridge called the Kirchet seems split across, and the river Aar rushes
through the fissure. Behind the barrier we have the meadows and pastures of
Imhof resting on the sediment of an ancient lake. Were this an isolated case,
one might with an apparent show of reason conclude that the
Finsteraarschlucht was produced by an earthquake, as some suppose it to
have been; but when we find it to be a single sample of actions which are
frequent in the Alps — when probably a hundred cases of the same kind,
though different in magnitude, can be pointed out — it seems quite
unphilosophical to assume that in each particular case an earthquake was at
hand to form a channel for the river. As in the case of the barrier at
Pontresina, the Kirchet, after the retreat of the Aar glacier, dammed the
waters flowing from it, thus forming a lake, on the bed of which now stands
the village of Imhof. Over this barrier the Aar tumbled towards Meyringen,
cutting, as the centuries passed, its bed ever deeper, until finally it became
deep enough to drain the lake, leaving in its place the alluvial plain, through
which the river now flows in a definite channel.
matter in suspension, can cut a channel through unfissured rock. Cases of
deep cutting can be pointed out where the clean bed of the stream is
exposed, the rock which forms the floor of the river not exhibiting a trace of
fissure. An example of this kind on a small scale occurs near the Bernina
Gasthaus, about two hours from Pontresina. A little way below the junction
of the two streams from. the Bernina Pass and the Heuthal the river flows
through a channel cut by itself, and 20 or 30 feet in depth. At some places
the river-bed is covered with rolled stones; at other places it is bare, but
shows no trace of fissure. The abstract power of water, if I may use the term,
to cut through rock is demonstrated by such instances. But if water be
competent to form a gorge without the aid of a fissure, why assume the
existence of such fissures in cases like that at Pontresina? It seems far more
philosophical to accept the simple and impressive history written on the
walls of those gorges by the agent which produced them.
Numerous cases might be pointed out, varying in magnitude, but all identical
in kind, of barriers which crossed valleys and formed lakes having been cut
through by rivers, narrow gorges being the consequence. One of the most
famous examples of this kind is the Finsteraarschlucht in the valley of Hash.
Here the ridge called the Kirchet seems split across, and the river Aar rushes
through the fissure. Behind the barrier we have the meadows and pastures of
Imhof resting on the sediment of an ancient lake. Were this an isolated case,
one might with an apparent show of reason conclude that the
Finsteraarschlucht was produced by an earthquake, as some suppose it to
have been; but when we find it to be a single sample of actions which are
frequent in the Alps — when probably a hundred cases of the same kind,
though different in magnitude, can be pointed out — it seems quite
unphilosophical to assume that in each particular case an earthquake was at
hand to form a channel for the river. As in the case of the barrier at
Pontresina, the Kirchet, after the retreat of the Aar glacier, dammed the
waters flowing from it, thus forming a lake, on the bed of which now stands
the village of Imhof. Over this barrier the Aar tumbled towards Meyringen,
cutting, as the centuries passed, its bed ever deeper, until finally it became
deep enough to drain the lake, leaving in its place the alluvial plain, through
which the river now flows in a definite channel.
Page 233
In 1866 I subjected the Finsteraarschlucht to a close examination. The
earthquake theory already adverted to was then prevalent regarding it, and I
wished to see whether any evidences existed of aqueous erosion. Near the
summit of the Kirchet is a signboard inviting the traveller to visit the
Aarenschlucht, a narrow lateral gorge which runs down to the very bottom of
the principal one. The aspect of this smaller chasm from bottom to top
proves to demonstration that water had in former ages been there at work. It
is scooped, rounded, and polished, so as to render palpable to the most
careless eye that it is a gorge of erosion. But it was regarding the sides of the
great chasm that instruction was needed, and from its edge nothing to satisfy
me could be seen. I therefore stripped and waded into the river until a point
was reached which commanded an excellent view of both sides of the gorge.
The water was cutting cold, but I was repaid. Below me on the left-hand side
was a jutting cliff which bore the thrust of the river and caused the Aar to
swerve from its direct course. From top to bottom this cliff was polished,
rounded, and scooped. There was no room for doubt. The river which now
runs so deeply down had once been above. It has been the delver of its own
channel through the barrier of the Kirchet.
But the broad view taken by the advocates of the fracture theory is, that the
valleys themselves follow the tracks of primeval fissures produced by the
upheaval of the land, the cracks across the barriers referred to being in
reality portions of the great cracks which formed the valleys. Such an
argument, however, would virtually concede the theory of erosion as applied
to the valleys of the Alps. The narrow gorges, often not more than twenty or
thirty feet across, sometimes even narrower, frequently occur at the bottom
of broad valleys. Such fissures might enter into the list of accidents which
gave direction to the real erosive agents which scooped the valley out; but
the formation of the valley, as it now exists, could no more be ascribed to
such cracks than the motion of a railway train could be ascribed to the finger
of the engineer which turns on the steam.
These deep gorges occur, I believe, for the most part in limestone strata; and
the effects which the merest driblet of water can produce on limestone are
quite astonishing. It is not uncommon to meet chasms of considerable depth
produced by small streams the beds of which are dry for a large portion of
the year. Right and left of the larger gorges such secondary chasms are often
found. The idea of time must, I think, be more and more included in our
earthquake theory already adverted to was then prevalent regarding it, and I
wished to see whether any evidences existed of aqueous erosion. Near the
summit of the Kirchet is a signboard inviting the traveller to visit the
Aarenschlucht, a narrow lateral gorge which runs down to the very bottom of
the principal one. The aspect of this smaller chasm from bottom to top
proves to demonstration that water had in former ages been there at work. It
is scooped, rounded, and polished, so as to render palpable to the most
careless eye that it is a gorge of erosion. But it was regarding the sides of the
great chasm that instruction was needed, and from its edge nothing to satisfy
me could be seen. I therefore stripped and waded into the river until a point
was reached which commanded an excellent view of both sides of the gorge.
The water was cutting cold, but I was repaid. Below me on the left-hand side
was a jutting cliff which bore the thrust of the river and caused the Aar to
swerve from its direct course. From top to bottom this cliff was polished,
rounded, and scooped. There was no room for doubt. The river which now
runs so deeply down had once been above. It has been the delver of its own
channel through the barrier of the Kirchet.
But the broad view taken by the advocates of the fracture theory is, that the
valleys themselves follow the tracks of primeval fissures produced by the
upheaval of the land, the cracks across the barriers referred to being in
reality portions of the great cracks which formed the valleys. Such an
argument, however, would virtually concede the theory of erosion as applied
to the valleys of the Alps. The narrow gorges, often not more than twenty or
thirty feet across, sometimes even narrower, frequently occur at the bottom
of broad valleys. Such fissures might enter into the list of accidents which
gave direction to the real erosive agents which scooped the valley out; but
the formation of the valley, as it now exists, could no more be ascribed to
such cracks than the motion of a railway train could be ascribed to the finger
of the engineer which turns on the steam.
These deep gorges occur, I believe, for the most part in limestone strata; and
the effects which the merest driblet of water can produce on limestone are
quite astonishing. It is not uncommon to meet chasms of considerable depth
produced by small streams the beds of which are dry for a large portion of
the year. Right and left of the larger gorges such secondary chasms are often
found. The idea of time must, I think, be more and more included in our
Page 234
reasonings on these phenomena. Happily, the marks which the rivers have, in
most cases, left behind them, and which refer, geologically considered, to
actions of yesterday, give us ground and courage to conceive what may be
effected in geologic periods. Thus the modern portion of the Via Mala
throws light upon the whole. Near Bergün, in the valley of the Albula, there
is also a little Via Mala, which is not less significant than the great one. The
river flows here through a profound limestone gorge, and to the very edges
of the gorge we have the evidences of erosion. But the most striking
illustration of water-action upon limestone rock that I have ever seen is the
gorge at Pfaeffers. Here the traveller passes along the side of the chasm
midway between top and bottom. Whichever way he looks, backwards or
forwards, upwards or downwards, towards the sky or towards the river, he
meets everywhere the irresistible and impressive evidence that this
wonderful fissure has been sawn through the mountain by the waters of the
Tamina.
I have thus far confined myself to the consideration of the gorges formed by
the cutting through of the rock-barriers which frequently cross the valleys of
the Alps; as far as they have been examined by me they are the work of
erosion. But the larger question still remains, To what action are we to
ascribe the formation of the valleys themselves? This question includes that
of the formation of the mountain-ridges, for were the valleys wholly filled,
the ridges would disappear. Possibly no answer can be given to this question
which is not beset with more or less of difficulty. Special localities might be
found which would seem to contradict every solution which, refers the
conformation of the Alps to the operation of a single cause.
Still the Alps present features of a character sufficiently definite to bring the
question of their origin within the sphere of close reasoning. That they were
in whole or in part once beneath the sea will not be disputed; for they are in
great part composed of sedimentary rocks which required a sea to form
them. Their present elevation above the sea is due to one of those local
changes in the shape of the earth which have been of frequent occurrence
throughout geologic time, in some cases depressing the land, and in others
causing the sea-bottom to protrude beyond its surface. Considering the
inelastic character of its materials, the protuberance of the Alps could hardly
have been pushed out without dislocation and fracture; and this conclusion
gains in probability when we consider the foldings, contortions, and even
most cases, left behind them, and which refer, geologically considered, to
actions of yesterday, give us ground and courage to conceive what may be
effected in geologic periods. Thus the modern portion of the Via Mala
throws light upon the whole. Near Bergün, in the valley of the Albula, there
is also a little Via Mala, which is not less significant than the great one. The
river flows here through a profound limestone gorge, and to the very edges
of the gorge we have the evidences of erosion. But the most striking
illustration of water-action upon limestone rock that I have ever seen is the
gorge at Pfaeffers. Here the traveller passes along the side of the chasm
midway between top and bottom. Whichever way he looks, backwards or
forwards, upwards or downwards, towards the sky or towards the river, he
meets everywhere the irresistible and impressive evidence that this
wonderful fissure has been sawn through the mountain by the waters of the
Tamina.
I have thus far confined myself to the consideration of the gorges formed by
the cutting through of the rock-barriers which frequently cross the valleys of
the Alps; as far as they have been examined by me they are the work of
erosion. But the larger question still remains, To what action are we to
ascribe the formation of the valleys themselves? This question includes that
of the formation of the mountain-ridges, for were the valleys wholly filled,
the ridges would disappear. Possibly no answer can be given to this question
which is not beset with more or less of difficulty. Special localities might be
found which would seem to contradict every solution which, refers the
conformation of the Alps to the operation of a single cause.
Still the Alps present features of a character sufficiently definite to bring the
question of their origin within the sphere of close reasoning. That they were
in whole or in part once beneath the sea will not be disputed; for they are in
great part composed of sedimentary rocks which required a sea to form
them. Their present elevation above the sea is due to one of those local
changes in the shape of the earth which have been of frequent occurrence
throughout geologic time, in some cases depressing the land, and in others
causing the sea-bottom to protrude beyond its surface. Considering the
inelastic character of its materials, the protuberance of the Alps could hardly
have been pushed out without dislocation and fracture; and this conclusion
gains in probability when we consider the foldings, contortions, and even
Page 235
reversals in position of the strata in many parts of the Alps. Such changes in
the position of beds which were once horizontal could not have been
effected without dislocation. Fissures would be produced by these changes;
and such fissures, the advocates of the fracture theory contend, mark the
positions of the valleys of the Alps.
Imagination is necessary to the man of science, and we could not reason on
our present subject without the power of presenting mentally a picture of the
earth's crust cracked and fissured by the forces which produced its upheaval.
Imagination, however, must be strictly checked by reason and by
observation. That fractures occurred cannot, I think, be doubted, but that the
valleys of the Alps are thus formed is a conclusion not at all involved in the
admission of dislocations. I never met with a precise statement of the
manner in which the advocates of the fissure theory suppose the forces to
have acted — whether they assume a general elevation of the region, or a
local elevation of distinct ridges; or whether they assume local subsidences
after a general elevation, or whether they would superpose upon the general
upheaval minor and local upheavals.
In the absence of any distinct statement, I will assume the elevation to be
general — that a swelling out of the earth's crust occurred here, sufficient to
place the most prominent portions of the protuberance three miles above the
sea-level. To fix the ideas, let us consider a circular portion of the crust, say
one hundred miles in diameter, and let us suppose, in the first instance, the
circumference of this circle to remain fixed, and that the elevation was
confined to the space within it. The upheaval would throw the crust into a
state of strain; and, if it were inflexible, the strain must be relieved by
fracture. Crevasses would thus intersect the crust. Let us now enquire what
proportion the area of these open fissures is likely to bear to the area of the
unfissured crust. An approximate answer is all that is here required; for the
problem is of such a character as to render minute precision unnecessary.
No one, I think, would affirm that the area of the fissures would be one-
hundredth the area of the land. For let us consider the strain upon a single
line drawn over the summit of the protuberance from a point on its rim to a
point opposite. Regarding the protuberance as a spherical swelling, the
length of the arc corresponding to a chord of 100 miles and a versed sine of
3 miles is 100.24 miles; consequently the surface to reach its new position
the position of beds which were once horizontal could not have been
effected without dislocation. Fissures would be produced by these changes;
and such fissures, the advocates of the fracture theory contend, mark the
positions of the valleys of the Alps.
Imagination is necessary to the man of science, and we could not reason on
our present subject without the power of presenting mentally a picture of the
earth's crust cracked and fissured by the forces which produced its upheaval.
Imagination, however, must be strictly checked by reason and by
observation. That fractures occurred cannot, I think, be doubted, but that the
valleys of the Alps are thus formed is a conclusion not at all involved in the
admission of dislocations. I never met with a precise statement of the
manner in which the advocates of the fissure theory suppose the forces to
have acted — whether they assume a general elevation of the region, or a
local elevation of distinct ridges; or whether they assume local subsidences
after a general elevation, or whether they would superpose upon the general
upheaval minor and local upheavals.
In the absence of any distinct statement, I will assume the elevation to be
general — that a swelling out of the earth's crust occurred here, sufficient to
place the most prominent portions of the protuberance three miles above the
sea-level. To fix the ideas, let us consider a circular portion of the crust, say
one hundred miles in diameter, and let us suppose, in the first instance, the
circumference of this circle to remain fixed, and that the elevation was
confined to the space within it. The upheaval would throw the crust into a
state of strain; and, if it were inflexible, the strain must be relieved by
fracture. Crevasses would thus intersect the crust. Let us now enquire what
proportion the area of these open fissures is likely to bear to the area of the
unfissured crust. An approximate answer is all that is here required; for the
problem is of such a character as to render minute precision unnecessary.
No one, I think, would affirm that the area of the fissures would be one-
hundredth the area of the land. For let us consider the strain upon a single
line drawn over the summit of the protuberance from a point on its rim to a
point opposite. Regarding the protuberance as a spherical swelling, the
length of the arc corresponding to a chord of 100 miles and a versed sine of
3 miles is 100.24 miles; consequently the surface to reach its new position
Page 236
must stretch 0.24 of a mile, or be broken. A fissure or a number of cracks
with this total width would relieve the strain; that is to say, the sum of the
widths of all the cracks over the length of 100 miles would be 420 yards. If,
instead of comparing the width of the fissures with the length of the lines of
tension, we compared their areas with the area of the unfissured land, we
should of course find the proportion much less. These considerations will
help the imagination to realise what a small ratio the area of the open
fissures must bear to the unfissured crust. They enable us to say, for
example, that to assume the area of the fissures to be one-tenth of the area of
the land would be quite absurd, while that the area of the fissures could be
one-half or more than one-half that of the land would be in a proportionate
degree unthinkable. If we suppose the elevation to be due to the shrinking or
subsidence of the land all round our assumed circle, we arrive equally at the
conclusion that the area of the open fissures would be altogether
insignificant as compared with that of the unfissured crust.
To those who have seen them from a commanding elevation, it is needless to
say that the Alps themselves bear no sort of resemblance to the picture which
this theory presents to us. Instead of deep cracks with approximately vertical
walls, we have ridges running into peaks, and gradually sloping to form
valleys. Instead of a fissured crust, we have a state of things closely
resembling the surface of the ocean when agitated by a storm. The valleys,
instead of being much narrower than the ridges, occupy the greater space. A
plaster cast of the Alps turned upside down, so as to invert the elevations and
depressions, would exhibit blunter and broader mountains, with narrower
valleys between them, than the present ones. The valleys that exist cannot, I
think, with any correctness of language be called fissures. It may be urged
that they originated in fissures: but even this is unproved, and, were it
proved, the fissures would still play the subordinate part of giving direction
to the agents which are to be regarded as the real sculptors of the Alps.
The fracture theory, then, if it regards the elevation of the Alps as due to the
operation of a force acting throughout the entire region, is, in my opinion,
utterly incompetent to account for the conformation of the country. If, on the
other hand, we are compelled to resort to local disturbances, the
manipulation of the earth's crust necessary to obtain the valleys and the
mountains will, I imagine, bring the difficulties of the theory into very strong
relief. Indeed an examination of the region from many of the more
with this total width would relieve the strain; that is to say, the sum of the
widths of all the cracks over the length of 100 miles would be 420 yards. If,
instead of comparing the width of the fissures with the length of the lines of
tension, we compared their areas with the area of the unfissured land, we
should of course find the proportion much less. These considerations will
help the imagination to realise what a small ratio the area of the open
fissures must bear to the unfissured crust. They enable us to say, for
example, that to assume the area of the fissures to be one-tenth of the area of
the land would be quite absurd, while that the area of the fissures could be
one-half or more than one-half that of the land would be in a proportionate
degree unthinkable. If we suppose the elevation to be due to the shrinking or
subsidence of the land all round our assumed circle, we arrive equally at the
conclusion that the area of the open fissures would be altogether
insignificant as compared with that of the unfissured crust.
To those who have seen them from a commanding elevation, it is needless to
say that the Alps themselves bear no sort of resemblance to the picture which
this theory presents to us. Instead of deep cracks with approximately vertical
walls, we have ridges running into peaks, and gradually sloping to form
valleys. Instead of a fissured crust, we have a state of things closely
resembling the surface of the ocean when agitated by a storm. The valleys,
instead of being much narrower than the ridges, occupy the greater space. A
plaster cast of the Alps turned upside down, so as to invert the elevations and
depressions, would exhibit blunter and broader mountains, with narrower
valleys between them, than the present ones. The valleys that exist cannot, I
think, with any correctness of language be called fissures. It may be urged
that they originated in fissures: but even this is unproved, and, were it
proved, the fissures would still play the subordinate part of giving direction
to the agents which are to be regarded as the real sculptors of the Alps.
The fracture theory, then, if it regards the elevation of the Alps as due to the
operation of a force acting throughout the entire region, is, in my opinion,
utterly incompetent to account for the conformation of the country. If, on the
other hand, we are compelled to resort to local disturbances, the
manipulation of the earth's crust necessary to obtain the valleys and the
mountains will, I imagine, bring the difficulties of the theory into very strong
relief. Indeed an examination of the region from many of the more
Page 237
accessible eminences — from the Galenstock, the Grauhaupt, the Pitz
Languard, the Monte Confinale — or, better still, from Mont Blanc, Monte
Rosa, the Jungfrau, the Finsteraarhorn, the Weisshorn, or the Matterhorn,
where local peculiarities are toned down, and the operations of the powers
which really made this region what it is are alone brought into prominence
— must, I imagine, convince every physical geologist of the inability of any
fracture theory to account for the present conformation of the Alps.
A correct model of the mountains, with an unexaggerated vertical scale,
produces the same effect upon the mind as the prospect from one of the
highest peaks. We are apt to be influenced by local phenomena which,
though insignificant in view of the general question of Alpine conformation,
are, with reference to our customary standards, vast and impressive. In a true
model those local peculiarities disappear; for on the scale of a model they
are too small to be visible; while the essential facts and forms are presented
to the undistracted attention.
A minute analysis of the phenomena strengthens the conviction which the
general aspect of the Alps fixes in the mind. We find, for example, numerous
valleys which the most ardent plutonist would not think of ascribing to any
other agency than erosion. That such is their genesis and history is as certain
as that erosion produced the Chines in the Isle of Wight. From these
indubitable cases of erosion — commencing, if necessary, with the small
ravines which run down the flanks of the ridges, with their little working
navigators at their bottoms — we can proceed, by almost insensible
gradations, to the largest valleys of the Alps; and it would perplex the
plutonist to fix upon the point at which fracture begins to play a material
part.
In ascending one of the larger valleys, we enter it where it is wide and where
the eminences are gentle on either side. The flanking mountains become
higher and more abrupt as we ascend, and at length we reach a place where
the depth of the valley is a maximum. Continuing our walk upwards, we find
ourselves flanked by gentler slopes, and finally emerge from the valley and
reach the summit of an open col, or depression in the chain of mountains.
This is the common character of the large valleys. Crossing the col, we
descend along the opposite slope of the chain, and through the same series of
appearances in the reverse order. If the valleys on both sides of the col were
Languard, the Monte Confinale — or, better still, from Mont Blanc, Monte
Rosa, the Jungfrau, the Finsteraarhorn, the Weisshorn, or the Matterhorn,
where local peculiarities are toned down, and the operations of the powers
which really made this region what it is are alone brought into prominence
— must, I imagine, convince every physical geologist of the inability of any
fracture theory to account for the present conformation of the Alps.
A correct model of the mountains, with an unexaggerated vertical scale,
produces the same effect upon the mind as the prospect from one of the
highest peaks. We are apt to be influenced by local phenomena which,
though insignificant in view of the general question of Alpine conformation,
are, with reference to our customary standards, vast and impressive. In a true
model those local peculiarities disappear; for on the scale of a model they
are too small to be visible; while the essential facts and forms are presented
to the undistracted attention.
A minute analysis of the phenomena strengthens the conviction which the
general aspect of the Alps fixes in the mind. We find, for example, numerous
valleys which the most ardent plutonist would not think of ascribing to any
other agency than erosion. That such is their genesis and history is as certain
as that erosion produced the Chines in the Isle of Wight. From these
indubitable cases of erosion — commencing, if necessary, with the small
ravines which run down the flanks of the ridges, with their little working
navigators at their bottoms — we can proceed, by almost insensible
gradations, to the largest valleys of the Alps; and it would perplex the
plutonist to fix upon the point at which fracture begins to play a material
part.
In ascending one of the larger valleys, we enter it where it is wide and where
the eminences are gentle on either side. The flanking mountains become
higher and more abrupt as we ascend, and at length we reach a place where
the depth of the valley is a maximum. Continuing our walk upwards, we find
ourselves flanked by gentler slopes, and finally emerge from the valley and
reach the summit of an open col, or depression in the chain of mountains.
This is the common character of the large valleys. Crossing the col, we
descend along the opposite slope of the chain, and through the same series of
appearances in the reverse order. If the valleys on both sides of the col were
Page 238
produced by fissures, what prevents the fissure from prolonging itself across
the col? The case here cited is representative; and I am not acquainted with a
single instance in the Alps where the chain has been cracked in the manner
indicated. The cols are simply depressions; in many of which the unfissured
rock can be traced from side to side.
The typical instance just sketched follows as a natural consequence from the
theory of erosion. Before either ice or water can exert great power as an
erosive agent, it must collect in sufficient mass. On the higher slopes and
plateaus — in the region of cols — the power is not fully developed; but
lower down tributaries unite, erosion is carried on with increased vigour, and
the excavation gradually reaches a maximum. Lower still the elevations
diminish and the slopes become more gentle; the cutting power gradually
relaxes, until finally the eroding agent quits the mountains altogether, and
the grand effects which it produced in the earlier portions of its course
entirely disappear.
I have hitherto confined myself to the consideration of the broad question of
the erosion theory as compared with the fracture theory; and all that I have
been able to observe and think with reference to the subject leads me to
adopt the former. Under the term erosion I include the action of water, of ice,
and of the atmosphere, including frost and rain. Water and ice, however, are
the principal agents, and which of these two has produced the greatest effect
it is perhaps impossible to say. Two years ago I wrote a brief note 'On the
Conformation of the Alps,' [Footnote: Phil. Mag. vol. xxiv. p. 169] in which
I ascribed the paramount influence to glaciers. The facts on which that
opinion was founded are, I think, unassailable; but whether the conclusion
then announced fairly follows from the facts is, I confess, an open question.
The arguments which have been thus far urged against the conclusion are not
convincing. Indeed, the idea of glacier erosion appears so daring to some
minds that its boldness alone is deemed its sufficient refutation. It is,
however, to be remembered that a precisely similar position was taken up by
many excellent workers when the question of ancient glacier extension was
first mooted. The idea was considered too hardy to be entertained; and the
evidences of glacial action were sought to be explained by reference to
almost any process rather than the true one. Let those who so wisely took the
side of 'boldness' in that discussion beware lest they place themselves, with
the col? The case here cited is representative; and I am not acquainted with a
single instance in the Alps where the chain has been cracked in the manner
indicated. The cols are simply depressions; in many of which the unfissured
rock can be traced from side to side.
The typical instance just sketched follows as a natural consequence from the
theory of erosion. Before either ice or water can exert great power as an
erosive agent, it must collect in sufficient mass. On the higher slopes and
plateaus — in the region of cols — the power is not fully developed; but
lower down tributaries unite, erosion is carried on with increased vigour, and
the excavation gradually reaches a maximum. Lower still the elevations
diminish and the slopes become more gentle; the cutting power gradually
relaxes, until finally the eroding agent quits the mountains altogether, and
the grand effects which it produced in the earlier portions of its course
entirely disappear.
I have hitherto confined myself to the consideration of the broad question of
the erosion theory as compared with the fracture theory; and all that I have
been able to observe and think with reference to the subject leads me to
adopt the former. Under the term erosion I include the action of water, of ice,
and of the atmosphere, including frost and rain. Water and ice, however, are
the principal agents, and which of these two has produced the greatest effect
it is perhaps impossible to say. Two years ago I wrote a brief note 'On the
Conformation of the Alps,' [Footnote: Phil. Mag. vol. xxiv. p. 169] in which
I ascribed the paramount influence to glaciers. The facts on which that
opinion was founded are, I think, unassailable; but whether the conclusion
then announced fairly follows from the facts is, I confess, an open question.
The arguments which have been thus far urged against the conclusion are not
convincing. Indeed, the idea of glacier erosion appears so daring to some
minds that its boldness alone is deemed its sufficient refutation. It is,
however, to be remembered that a precisely similar position was taken up by
many excellent workers when the question of ancient glacier extension was
first mooted. The idea was considered too hardy to be entertained; and the
evidences of glacial action were sought to be explained by reference to
almost any process rather than the true one. Let those who so wisely took the
side of 'boldness' in that discussion beware lest they place themselves, with
Page 239
reference to the question of glacier erosion, in the position formerly
occupied by their opponents.
Looking at the little glaciers of the present day — mere pigmies as compared
to the giants of the glacial epoch — we find that from every one of them
issues a river more or less voluminous, charged with the matter which the ice
has rubbed from the rocks. Where the rocks are soft, the amount of this
finely pulverised matter suspended in the water is very great. The water, for
example, of the river which flows from Santa Catarina to Bormio is thick
with it. The Rhine is charged with this matter, and by it has so silted up the
Lake of Constance as to abolish it for a large fraction of its length. The
Rhone is charged with it, and tens of thousands of acres of cultivable land
are formed by the silt above the Lake of Geneva.
In the case of every glacier we have two agents at work — the ice exerting a
crushing force on every point of its bed which bears its weight, and either
rasping this point into powder or tearing it bodily from the rock to which it
belongs; while the water which everywhere circulates upon the bed of the
glacier continually washes the detritus away and leaves the rock clean for
further abrasion. Confining the action of glaciers to the simple rubbing away
of the rocks, and allowing them sufficient time to act, it is not a matter of
opinion, but a physical certainty, that they will scoop out valleys. But the
glacier does more than abrade. Rocks are not homogeneous; they are
intersected by joints and places of weakness, which divide them into
virtually detached masses. A glacier is undoubtedly competent to root such
masses bodily away. Indeed the mere à priori consideration of the subject
proves the competence of a glacier to deepen its bed. Taking the case of a
glacier 1,000 feet deep (and some of the older ones were probably three
times this depth), and allowing 40 feet of ice to an atmosphere, we find that
on every square inch of its bed such a glacier presses with a weight of 375
lbs., and on every square yard of its bed with a weight of 486,000 lbs. With a
vertical pressure of this amount the glacier is urged down its valley by the
pressure from behind. We can hardly, I think, deny to such a tool a power of
excavation.
The retardation of a glacier by its bed has been referred to as proving its
impotence as an erosive agent; but this very retardation is in some measure
an expression of the magnitude of the erosive energy. Either the bed must
occupied by their opponents.
Looking at the little glaciers of the present day — mere pigmies as compared
to the giants of the glacial epoch — we find that from every one of them
issues a river more or less voluminous, charged with the matter which the ice
has rubbed from the rocks. Where the rocks are soft, the amount of this
finely pulverised matter suspended in the water is very great. The water, for
example, of the river which flows from Santa Catarina to Bormio is thick
with it. The Rhine is charged with this matter, and by it has so silted up the
Lake of Constance as to abolish it for a large fraction of its length. The
Rhone is charged with it, and tens of thousands of acres of cultivable land
are formed by the silt above the Lake of Geneva.
In the case of every glacier we have two agents at work — the ice exerting a
crushing force on every point of its bed which bears its weight, and either
rasping this point into powder or tearing it bodily from the rock to which it
belongs; while the water which everywhere circulates upon the bed of the
glacier continually washes the detritus away and leaves the rock clean for
further abrasion. Confining the action of glaciers to the simple rubbing away
of the rocks, and allowing them sufficient time to act, it is not a matter of
opinion, but a physical certainty, that they will scoop out valleys. But the
glacier does more than abrade. Rocks are not homogeneous; they are
intersected by joints and places of weakness, which divide them into
virtually detached masses. A glacier is undoubtedly competent to root such
masses bodily away. Indeed the mere à priori consideration of the subject
proves the competence of a glacier to deepen its bed. Taking the case of a
glacier 1,000 feet deep (and some of the older ones were probably three
times this depth), and allowing 40 feet of ice to an atmosphere, we find that
on every square inch of its bed such a glacier presses with a weight of 375
lbs., and on every square yard of its bed with a weight of 486,000 lbs. With a
vertical pressure of this amount the glacier is urged down its valley by the
pressure from behind. We can hardly, I think, deny to such a tool a power of
excavation.
The retardation of a glacier by its bed has been referred to as proving its
impotence as an erosive agent; but this very retardation is in some measure
an expression of the magnitude of the erosive energy. Either the bed must
Page 240
give way, or the ice must slide over itself. We get indeed some idea of the
crushing pressure which the moving glacier exercises against its bed-from
the fact that the resistance, and the effort to overcome it, are such as to make
the upper layers of a glacier move bodily over the lower ones — a portion
only of the total motion being due to the progress of the entire mass of the
glacier down its valley.
The sudden bend in the valley of the Rhone at Martigny has also been
regarded as conclusive evidence against the theory of erosion. 'Why,' it has
been asked, I did not the glacier of the Rhone go straight forward instead of
making this awkward bend?' But if the valley be a crack, why did the crack
make this bend? The crack, I submit, had at least as much reason to prolong
itself in a straight line as the glacier had. A statement of Sir John Herschel
with reference to another matter is perfectly applicable here: 'A crack once
produced has a tendency to run — for this plain reason, that at its
momentary limit, at the point at which it has just arrived, the divellent force
on the molecules there situated is counteracted only by half of the cohesive
force which acted when there was no crack, viz. the cohesion of the
uncracked portion alone' ('Proc. Roy. Soc.' vol. xii. p. 678). To account, then,
for the bend, the adherent of the fracture theory must assume the existence of
some accident which turned the crack at right angles to itself; and he surely
will permit the adherent of the erosion theory to make a similar assumption.
The influence of small accidents on the direction of rivers is beautifully
illustrated in glacier streams, which are made to cut either straight or sinuous
channels by causes apparently of the most trivial character. In his interesting
paper 'On the Lakes of Switzerland,' M. Studer also refers to the bend of the
Rhine at Sargans in proof that the river must there follow a pre-existing
fissure. I made a special expedition to the place in 1864; and though it was
plain that M. Studer had good grounds for the selection of this spot, I was
unable to arrive at his conclusion as to the necessity of a fissure.
Again, in the interesting volume recently published by the Swiss Alpine
Club, M. Desor informs us that the Swiss naturalists who met last year at
Samaden visited the end of the Morteratsch glacier, and there convinced
themselves that a glacier had no tendency whatever to imbed itself in the
soil. I scarcely think that the question of glacier erosion, as applied either to
crushing pressure which the moving glacier exercises against its bed-from
the fact that the resistance, and the effort to overcome it, are such as to make
the upper layers of a glacier move bodily over the lower ones — a portion
only of the total motion being due to the progress of the entire mass of the
glacier down its valley.
The sudden bend in the valley of the Rhone at Martigny has also been
regarded as conclusive evidence against the theory of erosion. 'Why,' it has
been asked, I did not the glacier of the Rhone go straight forward instead of
making this awkward bend?' But if the valley be a crack, why did the crack
make this bend? The crack, I submit, had at least as much reason to prolong
itself in a straight line as the glacier had. A statement of Sir John Herschel
with reference to another matter is perfectly applicable here: 'A crack once
produced has a tendency to run — for this plain reason, that at its
momentary limit, at the point at which it has just arrived, the divellent force
on the molecules there situated is counteracted only by half of the cohesive
force which acted when there was no crack, viz. the cohesion of the
uncracked portion alone' ('Proc. Roy. Soc.' vol. xii. p. 678). To account, then,
for the bend, the adherent of the fracture theory must assume the existence of
some accident which turned the crack at right angles to itself; and he surely
will permit the adherent of the erosion theory to make a similar assumption.
The influence of small accidents on the direction of rivers is beautifully
illustrated in glacier streams, which are made to cut either straight or sinuous
channels by causes apparently of the most trivial character. In his interesting
paper 'On the Lakes of Switzerland,' M. Studer also refers to the bend of the
Rhine at Sargans in proof that the river must there follow a pre-existing
fissure. I made a special expedition to the place in 1864; and though it was
plain that M. Studer had good grounds for the selection of this spot, I was
unable to arrive at his conclusion as to the necessity of a fissure.
Again, in the interesting volume recently published by the Swiss Alpine
Club, M. Desor informs us that the Swiss naturalists who met last year at
Samaden visited the end of the Morteratsch glacier, and there convinced
themselves that a glacier had no tendency whatever to imbed itself in the
soil. I scarcely think that the question of glacier erosion, as applied either to
Page 241
lakes or valleys, is to be disposed of so easily. Let me record here my
experience of the Morteratsch glacier.
I took with me in 1864 a theodolite to Pontresina, and while there had to
congratulate myself on the aid of my friend Mr. Hirst, who in 1857 did such
good service upon the Mer de Glace and its tributaries. We set out three lines
across the Morteratsch glacier, one of which crossed the ice-stream near the
well-known hut of the painter Georgei, while the two others were staked out,
the one above the hut and the other below it. Calling the highest line A, the
line which crossed the glacier at the hut B, and the lowest line C, the
following are the mean hourly motions of the three lines, deduced from
observations which extended over several days. On each line eleven stakes
were fixed, which are designated by the figures 1, 2, 3, &c. in the Tables.
Morteratsch Glacier, Line A.
No. of Stake. Hourly Motion.
1 0.35 inch.
2 0.49 inch.
3 0.53 inch.
4 0.54 inch.
5 0.56 inch.
6 0.54 inch.
experience of the Morteratsch glacier.
I took with me in 1864 a theodolite to Pontresina, and while there had to
congratulate myself on the aid of my friend Mr. Hirst, who in 1857 did such
good service upon the Mer de Glace and its tributaries. We set out three lines
across the Morteratsch glacier, one of which crossed the ice-stream near the
well-known hut of the painter Georgei, while the two others were staked out,
the one above the hut and the other below it. Calling the highest line A, the
line which crossed the glacier at the hut B, and the lowest line C, the
following are the mean hourly motions of the three lines, deduced from
observations which extended over several days. On each line eleven stakes
were fixed, which are designated by the figures 1, 2, 3, &c. in the Tables.
Morteratsch Glacier, Line A.
No. of Stake. Hourly Motion.
1 0.35 inch.
2 0.49 inch.
3 0.53 inch.
4 0.54 inch.
5 0.56 inch.
6 0.54 inch.
Page 242
7 0.52 inch.
8 0.49 inch.
9 0.40 inch.
10 0.29 inch.
11 0.20 inch.
As in all other measurements of this kind, the retarding influence of the sides
of the glacier is manifest: the centre moves with the greatest velocity.
8 0.49 inch.
9 0.40 inch.
10 0.29 inch.
11 0.20 inch.
As in all other measurements of this kind, the retarding influence of the sides
of the glacier is manifest: the centre moves with the greatest velocity.
Page 243
Morteratsch Glacier, Line B.
No. of Stake. Hourly Motion.
1 0.05 inch.
2 0.14 inch.
3 0.24 inch.
4 0.32 inch.
5 0-41 inch.
6 0.44 inch.
7 0.44 inch.
8 0.45 inch.
9 0.43 inch.
10 0.44 inch.
No. of Stake. Hourly Motion.
1 0.05 inch.
2 0.14 inch.
3 0.24 inch.
4 0.32 inch.
5 0-41 inch.
6 0.44 inch.
7 0.44 inch.
8 0.45 inch.
9 0.43 inch.
10 0.44 inch.
Page 244
11 0.44 inch.
The first stake of this line was quite close to the edge of the glacier, and the
ice was thin at the place, hence its slow motion. Crevasses prevented us from
carrying the line sufficiently far across to render the retardation of the further
side of the glacier fully evident.
Morteratsch Glacier, Line C.
No. of Stake Hourly Motion.
1 0.05 inch.
2 0.09 inch.
3 0.18 inch.
4 0.20 inch.
5 0.25 inch.
6 0.27 inch.
7 0.27 inch.
8 0.30 inch.
The first stake of this line was quite close to the edge of the glacier, and the
ice was thin at the place, hence its slow motion. Crevasses prevented us from
carrying the line sufficiently far across to render the retardation of the further
side of the glacier fully evident.
Morteratsch Glacier, Line C.
No. of Stake Hourly Motion.
1 0.05 inch.
2 0.09 inch.
3 0.18 inch.
4 0.20 inch.
5 0.25 inch.
6 0.27 inch.
7 0.27 inch.
8 0.30 inch.
Page 245
9 0.21 inch.
10 0.20 inch.
11 0.16 inch.
Comparing the three lines together, it will be observed that the velocity
diminishes as we descend the glacier. In 100 hours the maximum motion of
three lines respectively is as follows:
Maximum Motion in 100 hours.
Line A 56 inches
Line B 45 inches.
Line C 30 inches.
This deportment explains an appearance which must strike every observer
who looks upon the Morteratsch from the Piz Languard, or from the new
Bernina Road. A medial moraine runs along the glacier, commencing as a
narrow streak, but towards the end the moraine extending in width, until
finally it quite covers the terminal portion of the glacier. The cause of this is
revealed by the foregoing measurements, which prove that a stone on the
moraine where it is crossed by the line A approaches a second stone on the
moraine where it is crossed by the line C with a velocity of twenty-six inches
per one hundred hours. The moraine is in a state of longitudinal
compression. Its materials are more and more squeezed together, and they
10 0.20 inch.
11 0.16 inch.
Comparing the three lines together, it will be observed that the velocity
diminishes as we descend the glacier. In 100 hours the maximum motion of
three lines respectively is as follows:
Maximum Motion in 100 hours.
Line A 56 inches
Line B 45 inches.
Line C 30 inches.
This deportment explains an appearance which must strike every observer
who looks upon the Morteratsch from the Piz Languard, or from the new
Bernina Road. A medial moraine runs along the glacier, commencing as a
narrow streak, but towards the end the moraine extending in width, until
finally it quite covers the terminal portion of the glacier. The cause of this is
revealed by the foregoing measurements, which prove that a stone on the
moraine where it is crossed by the line A approaches a second stone on the
moraine where it is crossed by the line C with a velocity of twenty-six inches
per one hundred hours. The moraine is in a state of longitudinal
compression. Its materials are more and more squeezed together, and they
Page 246
must consequently move laterally and render the moraine at the terminal
portion of the glacier wider than above.
The motion of the Morteratsch glacier, then, diminishes as we descend. The
maximum motion of the third line is thirty inches in one hundred hours, or
seven inches a day — a very slow motion; and had we run a line nearer to
the end of the glacier, the motion would have been slower still. At the end
itself it is nearly insensible. [Footnote: The snout of the Aletsch Glacier has
a diurnal motion of less than two inches, while a mile or so above the snout
the velocity is eighteen inches. The spreading out of the moraine is here very
striking.] Now I submit that this is not the Place to seek for the scooping
power of a glacier. The opinion appears to be prevalent that it is the snout of
a glacier that must act the part of ploughshare; and it is certainly an
erroneous opinion. The scooping power will exert itself most where the
weight and the motion are greatest. A glacier's snout often rests upon matter
which has been scooped from the glacier's bed higher up. I therefore do not
think that the inspection of what the end of a glacier does or does not
accomplish can decide this question.
The snout of a glacier is potent to remove anything against which it can
fairly abut; and this power, notwithstanding the slowness of the motion,
manifests itself at the end of the Morteratsch glacier. A hillock, bearing pine-
trees, was in front of the glacier when Mr. Hirst and myself inspected its end;
and this hillock is being bodily removed by the thrust of the ice. Several of
the trees are overturned; and in a few years, if the glacier continues its
reputed advance, the mound will certainly be ploughed away.
The question of Alpine conformation stands, I think, thus: We have, in the
first place, great valleys, such as those of the Rhine and the Rhone, which
we might conveniently call valleys of the first order. The mountains which
flank these main valleys are also cut by lateral valleys running into the main
ones, and which may be called valleys of the second order. When these latter
are examined, smaller valleys are found running into them, which may be
called valleys of the third order. Smaller ravines and depressions, again, join
the latter, which may be called valleys of the fourth order, and so on until we
reach streaks and cuttings so minute as not to merit the name of valleys at
all. At the bottom of every valley we have a stream, diminishing in
magnitude as the order of the valley ascends, carving the earth and carrying
portion of the glacier wider than above.
The motion of the Morteratsch glacier, then, diminishes as we descend. The
maximum motion of the third line is thirty inches in one hundred hours, or
seven inches a day — a very slow motion; and had we run a line nearer to
the end of the glacier, the motion would have been slower still. At the end
itself it is nearly insensible. [Footnote: The snout of the Aletsch Glacier has
a diurnal motion of less than two inches, while a mile or so above the snout
the velocity is eighteen inches. The spreading out of the moraine is here very
striking.] Now I submit that this is not the Place to seek for the scooping
power of a glacier. The opinion appears to be prevalent that it is the snout of
a glacier that must act the part of ploughshare; and it is certainly an
erroneous opinion. The scooping power will exert itself most where the
weight and the motion are greatest. A glacier's snout often rests upon matter
which has been scooped from the glacier's bed higher up. I therefore do not
think that the inspection of what the end of a glacier does or does not
accomplish can decide this question.
The snout of a glacier is potent to remove anything against which it can
fairly abut; and this power, notwithstanding the slowness of the motion,
manifests itself at the end of the Morteratsch glacier. A hillock, bearing pine-
trees, was in front of the glacier when Mr. Hirst and myself inspected its end;
and this hillock is being bodily removed by the thrust of the ice. Several of
the trees are overturned; and in a few years, if the glacier continues its
reputed advance, the mound will certainly be ploughed away.
The question of Alpine conformation stands, I think, thus: We have, in the
first place, great valleys, such as those of the Rhine and the Rhone, which
we might conveniently call valleys of the first order. The mountains which
flank these main valleys are also cut by lateral valleys running into the main
ones, and which may be called valleys of the second order. When these latter
are examined, smaller valleys are found running into them, which may be
called valleys of the third order. Smaller ravines and depressions, again, join
the latter, which may be called valleys of the fourth order, and so on until we
reach streaks and cuttings so minute as not to merit the name of valleys at
all. At the bottom of every valley we have a stream, diminishing in
magnitude as the order of the valley ascends, carving the earth and carrying
Page 247
its materials to lower levels. We find that the larger valleys have been filled
for untold ages by glaciers of enormous dimensions, always moving,
grinding down and tearing away the rocks over which they passed. We have,
moreover, on the plains at the feet of the mountains, and in enormous
quantities, the very matter derived from the sculpture of the mountains
themselves.
The plains of Italy and Switzerland are cumbered by the débris of the Alps.
The lower, wider, and more level valleys are also filled to unknown depths
with the materials derived from the higher ones. In the vast quantities of
moraine-matter which cumber many even of the higher valleys we have also
suggestions as to the magnitude of the erosion which has taken place. This
moraine-matter, moreover, can only in small part have been derived from the
falling of rocks upon the ancient glacier; it is in great part derived from the
grinding and the ploughing-out of the glacier itself. This accounts for the
magnitude of many of the ancient moraines, which date from a period when
almost all the mountains were covered with ice and snow, and when,
consequently, the quantity of moraine-matter derived from the naked crests
cannot have been considerable.
The erosion theory ascribes the formation of Alpine valleys to the agencies
here briefly referred to. It invokes nothing but true causes. Its artificers are
still there, though, it may be, in diminished strength; and if they are granted
sufficient time, it is demonstrable that they are competent to produce the
effects ascribed to them. And what does the fracture theory offer in
comparison? From no possible application of this theory, pure and simple,
can we obtain the slopes and forms of the mountains. Erosion must in the
long run be invoked, and its power therefore conceded. The fracture theory
infers from the disturbances of the Alps the existence of fissures; and this is
a probable inference. But that they were of a magnitude sufficient to produce
the conformation of the Alps, and that they followed, as the Alpine valleys
do, the lines of natural drainage of the country, are assumptions which do not
appear to me to be justified either by reason or by observation.
There is a grandeur in the secular integration of small effects implied by the
theory of erosion almost superior to that involved in the idea of a cataclysm.
Think of the ages which must have been consumed in the execution of this
colossal sculpture. The question may, of course, be pushed further. Think of
for untold ages by glaciers of enormous dimensions, always moving,
grinding down and tearing away the rocks over which they passed. We have,
moreover, on the plains at the feet of the mountains, and in enormous
quantities, the very matter derived from the sculpture of the mountains
themselves.
The plains of Italy and Switzerland are cumbered by the débris of the Alps.
The lower, wider, and more level valleys are also filled to unknown depths
with the materials derived from the higher ones. In the vast quantities of
moraine-matter which cumber many even of the higher valleys we have also
suggestions as to the magnitude of the erosion which has taken place. This
moraine-matter, moreover, can only in small part have been derived from the
falling of rocks upon the ancient glacier; it is in great part derived from the
grinding and the ploughing-out of the glacier itself. This accounts for the
magnitude of many of the ancient moraines, which date from a period when
almost all the mountains were covered with ice and snow, and when,
consequently, the quantity of moraine-matter derived from the naked crests
cannot have been considerable.
The erosion theory ascribes the formation of Alpine valleys to the agencies
here briefly referred to. It invokes nothing but true causes. Its artificers are
still there, though, it may be, in diminished strength; and if they are granted
sufficient time, it is demonstrable that they are competent to produce the
effects ascribed to them. And what does the fracture theory offer in
comparison? From no possible application of this theory, pure and simple,
can we obtain the slopes and forms of the mountains. Erosion must in the
long run be invoked, and its power therefore conceded. The fracture theory
infers from the disturbances of the Alps the existence of fissures; and this is
a probable inference. But that they were of a magnitude sufficient to produce
the conformation of the Alps, and that they followed, as the Alpine valleys
do, the lines of natural drainage of the country, are assumptions which do not
appear to me to be justified either by reason or by observation.
There is a grandeur in the secular integration of small effects implied by the
theory of erosion almost superior to that involved in the idea of a cataclysm.
Think of the ages which must have been consumed in the execution of this
colossal sculpture. The question may, of course, be pushed further. Think of
Page 248
the ages which the molten earth required for its consolidation. But these
vaster epochs lack sublimity through our inability to grasp them. They
bewilder us, but they fail to make a solemn impression. The genesis of the
mountains comes more within the scope of the intellect, and the majesty of
the operation is enhanced by our partial ability to conceive it. In the falling
of a rock from a mountain-head, in the shoot of an avalanche, in the plunge
of a cataract, we often see more impressive illustrations of the power of
gravity than in the motions of the stars. When the intellect has to intervene,
and calculation is necessary to the building up of the conception, the
expansion of the feelings ceases to be proportional to the magnitude of the
phenomena.
-----
I will here record a few other measurements executed on the Rosegg glacier:
the line was staked out across the trunk formed by the junction of the Rosegg
proper with the Tschierva glacier, a short distance below the rocky
promontory called Agaliogs.
Rosegg Glacier.
No. of Stake. Hourly Motion.
1 0.01 inch.
2 0.05
3 0.07
4 0.10
vaster epochs lack sublimity through our inability to grasp them. They
bewilder us, but they fail to make a solemn impression. The genesis of the
mountains comes more within the scope of the intellect, and the majesty of
the operation is enhanced by our partial ability to conceive it. In the falling
of a rock from a mountain-head, in the shoot of an avalanche, in the plunge
of a cataract, we often see more impressive illustrations of the power of
gravity than in the motions of the stars. When the intellect has to intervene,
and calculation is necessary to the building up of the conception, the
expansion of the feelings ceases to be proportional to the magnitude of the
phenomena.
-----
I will here record a few other measurements executed on the Rosegg glacier:
the line was staked out across the trunk formed by the junction of the Rosegg
proper with the Tschierva glacier, a short distance below the rocky
promontory called Agaliogs.
Rosegg Glacier.
No. of Stake. Hourly Motion.
1 0.01 inch.
2 0.05
3 0.07
4 0.10
Page 249
5 0.11
6 0.13
7 0.14
8 0.18
9 0.24
10 0.23
11 0.24
This is an extremely slowly moving glacier; the maximum motion hardly
amounts to seven inches a day. Crevasses prevented us from continuing the
line quite across the glacier.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
6 0.13
7 0.14
8 0.18
9 0.24
10 0.23
11 0.24
This is an extremely slowly moving glacier; the maximum motion hardly
amounts to seven inches a day. Crevasses prevented us from continuing the
line quite across the glacier.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
Page 250
X. RECENT EXPERIMENTS ON FOG-SIGNALS.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered in the Royal Institution, March 22, 1878.]
The care of its sailors is one of the first duties of a maritime people, and one
of the sailor's greatest dangers is his proximity to the coast at night. Hence,
the idea of warning him of such proximity by beacon-fires placed sometimes
on natural eminences and sometimes on towers built expressly for the
purpose. Close to Dover Castle, for example, stands an ancient Pharos of this
description.
As our marine increased greater skill was invoked, and lamps reinforced by
parabolic reflectors poured their light upon the sea. Several of these lamps
were sometimes grouped together so as to intensify the light, which at a little
distance appeared as if it emanated from a single source. This 'catoptric'
form of apparatus is still to some extent employed in our lighthouse-service,
but for a long time past it has been more and more displaced by the great
lenses devised by the illustrious Frenchman, Fresnel.
In a first-class 'dioptric' apparatus the light emanates from a lamp with
several concentric wicks, the flame of which, being kindled by a very active
draught, attains to great intensity. In fixed lights the lenses refract the rays
issuing from the lamp so as to cause them to form a luminous sheet which
grazes the sea-horizon. In revolving lights the lenses gather up the rays into
distinct beams, resembling the spokes of a wheel, which sweep over the sea
and strike the eye of the mariner in succession.
It is not for clear weather that the greatest strengthening of the light is
intended, for here it is not needed. Nor is it for densely foggy weather, for
here it is ineffectual. But it is for the intermediate stages of hazy, snowy, or
rainy weather, in which a powerful light can assert itself, while a feeble one
is extinguished. The usual first-order lamp is one of four wicks, but Mr.
Douglass, the able and indefatigable engineer of the Trinity House, has
recently raised the number of the wicks to six, which produce a very noble
flame. To Mr. Wigham, of Dublin, we are indebted for the successful
application of gas to lighthouse illumination. In some lighthouses his power
varies from 28 jets to 108 jets, while in the lighthouse of Galley Head three
burners of the largest size can be employed, the maximum number of jets
[Footnote: A discourse delivered in the Royal Institution, March 22, 1878.]
The care of its sailors is one of the first duties of a maritime people, and one
of the sailor's greatest dangers is his proximity to the coast at night. Hence,
the idea of warning him of such proximity by beacon-fires placed sometimes
on natural eminences and sometimes on towers built expressly for the
purpose. Close to Dover Castle, for example, stands an ancient Pharos of this
description.
As our marine increased greater skill was invoked, and lamps reinforced by
parabolic reflectors poured their light upon the sea. Several of these lamps
were sometimes grouped together so as to intensify the light, which at a little
distance appeared as if it emanated from a single source. This 'catoptric'
form of apparatus is still to some extent employed in our lighthouse-service,
but for a long time past it has been more and more displaced by the great
lenses devised by the illustrious Frenchman, Fresnel.
In a first-class 'dioptric' apparatus the light emanates from a lamp with
several concentric wicks, the flame of which, being kindled by a very active
draught, attains to great intensity. In fixed lights the lenses refract the rays
issuing from the lamp so as to cause them to form a luminous sheet which
grazes the sea-horizon. In revolving lights the lenses gather up the rays into
distinct beams, resembling the spokes of a wheel, which sweep over the sea
and strike the eye of the mariner in succession.
It is not for clear weather that the greatest strengthening of the light is
intended, for here it is not needed. Nor is it for densely foggy weather, for
here it is ineffectual. But it is for the intermediate stages of hazy, snowy, or
rainy weather, in which a powerful light can assert itself, while a feeble one
is extinguished. The usual first-order lamp is one of four wicks, but Mr.
Douglass, the able and indefatigable engineer of the Trinity House, has
recently raised the number of the wicks to six, which produce a very noble
flame. To Mr. Wigham, of Dublin, we are indebted for the successful
application of gas to lighthouse illumination. In some lighthouses his power
varies from 28 jets to 108 jets, while in the lighthouse of Galley Head three
burners of the largest size can be employed, the maximum number of jets
Page 251
being 324. These larger powers are invoked only in case of fog, the 28-jet
burner being amply sufficient for clear weather. The passage from the small
burner to the large, and from the large burner to the small, is made with ease,
rapidity, and certainty. This employment of gas is indigenous to Ireland, and
the Board of Trade has exercised a wise liberality in allowing every facility
to Mr. Wigham for the development of his invention.
The last great agent employed in lighthouse illumination is electricity. It was
in this Institution, beginning in 1831, that Faraday proved the existence and
illustrated the laws of those induced currents which in our day have received
such astounding development. In relation to this subject Faraday's words
have a prophetic ring. 'I have rather,' he writes in 1831, 'been desirous of
discovering new facts and new relations dependent on magneto-electric
induction than of exalting the force of those already obtained, being assured
that the latter would find their full development hereafter.' The labours of
Holmes, of the Paris Alliance Company, of Wilde, and of Gramme,
constitute a brilliant fulfilment of this prediction.
But, as regards the augmentation of power, the greatest step hitherto made
was independently taken a few years ago by Dr. Werner Siemens and Sir
Charles Wheatstone. Through the application of their discovery a machine
endowed with an infinitesimal charge of magnetism may, by a process of
accumulation at compound interest, be caused so to enrich itself
magnetically as to cast by its performance all the older machines into the
shade. The light now before you is that of a small machine placed
downstairs, and worked there by a minute steam-engine. It is a light of about
1000 candles; and for it, and for the steam-engine that 'works it, our
members are indebted to the liberality of Dr. William Siemens, who in the
most generous manner has presented the machine to this Institution. After an
exhaustive trial at the South Foreland, machines on the principle of Siemens,
but of far greater power than this one, have been recently chosen by the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House for the two light-houses at the Lizard
Point.
Our most intense lights, including the six-wick lamp, the Wigham gas-light,
and the electric light, being intended to aid the mariner in heavy weather,
may be regarded, in a certain sense, as fog-signals. But fog, when thick, is
intractable to light. The sun cannot penetrate it, much less any terrestrial
burner being amply sufficient for clear weather. The passage from the small
burner to the large, and from the large burner to the small, is made with ease,
rapidity, and certainty. This employment of gas is indigenous to Ireland, and
the Board of Trade has exercised a wise liberality in allowing every facility
to Mr. Wigham for the development of his invention.
The last great agent employed in lighthouse illumination is electricity. It was
in this Institution, beginning in 1831, that Faraday proved the existence and
illustrated the laws of those induced currents which in our day have received
such astounding development. In relation to this subject Faraday's words
have a prophetic ring. 'I have rather,' he writes in 1831, 'been desirous of
discovering new facts and new relations dependent on magneto-electric
induction than of exalting the force of those already obtained, being assured
that the latter would find their full development hereafter.' The labours of
Holmes, of the Paris Alliance Company, of Wilde, and of Gramme,
constitute a brilliant fulfilment of this prediction.
But, as regards the augmentation of power, the greatest step hitherto made
was independently taken a few years ago by Dr. Werner Siemens and Sir
Charles Wheatstone. Through the application of their discovery a machine
endowed with an infinitesimal charge of magnetism may, by a process of
accumulation at compound interest, be caused so to enrich itself
magnetically as to cast by its performance all the older machines into the
shade. The light now before you is that of a small machine placed
downstairs, and worked there by a minute steam-engine. It is a light of about
1000 candles; and for it, and for the steam-engine that 'works it, our
members are indebted to the liberality of Dr. William Siemens, who in the
most generous manner has presented the machine to this Institution. After an
exhaustive trial at the South Foreland, machines on the principle of Siemens,
but of far greater power than this one, have been recently chosen by the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House for the two light-houses at the Lizard
Point.
Our most intense lights, including the six-wick lamp, the Wigham gas-light,
and the electric light, being intended to aid the mariner in heavy weather,
may be regarded, in a certain sense, as fog-signals. But fog, when thick, is
intractable to light. The sun cannot penetrate it, much less any terrestrial
Page 252
source of illumination. Hence the necessity of employing sound-signals in
dense fogs. Bells, gongs, horns, whistles, guns, and syrens have been used
for this purpose; but it is mainly, if not wholly, with explosive signals that
we have now to deal. The gun has been employed with useful effect at the
North Stack, near Holyhead, on the Kish Bank near Dublin, at Lundy Island,
and at other points on our coasts. During the long, laborious, and I venture to
think memorable series of observations conducted under the auspices of the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House at the South Foreland in 1872 and 1873,
it was proved that a short 5.5-inch howitzer, firing 3 lbs. of powder, yielded
a louder report than a long 18-pounder firing the same charge. Here was a
hint to be acted on by the Elder Brethren. The effectiveness of the sound
depended on the shape of the gun, and as it could not be assumed that in the
howitzer we had hit accidentally upon the best possible shape, arrangements
were made with the War Office for the construction of a gun specially
calculated to produce the loudest sound attainable from the combustion of 3
lbs. of powder. To prevent the unnecessary landward waste of the sound, the
gun was furnished with a parabolic muzzle, intended to project the sound
over the sea, where it was most needed. The construction of this gun was
based on a searching series of experiments executed at Woolwich with small
models, provided with muzzles of various kinds. A drawing of the gun is
annexed (p. 309). It was constructed on the principle of the revolver, its
various chambers being loaded and brought in rapid succession into the
firing position. The performance of the gun proved the correctness of the
principles on which its construction was based.
An incidental point of some interest was decided by the earliest Woolwich
experiments. It had been a widely spread opinion among artillerists, that a
bronze gun produces a specially loud report. I doubted from the outset
whether this would help us; and in a letter dated 22nd April, 1874, I ventured
to express myself thus :— 'The report of a gun, as affecting an observer
close at hand, is made up of two factors — the sound due to the shock of the
air by the violently expanding gas, and the sound derived from the vibrations
of the gun, which, to some extent, rings like a bell. This latter, I apprehend,
will disappear at considerable distances.'
dense fogs. Bells, gongs, horns, whistles, guns, and syrens have been used
for this purpose; but it is mainly, if not wholly, with explosive signals that
we have now to deal. The gun has been employed with useful effect at the
North Stack, near Holyhead, on the Kish Bank near Dublin, at Lundy Island,
and at other points on our coasts. During the long, laborious, and I venture to
think memorable series of observations conducted under the auspices of the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House at the South Foreland in 1872 and 1873,
it was proved that a short 5.5-inch howitzer, firing 3 lbs. of powder, yielded
a louder report than a long 18-pounder firing the same charge. Here was a
hint to be acted on by the Elder Brethren. The effectiveness of the sound
depended on the shape of the gun, and as it could not be assumed that in the
howitzer we had hit accidentally upon the best possible shape, arrangements
were made with the War Office for the construction of a gun specially
calculated to produce the loudest sound attainable from the combustion of 3
lbs. of powder. To prevent the unnecessary landward waste of the sound, the
gun was furnished with a parabolic muzzle, intended to project the sound
over the sea, where it was most needed. The construction of this gun was
based on a searching series of experiments executed at Woolwich with small
models, provided with muzzles of various kinds. A drawing of the gun is
annexed (p. 309). It was constructed on the principle of the revolver, its
various chambers being loaded and brought in rapid succession into the
firing position. The performance of the gun proved the correctness of the
principles on which its construction was based.
An incidental point of some interest was decided by the earliest Woolwich
experiments. It had been a widely spread opinion among artillerists, that a
bronze gun produces a specially loud report. I doubted from the outset
whether this would help us; and in a letter dated 22nd April, 1874, I ventured
to express myself thus :— 'The report of a gun, as affecting an observer
close at hand, is made up of two factors — the sound due to the shock of the
air by the violently expanding gas, and the sound derived from the vibrations
of the gun, which, to some extent, rings like a bell. This latter, I apprehend,
will disappear at considerable distances.'
Page 253
FIG. 8. Breech-loading Fog-signal Gun, with Bell Mouth,
proposed by Major Maitland, R.A., Assistant Superintendent. [Footnote: The
carriage of this gun has been modified in construction since this drawing
was made.]
The result of subsequent trial, as reported by General Campbell, is, 'that the
sonorous qualities of bronze are greatly superior to those of cast iron at short
distances, but that the advantage lies with the baser metal at long ranges.'
[Footnote: General Campbell assigns a true cause for this difference. The
ring of the bronze gun represents so much energy withdrawn from the
explosive force of the gunpowder. Further experiments would, however, be
needed to place the superiority of the cast-iron gun at a distance beyond
question.]
Coincident with these trials of guns at Woolwich, gun-cotton was thought of
as a probably effective sound-producer. From the first, indeed, theoretic
proposed by Major Maitland, R.A., Assistant Superintendent. [Footnote: The
carriage of this gun has been modified in construction since this drawing
was made.]
The result of subsequent trial, as reported by General Campbell, is, 'that the
sonorous qualities of bronze are greatly superior to those of cast iron at short
distances, but that the advantage lies with the baser metal at long ranges.'
[Footnote: General Campbell assigns a true cause for this difference. The
ring of the bronze gun represents so much energy withdrawn from the
explosive force of the gunpowder. Further experiments would, however, be
needed to place the superiority of the cast-iron gun at a distance beyond
question.]
Coincident with these trials of guns at Woolwich, gun-cotton was thought of
as a probably effective sound-producer. From the first, indeed, theoretic
Page 254
considerations caused me to fix my attention persistently on this substance;
for the remarkable experiments of Mr. Abel, whereby its rapidity of
combustion and violently explosive energy are demonstrated, seemed to
single it out as a substance eminently calculated to fulfil the conditions
necessary to the production of an intense wave of sound. What those
conditions are we shall now more particularly enquire, calling to our aid a
brief but very remarkable paper, published by Professor Stokes in the
'Philosophical Magazine' for 1868.
The explosive force of gunpowder is known to depend on the sudden
conversion of a solid body into an intensely heated gas. Now the work which
the artillerist requires the expanding gas to perform is the displacement of
the projectile, besides which it has to displace the air in front of the
projectile, which is backed by the whole pressure of the atmosphere. Such,
however, is not the work that we want our gunpowder to perform. We wish
to transmute its energy not into the mere mechanical translation of either
shot or air, but into vibratory motion. We want pulses to be formed which
shall propagate themselves to vast distances through the atmosphere, and
this requires a certain choice and management of the explosive material.
A sound-wave consists essentially of two parts — a condensation and a
rarefaction. Now air is a very mobile fluid, and if the shock imparted to it
lack due promptness, the wave is not produced. Consider the case of a
common clock pendulum, which oscillates to and fro, and which might be
expected to generate corresponding pulses in the air. When, for example, the
bob moves to the right, the air to the right of it might be supposed to be
condensed, while a partial vacuum might be supposed to follow the bob. As
a matter of fact, we have nothing of the kind. The air particles in front of the
bob retreat so rapidly, and those behind it close so rapidly in, that no sound-
pulse is formed. The mobility of hydrogen, moreover, being far greater than
that of air, a prompter action is essential to the formation of sonorous waves
in hydrogen than in air. It is to this rapid power of readjustment, this refusal,
so to speak, to allow its atoms to be crowded together or to be drawn apart,
that Professor Stokes, with admirable penetration, refers the damping power,
first described by Sir John Leslie, of hydrogen upon sound.
A tuning-fork which executes 256 complete vibrations in a second, if struck
gently on a pad and held in free air, emits a scarcely audible note. It behaves
for the remarkable experiments of Mr. Abel, whereby its rapidity of
combustion and violently explosive energy are demonstrated, seemed to
single it out as a substance eminently calculated to fulfil the conditions
necessary to the production of an intense wave of sound. What those
conditions are we shall now more particularly enquire, calling to our aid a
brief but very remarkable paper, published by Professor Stokes in the
'Philosophical Magazine' for 1868.
The explosive force of gunpowder is known to depend on the sudden
conversion of a solid body into an intensely heated gas. Now the work which
the artillerist requires the expanding gas to perform is the displacement of
the projectile, besides which it has to displace the air in front of the
projectile, which is backed by the whole pressure of the atmosphere. Such,
however, is not the work that we want our gunpowder to perform. We wish
to transmute its energy not into the mere mechanical translation of either
shot or air, but into vibratory motion. We want pulses to be formed which
shall propagate themselves to vast distances through the atmosphere, and
this requires a certain choice and management of the explosive material.
A sound-wave consists essentially of two parts — a condensation and a
rarefaction. Now air is a very mobile fluid, and if the shock imparted to it
lack due promptness, the wave is not produced. Consider the case of a
common clock pendulum, which oscillates to and fro, and which might be
expected to generate corresponding pulses in the air. When, for example, the
bob moves to the right, the air to the right of it might be supposed to be
condensed, while a partial vacuum might be supposed to follow the bob. As
a matter of fact, we have nothing of the kind. The air particles in front of the
bob retreat so rapidly, and those behind it close so rapidly in, that no sound-
pulse is formed. The mobility of hydrogen, moreover, being far greater than
that of air, a prompter action is essential to the formation of sonorous waves
in hydrogen than in air. It is to this rapid power of readjustment, this refusal,
so to speak, to allow its atoms to be crowded together or to be drawn apart,
that Professor Stokes, with admirable penetration, refers the damping power,
first described by Sir John Leslie, of hydrogen upon sound.
A tuning-fork which executes 256 complete vibrations in a second, if struck
gently on a pad and held in free air, emits a scarcely audible note. It behaves
Page 255
to some extent like the pendulum bob just referred to. This feebleness is due
to the prompt 'reciprocating flow' of the air between the incipient
condensations and rarefactions, whereby the formation of sound-pulses is
forestalled. Stokes, however, has taught us that this flow may be intercepted
by placing the edge of a card in close proximity to one of the corners of the
fork. An immediate augmentation of the sound of the fork is the
consequence.
The more rapid the shock imparted to the air, the greater is the fractional part
of the energy of the shock converted into wave motion. And as different
kinds of gunpowder vary considerably in their rapidity of combustion, it may
be expected that they will also vary as producers of sound. This theoretic
inference is completely verified by experiment. In a series of preliminary
trials conducted at Woolwich on the 4th of June, 1875, the sound-producing
powers of four different kinds of powder were determined. In the order of
the size of their grains they bear the names respectively of Fine-grain (F.G.),
Large-grain (L.G.), Rifle Large-grain (R.L.G.), and Pebble-powder (P.) (See
annexed figures.) The charge in each case amounted to 4.5 lbs. four 24-lb.
howitzers being employed to fire the respective charges.
FIG. 9.
There were eleven observers, all of whom, without a single dissentient,
pronounced the sound of the fine-grain powder loudest of all. In the opinion
of seven of the eleven the large-grain powder came next; seven also of the
eleven placed the rifle large-grain third on the list; while they were again
unanimous in pronouncing the pebble-powder the worst sound-producer.
to the prompt 'reciprocating flow' of the air between the incipient
condensations and rarefactions, whereby the formation of sound-pulses is
forestalled. Stokes, however, has taught us that this flow may be intercepted
by placing the edge of a card in close proximity to one of the corners of the
fork. An immediate augmentation of the sound of the fork is the
consequence.
The more rapid the shock imparted to the air, the greater is the fractional part
of the energy of the shock converted into wave motion. And as different
kinds of gunpowder vary considerably in their rapidity of combustion, it may
be expected that they will also vary as producers of sound. This theoretic
inference is completely verified by experiment. In a series of preliminary
trials conducted at Woolwich on the 4th of June, 1875, the sound-producing
powers of four different kinds of powder were determined. In the order of
the size of their grains they bear the names respectively of Fine-grain (F.G.),
Large-grain (L.G.), Rifle Large-grain (R.L.G.), and Pebble-powder (P.) (See
annexed figures.) The charge in each case amounted to 4.5 lbs. four 24-lb.
howitzers being employed to fire the respective charges.
FIG. 9.
There were eleven observers, all of whom, without a single dissentient,
pronounced the sound of the fine-grain powder loudest of all. In the opinion
of seven of the eleven the large-grain powder came next; seven also of the
eleven placed the rifle large-grain third on the list; while they were again
unanimous in pronouncing the pebble-powder the worst sound-producer.
Page 256
These differences are entirely due to differences in the rapidity of
combustion. All who have witnessed the performance of the 80-ton gun must
have been surprised at the mildness of its thunder. To avoid the strain
resulting from quick combustion, the powder employed is composed of
lumps far larger than those of the pebble-powder above referred to. In the
long tube of the gun these lumps of solid matter gradually resolve
themselves into gas, which on issuing from the muzzle imparts a kind of
push to the air, instead of the sharp shock necessary to form the
condensation of an intensely sonorous wave.
These are some of the physical reasons why guncotton might be regarded as
a promising fog-signal. Firing it as we have been taught to do by Mr. Abel,
its explosion is more rapid than that of gunpowder. In its case the air
particles, alert as they are, will not, it might be presumed, be able to slip
from condensation to rarefaction with a rapidity sufficient to forestall the
formation of the wave. On à priori grounds then, we are entitled to infer the
effectiveness of gun-cotton, while in a great number of comparative
experiments, stretching from 1874 to the present time, this inference has
been verified in the most conclusive manner.
As regards explosive material, and zealous and accomplished help in the use
of it, the resources of Woolwich Arsenal have been freely placed at the
disposal of the Elder Brethren. General Campbell, General Younghusband,
Colonel Fraser, Colonel Maitland, and other officers, have taken an active
personal part in the investigation, and in most cases have incurred the labour
of reducing and reporting on the observations. Guns of various forms and
sizes have been invoked for gunpowder, while gun-cotton has been fired in
free air and in the foci of parabolic reflectors.
On the 22nd of February, 1875, a number of small guns, cast specially for
the purpose — some with plain, some with conical, and some with parabolic
muzzles — firing 4 oz. of fine-grain powder, were pitted against 4 oz. of
gun-cotton detonated both in the open, and in the focus of a parabolic
reflector. [Footnote: For charges of this weight the reflector is of moderate
size, and may be employed without fear of fracture.]
The sound produced by the gun-cotton, reinforced by the reflector, was
unanimously pronounced loudest of all. With equal unanimity, the gun-
combustion. All who have witnessed the performance of the 80-ton gun must
have been surprised at the mildness of its thunder. To avoid the strain
resulting from quick combustion, the powder employed is composed of
lumps far larger than those of the pebble-powder above referred to. In the
long tube of the gun these lumps of solid matter gradually resolve
themselves into gas, which on issuing from the muzzle imparts a kind of
push to the air, instead of the sharp shock necessary to form the
condensation of an intensely sonorous wave.
These are some of the physical reasons why guncotton might be regarded as
a promising fog-signal. Firing it as we have been taught to do by Mr. Abel,
its explosion is more rapid than that of gunpowder. In its case the air
particles, alert as they are, will not, it might be presumed, be able to slip
from condensation to rarefaction with a rapidity sufficient to forestall the
formation of the wave. On à priori grounds then, we are entitled to infer the
effectiveness of gun-cotton, while in a great number of comparative
experiments, stretching from 1874 to the present time, this inference has
been verified in the most conclusive manner.
As regards explosive material, and zealous and accomplished help in the use
of it, the resources of Woolwich Arsenal have been freely placed at the
disposal of the Elder Brethren. General Campbell, General Younghusband,
Colonel Fraser, Colonel Maitland, and other officers, have taken an active
personal part in the investigation, and in most cases have incurred the labour
of reducing and reporting on the observations. Guns of various forms and
sizes have been invoked for gunpowder, while gun-cotton has been fired in
free air and in the foci of parabolic reflectors.
On the 22nd of February, 1875, a number of small guns, cast specially for
the purpose — some with plain, some with conical, and some with parabolic
muzzles — firing 4 oz. of fine-grain powder, were pitted against 4 oz. of
gun-cotton detonated both in the open, and in the focus of a parabolic
reflector. [Footnote: For charges of this weight the reflector is of moderate
size, and may be employed without fear of fracture.]
The sound produced by the gun-cotton, reinforced by the reflector, was
unanimously pronounced loudest of all. With equal unanimity, the gun-
Page 257
cotton detonated in free air was placed second in intensity. Though the same
charge was used throughout, the guns differed notably among themselves,
but none of them came up to the gun-cotton, either with or without the
reflector. A second series, observed from a different distance on the same
day, confirmed to the letter the foregoing result.
As a practical point, however, the comparative cost of gun-cotton and
gunpowder has to be taken into account, though considerations of cost ought
not to be stretched too far in cases involving the safety of human life. In the
earlier experiments, where quantities of equal price were pitted against each
other, the results were somewhat fluctuating. Indeed, the perfect
manipulation of the gun-cotton required some preliminary discipline —
promptness, certainty, and effectiveness of firing, augmenting as experience
increased. As 1 lb. of gun-cotton costs as much as 3 lbs. of gunpowder, these
quantities were compared together on the 22nd of February. The guns
employed to discharge the gunpowder were a 12-lb. brass howitzer, a 24-lb.
cast-iron howitzer, and the long 18-pounder employed at the South Foreland.
The result was, that the 24-lb. howitzer, firing 3 lbs. of gunpowder, had a
slight advantage over 1 lb. of gun-cotton detonated in the open; while the 12-
lb. howitzer and the 18-pounder were both beaten by the gun-cotton. On the
end of May, on the other hand, the gun-cotton is reported as having been
beaten by all the guns.
Meanwhile, the parabolic-muzzle gun, expressly intended for fog-signalling,
was pushed rapidly forward, and on March 22 and 23, 1876, its power was
tested at Shoeburyness. Pitted against it were a 16-pounder, a 5.5-inch
howitzer, 1.5 lb. of gun-cotton detonated in the focus of a reflector (see
annexed figure), and 1.5 lb. of gun-cotton detonated in free air. On this
occasion nineteen different series of experiments were made, when the new
experimental gun, firing a 3-lb. charge, demonstrated its superiority over all
guns previously employed to fire the same charge. As regards the
comparative merits of the gun-cotton fired in the open, and the gunpowder
fired from the new gun, the mean values of their sounds were the same.
Fired in the focus of the reflector, the gun-cotton clearly dominated over all
the other sound-producers. [Footnote: The reflector was fractured by the
explosion, but it did good service afterwards.]
charge was used throughout, the guns differed notably among themselves,
but none of them came up to the gun-cotton, either with or without the
reflector. A second series, observed from a different distance on the same
day, confirmed to the letter the foregoing result.
As a practical point, however, the comparative cost of gun-cotton and
gunpowder has to be taken into account, though considerations of cost ought
not to be stretched too far in cases involving the safety of human life. In the
earlier experiments, where quantities of equal price were pitted against each
other, the results were somewhat fluctuating. Indeed, the perfect
manipulation of the gun-cotton required some preliminary discipline —
promptness, certainty, and effectiveness of firing, augmenting as experience
increased. As 1 lb. of gun-cotton costs as much as 3 lbs. of gunpowder, these
quantities were compared together on the 22nd of February. The guns
employed to discharge the gunpowder were a 12-lb. brass howitzer, a 24-lb.
cast-iron howitzer, and the long 18-pounder employed at the South Foreland.
The result was, that the 24-lb. howitzer, firing 3 lbs. of gunpowder, had a
slight advantage over 1 lb. of gun-cotton detonated in the open; while the 12-
lb. howitzer and the 18-pounder were both beaten by the gun-cotton. On the
end of May, on the other hand, the gun-cotton is reported as having been
beaten by all the guns.
Meanwhile, the parabolic-muzzle gun, expressly intended for fog-signalling,
was pushed rapidly forward, and on March 22 and 23, 1876, its power was
tested at Shoeburyness. Pitted against it were a 16-pounder, a 5.5-inch
howitzer, 1.5 lb. of gun-cotton detonated in the focus of a reflector (see
annexed figure), and 1.5 lb. of gun-cotton detonated in free air. On this
occasion nineteen different series of experiments were made, when the new
experimental gun, firing a 3-lb. charge, demonstrated its superiority over all
guns previously employed to fire the same charge. As regards the
comparative merits of the gun-cotton fired in the open, and the gunpowder
fired from the new gun, the mean values of their sounds were the same.
Fired in the focus of the reflector, the gun-cotton clearly dominated over all
the other sound-producers. [Footnote: The reflector was fractured by the
explosion, but it did good service afterwards.]
Page 258
FIG. 10.
Gun-cotton Slab (1.5 lb.) Detonated in the Focus of a Cast-iron Reflector.
The whole of the observations here referred to were embraced by an angle of
about 70°, of which 50' lay on the one side and 20° on the other side of the
line of fire. The shots were heard by eleven observers on board the 'Galatea,'
which took up positions varying from 2 miles to 13.5 miles from the firing-
point. In all these observations, the reinforcing action of the reflector, and of
the parabolic muzzle of the gun, came into play. But the reinforcement of the
sound in one direction implies its withdrawal from some other direction, and
accordingly it was found that at a distance of 5.25 miles from the firing-
point, and on a line including nearly an angle of 90° with the line of fire, the
gun-cotton in the open beat the new gun; while behind the station, at
distances of 8.5 miles and 13.5 miles respectively, the gun-cotton in the open
beat both the gun and the gun-cotton in the reflector. This result is rendered
Gun-cotton Slab (1.5 lb.) Detonated in the Focus of a Cast-iron Reflector.
The whole of the observations here referred to were embraced by an angle of
about 70°, of which 50' lay on the one side and 20° on the other side of the
line of fire. The shots were heard by eleven observers on board the 'Galatea,'
which took up positions varying from 2 miles to 13.5 miles from the firing-
point. In all these observations, the reinforcing action of the reflector, and of
the parabolic muzzle of the gun, came into play. But the reinforcement of the
sound in one direction implies its withdrawal from some other direction, and
accordingly it was found that at a distance of 5.25 miles from the firing-
point, and on a line including nearly an angle of 90° with the line of fire, the
gun-cotton in the open beat the new gun; while behind the station, at
distances of 8.5 miles and 13.5 miles respectively, the gun-cotton in the open
beat both the gun and the gun-cotton in the reflector. This result is rendered
Page 259
more important by the fact that the sound reached the Mucking Light, a
distance of 13.5 miles, against a light wind which was blowing at the time.
Most, if not all, of our ordinary sound-producers send forth waves which are
not of uniform intensity throughout. A trumpet is loudest in the direction of
its axis. The same is true of a gun. A bell, with its mouth pointed upwards or
downwards, sends forth waves which are far denser in the horizontal plane
passing through the bell than at an angular distance of 90° from that plane.
The oldest bellbangers must have been aware of the fact that the sides of the
bell, and not its mouth, emitted the strongest sound, their practice being
probably determined by this knowledge. Our slabs of gun-cotton also emit
waves of different densities in different parts. It has occurred in the
experiments at Shoeburyness that when the broad side of a slab was turned
towards the suspending wire of a second slab six feet distant, the wire was
cut by the explosion, while when the edge of the slab was turned to the wire
this never occurred.
To the circumstance that the broadsides of the slabs faced the sea is probably
to be ascribed the remarkable fact observed on March 23, that in two
directions, not far removed from the line of fire, the gun-cotton detonated in
the open had a slight advantage over the new gun.
Theoretic considerations rendered it probable that the shape and size of the
exploding mass would affect the constitution of the wave of sound. I did not
think large rectangular slabs the most favourable shape, and accordingly
proposed cutting a large slab into fragments of different sizes, and pitting
them against each other The differences between the sounds were by no
means so great as the differences in the quantities of explosive material
might lead one to expect. The mean values of eighteen series of observations
made on board the 'Galatea,' at distances varying from 1.75 mile to 4.8
miles, were as follows:—
Weights 4 oz. 6 oz. 9 oz. 12 oz.
distance of 13.5 miles, against a light wind which was blowing at the time.
Most, if not all, of our ordinary sound-producers send forth waves which are
not of uniform intensity throughout. A trumpet is loudest in the direction of
its axis. The same is true of a gun. A bell, with its mouth pointed upwards or
downwards, sends forth waves which are far denser in the horizontal plane
passing through the bell than at an angular distance of 90° from that plane.
The oldest bellbangers must have been aware of the fact that the sides of the
bell, and not its mouth, emitted the strongest sound, their practice being
probably determined by this knowledge. Our slabs of gun-cotton also emit
waves of different densities in different parts. It has occurred in the
experiments at Shoeburyness that when the broad side of a slab was turned
towards the suspending wire of a second slab six feet distant, the wire was
cut by the explosion, while when the edge of the slab was turned to the wire
this never occurred.
To the circumstance that the broadsides of the slabs faced the sea is probably
to be ascribed the remarkable fact observed on March 23, that in two
directions, not far removed from the line of fire, the gun-cotton detonated in
the open had a slight advantage over the new gun.
Theoretic considerations rendered it probable that the shape and size of the
exploding mass would affect the constitution of the wave of sound. I did not
think large rectangular slabs the most favourable shape, and accordingly
proposed cutting a large slab into fragments of different sizes, and pitting
them against each other The differences between the sounds were by no
means so great as the differences in the quantities of explosive material
might lead one to expect. The mean values of eighteen series of observations
made on board the 'Galatea,' at distances varying from 1.75 mile to 4.8
miles, were as follows:—
Weights 4 oz. 6 oz. 9 oz. 12 oz.
Page 260
Value of sound 3.12 3.34 4.0 4.03
These charges were cut from a slab of dry gun-cotton about 1.75 inch thick:
they were squares and rectangles of the following dimensions:-
4 oz., 2 inches by 2 inches;
6 oz., 2 inches by 3 inches;
9 oz., 3 inches by 3 inches;
12 oz., 2 inches by 6 inches.
The numbers under the respective weights express the recorded value of the
sounds. They must be simply taken as a ready means of expressing the
approximate relative intensity of the sounds as estimated by the ear. When
we find a 9-oz. charge marked 4, and a 12-oz. charge marked 4.03, the two
sounds may be regarded as practically equal in intensity, thus proving that an
addition of 30 per cent. in the larger charges produces no sensible difference
in the sound. Were the sounds estimated by some physical means, instead of
by the ear, the values of the sounds at the distances recorded would not, in
my opinion, show a greater advance with the increase of material than that
indicated by the foregoing numbers. Subsequent experiments rendered still
more certain the effectiveness, as well as the economy, of the smaller
charges of gun-cotton.
It is an obvious corollary from the foregoing experiments that on our 'nesses'
and promontories, where the land is clasped on both sides for a considerable
distance by the sea — where, therefore, the sound has to propagate itself
rearward as well as forward — the use of the parabolic gun, or of the
These charges were cut from a slab of dry gun-cotton about 1.75 inch thick:
they were squares and rectangles of the following dimensions:-
4 oz., 2 inches by 2 inches;
6 oz., 2 inches by 3 inches;
9 oz., 3 inches by 3 inches;
12 oz., 2 inches by 6 inches.
The numbers under the respective weights express the recorded value of the
sounds. They must be simply taken as a ready means of expressing the
approximate relative intensity of the sounds as estimated by the ear. When
we find a 9-oz. charge marked 4, and a 12-oz. charge marked 4.03, the two
sounds may be regarded as practically equal in intensity, thus proving that an
addition of 30 per cent. in the larger charges produces no sensible difference
in the sound. Were the sounds estimated by some physical means, instead of
by the ear, the values of the sounds at the distances recorded would not, in
my opinion, show a greater advance with the increase of material than that
indicated by the foregoing numbers. Subsequent experiments rendered still
more certain the effectiveness, as well as the economy, of the smaller
charges of gun-cotton.
It is an obvious corollary from the foregoing experiments that on our 'nesses'
and promontories, where the land is clasped on both sides for a considerable
distance by the sea — where, therefore, the sound has to propagate itself
rearward as well as forward — the use of the parabolic gun, or of the
Page 261
parabolic reflector, might be a disadvantage rather than an advantage. Here
guncotton, exploded in the open, forms the most appropriate source of
sound. This remark is especially applicable to such lightships as are intended
to spread the sound all round them as from central foci.
As a signal in rock lighthouses, where neither syren, steam-whistle, nor gun
could be mounted; and as a handy fleet-signal, dispensing with the lumber of
special signal-guns, the gun-cotton will prove invaluable. But in most of
these cases we have the drawback that local damage may be done by the
explosion. The lantern of the rock lighthouse might suffer from concussion
near at hand, and though mechanical arrangements might be devised, both in
the case of the lighthouse and of the ship's deck, to place the firing-point of
the gun-cotton at a safe distance, no such arrangement could compete, as
regards simplicity and effectiveness, with the expedient of a gun-cotton
rocket. Had such a means of signalling existed at the Bishop's Rock
lighthouse, the ill-fated 'Schiller' might have been warned of her approach to
danger ten, or it may be twenty, miles before she reached the rock which
wrecked her. Had the fleet possessed such a signal, instead of the ubiquitous
but ineffectual whistle, the 'Iron Duke' and 'Vanguard' need never have come
into collision.
It was the necessity of providing a suitable signal for rock lighthouses, and
of clearing obstacles which cast an acoustic shadow, that suggested the idea
of the gun-cotton rocket to Sir Richard Collinson, Deputy Master of the
Trinity House. His idea was to place a disk or short cylinder of gun-cotton in
the head of a rocket, the ascensional force of which should be employed to
carry the disk to an elevation of 1000 feet or thereabouts, where by the
ignition of a fuse associated with a detonator, the gun-cotton should be fired,
sending its sound in all directions vertically and obliquely down upon earth
and sea. The first attempt to realise this idea was made on July 18, 1876, at
the firework manufactory of the Messrs. Brock, at Nunhead. Eight rockets
were then fired, four being charged with 5 oz. and four with 7.5 oz. of gun-
cotton. They ascended to a great height, and exploded with a very loud
report in the air. On July 27, the rockets were tried at Shoeburyness.
The most noteworthy result on this occasion was the hearing of the sounds at
the Mouse Lighthouse, 8.5 miles E. by S., and at the Chapman Lighthouse,
8.5 miles W. by N.; that is to say, at opposite sides of the firing-point. It is
guncotton, exploded in the open, forms the most appropriate source of
sound. This remark is especially applicable to such lightships as are intended
to spread the sound all round them as from central foci.
As a signal in rock lighthouses, where neither syren, steam-whistle, nor gun
could be mounted; and as a handy fleet-signal, dispensing with the lumber of
special signal-guns, the gun-cotton will prove invaluable. But in most of
these cases we have the drawback that local damage may be done by the
explosion. The lantern of the rock lighthouse might suffer from concussion
near at hand, and though mechanical arrangements might be devised, both in
the case of the lighthouse and of the ship's deck, to place the firing-point of
the gun-cotton at a safe distance, no such arrangement could compete, as
regards simplicity and effectiveness, with the expedient of a gun-cotton
rocket. Had such a means of signalling existed at the Bishop's Rock
lighthouse, the ill-fated 'Schiller' might have been warned of her approach to
danger ten, or it may be twenty, miles before she reached the rock which
wrecked her. Had the fleet possessed such a signal, instead of the ubiquitous
but ineffectual whistle, the 'Iron Duke' and 'Vanguard' need never have come
into collision.
It was the necessity of providing a suitable signal for rock lighthouses, and
of clearing obstacles which cast an acoustic shadow, that suggested the idea
of the gun-cotton rocket to Sir Richard Collinson, Deputy Master of the
Trinity House. His idea was to place a disk or short cylinder of gun-cotton in
the head of a rocket, the ascensional force of which should be employed to
carry the disk to an elevation of 1000 feet or thereabouts, where by the
ignition of a fuse associated with a detonator, the gun-cotton should be fired,
sending its sound in all directions vertically and obliquely down upon earth
and sea. The first attempt to realise this idea was made on July 18, 1876, at
the firework manufactory of the Messrs. Brock, at Nunhead. Eight rockets
were then fired, four being charged with 5 oz. and four with 7.5 oz. of gun-
cotton. They ascended to a great height, and exploded with a very loud
report in the air. On July 27, the rockets were tried at Shoeburyness.
The most noteworthy result on this occasion was the hearing of the sounds at
the Mouse Lighthouse, 8.5 miles E. by S., and at the Chapman Lighthouse,
8.5 miles W. by N.; that is to say, at opposite sides of the firing-point. It is
Page 262
worthy of remark that, in the case of the Chapman Lighthouse, land and
trees intervened between the firing-point and the place of observation. This,'
as General Younghusband justly remarked at the time, 'may prove to be a
valuable consideration if it should be found necessary to place a signal
station in a position whence the sea could not be freely observed.' Indeed,
the clearing of such obstacles was one of the objects which the inventor of
the rocket had in view.
With reference to the action of the wind, it was thought desirable to compare
the range of explosions produced near the surface of the earth with others
produced at the elevation attainable by the gun-cotton rockets. Wind and
weather, however, are not at our command; and hence one of the objects of a
series of experiments conducted on December 13, 1876, was not fulfilled. It
is worthy, however, of note that on this day, with smooth water and a calm
atmosphere, the rockets were distinctly heard at a distance of 11.2 miles
from the firing-point. The quantity of gun-cotton employed was 7.5 oz. On
Thursday, March 8, 1877, these comparative experiments of firing at high
and low elevations were pushed still further. The gun-cotton near the ground
consisted of 0.5-lb. disks, suspended from a horizontal iron bar about 4.5
feet above the ground.
The rockets carried the same quantity of gun-cotton in their heads, and the
height to which they attained, as determined by a theodolite, was from 800
to 900 feet. The day was cold, with occasional squalls of snow and hail, the
direction of the sound being at right angles to that of the wind. Five series of
observations were made on board the 'Vestal,' at distances varying from 3 to
6 miles. The mean value of the explosions in the air exceeded that of the
explosions near the ground by a small but sensible quantity. At Windmill
Hill, Gravesend, however, which was nearly to leeward, and 5.5 miles from
the firing-point, in nineteen cases out of twenty-four the disk fired near the
ground was loudest; while in the remaining five the rocket had the
advantage.
Towards the close of the day the atmosphere became very serene. A few
distant cumuli sailed near the horizon, but the zenith and a vast angular
space all round it were absolutely free from cloud. From the deck of the
'Galatea' a rocket was discharged, which reached a great elevation, and
exploded with a loud report. Following this solid nucleus of sound was a
trees intervened between the firing-point and the place of observation. This,'
as General Younghusband justly remarked at the time, 'may prove to be a
valuable consideration if it should be found necessary to place a signal
station in a position whence the sea could not be freely observed.' Indeed,
the clearing of such obstacles was one of the objects which the inventor of
the rocket had in view.
With reference to the action of the wind, it was thought desirable to compare
the range of explosions produced near the surface of the earth with others
produced at the elevation attainable by the gun-cotton rockets. Wind and
weather, however, are not at our command; and hence one of the objects of a
series of experiments conducted on December 13, 1876, was not fulfilled. It
is worthy, however, of note that on this day, with smooth water and a calm
atmosphere, the rockets were distinctly heard at a distance of 11.2 miles
from the firing-point. The quantity of gun-cotton employed was 7.5 oz. On
Thursday, March 8, 1877, these comparative experiments of firing at high
and low elevations were pushed still further. The gun-cotton near the ground
consisted of 0.5-lb. disks, suspended from a horizontal iron bar about 4.5
feet above the ground.
The rockets carried the same quantity of gun-cotton in their heads, and the
height to which they attained, as determined by a theodolite, was from 800
to 900 feet. The day was cold, with occasional squalls of snow and hail, the
direction of the sound being at right angles to that of the wind. Five series of
observations were made on board the 'Vestal,' at distances varying from 3 to
6 miles. The mean value of the explosions in the air exceeded that of the
explosions near the ground by a small but sensible quantity. At Windmill
Hill, Gravesend, however, which was nearly to leeward, and 5.5 miles from
the firing-point, in nineteen cases out of twenty-four the disk fired near the
ground was loudest; while in the remaining five the rocket had the
advantage.
Towards the close of the day the atmosphere became very serene. A few
distant cumuli sailed near the horizon, but the zenith and a vast angular
space all round it were absolutely free from cloud. From the deck of the
'Galatea' a rocket was discharged, which reached a great elevation, and
exploded with a loud report. Following this solid nucleus of sound was a
Page 263
continuous train of echoes, which retreated to a continually greater distance,
dying gradually off into silence after seven seconds' duration. These echoes
were of the same character as those so frequently noticed at the South
Foreland in 1872-73, and called by me 'aerial echoes.'
On the 23rd of March the experiments were resumed, the most noteworthy
results of that day's observations being that the sounds were heard at
Tillingham, 10 miles to the N.E.; at West Mersea, 15.75 miles to the N.E. by
E.; at Brightlingsea, 17.5 miles to the N.E.; and at Clacton Wash, 20.5 miles
to the N.E. by 1/2 E. The wind was blowing at the time from the S.E. Some
of these sounds were produced by rockets, some by a 24-lb. howitzer, and
some by an 8-inch Maroon.
In December, 1876, Mr. Gardiner, the managing director of the Cotton-
powder Company, had proposed a trial of this material against the gun-
cotton. The density of the cotton he urged was only 1.03, while that of the
powder was 1.70. A greater quantity of explosive material being thus
compressed into the same volume, Mr. Gardiner thought that a greater
sonorous effect must be produced by the powder. At the instance of Mr.
Mackie, who had previously gone very thoroughly into the subject, a
Committee of the Elder Brethren visited the cotton-powder manufactory, on
the banks of the Swale, near Faversham, on the 16th of June, 1877. The
weights of cotton-powder employed were 2 oz., 8 oz., 1 lb., and 2 lbs., in the
form of rockets and of signals fired a few feet above the ground. The
experiments throughout were arranged and conducted by Mr. Mackie. Our
desire on this occasion was to get 'as near to windward as possible, but the
Swale and other obstacles limited our distance to 1.5 mile. We stood here
E.S.E. from the firing-point while the wind blew fresh from the N.E.
The cotton-powder yielded a very effective report. The rockets in general
had a slight advantage over the same quantities of material fired near the
ground. The loudness of the sound was by no means proportional to the
quantity of the material exploded, 8 oz. yielding very nearly as loud a report
as 1 lb. The 'aerial echoes,' which invariably followed the explosion of the
rockets, were loud and long-continued.
On the 17th of October, 1877, another series of experiments with howitzers
and rockets was carried out at Shoeburyness. The charge of the howitzer was
dying gradually off into silence after seven seconds' duration. These echoes
were of the same character as those so frequently noticed at the South
Foreland in 1872-73, and called by me 'aerial echoes.'
On the 23rd of March the experiments were resumed, the most noteworthy
results of that day's observations being that the sounds were heard at
Tillingham, 10 miles to the N.E.; at West Mersea, 15.75 miles to the N.E. by
E.; at Brightlingsea, 17.5 miles to the N.E.; and at Clacton Wash, 20.5 miles
to the N.E. by 1/2 E. The wind was blowing at the time from the S.E. Some
of these sounds were produced by rockets, some by a 24-lb. howitzer, and
some by an 8-inch Maroon.
In December, 1876, Mr. Gardiner, the managing director of the Cotton-
powder Company, had proposed a trial of this material against the gun-
cotton. The density of the cotton he urged was only 1.03, while that of the
powder was 1.70. A greater quantity of explosive material being thus
compressed into the same volume, Mr. Gardiner thought that a greater
sonorous effect must be produced by the powder. At the instance of Mr.
Mackie, who had previously gone very thoroughly into the subject, a
Committee of the Elder Brethren visited the cotton-powder manufactory, on
the banks of the Swale, near Faversham, on the 16th of June, 1877. The
weights of cotton-powder employed were 2 oz., 8 oz., 1 lb., and 2 lbs., in the
form of rockets and of signals fired a few feet above the ground. The
experiments throughout were arranged and conducted by Mr. Mackie. Our
desire on this occasion was to get 'as near to windward as possible, but the
Swale and other obstacles limited our distance to 1.5 mile. We stood here
E.S.E. from the firing-point while the wind blew fresh from the N.E.
The cotton-powder yielded a very effective report. The rockets in general
had a slight advantage over the same quantities of material fired near the
ground. The loudness of the sound was by no means proportional to the
quantity of the material exploded, 8 oz. yielding very nearly as loud a report
as 1 lb. The 'aerial echoes,' which invariably followed the explosion of the
rockets, were loud and long-continued.
On the 17th of October, 1877, another series of experiments with howitzers
and rockets was carried out at Shoeburyness. The charge of the howitzer was
Page 264
3 lbs. of L. G. powder. The charges of the rockets were 12 oz., 8 oz., 4 oz.,
and 2 oz. of gun-cotton respectively. The gun and the four rockets
constituted a series, and eight series were fired during the afternoon of the
17th. The observations were made from the 'Vestal' and the 'Galatea,'
positions being successively assumed which permitted the sound to reach the
observers with the Wind, against the wind, and across the wind. The distance
of the 'Galatea' varied from 3 to 7 miles, that of the 'Vestal,' which was more
restricted in her movements, being 2 to 3 miles. Briefly summed up, the
result is that the howitzer, firing a 3-lb. charge, which it will be remembered
was our best gun at 'the South Foreland, was beaten by the 12-oz. rocket, by
the 8-oz. rocket, and by the 4-oz. rocket. The 2-oz. rocket alone fell behind
the howitzer.
It is worth while recording the distances at which some of the sounds were
heard on the day now referred to:—
1. Leigh 6.5 miles W.N.W. 24 out of 40 sounds
heard.
2. Girdler Light- 12 miles S.E. by E. 5 out of 40 sounds
vessel heard.
3. Reculvers 171 miles S.E. by S. 18 out of 40 sounds
heard.
4. St. Nicholas 20 miles S.E. 3 out of 40 sounds
heard.
5. Epple Bay 22 miles S.E. by E. 19 out of 40 sounds
heard.
and 2 oz. of gun-cotton respectively. The gun and the four rockets
constituted a series, and eight series were fired during the afternoon of the
17th. The observations were made from the 'Vestal' and the 'Galatea,'
positions being successively assumed which permitted the sound to reach the
observers with the Wind, against the wind, and across the wind. The distance
of the 'Galatea' varied from 3 to 7 miles, that of the 'Vestal,' which was more
restricted in her movements, being 2 to 3 miles. Briefly summed up, the
result is that the howitzer, firing a 3-lb. charge, which it will be remembered
was our best gun at 'the South Foreland, was beaten by the 12-oz. rocket, by
the 8-oz. rocket, and by the 4-oz. rocket. The 2-oz. rocket alone fell behind
the howitzer.
It is worth while recording the distances at which some of the sounds were
heard on the day now referred to:—
1. Leigh 6.5 miles W.N.W. 24 out of 40 sounds
heard.
2. Girdler Light- 12 miles S.E. by E. 5 out of 40 sounds
vessel heard.
3. Reculvers 171 miles S.E. by S. 18 out of 40 sounds
heard.
4. St. Nicholas 20 miles S.E. 3 out of 40 sounds
heard.
5. Epple Bay 22 miles S.E. by E. 19 out of 40 sounds
heard.
Page 265
6. Westgate 23 miles S.E. by E. 9 out of 40 sounds
heard.
7. Kingsgate 25 miles S.E. by E. 8 out of 40 sounds
heard.
The day was cloudy, with occasional showers of drizzling rain; the wind
about N.W. by N. all day; at times squally, rising to a force of 6 or 7 and
sometimes dropping to a force of 2 or 3. The station at Leigh excepted, all
these places were to leeward of Shoeburyness. At four other stations to
leeward, varying in distance from 15.5 to 24.5 miles, nothing was heard,
while at eleven stations to windward, varying from 8 to 26 miles, the sounds
were also inaudible. It was found, indeed, that the sounds proceeding
directly against the wind did not penetrate much beyond 3 miles.
On the following day, viz. the 18th October, we proceeded to Dungeness
with the view of making a series of strict comparative experiments with gun-
cotton and cotton-powder. Rockets containing 8 oz., 4 oz., and 2 oz. of gun-
cotton had been prepared at the Royal Arsenal; while others, containing
similar quantities of cotton-powder, had been supplied by the Cotton-powder
Company at Faversham. With these were compared the ordinary 18-pounder
gun, which happened to be mounted at Dungeness, firing the usual charge of
3 lbs. of powder, and a syren.
From these experiments it appeared that the guncotton and cotton-powder
were practically equal as producers of sound.
The effectiveness of small charges was illustrated in a very striking manner,
only a single unit separating the numerical value of the 8-oz. rocket from
that of the 2-oz. rocket. The former was recorded as 6.9 and the latter as 5.9,
the value of the 4-oz. rocket being intermediate between them. These results
were recorded by a number of very practised observers on board the
'Galatea.' They were completely borne out by the observations of the
Coastguard, who marked the value of the 8-oz rocket 6-1, and that of the 2-
oz. rocket 5.2. The 18-pounder gun fell far behind all the rockets, a result,
heard.
7. Kingsgate 25 miles S.E. by E. 8 out of 40 sounds
heard.
The day was cloudy, with occasional showers of drizzling rain; the wind
about N.W. by N. all day; at times squally, rising to a force of 6 or 7 and
sometimes dropping to a force of 2 or 3. The station at Leigh excepted, all
these places were to leeward of Shoeburyness. At four other stations to
leeward, varying in distance from 15.5 to 24.5 miles, nothing was heard,
while at eleven stations to windward, varying from 8 to 26 miles, the sounds
were also inaudible. It was found, indeed, that the sounds proceeding
directly against the wind did not penetrate much beyond 3 miles.
On the following day, viz. the 18th October, we proceeded to Dungeness
with the view of making a series of strict comparative experiments with gun-
cotton and cotton-powder. Rockets containing 8 oz., 4 oz., and 2 oz. of gun-
cotton had been prepared at the Royal Arsenal; while others, containing
similar quantities of cotton-powder, had been supplied by the Cotton-powder
Company at Faversham. With these were compared the ordinary 18-pounder
gun, which happened to be mounted at Dungeness, firing the usual charge of
3 lbs. of powder, and a syren.
From these experiments it appeared that the guncotton and cotton-powder
were practically equal as producers of sound.
The effectiveness of small charges was illustrated in a very striking manner,
only a single unit separating the numerical value of the 8-oz. rocket from
that of the 2-oz. rocket. The former was recorded as 6.9 and the latter as 5.9,
the value of the 4-oz. rocket being intermediate between them. These results
were recorded by a number of very practised observers on board the
'Galatea.' They were completely borne out by the observations of the
Coastguard, who marked the value of the 8-oz rocket 6-1, and that of the 2-
oz. rocket 5.2. The 18-pounder gun fell far behind all the rockets, a result,
Page 266
possibly, to be in part ascribed to the imperfection of the powder. The
performance of the syren was, on the whole, less satisfactory than that of the
rocket. The instrument was worked, not by steam of 70 lbs. pressure, as at
the South Foreland, but by compressed air, beginning with 40 lbs. and
ending with 30 lbs. pressure. The trumpet was pointed to windward, and in
the axis of the instrument the sound was about as effective as that of the 8-
oz. rocket. But in a direction at right angles to the axis, and still more in the
rear of this direction, the syren fell very sensibly behind even the 2-oz.
rocket.
These are the principal comparative trials made between the gun-cotton
rocket and other fog-signals; but they are not the only ones. On the 2nd of
August, 1877, for example, experiments were made at Lundy Island with the
following results. At 2 miles distant from the firing-point, with land
intervening, the 18-pounder, firing a 3-lb. charge, was quite unheard. Both
the 4-oz. rocket and the 8-oz. rocket, however, reached an elevation which
commanded the acoustic shadow, and yielded loud reports. When both were
in view the rockets were still superior to the gun. On the 6th of August, at St.
Ann's, the 4-oz. and 8-oz. rockets proved superior to the syren. On the
Shambles Light-vessel, when a pressure of 13 lbs. was employed to sound
the syren, the rockets proved greatly superior to that instrument. Proceeding
along the sea margin at Flamboro' Head, Mr. Edwards states that at a
distance of 1.25 mile, with the 18-pounder previously used as a fog-signal
hidden behind the cliffs, its report was quite unheard, while the 4-oz. rocket,
rising to an elevation which brought it clearly into view, yielded a powerful
sound in the face of an opposing wind.
On the evening of February 9th, 1877, a remarkable series of experiments
were made by Mr. Prentice at Stowmarket with the gun-cotton rocket. From
the report with which he has kindly furnished me I extract the following
particulars. The first column in the annexed statement contains the name of
the place of observation, the second its distance from the firing-point, and
the third the result observed :—
performance of the syren was, on the whole, less satisfactory than that of the
rocket. The instrument was worked, not by steam of 70 lbs. pressure, as at
the South Foreland, but by compressed air, beginning with 40 lbs. and
ending with 30 lbs. pressure. The trumpet was pointed to windward, and in
the axis of the instrument the sound was about as effective as that of the 8-
oz. rocket. But in a direction at right angles to the axis, and still more in the
rear of this direction, the syren fell very sensibly behind even the 2-oz.
rocket.
These are the principal comparative trials made between the gun-cotton
rocket and other fog-signals; but they are not the only ones. On the 2nd of
August, 1877, for example, experiments were made at Lundy Island with the
following results. At 2 miles distant from the firing-point, with land
intervening, the 18-pounder, firing a 3-lb. charge, was quite unheard. Both
the 4-oz. rocket and the 8-oz. rocket, however, reached an elevation which
commanded the acoustic shadow, and yielded loud reports. When both were
in view the rockets were still superior to the gun. On the 6th of August, at St.
Ann's, the 4-oz. and 8-oz. rockets proved superior to the syren. On the
Shambles Light-vessel, when a pressure of 13 lbs. was employed to sound
the syren, the rockets proved greatly superior to that instrument. Proceeding
along the sea margin at Flamboro' Head, Mr. Edwards states that at a
distance of 1.25 mile, with the 18-pounder previously used as a fog-signal
hidden behind the cliffs, its report was quite unheard, while the 4-oz. rocket,
rising to an elevation which brought it clearly into view, yielded a powerful
sound in the face of an opposing wind.
On the evening of February 9th, 1877, a remarkable series of experiments
were made by Mr. Prentice at Stowmarket with the gun-cotton rocket. From
the report with which he has kindly furnished me I extract the following
particulars. The first column in the annexed statement contains the name of
the place of observation, the second its distance from the firing-point, and
the third the result observed :—
Page 267
Stoke Hill, 10 miles Rockets clearly seen and sounds
Ipswich distinctly heard 53 seconds after the
flash.
Melton 15 miles Signals distinctly heard. Thought at
first that sounds were reverberated
from the sea.
Framlingham 18 miles Signals very distinctly heard, both in
the open air and in a closed room.
Wind in favour of sound.
Stratford. 19 miles Reports loud; startled pheasants in a
St. Andrews cover close by.
Tuddenham. 10 miles Reports very loud; rolled away like
St. Martin thunder.
Christ Church 11 miles Report arrived a little more than a
Park. minute after flash.
Nettlestead 6 miles Distinct in every part of observer's
Hall house. Very loud in, the open air.
Bildestone 6 miles Explosion very loud, wind against
sound.
Ipswich distinctly heard 53 seconds after the
flash.
Melton 15 miles Signals distinctly heard. Thought at
first that sounds were reverberated
from the sea.
Framlingham 18 miles Signals very distinctly heard, both in
the open air and in a closed room.
Wind in favour of sound.
Stratford. 19 miles Reports loud; startled pheasants in a
St. Andrews cover close by.
Tuddenham. 10 miles Reports very loud; rolled away like
St. Martin thunder.
Christ Church 11 miles Report arrived a little more than a
Park. minute after flash.
Nettlestead 6 miles Distinct in every part of observer's
Hall house. Very loud in, the open air.
Bildestone 6 miles Explosion very loud, wind against
sound.
Page 268
Nacton 14 miles Reports quite distinct — mistaken by
inhabitants for claps of thunder.
Aldboro' 25 miles Rockets seen through a very hazy
atmosphere; a rumbling detonation
heard.
Capel Mills 11 miles Reports heard within and without the
observer's house. Wind opposed to
sound.
Lawford 15.5 miles Reports distinct: attributed to distant
thunder.
In the great majority of these cases, the direction of the sound enclosed a
large angle with the direction of the wind. In some cases, indeed, the two
directions were at right angles to each other. It is needless to dwell for a
moment on the advantage of possessing a signal commanding ranges such as
these.
The explosion of substances in the air, after having been carried to a
considerable elevation by rockets, is a familiar performance. In 1873,
moreover, the Board of Trade proposed a light-and-sound rocket as a signal
of distress, which proposal was subsequently realized, but in a form too
elaborate and expensive for practical use. The idea of a gun-cotton rocket fit
for signalling in fogs is, I believe, wholly due to Sir Richard Collinson, the
Deputy Master of the Trinity House. Thanks to the skilful aid given by the
authorities of Woolwich, by Mr. Prentice, and Mr. Brock, that idea is now an
accomplished fact; a signal of great power, handiness, and economy, being
thus placed at the service of our mariners. Not only may the rocket be
applied in association with lighthouses and lightships, but in the Navy also it
may be turned to important account. Soon after the loss of the 'Vanguard' I
ventured to urge upon an eminent naval officer the desirability of having an
inhabitants for claps of thunder.
Aldboro' 25 miles Rockets seen through a very hazy
atmosphere; a rumbling detonation
heard.
Capel Mills 11 miles Reports heard within and without the
observer's house. Wind opposed to
sound.
Lawford 15.5 miles Reports distinct: attributed to distant
thunder.
In the great majority of these cases, the direction of the sound enclosed a
large angle with the direction of the wind. In some cases, indeed, the two
directions were at right angles to each other. It is needless to dwell for a
moment on the advantage of possessing a signal commanding ranges such as
these.
The explosion of substances in the air, after having been carried to a
considerable elevation by rockets, is a familiar performance. In 1873,
moreover, the Board of Trade proposed a light-and-sound rocket as a signal
of distress, which proposal was subsequently realized, but in a form too
elaborate and expensive for practical use. The idea of a gun-cotton rocket fit
for signalling in fogs is, I believe, wholly due to Sir Richard Collinson, the
Deputy Master of the Trinity House. Thanks to the skilful aid given by the
authorities of Woolwich, by Mr. Prentice, and Mr. Brock, that idea is now an
accomplished fact; a signal of great power, handiness, and economy, being
thus placed at the service of our mariners. Not only may the rocket be
applied in association with lighthouses and lightships, but in the Navy also it
may be turned to important account. Soon after the loss of the 'Vanguard' I
ventured to urge upon an eminent naval officer the desirability of having an
Page 269
organized code of fog-signals for the fleet. He shook his head doubtingly,
and referred to the difficulty of finding room for signal guns. The gun-cotton
rocket completely surmounts this difficulty, It is manipulated with ease and
rapidity, while its discharges may be so grouped and combined as to give a
most important extension to the voice of the admiral in command. It is
needless to add that at any point upon our coasts, or upon any other coast,
where its establishment might be desirable, a fog-signal station might be
extemporised without difficulty.
-----
I have referred more than once to the train of echoes which accompanied the
explosion of gun-cotton in free air, speaking of them as similar in all
respects to those which were described for the first time in my Report on
Fog-signals, addressed to the Corporation of Trinity House in 1874.
[Footnote: See also 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1874, p. 183.] To these
echoes I attached a fundamental significance. There was no visible reflecting
surface from which they could come. On some days, with hardly a cloud in
the air and hardly a ripple on the sea, they reached a magical intensity. As far
as the sense of hearing could judge, they came from the body of the air in
front of the great trumpet which produced them. The trumpet blasts were
five seconds in duration, but long before the blast had ceased the echoes
struck in, adding their strength to the primitive note of the trumpet. After the
blast had ended the echoes continued, retreating further and further from the
point of observation, and finally dying away at great distances. The echoes
were perfectly continuous as long as the sea was clear of ships, 'tapering' by
imperceptible gradations into absolute silence. But when a ship happened to
throw itself athwart the course of the sound, the echo from the broadside of
the vessel was returned as a shock which rudely interrupted the continuity of
the dying atmospheric music.
These echoes have been ascribed to reflection from the crests of the sea-
waves. But this hypothesis is negatived by the fact, that the echoes were
produced in great intensity and duration when no waves existed — when the
sea, in fact, was of glassy smoothness. It has been also shown that the
direction of the echoes depended not on that of waves, real or assumed, but
on the direction of the axis of the trumpet. Causing that axis to traverse an
arc of 210°, and the trumpet to sound at various points of the arc, the echoes
and referred to the difficulty of finding room for signal guns. The gun-cotton
rocket completely surmounts this difficulty, It is manipulated with ease and
rapidity, while its discharges may be so grouped and combined as to give a
most important extension to the voice of the admiral in command. It is
needless to add that at any point upon our coasts, or upon any other coast,
where its establishment might be desirable, a fog-signal station might be
extemporised without difficulty.
-----
I have referred more than once to the train of echoes which accompanied the
explosion of gun-cotton in free air, speaking of them as similar in all
respects to those which were described for the first time in my Report on
Fog-signals, addressed to the Corporation of Trinity House in 1874.
[Footnote: See also 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1874, p. 183.] To these
echoes I attached a fundamental significance. There was no visible reflecting
surface from which they could come. On some days, with hardly a cloud in
the air and hardly a ripple on the sea, they reached a magical intensity. As far
as the sense of hearing could judge, they came from the body of the air in
front of the great trumpet which produced them. The trumpet blasts were
five seconds in duration, but long before the blast had ceased the echoes
struck in, adding their strength to the primitive note of the trumpet. After the
blast had ended the echoes continued, retreating further and further from the
point of observation, and finally dying away at great distances. The echoes
were perfectly continuous as long as the sea was clear of ships, 'tapering' by
imperceptible gradations into absolute silence. But when a ship happened to
throw itself athwart the course of the sound, the echo from the broadside of
the vessel was returned as a shock which rudely interrupted the continuity of
the dying atmospheric music.
These echoes have been ascribed to reflection from the crests of the sea-
waves. But this hypothesis is negatived by the fact, that the echoes were
produced in great intensity and duration when no waves existed — when the
sea, in fact, was of glassy smoothness. It has been also shown that the
direction of the echoes depended not on that of waves, real or assumed, but
on the direction of the axis of the trumpet. Causing that axis to traverse an
arc of 210°, and the trumpet to sound at various points of the arc, the echoes
Page 270
were always, at all events in calm weather, returned from that portion of the
atmosphere towards which the trumpet was directed. They could not, under
the circumstances, come from the glassy sea; while both their variation of
direction and their perfectly continuous fall into silence, are irreconcilable
with the notion that they came from fixed objects on the land. They came
from that portion of the atmosphere into which the trumpet poured its
maximum sound, and fell in intensity as the direct sound penetrated to
greater atmospheric distances.
The day on which our latest observations were made was particularly fine.
Before reaching Dungeness, the smoothness of the sea and the serenity of
the air caused me to test the echoing power of the atmosphere. A single ship
lay about half a mile distant between us and the land. The result of the
proposed experiment was clearly foreseen. It was this. The rocket being sent
up, it exploded at a great height; the echoes retreated in their usual fashion,
becoming less and less intense as the distances of the invisible surfaces of
reflection from the observers increased. About five seconds after the
explosion, a single loud shock was sent back to us from the side of the vessel
lying between us and the land. Obliterated for a moment by this more intense
echo the aerial reverberation continued its retreat, dying away into silence in
two or three seconds afterwards. [Footnote: The echoes of the gun fired on
shore this day were very brief; those of the 12-oz. gun-cotton rocket were 12"
and those of the 8-oz. cotton-powder rocket 11" in duration.]
I have referred to the firing of an 8-oz. rocket from the deck of the 'Galatea'
on March 8, 1877, stating the duration of its echoes to be seven seconds. Mr.
Prentice, who was present at the time, assured me that in his experiments
similar echoes had been frequently heard of more than twice this duration.
The ranges of his sounds alone would render this result in the highest degree
probable.
To attempt to interpret an experiment which I have not had an opportunity of
repeating, is an operation of some risk; and it is not without a consciousness
of this that I refer here to a result announced by Professor Joseph Henry,
which he considers adverse to the notion of aerial echoes. He took the
trouble to point the trumpet of a syren towards the zenith, and found that
when the syren was sounded no echo was returned. Now the reflecting
surfaces which give rise to these echoes are for the most part due to
atmosphere towards which the trumpet was directed. They could not, under
the circumstances, come from the glassy sea; while both their variation of
direction and their perfectly continuous fall into silence, are irreconcilable
with the notion that they came from fixed objects on the land. They came
from that portion of the atmosphere into which the trumpet poured its
maximum sound, and fell in intensity as the direct sound penetrated to
greater atmospheric distances.
The day on which our latest observations were made was particularly fine.
Before reaching Dungeness, the smoothness of the sea and the serenity of
the air caused me to test the echoing power of the atmosphere. A single ship
lay about half a mile distant between us and the land. The result of the
proposed experiment was clearly foreseen. It was this. The rocket being sent
up, it exploded at a great height; the echoes retreated in their usual fashion,
becoming less and less intense as the distances of the invisible surfaces of
reflection from the observers increased. About five seconds after the
explosion, a single loud shock was sent back to us from the side of the vessel
lying between us and the land. Obliterated for a moment by this more intense
echo the aerial reverberation continued its retreat, dying away into silence in
two or three seconds afterwards. [Footnote: The echoes of the gun fired on
shore this day were very brief; those of the 12-oz. gun-cotton rocket were 12"
and those of the 8-oz. cotton-powder rocket 11" in duration.]
I have referred to the firing of an 8-oz. rocket from the deck of the 'Galatea'
on March 8, 1877, stating the duration of its echoes to be seven seconds. Mr.
Prentice, who was present at the time, assured me that in his experiments
similar echoes had been frequently heard of more than twice this duration.
The ranges of his sounds alone would render this result in the highest degree
probable.
To attempt to interpret an experiment which I have not had an opportunity of
repeating, is an operation of some risk; and it is not without a consciousness
of this that I refer here to a result announced by Professor Joseph Henry,
which he considers adverse to the notion of aerial echoes. He took the
trouble to point the trumpet of a syren towards the zenith, and found that
when the syren was sounded no echo was returned. Now the reflecting
surfaces which give rise to these echoes are for the most part due to
Page 271
differences of temperature between sea and air. If, through any cause, the air
above be chilled, we have descending streams — if the air below be
warmed, we have ascending streams as the initial cause of atmospheric
flocculence. A sound proceeding vertically does not cross the streams, nor
impinge upon the reflecting surfaces, as does a sound proceeding
horizontally across them. Aerial echoes, therefore, will not accompany the
vertical sound as they accompany the horizontal one. The experiment, as I
interpret it, is not opposed to the theory of these echoes which I have
ventured to enunciate. But, as I have indicated, not only to see but to vary
such an experiment is a necessary prelude to grasping its full significance.
In a paper published in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1876, Professor
Osborne Reynolds refers to these echoes in the following terms Without
attempting to explain the reverberations and echoes which have been
observed, I will merely call attention to the fact that in no case have I heard
any attending the reports of the rockets, [Footnote: These carried 12 oz. of
gunpowder, which has been found by Col. Fraser to require an iron case to
produce an effective explosion.] although they seem to have been invariable
with the guns and pistols. These facts suggest that the echoes are in some
way connected with the direction given to the sound. They are caused by the
voice, trumpets, and the syren, all of which give direction to the sound; but I
am not aware that they have ever been observed in the case of a sound which
has no direction of greatest intensity.' The reference to the voice, and other
references in his paper, cause me to think that, in speaking of echoes,
Professor Osborne Reynolds and myself are dealing with different
phenomena. Be that as it may, the foregoing observations render it perfectly
certain that the condition as to direction here laid down is not necessary to
the production of the echoes.
There is not a feature connected with the aerial echoes which cannot be
brought out by experiments in the air of the laboratory. I have recently made
the following experiment :— A rectangle, x Y (p. 331), 22 inches by 12, was
crossed by twenty-three brass tubes (half the number would suffice and only
eleven are shown in the figure), each having a slit along it from which gas
can issue. In this way twenty-three low flat flames were obtained. A
sounding reed a fixed in a short tube was placed at one end of the rectangle,
and a 'sensitive flame,' [Footnote: Fully described in my 'Lectures on Sound,'
3rd edition, p. 227.] f, at some distance beyond the other end. When the reed
above be chilled, we have descending streams — if the air below be
warmed, we have ascending streams as the initial cause of atmospheric
flocculence. A sound proceeding vertically does not cross the streams, nor
impinge upon the reflecting surfaces, as does a sound proceeding
horizontally across them. Aerial echoes, therefore, will not accompany the
vertical sound as they accompany the horizontal one. The experiment, as I
interpret it, is not opposed to the theory of these echoes which I have
ventured to enunciate. But, as I have indicated, not only to see but to vary
such an experiment is a necessary prelude to grasping its full significance.
In a paper published in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1876, Professor
Osborne Reynolds refers to these echoes in the following terms Without
attempting to explain the reverberations and echoes which have been
observed, I will merely call attention to the fact that in no case have I heard
any attending the reports of the rockets, [Footnote: These carried 12 oz. of
gunpowder, which has been found by Col. Fraser to require an iron case to
produce an effective explosion.] although they seem to have been invariable
with the guns and pistols. These facts suggest that the echoes are in some
way connected with the direction given to the sound. They are caused by the
voice, trumpets, and the syren, all of which give direction to the sound; but I
am not aware that they have ever been observed in the case of a sound which
has no direction of greatest intensity.' The reference to the voice, and other
references in his paper, cause me to think that, in speaking of echoes,
Professor Osborne Reynolds and myself are dealing with different
phenomena. Be that as it may, the foregoing observations render it perfectly
certain that the condition as to direction here laid down is not necessary to
the production of the echoes.
There is not a feature connected with the aerial echoes which cannot be
brought out by experiments in the air of the laboratory. I have recently made
the following experiment :— A rectangle, x Y (p. 331), 22 inches by 12, was
crossed by twenty-three brass tubes (half the number would suffice and only
eleven are shown in the figure), each having a slit along it from which gas
can issue. In this way twenty-three low flat flames were obtained. A
sounding reed a fixed in a short tube was placed at one end of the rectangle,
and a 'sensitive flame,' [Footnote: Fully described in my 'Lectures on Sound,'
3rd edition, p. 227.] f, at some distance beyond the other end. When the reed
Page 272
sounded, the flame in front of it was violently agitated, and roared
boisterously. Turning on the gas, and lighting it as it issued from the slits, the
air above the flames became so heterogeneous that the sensitive flame was
instantly stilled, rising from a height of 6 inches to a height of 18 inches.
Here we had the acoustic opacity of the air in front of the South Foreland
strikingly imitated. [Footnote: Lectures on Sound, 3rd ed., p. 268.] Turning
off the gas, and removing the sensitive flame to f, some distance behind the
reed, it burned there tranquilly, though the reed was sounding. Again lighting
the gas as it issued from the brass tubes, the sound reflected from the
heterogeneous air threw the sensitive flame into violent agitation. Here we
had imitated the aerial echoes heard when standing behind the syren-trumpet
at the South Foreland. The experiment is extremely simple, and in the
highest degree impressive.
Fig. 11.
.
boisterously. Turning on the gas, and lighting it as it issued from the slits, the
air above the flames became so heterogeneous that the sensitive flame was
instantly stilled, rising from a height of 6 inches to a height of 18 inches.
Here we had the acoustic opacity of the air in front of the South Foreland
strikingly imitated. [Footnote: Lectures on Sound, 3rd ed., p. 268.] Turning
off the gas, and removing the sensitive flame to f, some distance behind the
reed, it burned there tranquilly, though the reed was sounding. Again lighting
the gas as it issued from the brass tubes, the sound reflected from the
heterogeneous air threw the sensitive flame into violent agitation. Here we
had imitated the aerial echoes heard when standing behind the syren-trumpet
at the South Foreland. The experiment is extremely simple, and in the
highest degree impressive.
Fig. 11.
.
Page 273
-----
.
The explosive rapidity of dynamite marks it as a substance specially suitable
for the production of sound. At the suggestion of Professor Dewar, Mr.
McRoberts has carried out a series of experiments on dynamite, with
extremely promising results. Immediately after the delivery of the foregoing
lecture I was informed that Mr. Brock proposed the employment of dynamite
in the Collinson rocket.
.
.
.
.
---------------------
.
.
XI. ON THE STUDY OF PHYSICS.
[Footnote: From a lecture delivered in the Royal Institution of Great Britain
in the Spring of 1854.]
I HOLD in my hand an uncorrected proof of the syllabus of this course of
lectures, and the title of the present lecture A there stated to be 'On the
Importance of the Study of Physics as a Means of Education.' The corrected
proof, however, contains the title:— 'On the Importance of the Study of
Physics as a Branch of Education.' Small as this editorial alteration may
seem, the two words suggest two radically distinct modes of viewing the
subject before us. The term Education is sometimes applied to a single
faculty or organ, and if we know wherein the education of a single faculty
consists, this will help us to clearer notions regarding the education of the
.
The explosive rapidity of dynamite marks it as a substance specially suitable
for the production of sound. At the suggestion of Professor Dewar, Mr.
McRoberts has carried out a series of experiments on dynamite, with
extremely promising results. Immediately after the delivery of the foregoing
lecture I was informed that Mr. Brock proposed the employment of dynamite
in the Collinson rocket.
.
.
.
.
---------------------
.
.
XI. ON THE STUDY OF PHYSICS.
[Footnote: From a lecture delivered in the Royal Institution of Great Britain
in the Spring of 1854.]
I HOLD in my hand an uncorrected proof of the syllabus of this course of
lectures, and the title of the present lecture A there stated to be 'On the
Importance of the Study of Physics as a Means of Education.' The corrected
proof, however, contains the title:— 'On the Importance of the Study of
Physics as a Branch of Education.' Small as this editorial alteration may
seem, the two words suggest two radically distinct modes of viewing the
subject before us. The term Education is sometimes applied to a single
faculty or organ, and if we know wherein the education of a single faculty
consists, this will help us to clearer notions regarding the education of the
Page 274
sum of all the faculties, or of the mind. When, for example, we speak of the
education of the voice, what do we mean? There are certain membranes at
the top of the windpipe which throw into vibration the air forced between
them from the lungs, thus producing musical sounds. These membranes are,
to some extent, under the control of the will, and it is found that they can be
so modified by exercise as to produce notes of a clearer and more melodious
character. This exercise we call the education of the voice. We may choose
for our exercise songs new or old, festive or solemn; the education of the
voice being the object aimed at, the songs may be regarded as the means by
which this education is accomplished. I think this expresses the state of the
case more clearly than if we were to call the songs a branch of education.
Regarding also the education of the human mind as the improvement and
development of the mental faculties, I shall consider the study of Physics as
a means towards the attainment of this end. From this point of view, I
degrade Physics into an implement of culture, and this is my deliberate
design.
The term Physics, as made use of in the present Lecture, refers to that
portion of natural science which lies midway between astronomy and
chemistry. The former, indeed, is Physics applied to 'masses of enormous
weight,' while the latter is Physics applied to atoms and molecules. The
subjects of Physics proper are therefore those which lie nearest to human
perception :— light and heat, colour, sound, motion, the loadstone, electrical
attractions and repulsions, thunder and lightning, rain, snow, dew, and so
forth. Our senses stand between these phenomena and the reasoning mind.
We observe the fact, but are not satisfied with the mere act of observation:
the fact must be accounted for — fitted into its position in the line of cause
and effect. Taking our facts from Nature we transfer them to the domain of
thought: look at them, compare them, observe their mutual relations and
connexions, and bringing them ever clearer before the mental eye, finally
alight upon the cause which unites them. This is the last act of the mind, in
this centripetal direction — in its progress from the multiplicity of facts to
the central cause on which they depend. But, having guessed the cause, we
are not yet contented. We set out from the centre and travel in the other
direction. If the guess be true, certain consequences must follow from it, and
we appeal to the law and testimony of experiment whether the thing is so.
Thus is the circuit of thought completed, — from without inward, from
multiplicity to unity, and from within outward, from unity to multiplicity. In
education of the voice, what do we mean? There are certain membranes at
the top of the windpipe which throw into vibration the air forced between
them from the lungs, thus producing musical sounds. These membranes are,
to some extent, under the control of the will, and it is found that they can be
so modified by exercise as to produce notes of a clearer and more melodious
character. This exercise we call the education of the voice. We may choose
for our exercise songs new or old, festive or solemn; the education of the
voice being the object aimed at, the songs may be regarded as the means by
which this education is accomplished. I think this expresses the state of the
case more clearly than if we were to call the songs a branch of education.
Regarding also the education of the human mind as the improvement and
development of the mental faculties, I shall consider the study of Physics as
a means towards the attainment of this end. From this point of view, I
degrade Physics into an implement of culture, and this is my deliberate
design.
The term Physics, as made use of in the present Lecture, refers to that
portion of natural science which lies midway between astronomy and
chemistry. The former, indeed, is Physics applied to 'masses of enormous
weight,' while the latter is Physics applied to atoms and molecules. The
subjects of Physics proper are therefore those which lie nearest to human
perception :— light and heat, colour, sound, motion, the loadstone, electrical
attractions and repulsions, thunder and lightning, rain, snow, dew, and so
forth. Our senses stand between these phenomena and the reasoning mind.
We observe the fact, but are not satisfied with the mere act of observation:
the fact must be accounted for — fitted into its position in the line of cause
and effect. Taking our facts from Nature we transfer them to the domain of
thought: look at them, compare them, observe their mutual relations and
connexions, and bringing them ever clearer before the mental eye, finally
alight upon the cause which unites them. This is the last act of the mind, in
this centripetal direction — in its progress from the multiplicity of facts to
the central cause on which they depend. But, having guessed the cause, we
are not yet contented. We set out from the centre and travel in the other
direction. If the guess be true, certain consequences must follow from it, and
we appeal to the law and testimony of experiment whether the thing is so.
Thus is the circuit of thought completed, — from without inward, from
multiplicity to unity, and from within outward, from unity to multiplicity. In
Page 275
thus traversing both ways the line between cause and effect, all our
reasoning powers are called into play. The mental effort involved in these
processes may be compared to those exercises of the body which invoke the
co-operation of every muscle, and thus confer upon the whole frame the
benefits of healthy action.
The first experiment a child makes is a physical experiment: the suction-
pump is but an imitation of the first act of every new-born infant. Nor do I
think it calculated to lessen that infant's reverence, or to make him a worse
citizen, when his riper experience shows him that the atmosphere was his
helper in extracting the first draught from his mother's breast. The child
grows, but is still an experimenter: he grasps at the moon, and his failure
teaches him to respect distance. At length his little fingers acquire sufficient
mechanical tact to lay hold of a spoon. He thrusts the instrument into his
mouth, hurts his gums, and thus learns the impenetrability of matter. He lets
the spoon fall, and jumps with delight to hear it rattle against the table. The
experiment made by accident is repeated with intention, and thus the young
student receives his first lessons upon sound and gravitation. There are pains
and penalties, however, in the path of the enquirer: he is sure to go wrong,
and Nature is just as sure to inform him of the fact. He falls downstairs,
burns his fingers, cuts his hand, scalds his tongue, and in this way learns the
conditions of his physical well being. This is Nature's way of proceeding,
and it is wonderful what progress her pupil makes. His enjoyments for a time
are physical, and the confectioner's shop occupies the foreground of human
happiness; but the blossoms of a finer life are already beginning to unfold
themselves, and the relation of cause and effect dawns upon the boy. He
begins to see that the present condition of things is not final, but depends
upon one that has gone before, and will be succeeded by another. He
becomes a puzzle to himself; and to satisfy his newly-awakened curiosity,
asks all manner of inconvenient questions. The needs and tendencies of
human nature express themselves through these early yearnings of the child.
As thought ripens, he desires to know the character and causes of the
phenomena presented to his observation; and unless this desire has been
granted for the express purpose of having it repressed, unless the attractions
of natural phenomena be like the blush of the forbidden fruit, conferred
merely for the purpose of exercising our self-denial in letting them alone; we
may fairly claim for the study of Physics the recognition that it answers to an
impulse implanted by nature in the constitution of man.
reasoning powers are called into play. The mental effort involved in these
processes may be compared to those exercises of the body which invoke the
co-operation of every muscle, and thus confer upon the whole frame the
benefits of healthy action.
The first experiment a child makes is a physical experiment: the suction-
pump is but an imitation of the first act of every new-born infant. Nor do I
think it calculated to lessen that infant's reverence, or to make him a worse
citizen, when his riper experience shows him that the atmosphere was his
helper in extracting the first draught from his mother's breast. The child
grows, but is still an experimenter: he grasps at the moon, and his failure
teaches him to respect distance. At length his little fingers acquire sufficient
mechanical tact to lay hold of a spoon. He thrusts the instrument into his
mouth, hurts his gums, and thus learns the impenetrability of matter. He lets
the spoon fall, and jumps with delight to hear it rattle against the table. The
experiment made by accident is repeated with intention, and thus the young
student receives his first lessons upon sound and gravitation. There are pains
and penalties, however, in the path of the enquirer: he is sure to go wrong,
and Nature is just as sure to inform him of the fact. He falls downstairs,
burns his fingers, cuts his hand, scalds his tongue, and in this way learns the
conditions of his physical well being. This is Nature's way of proceeding,
and it is wonderful what progress her pupil makes. His enjoyments for a time
are physical, and the confectioner's shop occupies the foreground of human
happiness; but the blossoms of a finer life are already beginning to unfold
themselves, and the relation of cause and effect dawns upon the boy. He
begins to see that the present condition of things is not final, but depends
upon one that has gone before, and will be succeeded by another. He
becomes a puzzle to himself; and to satisfy his newly-awakened curiosity,
asks all manner of inconvenient questions. The needs and tendencies of
human nature express themselves through these early yearnings of the child.
As thought ripens, he desires to know the character and causes of the
phenomena presented to his observation; and unless this desire has been
granted for the express purpose of having it repressed, unless the attractions
of natural phenomena be like the blush of the forbidden fruit, conferred
merely for the purpose of exercising our self-denial in letting them alone; we
may fairly claim for the study of Physics the recognition that it answers to an
impulse implanted by nature in the constitution of man.
Page 276
A few days ago, a Master of Arts, who is still a young man, and therefore the
recipient of a modern education, stated to me that until he had reached the
age of twenty years he had never been taught anything whatever regarding
natural phenomena, or natural law. Twelve years of his life previously had
been spent exclusively among the ancients. The case, I regret to say, is
typical. Now, we cannot, without prejudice to humanity, separate the present
from the past. The nineteenth century strikes its roots into the centuries gone
by, and draws nutriment from them. The world cannot afford to lose the
record of any great deed or utterance; for such are prolific throughout all
time. We cannot yield the companionship of our loftier brothers of antiquity,
— of our Socrates and Cato, — whose lives provoke us to sympathetic
greatness across the interval of two thousand years. As long as the ancient
languages are the means of access to the ancient mind, they must ever be of
priceless value to humanity; but surely these avenues might be kept open
without making such sacrifices as that above referred to, universal. We have
conquered and possessed ourselves of continents of land, concerning which
antiquity knew nothing; and if new continents of thought reveal themselves
to the exploring human spirit, shall we not possess them also? In these latter
days, the study of Physics has given us glimpses of the methods of Nature
which were quite hidden from the ancients, and we should be false to the
trust committed to us, if we were to sacrifice the hopes and aspirations of the
Present out of deference to the Past.
The bias of my own education probably manifests itself in a desire I always
feel to seize upon every possible opportunity of checking my assumptions
and conclusions by experience. In the present case, it is true, your own
consciousness might be appealed to in proof of the tendency of the human
mind to inquire into the phenomena presented to it by the senses; but I trust
you will excuse me if, instead of doing this, I take advantage of the facts
which have fallen in my way through life, referring to your judgment to
decide whether such facts are truly representative and general, and not
merely individual and local.
At an agricultural college in Hampshire, with which I was connected for
some time, and which is now converted into a school for the general
education of youth, a Society was formed among the boys, who met weekly
for the purpose of reading reports and papers upon various subjects. The
Society had its president and treasurer; and abstracts of its proceedings were
recipient of a modern education, stated to me that until he had reached the
age of twenty years he had never been taught anything whatever regarding
natural phenomena, or natural law. Twelve years of his life previously had
been spent exclusively among the ancients. The case, I regret to say, is
typical. Now, we cannot, without prejudice to humanity, separate the present
from the past. The nineteenth century strikes its roots into the centuries gone
by, and draws nutriment from them. The world cannot afford to lose the
record of any great deed or utterance; for such are prolific throughout all
time. We cannot yield the companionship of our loftier brothers of antiquity,
— of our Socrates and Cato, — whose lives provoke us to sympathetic
greatness across the interval of two thousand years. As long as the ancient
languages are the means of access to the ancient mind, they must ever be of
priceless value to humanity; but surely these avenues might be kept open
without making such sacrifices as that above referred to, universal. We have
conquered and possessed ourselves of continents of land, concerning which
antiquity knew nothing; and if new continents of thought reveal themselves
to the exploring human spirit, shall we not possess them also? In these latter
days, the study of Physics has given us glimpses of the methods of Nature
which were quite hidden from the ancients, and we should be false to the
trust committed to us, if we were to sacrifice the hopes and aspirations of the
Present out of deference to the Past.
The bias of my own education probably manifests itself in a desire I always
feel to seize upon every possible opportunity of checking my assumptions
and conclusions by experience. In the present case, it is true, your own
consciousness might be appealed to in proof of the tendency of the human
mind to inquire into the phenomena presented to it by the senses; but I trust
you will excuse me if, instead of doing this, I take advantage of the facts
which have fallen in my way through life, referring to your judgment to
decide whether such facts are truly representative and general, and not
merely individual and local.
At an agricultural college in Hampshire, with which I was connected for
some time, and which is now converted into a school for the general
education of youth, a Society was formed among the boys, who met weekly
for the purpose of reading reports and papers upon various subjects. The
Society had its president and treasurer; and abstracts of its proceedings were
Page 277
published in a little monthly periodical issuing from the school press. One of
the most remarkable features of these weekly meetings was, that after the
general business had been concluded, each member enjoyed the right of
asking questions on any subject on which he desired information. The
questions were either written out previously in a book, or, if a question
happened to suggest itself during the meeting, it was written upon a slip of
paper and handed in to the Secretary, who afterwards read all the questions
aloud. A number of teachers were usually present, and they and the boys
made a common stock of their wisdom in furnishing replies. As might be
expected from an assemblage of eighty or ninety boys, varying from
eighteen to eight years old, many odd questions were proposed. To the mind
which loves to detect in the tendencies of the young the instincts of
humanity generally, such questions are not without a certain philosophic
interest, and I have therefore thought it not derogatory to the present course
of Lectures to copy a few of them, and to introduce them here. They run as
follows :—
What are the duties of the Astronomer Royal?
What is frost?
Why are thunder and lightning more frequent in summer than in winter?
What occasions falling stars?
What is the cause of the sensation called 'pins and needles '?
What is the cause of waterspouts?
What is the cause of hiccup?
If a towel be wetted with water, why does the wet portion become darker
than before?
What is meant by Lancashire witches?
Does the dew rise or fall?
What is the principle of the hydraulic press?
the most remarkable features of these weekly meetings was, that after the
general business had been concluded, each member enjoyed the right of
asking questions on any subject on which he desired information. The
questions were either written out previously in a book, or, if a question
happened to suggest itself during the meeting, it was written upon a slip of
paper and handed in to the Secretary, who afterwards read all the questions
aloud. A number of teachers were usually present, and they and the boys
made a common stock of their wisdom in furnishing replies. As might be
expected from an assemblage of eighty or ninety boys, varying from
eighteen to eight years old, many odd questions were proposed. To the mind
which loves to detect in the tendencies of the young the instincts of
humanity generally, such questions are not without a certain philosophic
interest, and I have therefore thought it not derogatory to the present course
of Lectures to copy a few of them, and to introduce them here. They run as
follows :—
What are the duties of the Astronomer Royal?
What is frost?
Why are thunder and lightning more frequent in summer than in winter?
What occasions falling stars?
What is the cause of the sensation called 'pins and needles '?
What is the cause of waterspouts?
What is the cause of hiccup?
If a towel be wetted with water, why does the wet portion become darker
than before?
What is meant by Lancashire witches?
Does the dew rise or fall?
What is the principle of the hydraulic press?
Page 278
Is there more oxygen in the air in summer than in winter?
What are those rings which we see round the gas and sun?
What is thunder?
How is it that a black hat can be moved by forming round it a magnetic
circle, while a white hat remains stationary?
What is the cause of perspiration?
Is it true that men were once monkeys?
What is the difference between the soul and the mind?
Is it contrary to the rules of Vegetarianism to eat eggs?
In looking over these questions, which were wholly unprompted, and have
been copied almost at random from the book alluded to, we see that many of
them are suggested directly by natural objects, and are not such as had an
interest conferred on them' by previous culture. Now the fact is beyond the
boy's control, and so certainly is the desire to know its cause. The sole
question then is, whether this desire is to be gratified or not. Who created the
fact? Who implanted the desire? Certainly not man. Who then will undertake
to place himself between the desire and its fulfilment, and proclaim a
divorce between them? Take, for example, the case of the wetted towel,
which at first sight appears to be one of the most unpromising questions in
the list. Shall we tell the proposer to repress his curiosity, as the subject is
improper for him to know, and thus interpose our wisdom to rescue the boy
from the consequences of a wish which acts to his prejudice? Or, recognising
the propriety of the question, how shall we answer it? It is impossible to
answer it without reference to the laws of optics — without making the boy
to some extent a natural philosopher. You may say that the effect is due to
the reflection of light at the common surface of two media of different
refractive indices. But this answer presupposes on the part of the boy a
knowledge of what reflection and refraction are, or reduces you to the
necessity of explaining them.
What are those rings which we see round the gas and sun?
What is thunder?
How is it that a black hat can be moved by forming round it a magnetic
circle, while a white hat remains stationary?
What is the cause of perspiration?
Is it true that men were once monkeys?
What is the difference between the soul and the mind?
Is it contrary to the rules of Vegetarianism to eat eggs?
In looking over these questions, which were wholly unprompted, and have
been copied almost at random from the book alluded to, we see that many of
them are suggested directly by natural objects, and are not such as had an
interest conferred on them' by previous culture. Now the fact is beyond the
boy's control, and so certainly is the desire to know its cause. The sole
question then is, whether this desire is to be gratified or not. Who created the
fact? Who implanted the desire? Certainly not man. Who then will undertake
to place himself between the desire and its fulfilment, and proclaim a
divorce between them? Take, for example, the case of the wetted towel,
which at first sight appears to be one of the most unpromising questions in
the list. Shall we tell the proposer to repress his curiosity, as the subject is
improper for him to know, and thus interpose our wisdom to rescue the boy
from the consequences of a wish which acts to his prejudice? Or, recognising
the propriety of the question, how shall we answer it? It is impossible to
answer it without reference to the laws of optics — without making the boy
to some extent a natural philosopher. You may say that the effect is due to
the reflection of light at the common surface of two media of different
refractive indices. But this answer presupposes on the part of the boy a
knowledge of what reflection and refraction are, or reduces you to the
necessity of explaining them.
Page 279
On looking more closely into the matter, we find that our wet towel belongs
to a class of phenomena which have long excited the interest of
philosophers. The towel is white for the same reason that snow is white, that
foam is white, that pounded granite or glass is white, and that the salt we use
at table is white. On quitting one medium and entering another, a portion of
light is always reflected, but on this condition — the media must possess
different refractive indices. Thus, when we immerse a bit of glass in water,
light is reflected from the common surface of both, and it is this light which
enables us to see the glass. But when a transparent solid is immersed in a
liquid of the same refractive index as itself, it immediately disappears. I
remember once dropping the eyeball of an ox into water; it vanished as if by
magic, with the exception of the crystalline lens, and the surprise was so
great as to cause a bystander to suppose that the vitreous humour had been
instantly dissolved. This, however, was not the case, and a comparison of the
refractive index of the humour with that of water cleared up the whole
matter. The indices were identical, and hence the light pursued its way
through both as if they formed one continuous mass.
In the case of snow, powdered quartz, or salt, we have a transparent solid
mixed with air. At every transition from solid to air, or from air to solid, a
portion of light is reflected, and this takes place so often that the light is
wholly intercepted. Thus from the mixture of two transparent bodies we
obtain an opaque one. Now the case of the towel is precisely similar. The
tissue is composed of semi-transparent vegetable fibres, with the interstices
between them filled with air; repeated reflection takes place at the limiting
surfaces of air and fibre, and hence the towel becomes opaque like snow or
salt. But if we fill the interstices with water, we diminish the reflection; a
portion of the light is transmitted, and the darkness of the towel is due to its
increased transparency. Thus the deportment of various minerals, such as
hydrophane and tabasheer, the transparency of tracing paper used by
engineers, and many other considerations of the highest scientific interest,
are involved in the simple enquiry of this unsuspecting little boy.
Again, take the question regarding the rising or falling of the dew — a
question long agitated, and finally set at rest by the beautiful researches of
Wells. I do not think that any boy of average intelligence will be satisfied
with the simple answer that the dew falls. He will wish to learn how you
know that it falls, and, if acquainted with the notions of the middle ages, he
to a class of phenomena which have long excited the interest of
philosophers. The towel is white for the same reason that snow is white, that
foam is white, that pounded granite or glass is white, and that the salt we use
at table is white. On quitting one medium and entering another, a portion of
light is always reflected, but on this condition — the media must possess
different refractive indices. Thus, when we immerse a bit of glass in water,
light is reflected from the common surface of both, and it is this light which
enables us to see the glass. But when a transparent solid is immersed in a
liquid of the same refractive index as itself, it immediately disappears. I
remember once dropping the eyeball of an ox into water; it vanished as if by
magic, with the exception of the crystalline lens, and the surprise was so
great as to cause a bystander to suppose that the vitreous humour had been
instantly dissolved. This, however, was not the case, and a comparison of the
refractive index of the humour with that of water cleared up the whole
matter. The indices were identical, and hence the light pursued its way
through both as if they formed one continuous mass.
In the case of snow, powdered quartz, or salt, we have a transparent solid
mixed with air. At every transition from solid to air, or from air to solid, a
portion of light is reflected, and this takes place so often that the light is
wholly intercepted. Thus from the mixture of two transparent bodies we
obtain an opaque one. Now the case of the towel is precisely similar. The
tissue is composed of semi-transparent vegetable fibres, with the interstices
between them filled with air; repeated reflection takes place at the limiting
surfaces of air and fibre, and hence the towel becomes opaque like snow or
salt. But if we fill the interstices with water, we diminish the reflection; a
portion of the light is transmitted, and the darkness of the towel is due to its
increased transparency. Thus the deportment of various minerals, such as
hydrophane and tabasheer, the transparency of tracing paper used by
engineers, and many other considerations of the highest scientific interest,
are involved in the simple enquiry of this unsuspecting little boy.
Again, take the question regarding the rising or falling of the dew — a
question long agitated, and finally set at rest by the beautiful researches of
Wells. I do not think that any boy of average intelligence will be satisfied
with the simple answer that the dew falls. He will wish to learn how you
know that it falls, and, if acquainted with the notions of the middle ages, he
Page 280
may refer to the opinion of Father Laurus, that a goose egg filled in the
morning with dew and exposed to the sun, will rise like a balloon — a
swan's egg being better for the experiment than a goose egg. It is impossible
to give the boy a clear notion of the beautiful phenomenon to which his
question refers, without first making him acquainted with the radiation and
conduction of heat. Take, for example, a blade of grass, from which one of
these orient pearls is depending
During the day the grass, and the earth beneath it, possess a certain amount
of warmth imparted by the sun; during a serene night, heat is radiated from
the surface of the grass into space, and to supply the loss, there is a flow of
heat from the earth to the blade. Thus the blade loses heat by radiation, and
gains heat by conduction. Now, in the case before us, the power of radiation
is great, whereas the power of conduction is small; the consequence is that
the blade loses more than it gains, and hence becomes more and more
refrigerated. The light vapour floating around the surface so cooled is
condensed upon it, and there accumulates to form the little pearly globe
which we call a dew-drop.
Thus the boy finds the simple and homely fact which addressed his senses to
be the outcome and flower of the deepest laws. The fact becomes, in a
measure, sanctified as an object of thought, and invested for him with a
beauty for evermore. He thus learns that things which, at first sight, seem to
stand isolated and without apparent brotherhood in Nature are organically
united, and finds the detection of such analogies a source of perpetual
delight. To enlist pleasure on the side of intellectual performance is a point
of the utmost importance; for the exercise of the mind, like that of the body,
depends for its value upon the spirit in which it is accomplished. Every
physician knows that something more than mere mechanical motion is
comprehended under the idea of healthful exercise — that, indeed, being
most healthful which makes us forget all ulterior ends in the mere enjoyment
of it. What, for example, could be substituted for the action of the
playground, where the boy plays for the mere love of playing, and without
reference to physiological laws; while kindly Nature accomplishes her ends
unconsciously, and makes his very indifference beneficial to him. You may
have more systematic motions, you may devise means for the more perfect
traction of each particular muscle, but you cannot create the joy and gladness
morning with dew and exposed to the sun, will rise like a balloon — a
swan's egg being better for the experiment than a goose egg. It is impossible
to give the boy a clear notion of the beautiful phenomenon to which his
question refers, without first making him acquainted with the radiation and
conduction of heat. Take, for example, a blade of grass, from which one of
these orient pearls is depending
During the day the grass, and the earth beneath it, possess a certain amount
of warmth imparted by the sun; during a serene night, heat is radiated from
the surface of the grass into space, and to supply the loss, there is a flow of
heat from the earth to the blade. Thus the blade loses heat by radiation, and
gains heat by conduction. Now, in the case before us, the power of radiation
is great, whereas the power of conduction is small; the consequence is that
the blade loses more than it gains, and hence becomes more and more
refrigerated. The light vapour floating around the surface so cooled is
condensed upon it, and there accumulates to form the little pearly globe
which we call a dew-drop.
Thus the boy finds the simple and homely fact which addressed his senses to
be the outcome and flower of the deepest laws. The fact becomes, in a
measure, sanctified as an object of thought, and invested for him with a
beauty for evermore. He thus learns that things which, at first sight, seem to
stand isolated and without apparent brotherhood in Nature are organically
united, and finds the detection of such analogies a source of perpetual
delight. To enlist pleasure on the side of intellectual performance is a point
of the utmost importance; for the exercise of the mind, like that of the body,
depends for its value upon the spirit in which it is accomplished. Every
physician knows that something more than mere mechanical motion is
comprehended under the idea of healthful exercise — that, indeed, being
most healthful which makes us forget all ulterior ends in the mere enjoyment
of it. What, for example, could be substituted for the action of the
playground, where the boy plays for the mere love of playing, and without
reference to physiological laws; while kindly Nature accomplishes her ends
unconsciously, and makes his very indifference beneficial to him. You may
have more systematic motions, you may devise means for the more perfect
traction of each particular muscle, but you cannot create the joy and gladness
Page 281
of the game, and where these are absent, the charm and the health of the
exercise are gone. The case is similar with the education of the mind.
The study of Physics, as already intimated, consists of two processes, which
are complementary to each other — the tracing of facts to their causes, and
the logical advance from the cause to the fact. In the former process, called
induction, certain moral qualities come into play. The first condition of
success is patient industry, an honest receptivity, and a willingness to
abandon all preconceived notions, however cherished, if they be found to
contradict the truth. Believe me, a self-renunciation which has something
lofty in it, and of which the world never hears, is often enacted in the private
experience of the true votary of science. And if a man be not capable of this
self-renunciation — this loyal surrender of himself to Nature and to fact, he
lacks, in my opinion, the first mark of a true philosopher.
Thus the earnest prosecutor of science, who does not work with the idea of
producing a sensation in the world, who loves the truth better than the
transitory blaze of to-day's fame, who comes to his task with a single eye,
finds in that task an indirect means of the highest moral culture. And
although the virtue of the act depends upon its privacy, this sacrifice of self,
this upright determination to accept the truth, no matter how it may present
itself — even at the hands of a scientific foe, if necessary — carries with it
its own reward. When prejudice is put under foot and the stains of personal
bias have been washed away — when a man consents to lay aside his vanity
and to become Nature's organ — his elevation is the instant consequence of
his humility.
I should not wonder if my remarks provoked a smile, for they seem to
indicate that I regard the man of science as a heroic, if not indeed an angelic,
character; and cases may occur to you which indicate the reverse. You may
point to the quarrels of scientific men, to their struggles for priority, to that
unpleasant egotism which screams around its little property of discovery like
a scared plover about its young. I will not deny all this; but let it be set down
to its proper account, to the weakness — or, if you will — to the selfishness
of Man, but not to the charge of Physical Science.
The second process in physical investigation is deduction, or the advance of
the mind from fixed principles to the conclusions which flow from them.
exercise are gone. The case is similar with the education of the mind.
The study of Physics, as already intimated, consists of two processes, which
are complementary to each other — the tracing of facts to their causes, and
the logical advance from the cause to the fact. In the former process, called
induction, certain moral qualities come into play. The first condition of
success is patient industry, an honest receptivity, and a willingness to
abandon all preconceived notions, however cherished, if they be found to
contradict the truth. Believe me, a self-renunciation which has something
lofty in it, and of which the world never hears, is often enacted in the private
experience of the true votary of science. And if a man be not capable of this
self-renunciation — this loyal surrender of himself to Nature and to fact, he
lacks, in my opinion, the first mark of a true philosopher.
Thus the earnest prosecutor of science, who does not work with the idea of
producing a sensation in the world, who loves the truth better than the
transitory blaze of to-day's fame, who comes to his task with a single eye,
finds in that task an indirect means of the highest moral culture. And
although the virtue of the act depends upon its privacy, this sacrifice of self,
this upright determination to accept the truth, no matter how it may present
itself — even at the hands of a scientific foe, if necessary — carries with it
its own reward. When prejudice is put under foot and the stains of personal
bias have been washed away — when a man consents to lay aside his vanity
and to become Nature's organ — his elevation is the instant consequence of
his humility.
I should not wonder if my remarks provoked a smile, for they seem to
indicate that I regard the man of science as a heroic, if not indeed an angelic,
character; and cases may occur to you which indicate the reverse. You may
point to the quarrels of scientific men, to their struggles for priority, to that
unpleasant egotism which screams around its little property of discovery like
a scared plover about its young. I will not deny all this; but let it be set down
to its proper account, to the weakness — or, if you will — to the selfishness
of Man, but not to the charge of Physical Science.
The second process in physical investigation is deduction, or the advance of
the mind from fixed principles to the conclusions which flow from them.
Page 282
The rules of logic are the formal statement of this process, which, however,
was practised by every healthy mind before ever such rules were written. In
the study of Physics, induction and deduction are perpetually wedded to each
other. The man observes, strips facts of their peculiarities of form, and tries
to unite them by their essences; having effected this, he at once deduces, and
thus checks his induction.
Here the grand difference between the methods at present followed, and
those of the ancients, becomes manifest. They were one-sided in these
matters: they omitted the process of induction, and substituted conjecture for
observation. They could never, therefore, fulfil the mission of Man to
'replenish the earth, and subdue it.' The subjugation of Nature is only to be
accomplished by the penetration of her secrets and the patient mastery of her
laws. This not only enables us to protect ourselves from the hostile action of
natural forces, but makes them our slaves. By the study of Physics we have
indeed opened to us treasuries of power of which antiquity never dreamed.
But while we lord it over Matter, we have thereby become better acquainted
with the laws of Mind; for to the mental philosopher the study of Physics
furnishes a screen against which the human spirit projects its own image,
and thus becomes capable of self-inspection.
Thus, then, as a means of intellectual culture, the study of Physics exercises
and sharpens observation: it brings the most exhaustive logic into play: it
compares, abstracts, and generalizes, and provides a mental scenery
appropriate to these processes. The strictest precision of thought is
everywhere enforced, and prudence, foresight, and sagacity are demanded.
By its appeals to experiment, it continually checks itself, and thus walks on a
foundation of facts. Hence the exercise it invokes does not end in a mere
game of intellectual gymnastics, such as the ancients delighted in, but tends
to the mastery of Nature. This gradual conquest of the external world, and
the consciousness of augmented strength which accompanies it, render the
study of Physics as delightful as it is important.
With regard to the effect on the imagination, certain it is that the cool results
of physical induction furnish conceptions which transcend the most daring
flights of that faculty. Take for example the idea of an all-pervading aether
which transmits a tingle, so to speak, to the finger ends of the universe every
time a street lamp is lighted. The invisible billows of this aether can be
was practised by every healthy mind before ever such rules were written. In
the study of Physics, induction and deduction are perpetually wedded to each
other. The man observes, strips facts of their peculiarities of form, and tries
to unite them by their essences; having effected this, he at once deduces, and
thus checks his induction.
Here the grand difference between the methods at present followed, and
those of the ancients, becomes manifest. They were one-sided in these
matters: they omitted the process of induction, and substituted conjecture for
observation. They could never, therefore, fulfil the mission of Man to
'replenish the earth, and subdue it.' The subjugation of Nature is only to be
accomplished by the penetration of her secrets and the patient mastery of her
laws. This not only enables us to protect ourselves from the hostile action of
natural forces, but makes them our slaves. By the study of Physics we have
indeed opened to us treasuries of power of which antiquity never dreamed.
But while we lord it over Matter, we have thereby become better acquainted
with the laws of Mind; for to the mental philosopher the study of Physics
furnishes a screen against which the human spirit projects its own image,
and thus becomes capable of self-inspection.
Thus, then, as a means of intellectual culture, the study of Physics exercises
and sharpens observation: it brings the most exhaustive logic into play: it
compares, abstracts, and generalizes, and provides a mental scenery
appropriate to these processes. The strictest precision of thought is
everywhere enforced, and prudence, foresight, and sagacity are demanded.
By its appeals to experiment, it continually checks itself, and thus walks on a
foundation of facts. Hence the exercise it invokes does not end in a mere
game of intellectual gymnastics, such as the ancients delighted in, but tends
to the mastery of Nature. This gradual conquest of the external world, and
the consciousness of augmented strength which accompanies it, render the
study of Physics as delightful as it is important.
With regard to the effect on the imagination, certain it is that the cool results
of physical induction furnish conceptions which transcend the most daring
flights of that faculty. Take for example the idea of an all-pervading aether
which transmits a tingle, so to speak, to the finger ends of the universe every
time a street lamp is lighted. The invisible billows of this aether can be
Page 283
measured with the same ease and certainty as that with which an engineer
measures a base and two angles, and from these finds the distance across the
Thames. Now it is to be confessed that there may be just as little poetry in
the measurement of an aethereal undulation as in that of the river; for the
intellect, during the acts of measurement and calculation, destroys those
notions of size which appeal to the poetic sense. It is a mistake to suppose,
with Dr. Young, that
An undevout astronomer is mad;
there being no necessary connexion between a devout state of mind and the
observations and calculations of a practical astronomer. It is not until the
man withdraws from his calculation, as a painter from his work, and thus
realizes the great idea on which he has been engaged, that imagination and
wonder are excited. There is, I admit, a possible danger here. If the
arithmetical processes of science be too exclusively pursued, they may
impair the imagination, and thus the study of Physics is open to the same
objection as philological, theological, or political studies, when carried to
excess. But even in this case, the injury done is to the investigator himself: it
does not reach the mass of mankind. Indeed, the conceptions furnished by
his cold unimaginative reckonings may furnish themes for the poet, and
excite in the highest degree that sentiment of wonder which, notwithstanding
all its foolish vagaries, table-turning included, I, for my part, should be sorry
to see banished from the world.
I have thus far dwelt upon the study of Physics as an agent of intellectual
culture; but like other things in Nature, this study subserves more than a
single end. The colours of the clouds delight the eye, and, no doubt,
accomplish moral purposes also, but the selfsame clouds hold within their
fleeces the moisture by which our fields are rendered fruitful. The sunbeams
excite our interest and invite our investigation; but they also extend their
beneficent influences to our fruits and corn, and thus accomplish, not only
intellectual ends, but minister, at the same time, to our material necessities.
And so it is with scientific research.
While the love of science is a sufficient incentive to the pursuit of science,
and the investigator, in the prosecution of his enquiries, is raised above all
material considerations, the results of his labours may exercise a potent
measures a base and two angles, and from these finds the distance across the
Thames. Now it is to be confessed that there may be just as little poetry in
the measurement of an aethereal undulation as in that of the river; for the
intellect, during the acts of measurement and calculation, destroys those
notions of size which appeal to the poetic sense. It is a mistake to suppose,
with Dr. Young, that
An undevout astronomer is mad;
there being no necessary connexion between a devout state of mind and the
observations and calculations of a practical astronomer. It is not until the
man withdraws from his calculation, as a painter from his work, and thus
realizes the great idea on which he has been engaged, that imagination and
wonder are excited. There is, I admit, a possible danger here. If the
arithmetical processes of science be too exclusively pursued, they may
impair the imagination, and thus the study of Physics is open to the same
objection as philological, theological, or political studies, when carried to
excess. But even in this case, the injury done is to the investigator himself: it
does not reach the mass of mankind. Indeed, the conceptions furnished by
his cold unimaginative reckonings may furnish themes for the poet, and
excite in the highest degree that sentiment of wonder which, notwithstanding
all its foolish vagaries, table-turning included, I, for my part, should be sorry
to see banished from the world.
I have thus far dwelt upon the study of Physics as an agent of intellectual
culture; but like other things in Nature, this study subserves more than a
single end. The colours of the clouds delight the eye, and, no doubt,
accomplish moral purposes also, but the selfsame clouds hold within their
fleeces the moisture by which our fields are rendered fruitful. The sunbeams
excite our interest and invite our investigation; but they also extend their
beneficent influences to our fruits and corn, and thus accomplish, not only
intellectual ends, but minister, at the same time, to our material necessities.
And so it is with scientific research.
While the love of science is a sufficient incentive to the pursuit of science,
and the investigator, in the prosecution of his enquiries, is raised above all
material considerations, the results of his labours may exercise a potent
Page 284
influence upon the physical condition of the community. This is the
arrangement of Nature, and not that of the scientific investigator himself; for
he usually pursues his object without regard to its practical applications.
And let him who is dazzled by such applications — who sees in the steam-
engine and the electric telegraph the highest embodiment of human genius
and the only legitimate object of scientific research, beware of prescribing
conditions to the investigator. Let him beware of attempting to substitute for
that simple love with which the votary of science pursues his task, the
calculations of what he is pleased to call utility. The professed utilitarian is
unfortunately, in most cases, the very last man to see the occult sources from
which useful results are derived. He admires the flower, but is ignorant of
the conditions of its growth. The scientific man must approach Nature in his
own way; for if you invade his freedom by your so-called practical
considerations, it may be at the expense of those qualities on which his
success as a discoverer depends. Let the self-styled practical man look to
those from the fecundity of whose thought be, and thousands like him, have
sprung into existence. Were they inspired in their first enquiries by the
calculations of utility? Not one of them. They were often forced to live low
and lie hard, and to seek compensation for their penury in the delight which
their favourite pursuits afforded them.
In the words of one well qualified to speak upon this subject, 'I say not
merely look at the pittance of men like John Dalton, or the voluntary
starvation of the late Graff; but compare what is considered as competency
or affluence by your Faradays, Liebigs, and Herschels, with the expected
results of a life of successful commercial enterprise: then compare the
amount of mind put forth, the work done for society in either case, and you
will be constrained to allow that the former belong to a class of workers
who, properly speaking, are not paid, and cannot be paid for their work, as
indeed it is of a sort to which no payment could stimulate.'
But while the scientific investigator, standing upon the frontiers of human
knowledge, and aiming at the conquest of fresh soil from the surrounding
region of the unknown, makes the discovery of truth his exclusive object for
the time, he cannot but feel the deepest interest in the practical application of
the truth discovered. There is something ennobling in the triumph of Mind
over Matter. Apart even from its uses to society, there is something elevating
arrangement of Nature, and not that of the scientific investigator himself; for
he usually pursues his object without regard to its practical applications.
And let him who is dazzled by such applications — who sees in the steam-
engine and the electric telegraph the highest embodiment of human genius
and the only legitimate object of scientific research, beware of prescribing
conditions to the investigator. Let him beware of attempting to substitute for
that simple love with which the votary of science pursues his task, the
calculations of what he is pleased to call utility. The professed utilitarian is
unfortunately, in most cases, the very last man to see the occult sources from
which useful results are derived. He admires the flower, but is ignorant of
the conditions of its growth. The scientific man must approach Nature in his
own way; for if you invade his freedom by your so-called practical
considerations, it may be at the expense of those qualities on which his
success as a discoverer depends. Let the self-styled practical man look to
those from the fecundity of whose thought be, and thousands like him, have
sprung into existence. Were they inspired in their first enquiries by the
calculations of utility? Not one of them. They were often forced to live low
and lie hard, and to seek compensation for their penury in the delight which
their favourite pursuits afforded them.
In the words of one well qualified to speak upon this subject, 'I say not
merely look at the pittance of men like John Dalton, or the voluntary
starvation of the late Graff; but compare what is considered as competency
or affluence by your Faradays, Liebigs, and Herschels, with the expected
results of a life of successful commercial enterprise: then compare the
amount of mind put forth, the work done for society in either case, and you
will be constrained to allow that the former belong to a class of workers
who, properly speaking, are not paid, and cannot be paid for their work, as
indeed it is of a sort to which no payment could stimulate.'
But while the scientific investigator, standing upon the frontiers of human
knowledge, and aiming at the conquest of fresh soil from the surrounding
region of the unknown, makes the discovery of truth his exclusive object for
the time, he cannot but feel the deepest interest in the practical application of
the truth discovered. There is something ennobling in the triumph of Mind
over Matter. Apart even from its uses to society, there is something elevating
Page 285
in the idea of Man having tamed that wild force which flashes through the
telegraphic wire, and made it the minister of his will. Our attainments in
these directions appear to be commensurate with our needs. We had already
subdued horse and mule, and obtained from them all the service which it was
in their power to render: we must either stand still, or find more potent
agents to execute our purposes. At this point the steam-engine appears.
These are still new things; it is not long since we struck into the scientific
methods which have produced these results. We cannot for an instant regard
them as the final achievements of Science, but rather as an earnest of what
she is yet to do. They mark our first great advances upon the dominion of
Nature. Animal strength fails, but here are the forces which hold the world
together, and the instincts and successes of Man assure him that these forces
are his when he is wise enough to command them.
As an instrument of intellectual culture, the study of Physics is profitable to
all: as bearing upon special functions, its value, though not so great, is still
more tangible. Why, for example, should Members of Parliament be ignorant
of the subjects concerning which they are called upon to legislate? In this
land of practical physics, why should they be unable to form an independent
opinion upon a physical question? Why should the member of a
parliamentary committee be left at the mercy of interested disputants when a
scientific question is discussed, until he deems the nap a blessing which
rescues him from the bewilderments of the committee-room? The education
which does not supply the want here referred to, fails in its duty to England.
With regard to our working people, in the ordinary sense of the term
working, the study of Physics would, I imagine, be profitable, not only as a
means of intellectual culture, but also as a moral influence to woo them from
pursuits which now degrade them. A man's reformation oftener depends
upon the indirect, than upon the direct action of the will. The will must be
exerted in the choice of employment which shall break the force of
temptation by erecting a barrier against it. The drunkard, for example, is in a
perilous condition if he content himself merely with saying, or swearing, that
he will avoid strong drink. His thoughts, if not attracted by another force,
will revert to the public-house, and to rescue him permanently from this, you
must give him an equivalent.
By investing the objects of hourly intercourse with an interest which
prompts reflection, new enjoyments would be opened to the working man,
telegraphic wire, and made it the minister of his will. Our attainments in
these directions appear to be commensurate with our needs. We had already
subdued horse and mule, and obtained from them all the service which it was
in their power to render: we must either stand still, or find more potent
agents to execute our purposes. At this point the steam-engine appears.
These are still new things; it is not long since we struck into the scientific
methods which have produced these results. We cannot for an instant regard
them as the final achievements of Science, but rather as an earnest of what
she is yet to do. They mark our first great advances upon the dominion of
Nature. Animal strength fails, but here are the forces which hold the world
together, and the instincts and successes of Man assure him that these forces
are his when he is wise enough to command them.
As an instrument of intellectual culture, the study of Physics is profitable to
all: as bearing upon special functions, its value, though not so great, is still
more tangible. Why, for example, should Members of Parliament be ignorant
of the subjects concerning which they are called upon to legislate? In this
land of practical physics, why should they be unable to form an independent
opinion upon a physical question? Why should the member of a
parliamentary committee be left at the mercy of interested disputants when a
scientific question is discussed, until he deems the nap a blessing which
rescues him from the bewilderments of the committee-room? The education
which does not supply the want here referred to, fails in its duty to England.
With regard to our working people, in the ordinary sense of the term
working, the study of Physics would, I imagine, be profitable, not only as a
means of intellectual culture, but also as a moral influence to woo them from
pursuits which now degrade them. A man's reformation oftener depends
upon the indirect, than upon the direct action of the will. The will must be
exerted in the choice of employment which shall break the force of
temptation by erecting a barrier against it. The drunkard, for example, is in a
perilous condition if he content himself merely with saying, or swearing, that
he will avoid strong drink. His thoughts, if not attracted by another force,
will revert to the public-house, and to rescue him permanently from this, you
must give him an equivalent.
By investing the objects of hourly intercourse with an interest which
prompts reflection, new enjoyments would be opened to the working man,
Page 286
and every one of these would be a point of force to protect him against
temptation. Besides this, our factories and our foundries present an extensive
field of observation, and were those who work in them rendered capable, by
previous culture, of observing what they see, the results might be
incalculable. Who can say what intellectual Samsons are at the present
moment toiling with closed eyes in the mills and forges of Manchester and
Birmingham? Grant these Samsons sight, and you multiply the chances of
discovery, and with them the prospects of national advancement. In our
multitudinous technical operations we are constantly playing with forces our
ignorance of which is often the cause of our destruction. There are agencies
at work in a locomotive of which the maker of it probably never dreamed,
but which nevertheless may be sufficient to convert it into an engine of
death. When we reflect on the intellectual condition of the people who work
in our coal mines, those terrific explosions which occur from time to time
need not astonish us. If these men possessed sufficient physical knowledge,
from the operatives themselves would probably emanate a system by which
these shocking accidents might be avoided. Possessed of the knowledge,
their personal interests would furnish the necessary stimulus to its practical
application, and thus two ends would be served at the same time the
elevation of the men and the diminution of the calamity.
Before the present Course of Lectures was publicly announced, I had many
misgivings as to the propriety of my taking a part in them, thinking that my
place might be better filled by an older and more experienced man. To my
experience, however, such as it was, I resolved to adhere, and I have
therefore described things as they revealed themselves to my own eyes, and
have been enacted in my own limited practice. There is one mind common to
us all; and the true expression of this mind, even in small particulars, will
attest itself by the response which it calls forth in the convictions of my
hearers. I ask your permission to proceed a little further in this fashion, and
to refer to a fact or two in addition to those already cited, which presented
themselves to my notice during my brief career as a teacher in the college
already alluded to. The facts, though extremely humble, and deviating in
some slight degree from the strict subject of the present discourse, may yet
serve to illustrate an educational principle.
One of the duties which fell to my share was the instruction of a class in
mathematics, and I usually found that Euclid and the ancient geometry
temptation. Besides this, our factories and our foundries present an extensive
field of observation, and were those who work in them rendered capable, by
previous culture, of observing what they see, the results might be
incalculable. Who can say what intellectual Samsons are at the present
moment toiling with closed eyes in the mills and forges of Manchester and
Birmingham? Grant these Samsons sight, and you multiply the chances of
discovery, and with them the prospects of national advancement. In our
multitudinous technical operations we are constantly playing with forces our
ignorance of which is often the cause of our destruction. There are agencies
at work in a locomotive of which the maker of it probably never dreamed,
but which nevertheless may be sufficient to convert it into an engine of
death. When we reflect on the intellectual condition of the people who work
in our coal mines, those terrific explosions which occur from time to time
need not astonish us. If these men possessed sufficient physical knowledge,
from the operatives themselves would probably emanate a system by which
these shocking accidents might be avoided. Possessed of the knowledge,
their personal interests would furnish the necessary stimulus to its practical
application, and thus two ends would be served at the same time the
elevation of the men and the diminution of the calamity.
Before the present Course of Lectures was publicly announced, I had many
misgivings as to the propriety of my taking a part in them, thinking that my
place might be better filled by an older and more experienced man. To my
experience, however, such as it was, I resolved to adhere, and I have
therefore described things as they revealed themselves to my own eyes, and
have been enacted in my own limited practice. There is one mind common to
us all; and the true expression of this mind, even in small particulars, will
attest itself by the response which it calls forth in the convictions of my
hearers. I ask your permission to proceed a little further in this fashion, and
to refer to a fact or two in addition to those already cited, which presented
themselves to my notice during my brief career as a teacher in the college
already alluded to. The facts, though extremely humble, and deviating in
some slight degree from the strict subject of the present discourse, may yet
serve to illustrate an educational principle.
One of the duties which fell to my share was the instruction of a class in
mathematics, and I usually found that Euclid and the ancient geometry
Page 287
generally, when properly and sympathetically addressed to the
understanding, formed a most attractive study for youth. But it was my
habitual practice to withdraw the boys from the routine of the book, and to
appeal to their self-power in the treatment of questions not comprehended in
that routine. At first, the change from the beaten track usually excited
aversion: the youth felt like a child amid strangers; but in no single instance
did this feeling continue. When utterly disheartened, I have encouraged the
boy by the anecdote of Newton, where he attributes the difference between
him and other men, mainly to his own patience; or of Mirabeau, when be
ordered his servant, who had stated something to be impossible, never again
to use that blockhead of a word. Thus cheered, the boy has returned to his
task with a smile, which perhaps had something of doubt in it, but which,
nevertheless, evinced a resolution to try again. I have seen his eye brighten,
and, at length, with a pleasure of which the ecstasy of Archimedes was but a
simple expansion, heard him exclaim, 'I have it, sir.' The consciousness of
self-power, thus awakened, was of immense value; and, animated by it, the
progress of the class was astonishing. It was often my custom to give the
boys the choice of pursuing their propositions in the book, or of trying their
strength at others not to be found there. Never in a single instance was the
book chosen. I was ever ready to assist when help was needful, but my offers
of assistance were habitually declined. The boys had tasted the sweets of
intellectual conquest and demanded victories of their own. Their diagrams
were scratched on the walls, cut into the beams upon the playground, and
numberless other illustrations were afforded of the living interest they took
in the subject. For my own part, as far as experience in teaching goes, I was
a mere fledgling — knowing nothing of the rules of pedagogics, as the
Germans name it; but adhering to the spirit indicated at the commencement
of this discourse, and endeavouring to make geometry a means rather than a
branch of education. The experiment was successful, and some of the most
delightful hours of my existence have been spent in marking the vigorous
and cheerful expansion of mental power, when appealed to in the manner
here described.
Our pleasure was enhanced when we applied our mathematical knowledge to
the solution of physical problems. Many objects of hourly contact had thus a
new interest and significance imparted to them. The swing, the see-saw, the
tension of the giant-stride ropes, the fall and rebound of the football, the
advantage of a small boy over a large one when turning short, particularly in
understanding, formed a most attractive study for youth. But it was my
habitual practice to withdraw the boys from the routine of the book, and to
appeal to their self-power in the treatment of questions not comprehended in
that routine. At first, the change from the beaten track usually excited
aversion: the youth felt like a child amid strangers; but in no single instance
did this feeling continue. When utterly disheartened, I have encouraged the
boy by the anecdote of Newton, where he attributes the difference between
him and other men, mainly to his own patience; or of Mirabeau, when be
ordered his servant, who had stated something to be impossible, never again
to use that blockhead of a word. Thus cheered, the boy has returned to his
task with a smile, which perhaps had something of doubt in it, but which,
nevertheless, evinced a resolution to try again. I have seen his eye brighten,
and, at length, with a pleasure of which the ecstasy of Archimedes was but a
simple expansion, heard him exclaim, 'I have it, sir.' The consciousness of
self-power, thus awakened, was of immense value; and, animated by it, the
progress of the class was astonishing. It was often my custom to give the
boys the choice of pursuing their propositions in the book, or of trying their
strength at others not to be found there. Never in a single instance was the
book chosen. I was ever ready to assist when help was needful, but my offers
of assistance were habitually declined. The boys had tasted the sweets of
intellectual conquest and demanded victories of their own. Their diagrams
were scratched on the walls, cut into the beams upon the playground, and
numberless other illustrations were afforded of the living interest they took
in the subject. For my own part, as far as experience in teaching goes, I was
a mere fledgling — knowing nothing of the rules of pedagogics, as the
Germans name it; but adhering to the spirit indicated at the commencement
of this discourse, and endeavouring to make geometry a means rather than a
branch of education. The experiment was successful, and some of the most
delightful hours of my existence have been spent in marking the vigorous
and cheerful expansion of mental power, when appealed to in the manner
here described.
Our pleasure was enhanced when we applied our mathematical knowledge to
the solution of physical problems. Many objects of hourly contact had thus a
new interest and significance imparted to them. The swing, the see-saw, the
tension of the giant-stride ropes, the fall and rebound of the football, the
advantage of a small boy over a large one when turning short, particularly in
Page 288
slippy weather; all became subjects of investigation. A lady stands before a
looking-glass, of her own height; it was required to know how much of the
glass was really useful to her? We learned with pleasure the economic fact
that she might dispense with the lower half and see her whole figure
notwithstanding. It was also pleasant to prove by mathematics, and verify by
experiment, that the angular velocity of a reflected beam is twice that of the
mirror which reflects it. From the hum of a bee we were able to determine
the number of times the insect flaps its wings in a second. Following up our
researches upon the pendulum, we learned how Colonel Sabine had made it
the means of determining the figure of the earth; and we were also startled
by the inference which the pendulum enabled us to draw, that if the diurnal
velocity of the earth were seventeen times its present amount, the centrifugal
force at the equator would be precisely equal to the force of gravitation, so
that an inhabitant of those regions would then have the same tendency to fall
upwards as downwards. All these things were sources of wonder and delight
to us: and when we remembered that we were gifted with the powers which
had reached such results, and that the same great field was ours to work in,
our hopes arose that at some future day we might possibly push the subject a
little further, and add our own victories to the conquests already won.
I ought to apologise to you for dwelling so long upon this subject; but the
days spent among these young philosophers made a deep impression on me.
I learned among them something of myself and of human nature, and
obtained some notion of a teacher's vocation. If there be one profession in
England of paramount importance, I believe it to be that of the schoolmaster;
and if there be a position where selfishness and incompetence do most
serious mischief, by lowering the moral tone and exciting irreverence and
cunning where reverence and noble truthfulness ought to be the feelings
evoked, it is that of the principal of a school. When a man of enlarged heart
and mind comes among boys, when he allows his spirit to stream through
them, and observes the operation of his own character evidenced in the
elevation of theirs, — it would be idle to talk of the position of such a man
being honourable. It is a blessed position. The man is a blessing to himself
and to all around him. Such men, I believe, are to be found in England, and it
behoves those who busy themselves with the mechanics of education at the
present day, to seek them out. For no matter what means of culture may be
chosen, whether physical or philological, success must ever mainly depend
looking-glass, of her own height; it was required to know how much of the
glass was really useful to her? We learned with pleasure the economic fact
that she might dispense with the lower half and see her whole figure
notwithstanding. It was also pleasant to prove by mathematics, and verify by
experiment, that the angular velocity of a reflected beam is twice that of the
mirror which reflects it. From the hum of a bee we were able to determine
the number of times the insect flaps its wings in a second. Following up our
researches upon the pendulum, we learned how Colonel Sabine had made it
the means of determining the figure of the earth; and we were also startled
by the inference which the pendulum enabled us to draw, that if the diurnal
velocity of the earth were seventeen times its present amount, the centrifugal
force at the equator would be precisely equal to the force of gravitation, so
that an inhabitant of those regions would then have the same tendency to fall
upwards as downwards. All these things were sources of wonder and delight
to us: and when we remembered that we were gifted with the powers which
had reached such results, and that the same great field was ours to work in,
our hopes arose that at some future day we might possibly push the subject a
little further, and add our own victories to the conquests already won.
I ought to apologise to you for dwelling so long upon this subject; but the
days spent among these young philosophers made a deep impression on me.
I learned among them something of myself and of human nature, and
obtained some notion of a teacher's vocation. If there be one profession in
England of paramount importance, I believe it to be that of the schoolmaster;
and if there be a position where selfishness and incompetence do most
serious mischief, by lowering the moral tone and exciting irreverence and
cunning where reverence and noble truthfulness ought to be the feelings
evoked, it is that of the principal of a school. When a man of enlarged heart
and mind comes among boys, when he allows his spirit to stream through
them, and observes the operation of his own character evidenced in the
elevation of theirs, — it would be idle to talk of the position of such a man
being honourable. It is a blessed position. The man is a blessing to himself
and to all around him. Such men, I believe, are to be found in England, and it
behoves those who busy themselves with the mechanics of education at the
present day, to seek them out. For no matter what means of culture may be
chosen, whether physical or philological, success must ever mainly depend
Page 289
upon the amount of life, love, and earnestness, which the teacher himself
brings with him to his vocation.
Let me again, and finally, remind you that the claims of that science which
finds in me to-day its unripened advocate, are those of the logic of Nature
upon the reason of her child — that its disciplines, as an agent of culture, are
based upon the natural relations subsisting between Man and the universe of
which he forms a part. On the one side, we have the apparently lawless
shifting of phenomena; on the other side, mind, which requires law for its
equilibrium, and through its own indestructible instincts, as well as through
the teachings of experience, knows that these phenomena are reducible to
law. To chasten this apparent chaos is a problem which man has set before
him. The world was built in order: and to us are trusted the will and power to
discern its harmonies, and to make them the lessons of our lives. From the
cradle to the grave we are surrounded with objects which provoke inquiry.
Descending for a moment from this high plea to considerations which lie
closer to us as a nation — as a land of gas and furnaces, of steam and
electricity: as a land which science, practically applied, has made great in
peace and mighty in war :— I ask you whether this 'land of old and just
renown' has not a right to expect from her institutions a culture more in
accordance with her present needs than that supplied by declension and
conjugation? And if the tendency should be to lower the estimate of science,
by regarding it exclusively as the instrument of material prosperity, let it be
the high mission of our universities to furnish the proper counterpoise by
pointing out its nobler uses — lifting the national mind to the contemplation
of it as the last development of that 'increasing purpose' which runs through
the ages and widens the thoughts of men.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
brings with him to his vocation.
Let me again, and finally, remind you that the claims of that science which
finds in me to-day its unripened advocate, are those of the logic of Nature
upon the reason of her child — that its disciplines, as an agent of culture, are
based upon the natural relations subsisting between Man and the universe of
which he forms a part. On the one side, we have the apparently lawless
shifting of phenomena; on the other side, mind, which requires law for its
equilibrium, and through its own indestructible instincts, as well as through
the teachings of experience, knows that these phenomena are reducible to
law. To chasten this apparent chaos is a problem which man has set before
him. The world was built in order: and to us are trusted the will and power to
discern its harmonies, and to make them the lessons of our lives. From the
cradle to the grave we are surrounded with objects which provoke inquiry.
Descending for a moment from this high plea to considerations which lie
closer to us as a nation — as a land of gas and furnaces, of steam and
electricity: as a land which science, practically applied, has made great in
peace and mighty in war :— I ask you whether this 'land of old and just
renown' has not a right to expect from her institutions a culture more in
accordance with her present needs than that supplied by declension and
conjugation? And if the tendency should be to lower the estimate of science,
by regarding it exclusively as the instrument of material prosperity, let it be
the high mission of our universities to furnish the proper counterpoise by
pointing out its nobler uses — lifting the national mind to the contemplation
of it as the last development of that 'increasing purpose' which runs through
the ages and widens the thoughts of men.
.
.
.
.
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Page 290
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.
XII. ON CRYSTALLINE AND SLATY CLEAVAGE.
[Footnote: From a discourse delivered in the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, June 6, 1856.]
WHEN the student of physical science has to investigate the character of any
natural force, his first care must be to purify it from the mixture of other
forces, and thus study its simple action. If, for example, he wishes to know
how a mass of liquid would shape itself if at liberty to follow the bent of its
own molecular forces, he must see that these forces have free and
undisturbed exercise. We might perhaps refer him to the dewdrop for a
solution of the question; but here we have to do, not only with the action of
the molecules of the liquid upon each other, but also with the action of
gravity upon the mass, which pulls the drop downwards and elongates it. If
he would examine the problem in its purity, he must do as Plateau has done,
detach the liquid mass from the action of gravity; he would then find the
shape to be a perfect sphere. Natural processes come to us in a mixed
manner, and to the uninstructed mind are a mass of unintelligible confusion.
Suppose half-a-dozen of the best musical performers to be placed in the
same room, each playing his own instrument to perfection, but no two
playing the same tune; though each individual instrument might be a source
of perfect music, still the mixture of all would produce mere noise.
Thus it is with the processes of nature, where mechanical and molecular
laws intermingle and create apparent confusion. Their mixture constitutes
what may be called the noise of natural laws, and it is the vocation of the
man of science to resolve this noise into its components, and thus to detect
the underlying music.
The necessity of this detachment of one force from all other forces is
nowhere more strikingly exhibited than in the phenomena of crystallisation.
Here, for example, is a solution of common sulphate of soda or Glauber salt.
Looking into it mentally, we see the molecules of that liquid, like disciplined
squadrons under a governing eye, arranging themselves into battalions,
.
XII. ON CRYSTALLINE AND SLATY CLEAVAGE.
[Footnote: From a discourse delivered in the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, June 6, 1856.]
WHEN the student of physical science has to investigate the character of any
natural force, his first care must be to purify it from the mixture of other
forces, and thus study its simple action. If, for example, he wishes to know
how a mass of liquid would shape itself if at liberty to follow the bent of its
own molecular forces, he must see that these forces have free and
undisturbed exercise. We might perhaps refer him to the dewdrop for a
solution of the question; but here we have to do, not only with the action of
the molecules of the liquid upon each other, but also with the action of
gravity upon the mass, which pulls the drop downwards and elongates it. If
he would examine the problem in its purity, he must do as Plateau has done,
detach the liquid mass from the action of gravity; he would then find the
shape to be a perfect sphere. Natural processes come to us in a mixed
manner, and to the uninstructed mind are a mass of unintelligible confusion.
Suppose half-a-dozen of the best musical performers to be placed in the
same room, each playing his own instrument to perfection, but no two
playing the same tune; though each individual instrument might be a source
of perfect music, still the mixture of all would produce mere noise.
Thus it is with the processes of nature, where mechanical and molecular
laws intermingle and create apparent confusion. Their mixture constitutes
what may be called the noise of natural laws, and it is the vocation of the
man of science to resolve this noise into its components, and thus to detect
the underlying music.
The necessity of this detachment of one force from all other forces is
nowhere more strikingly exhibited than in the phenomena of crystallisation.
Here, for example, is a solution of common sulphate of soda or Glauber salt.
Looking into it mentally, we see the molecules of that liquid, like disciplined
squadrons under a governing eye, arranging themselves into battalions,
Page 291
gathering round distinct centres, and forming themselves into solid masses,
which after a time assume the visible shape of the crystal now held in my
hand. I may, like an ignorant meddler wishing to hasten matters, introduce
confusion into this order. This may be done by plunging a glass rod into the
vessel; the consequent action is not the pure expression of the crystalline
forces; the molecules rush together with the confusion of an unorganised
mob, and not with the steady accuracy of a disciplined host. In this mass of
bismuth also we have an example of confused crystallisation; but in the
crucible behind me a slower process is going on: here there is an architect at
work 'who makes no chips, no din,' and who is now building the particles
into crystals, similar in shape and structure to those beautiful masses which
we see upon the table. By permitting alum to crystallise in this slow way, we
obtain these perfect octahedrons; by allowing carbonate of lime to
crystallise, nature produces these beautiful rhomboids; when silica
crystallises, we have formed these hexagonal prisms capped at the ends by
pyramids; by allowing saltpetre to crystallise we have these prismatic
masses, and when carbon crystallises, we have the diamond. If we wish to
obtain a perfect crystal we must allow the molecular forces free play; if the
crystallising mass be permitted to rest upon a surface it will be flattened, and
to prevent this a small crystal must be so suspended as to be surrounded on
all sides by the liquid, or, if it rest upon the surface, it must be turned daily
so as to present all its faces in succession to the working builder.
In building up crystals these little atomic bricks often arrange themselves
into layers which are perfectly parallel to each other, and which can be
separated by mechanical means; this is called the cleavage of the crystal.
The crystal of sugar I hold in my hand has thus far escaped the solvent and
abrading forces which sooner or later determine the fate of sugar-candy. I
readily discover that it cleaves with peculiar facility in one direction. Again I
lay my knife upon this piece of rocksalt, and with a blow cleave it in one
direction. Laying the knife at right angles to its former position, the crystal
cleaves again; and finally placing the knife at right angles to the two former
positions, we find a third cleavage. Rocksalt cleaves in three directions, and
the resulting solid is this perfect cube, which may be broken up into any
number of smaller cubes. Iceland spar also cleaves in three directions, not at
right angles, but oblique to each other, the resulting solid being a rhomboid.
In each of these cases the mass cleaves with equal facility in all three
directions. For the sake of completeness I may say that many crystals cleave
which after a time assume the visible shape of the crystal now held in my
hand. I may, like an ignorant meddler wishing to hasten matters, introduce
confusion into this order. This may be done by plunging a glass rod into the
vessel; the consequent action is not the pure expression of the crystalline
forces; the molecules rush together with the confusion of an unorganised
mob, and not with the steady accuracy of a disciplined host. In this mass of
bismuth also we have an example of confused crystallisation; but in the
crucible behind me a slower process is going on: here there is an architect at
work 'who makes no chips, no din,' and who is now building the particles
into crystals, similar in shape and structure to those beautiful masses which
we see upon the table. By permitting alum to crystallise in this slow way, we
obtain these perfect octahedrons; by allowing carbonate of lime to
crystallise, nature produces these beautiful rhomboids; when silica
crystallises, we have formed these hexagonal prisms capped at the ends by
pyramids; by allowing saltpetre to crystallise we have these prismatic
masses, and when carbon crystallises, we have the diamond. If we wish to
obtain a perfect crystal we must allow the molecular forces free play; if the
crystallising mass be permitted to rest upon a surface it will be flattened, and
to prevent this a small crystal must be so suspended as to be surrounded on
all sides by the liquid, or, if it rest upon the surface, it must be turned daily
so as to present all its faces in succession to the working builder.
In building up crystals these little atomic bricks often arrange themselves
into layers which are perfectly parallel to each other, and which can be
separated by mechanical means; this is called the cleavage of the crystal.
The crystal of sugar I hold in my hand has thus far escaped the solvent and
abrading forces which sooner or later determine the fate of sugar-candy. I
readily discover that it cleaves with peculiar facility in one direction. Again I
lay my knife upon this piece of rocksalt, and with a blow cleave it in one
direction. Laying the knife at right angles to its former position, the crystal
cleaves again; and finally placing the knife at right angles to the two former
positions, we find a third cleavage. Rocksalt cleaves in three directions, and
the resulting solid is this perfect cube, which may be broken up into any
number of smaller cubes. Iceland spar also cleaves in three directions, not at
right angles, but oblique to each other, the resulting solid being a rhomboid.
In each of these cases the mass cleaves with equal facility in all three
directions. For the sake of completeness I may say that many crystals cleave
Page 292
with unequal facility in different directions: heavy spar presents an example
of this kind of cleavage.
Turn we now to the consideration of some other phenomena to which the
term cleavage may be applied. Beech, deal, and other woods cleave with
facility along the fibre, and this cleavage is most perfect when the edge of
the axe is laid across the rings which mark the growth of the tree. If you look
at this bundle of hay severed from a rick, you will see a sort of cleavage in it
also; the stalks lie in horizontal planes, and only a small force is required to
separate them laterally. But we cannot regard the cleavage of the tree as the
same in character as that of the hayrick. In the one case it is the molecules
arranging themselves according to organic laws which produce a cleavable
structure, in the other case the easy separation in one direction is due to the
mechanical arrangement of the coarse sensible stalks of hay.
This sandstone rock was once a powder held in mechanical suspension by
water. The powder was composed of two distinct parts, fine grains of sand
and small plates of mica. Imagine a wide strand covered by a tide, or an
estuary with water which holds such powder in suspension: how will it sink?
The rounded grains of sand will reach the bottom first, because they
encounter least resistance, the mica afterwards, and when the tide recedes we
have the little plates shining like spangles upon the surface of the sand. Each
successive tide brings its charge of mixed powder, deposits its duplex layer
day after day, and finally masses of immense thickness are piled up, which
by preserving the alternations of sand and mica tell the tale of their
formation. Take the sand and mica, mix them together in water, and allow
them to subside; they will arrange themselves in the manner indicated, and
by repeating the process you can actually build up a mass which shall be the
exact counterpart of that presented by nature. Now this structure cleaves
with readiness along the planes in which the particles of mica are strewn.
Specimens of such a rock sent to me from Halifax, and other masses from
the quarries of Over Darwen in Lancashire, are here before you. With a
hammer and chisel I can cleave them into flags; indeed these flags are
employed for roofing purposes in the districts from which the specimens
have come, and receive the name of 'slatestone.' But you will discern without
a word from me, that this cleavage is not a crystalline cleavage any more
than that of a hayrick is. It is molar, not molecular.
of this kind of cleavage.
Turn we now to the consideration of some other phenomena to which the
term cleavage may be applied. Beech, deal, and other woods cleave with
facility along the fibre, and this cleavage is most perfect when the edge of
the axe is laid across the rings which mark the growth of the tree. If you look
at this bundle of hay severed from a rick, you will see a sort of cleavage in it
also; the stalks lie in horizontal planes, and only a small force is required to
separate them laterally. But we cannot regard the cleavage of the tree as the
same in character as that of the hayrick. In the one case it is the molecules
arranging themselves according to organic laws which produce a cleavable
structure, in the other case the easy separation in one direction is due to the
mechanical arrangement of the coarse sensible stalks of hay.
This sandstone rock was once a powder held in mechanical suspension by
water. The powder was composed of two distinct parts, fine grains of sand
and small plates of mica. Imagine a wide strand covered by a tide, or an
estuary with water which holds such powder in suspension: how will it sink?
The rounded grains of sand will reach the bottom first, because they
encounter least resistance, the mica afterwards, and when the tide recedes we
have the little plates shining like spangles upon the surface of the sand. Each
successive tide brings its charge of mixed powder, deposits its duplex layer
day after day, and finally masses of immense thickness are piled up, which
by preserving the alternations of sand and mica tell the tale of their
formation. Take the sand and mica, mix them together in water, and allow
them to subside; they will arrange themselves in the manner indicated, and
by repeating the process you can actually build up a mass which shall be the
exact counterpart of that presented by nature. Now this structure cleaves
with readiness along the planes in which the particles of mica are strewn.
Specimens of such a rock sent to me from Halifax, and other masses from
the quarries of Over Darwen in Lancashire, are here before you. With a
hammer and chisel I can cleave them into flags; indeed these flags are
employed for roofing purposes in the districts from which the specimens
have come, and receive the name of 'slatestone.' But you will discern without
a word from me, that this cleavage is not a crystalline cleavage any more
than that of a hayrick is. It is molar, not molecular.
Page 293
This, so far as I am aware of, has never been imagined, and it has been
agreed among geologists not to call such splitting as this cleavage at all, but
to restrict the term to a phenomenon of a totally different character.
Those who have visited the slate quarries of Cumberland and North Wales
will have witnessed the phenomenon to which I refer. We have long drawn
our supply of roofing-slates from such quarries; school-boys ciphered on
these slates, they were used for tombstones in churchyards, and for billiard-
tables in the metropolis; but not until a comparatively late period did men
begin to enquire how their wonderful structure was produced. What is the
agency which enables us to split Honister Crag, or the cliffs of Snowdon,
into laminae from crown to base? This question is at the present moment one
of the great difficulties of geologists, and occupies their attention perhaps
more than any other. You may wonder at this. Looking into the quarry of
Penrhyn, you may be disposed to offer the explanation I heard given two
years ago. 'These planes of cleavage,' said a friend who stood beside me on
the quarry's edge, 'are the planes of stratification which have been lifted by
some convulsion into an almost vertical position.' But this was a mistake,
and indeed here lies the grand difficulty of the problem. The planes of
cleavage stand in most cases at a high angle to the bedding. Thanks to Sir
Roderick Murchison, I am able to place the proof of this before you. Here is
a specimen of slate in which both the planes of cleavage and of bedding are
distinctly marked, one of them making a large angle with the other. This is
common. The cleavage of slates then is not a question of stratification; what
then is its cause?
In an able and elaborate essay published in 1835, Prof. Sedgwick proposed
the theory that cleavage is due to the action of crystalline or polar forces
subsequent to the consolidation of the rock. 'We may affirm,' he says, 'that no
retreat of the parts, no contraction of dimensions in passing to a solid state,
can explain such phenomena. They appear to me only resolvable on the
supposition that crystalline or polar forces acted upon the whole mass
simultaneously in one direction and with adequate force.' And again, in
another place: 'Crystalline forces have re-arranged whole mountain masses,
producing a beautiful crystalline cleavage, passing alike through all the
strata.' [Footnote: Transactions of the Geological Society, ser. ii, vol. iii. p.
477.]
agreed among geologists not to call such splitting as this cleavage at all, but
to restrict the term to a phenomenon of a totally different character.
Those who have visited the slate quarries of Cumberland and North Wales
will have witnessed the phenomenon to which I refer. We have long drawn
our supply of roofing-slates from such quarries; school-boys ciphered on
these slates, they were used for tombstones in churchyards, and for billiard-
tables in the metropolis; but not until a comparatively late period did men
begin to enquire how their wonderful structure was produced. What is the
agency which enables us to split Honister Crag, or the cliffs of Snowdon,
into laminae from crown to base? This question is at the present moment one
of the great difficulties of geologists, and occupies their attention perhaps
more than any other. You may wonder at this. Looking into the quarry of
Penrhyn, you may be disposed to offer the explanation I heard given two
years ago. 'These planes of cleavage,' said a friend who stood beside me on
the quarry's edge, 'are the planes of stratification which have been lifted by
some convulsion into an almost vertical position.' But this was a mistake,
and indeed here lies the grand difficulty of the problem. The planes of
cleavage stand in most cases at a high angle to the bedding. Thanks to Sir
Roderick Murchison, I am able to place the proof of this before you. Here is
a specimen of slate in which both the planes of cleavage and of bedding are
distinctly marked, one of them making a large angle with the other. This is
common. The cleavage of slates then is not a question of stratification; what
then is its cause?
In an able and elaborate essay published in 1835, Prof. Sedgwick proposed
the theory that cleavage is due to the action of crystalline or polar forces
subsequent to the consolidation of the rock. 'We may affirm,' he says, 'that no
retreat of the parts, no contraction of dimensions in passing to a solid state,
can explain such phenomena. They appear to me only resolvable on the
supposition that crystalline or polar forces acted upon the whole mass
simultaneously in one direction and with adequate force.' And again, in
another place: 'Crystalline forces have re-arranged whole mountain masses,
producing a beautiful crystalline cleavage, passing alike through all the
strata.' [Footnote: Transactions of the Geological Society, ser. ii, vol. iii. p.
477.]
Page 294
The utterance of such a man struck deep, as it ought to do, into the minds of
geologists, and at the present day there are few who do not entertain this
view either in whole or in part. [Footnote: In a letter to Sir Charles Lyell,
dated from the Cape of Good Hope February 20, 1836, Sir John Herschel
writes as follows:— 'If rocks have been so heated as to allow of a
commencement of crystallisation, that is to say, if they have been heated to a
point at which the particles can begin to move amongst themselves, or at
least on their own axes, some general law must then determine the position
in which these particles will rest on cooling. Probably that position will have
some relation to the direction in which the heat escapes. Now when all or a
majority of particles of the same nature have a general tendency to one
position, that must of course determine a cleavage plane.'] The boldness of
the theory, indeed, has, in some cases, caused speculation to run riot, and we
have books published on the action of polar forces and geologic magnetism,
which rather astonish those who know something about the subject.
According to this theory whole districts of North Wales and Cumberland,
mountains included, are neither more nor less than the parts of a gigantic
crystal. These masses of slate were originally fine mud, composed of the
broken and abraded particles of older rocks. They contain silica, alumina,
potash, soda, and mica mixed mechanically together. In the course of ages
the mixture became consolidated, and the theory before us assumes that a
process of crystallisation afterwards rearranged the particles and developed
in it a single plane of cleavage. Though a bold, and I think inadmissible,
stretch of analogies, this hypothesis has done good service. Right or wrong,
a thoughtfully uttered theory has a dynamic power which operates against
intellectual stagnation; and even by provoking opposition is eventually of
service to the cause of truth. It would, however, have been remarkable if,
among the ranks of geologists themselves, men were not found to seek an
explanation of slate-cleavage involving a less hardy assumption.
The first step in an enquiry of this kind is to seek facts. This has been done,
and the labours of Daniel Sharpe (the late President of the Geological
Society, who, to the loss of science and the sorrow of all who knew him, has
so suddenly been taken away from us), Mr. Henry Clifton Sorby, and others,
have furnished us with a body of facts associated with slaty cleavage, and
having a most important bearing upon the question.
geologists, and at the present day there are few who do not entertain this
view either in whole or in part. [Footnote: In a letter to Sir Charles Lyell,
dated from the Cape of Good Hope February 20, 1836, Sir John Herschel
writes as follows:— 'If rocks have been so heated as to allow of a
commencement of crystallisation, that is to say, if they have been heated to a
point at which the particles can begin to move amongst themselves, or at
least on their own axes, some general law must then determine the position
in which these particles will rest on cooling. Probably that position will have
some relation to the direction in which the heat escapes. Now when all or a
majority of particles of the same nature have a general tendency to one
position, that must of course determine a cleavage plane.'] The boldness of
the theory, indeed, has, in some cases, caused speculation to run riot, and we
have books published on the action of polar forces and geologic magnetism,
which rather astonish those who know something about the subject.
According to this theory whole districts of North Wales and Cumberland,
mountains included, are neither more nor less than the parts of a gigantic
crystal. These masses of slate were originally fine mud, composed of the
broken and abraded particles of older rocks. They contain silica, alumina,
potash, soda, and mica mixed mechanically together. In the course of ages
the mixture became consolidated, and the theory before us assumes that a
process of crystallisation afterwards rearranged the particles and developed
in it a single plane of cleavage. Though a bold, and I think inadmissible,
stretch of analogies, this hypothesis has done good service. Right or wrong,
a thoughtfully uttered theory has a dynamic power which operates against
intellectual stagnation; and even by provoking opposition is eventually of
service to the cause of truth. It would, however, have been remarkable if,
among the ranks of geologists themselves, men were not found to seek an
explanation of slate-cleavage involving a less hardy assumption.
The first step in an enquiry of this kind is to seek facts. This has been done,
and the labours of Daniel Sharpe (the late President of the Geological
Society, who, to the loss of science and the sorrow of all who knew him, has
so suddenly been taken away from us), Mr. Henry Clifton Sorby, and others,
have furnished us with a body of facts associated with slaty cleavage, and
having a most important bearing upon the question.
Page 295
Fossil shells are found in these slate-rocks. I have here several specimens of
such shells in the actual rock, and occupying various positions in regard to
the cleavage planes. They are squeezed, distorted, and crushed; in all cases
the distortion leads to the inference that the rock which contains these shells
has been subjected to enormous pressure in a direction at right angles to the
planes of cleavage. The shells are all flattened and spread out in these
planes. Compare this fossil trilobite of normal proportions with these others
which have suffered distortion. Some have lain across, some along, and
some oblique to the cleavage of the slate in which they are found; but in all
cases the distortion is such as required for its production a compressing force
acting at right angles to the planes of cleavage. As the trilobites lay in the
mud, the jaws of a gigantic vice appear to have closed upon them and
squeezed them into the shapes you see.
We sometimes find a thin layer of coarse gritty material, between two layers
of finer rock, through which and across the gritty layer pass the planes of
lamination. The coarse layer is found bent by the pressure into sinuosities
like a contorted ribbon. Mr. Sorby has described a striking case of this kind.
This crumpling can be experimentally imitated; the amount of compression
might, moreover, be roughly estimated by supposing the contorted bed to be
stretched out, its length measured and compared with the shorter distance
into which it has been squeezed. We find in this way that the yielding of the
mass has been considerable.
Let me now direct your attention to another proof of pressure; you see the
varying colours which indicate the bedding on this mass of slate. The dark
portion is gritty, being composed of comparatively coarse particles, which,
owing to their size, shape and gravity, sink first and constitute the bottom of
each layer. Gradually, from bottom to top the coarseness diminishes, and
near the upper surface we have a layer of exceedingly fine grain. It is the
fine mud thus consolidated from which are derived the German razor-stones,
so much prized for the sharpening of surgical instruments.
When a bed is thin, the fine-grain slate is permitted to rest upon a slab of the
coarse slate in contact with it; when the fine bed is thick, it is cut into slices
which are cemented to pieces of ordinary slate, and thus rendered stronger.
The mud thus deposited is, as might be expected, often rolled up into
nodular masses, carried forward, and deposited among coarser material by
such shells in the actual rock, and occupying various positions in regard to
the cleavage planes. They are squeezed, distorted, and crushed; in all cases
the distortion leads to the inference that the rock which contains these shells
has been subjected to enormous pressure in a direction at right angles to the
planes of cleavage. The shells are all flattened and spread out in these
planes. Compare this fossil trilobite of normal proportions with these others
which have suffered distortion. Some have lain across, some along, and
some oblique to the cleavage of the slate in which they are found; but in all
cases the distortion is such as required for its production a compressing force
acting at right angles to the planes of cleavage. As the trilobites lay in the
mud, the jaws of a gigantic vice appear to have closed upon them and
squeezed them into the shapes you see.
We sometimes find a thin layer of coarse gritty material, between two layers
of finer rock, through which and across the gritty layer pass the planes of
lamination. The coarse layer is found bent by the pressure into sinuosities
like a contorted ribbon. Mr. Sorby has described a striking case of this kind.
This crumpling can be experimentally imitated; the amount of compression
might, moreover, be roughly estimated by supposing the contorted bed to be
stretched out, its length measured and compared with the shorter distance
into which it has been squeezed. We find in this way that the yielding of the
mass has been considerable.
Let me now direct your attention to another proof of pressure; you see the
varying colours which indicate the bedding on this mass of slate. The dark
portion is gritty, being composed of comparatively coarse particles, which,
owing to their size, shape and gravity, sink first and constitute the bottom of
each layer. Gradually, from bottom to top the coarseness diminishes, and
near the upper surface we have a layer of exceedingly fine grain. It is the
fine mud thus consolidated from which are derived the German razor-stones,
so much prized for the sharpening of surgical instruments.
When a bed is thin, the fine-grain slate is permitted to rest upon a slab of the
coarse slate in contact with it; when the fine bed is thick, it is cut into slices
which are cemented to pieces of ordinary slate, and thus rendered stronger.
The mud thus deposited is, as might be expected, often rolled up into
nodular masses, carried forward, and deposited among coarser material by
Page 296
the rivers from which the slate-mud has subsided. Here are such nodules
enclosed in sandstone. Everybody, moreover, who has ciphered upon a
school-slate must remember the whitish-green spots which sometimes dotted
the surface of the slate, and over which the pencil usually slid as if the spots
were greasy. Now these spots are composed of the finer mud, and they could
not, on account of their fineness, bite the pencil like the surrounding gritty
portions of the slate. Here is a beautiful example of these spots: you observe
them, on the cleavage surface, in broad round patches. But turn the slate
edgeways and the section of each nodule is seen to be a sharp oval with its
longer axis parallel to the cleavage. This instructive fact has been adduced
by Mr. Sorby. I have made excursions to the quarries of Wales and
Cumberland, and to many of the slate yards of London, and found the fact
general. Thus we elevate a common experience of our boyhood into
evidence of the highest significance as regards a most important geological
problem. From the magnetic deportment of these slates, I was led to infer
that these spots contain a less amount of iron than the surrounding dark slate.
An analysis was made for me by Mr. Hambly in the laboratory of Dr. Percy
at the School of Mines with the following result :—
ANALYSIS OF SLATE.
Dark Slate, two analyses.
1. Percentage of iron 5.85
2. Percentage of iron 6.13
Mean 5.99
Whitish Green Slate.
enclosed in sandstone. Everybody, moreover, who has ciphered upon a
school-slate must remember the whitish-green spots which sometimes dotted
the surface of the slate, and over which the pencil usually slid as if the spots
were greasy. Now these spots are composed of the finer mud, and they could
not, on account of their fineness, bite the pencil like the surrounding gritty
portions of the slate. Here is a beautiful example of these spots: you observe
them, on the cleavage surface, in broad round patches. But turn the slate
edgeways and the section of each nodule is seen to be a sharp oval with its
longer axis parallel to the cleavage. This instructive fact has been adduced
by Mr. Sorby. I have made excursions to the quarries of Wales and
Cumberland, and to many of the slate yards of London, and found the fact
general. Thus we elevate a common experience of our boyhood into
evidence of the highest significance as regards a most important geological
problem. From the magnetic deportment of these slates, I was led to infer
that these spots contain a less amount of iron than the surrounding dark slate.
An analysis was made for me by Mr. Hambly in the laboratory of Dr. Percy
at the School of Mines with the following result :—
ANALYSIS OF SLATE.
Dark Slate, two analyses.
1. Percentage of iron 5.85
2. Percentage of iron 6.13
Mean 5.99
Whitish Green Slate.
Page 297
1. Percentage of iron 3.24
2. Percentage of iron 3.12
Mean 3.18
According to these analyses the quantity of iron in the dark slate
immediately adjacent to the greenish spot is nearly double the quantity
contained in the spot itself. This is about the proportion which the magnetic
experiments suggested.
Let me now remind you that the facts brought before you are typical — each
is the representative of a class. We have seen shells crushed; the trilobites
squeezed, beds contorted, nodules of greenish marl flattened; and all these
sources of independent testimony point to one and the same conclusion,
namely, that slate-rocks have been subjected to enormous pressure in a
direction at right angles to the Planes of cleavage.
In reference to Mr. Sorby's contorted bed, I have said that by supposing it to
be stretched out and its length measured, it would give us an idea of the
amount of yielding of the mass above and below the bed. Such a
measurement, however, would not give the exact amount of yielding. I hold
in my hand a specimen of slate with its bedding marked upon it; the lower
portions of each layer being composed of a comparatively coarse gritty
material something like what you may suppose the contorted bed to be
composed of. Now in crossing these gritty portions, the cleavage turns, as if
tending to cross the bedding at another angle. When the pressure began to
act, the intermediate bed, which is not entirely unyielding, suffered
longitudinal pressure; as it bent, the pressure became gradually more
transverse, and the direction of its cleavage is exactly such as you would
infer from an action of this kind — it is neither quite across the bed, nor yet
in the same direction as the cleavage of the slate above and below it, but
intermediate between both. Supposing the cleavage to be at right angles to
2. Percentage of iron 3.12
Mean 3.18
According to these analyses the quantity of iron in the dark slate
immediately adjacent to the greenish spot is nearly double the quantity
contained in the spot itself. This is about the proportion which the magnetic
experiments suggested.
Let me now remind you that the facts brought before you are typical — each
is the representative of a class. We have seen shells crushed; the trilobites
squeezed, beds contorted, nodules of greenish marl flattened; and all these
sources of independent testimony point to one and the same conclusion,
namely, that slate-rocks have been subjected to enormous pressure in a
direction at right angles to the Planes of cleavage.
In reference to Mr. Sorby's contorted bed, I have said that by supposing it to
be stretched out and its length measured, it would give us an idea of the
amount of yielding of the mass above and below the bed. Such a
measurement, however, would not give the exact amount of yielding. I hold
in my hand a specimen of slate with its bedding marked upon it; the lower
portions of each layer being composed of a comparatively coarse gritty
material something like what you may suppose the contorted bed to be
composed of. Now in crossing these gritty portions, the cleavage turns, as if
tending to cross the bedding at another angle. When the pressure began to
act, the intermediate bed, which is not entirely unyielding, suffered
longitudinal pressure; as it bent, the pressure became gradually more
transverse, and the direction of its cleavage is exactly such as you would
infer from an action of this kind — it is neither quite across the bed, nor yet
in the same direction as the cleavage of the slate above and below it, but
intermediate between both. Supposing the cleavage to be at right angles to
Page 298
the pressure, this is the direction which it ought to take across these more
unyielding strata.
Thus we have established the concurrence of the phenomena of cleavage and
pressure — that they accompany each other; but the question still remains, Is
the pressure sufficient to account for the cleavage? A single geologist, as far
as I am aware, answers boldly in the affirmative. This geologist is Sorby,
who has attacked the question in the true spirit of a physical investigator.
Call to mind the cleavage of the flags of Halifax and Over Darwen, which is
caused by the interposition of layers of mica between the gritty strata. Mr.
Sorby finds plates of mica to be also a constituent of slate-rock. He asks
himself, what will be the effect of pressure upon a mass containing such
plates confusedly mixed up in it? It will be, he argues, and he argues rightly,
to place the plates with their flat surfaces more or less perpendicular to the
direction in which the pressure is exerted. He takes scales of the oxide of
iron, mixes them with a fine powder, and on squeezing the mass finds that
the tendency of the scales is to set themselves at right angles to the line of
pressure. Along the planes of weakness produced by the scales the mass
cleaves.
By tests of a different character from those applied by Mr. Sorby, it might be
shown how true his conclusion is — that the effect of pressure on elongated
particles, or plates, will be such as he describes it. But while the scales must
be regarded as a true cause, I should not ascribe to them a large share in the
production of the cleavage. I believe that even if the plates of mica were
wholly absent, the cleavage of slate-rocks would be much the same as it is at
present.
Here is a mass of pure white wax: it contains no mica particles, no scales of
iron, or anything analogous to them. Here is the selfsame substance
submitted to pressure. I would invite the attention of the eminent geologists
now before me to the structure of this wax. No slate ever exhibited so clean a
cleavage; it splits into laminae of surpassing tenuity, and proves at a single
stroke that pressure is sufficient to produce cleavage, and that this cleavage
is independent of intermixed plates or scales. I have purposely mixed this
wax with elongated particles, and am unable to say at the present moment
that the cleavage is sensibly affected by their presence — if anything, I
should say they rather impair its fineness and clearness than promote it.
unyielding strata.
Thus we have established the concurrence of the phenomena of cleavage and
pressure — that they accompany each other; but the question still remains, Is
the pressure sufficient to account for the cleavage? A single geologist, as far
as I am aware, answers boldly in the affirmative. This geologist is Sorby,
who has attacked the question in the true spirit of a physical investigator.
Call to mind the cleavage of the flags of Halifax and Over Darwen, which is
caused by the interposition of layers of mica between the gritty strata. Mr.
Sorby finds plates of mica to be also a constituent of slate-rock. He asks
himself, what will be the effect of pressure upon a mass containing such
plates confusedly mixed up in it? It will be, he argues, and he argues rightly,
to place the plates with their flat surfaces more or less perpendicular to the
direction in which the pressure is exerted. He takes scales of the oxide of
iron, mixes them with a fine powder, and on squeezing the mass finds that
the tendency of the scales is to set themselves at right angles to the line of
pressure. Along the planes of weakness produced by the scales the mass
cleaves.
By tests of a different character from those applied by Mr. Sorby, it might be
shown how true his conclusion is — that the effect of pressure on elongated
particles, or plates, will be such as he describes it. But while the scales must
be regarded as a true cause, I should not ascribe to them a large share in the
production of the cleavage. I believe that even if the plates of mica were
wholly absent, the cleavage of slate-rocks would be much the same as it is at
present.
Here is a mass of pure white wax: it contains no mica particles, no scales of
iron, or anything analogous to them. Here is the selfsame substance
submitted to pressure. I would invite the attention of the eminent geologists
now before me to the structure of this wax. No slate ever exhibited so clean a
cleavage; it splits into laminae of surpassing tenuity, and proves at a single
stroke that pressure is sufficient to produce cleavage, and that this cleavage
is independent of intermixed plates or scales. I have purposely mixed this
wax with elongated particles, and am unable to say at the present moment
that the cleavage is sensibly affected by their presence — if anything, I
should say they rather impair its fineness and clearness than promote it.
Page 299
The finer the slate is the more perfect will be the resemblance of its cleavage
to that of the wax. Compare the surface of the wax with the surface of this
slate from Borrodale in Cumberland. You have precisely the same features in
both: you see flakes clinging to the surfaces of each, which have been
partially torn away in cleaving. Let any close observer compare these two
effects, he will, I am persuaded, be led to the conclusion that they are the
product of a common cause. [Footnote: I have usually softened the wax by
warming it, kneaded it with the fingers, and pressed it between thick plates
of glass previously wetted. At the ordinary summer temperature the pressed
wax is soft, and tears rather than cleaves; on this account I cool my
compressed specimens in a mixture of pounded ice and salt, and when thus
cooled they split cleanly.]
But you will ask me how, according to my view, does pressure produce this
remarkable result? This may be stated in a very few words.
There is no such thing in nature as a body of perfectly homogeneous
structure. I break this clay which seems so uniform, and find that the fracture
presents to my eyes innumerable surfaces along which it has given way, and
it has yielded along those surfaces because in them the cohesion of the mass
is less than elsewhere. I break this marble, and even this wax, and observe
the same result; look at the mud at the bottom of a dried pond; look at some
of the ungravelled walks in Kensington Gardens on drying after rain, — they
are cracked and split, and other circumstances being equal, they crack and
split where the cohesion is a minimum. Take then a mass of partially
consolidated mud. Such a mass is divided and subdivided by interior
surfaces along which the cohesion is comparatively small. Penetrate the
mass in idea, and you will see it composed of numberless irregular
polyhedra bounded by surfaces of weak cohesion. Imagine such a mass
subjected to pressure, — it yields and spreads out in the direction of least
resistance; [Footnote: It is scarcely necessary to say that if the mass were
squeezed equally in all directions no laminated structure could be produced;
it must have room to yield in a lateral direction. Mr. Warren De la Rue
informs me that he once wished to obtain white-lead in a fine granular state,
and to accomplish this he first compressed it. The mould was conical, and
permitted the lead to spread out a little laterally. The lamination was as
perfect as that of slate, and it quite defeated him in his effort to obtain a
granular powder. ] the little polyhedra become converted into laminae,
to that of the wax. Compare the surface of the wax with the surface of this
slate from Borrodale in Cumberland. You have precisely the same features in
both: you see flakes clinging to the surfaces of each, which have been
partially torn away in cleaving. Let any close observer compare these two
effects, he will, I am persuaded, be led to the conclusion that they are the
product of a common cause. [Footnote: I have usually softened the wax by
warming it, kneaded it with the fingers, and pressed it between thick plates
of glass previously wetted. At the ordinary summer temperature the pressed
wax is soft, and tears rather than cleaves; on this account I cool my
compressed specimens in a mixture of pounded ice and salt, and when thus
cooled they split cleanly.]
But you will ask me how, according to my view, does pressure produce this
remarkable result? This may be stated in a very few words.
There is no such thing in nature as a body of perfectly homogeneous
structure. I break this clay which seems so uniform, and find that the fracture
presents to my eyes innumerable surfaces along which it has given way, and
it has yielded along those surfaces because in them the cohesion of the mass
is less than elsewhere. I break this marble, and even this wax, and observe
the same result; look at the mud at the bottom of a dried pond; look at some
of the ungravelled walks in Kensington Gardens on drying after rain, — they
are cracked and split, and other circumstances being equal, they crack and
split where the cohesion is a minimum. Take then a mass of partially
consolidated mud. Such a mass is divided and subdivided by interior
surfaces along which the cohesion is comparatively small. Penetrate the
mass in idea, and you will see it composed of numberless irregular
polyhedra bounded by surfaces of weak cohesion. Imagine such a mass
subjected to pressure, — it yields and spreads out in the direction of least
resistance; [Footnote: It is scarcely necessary to say that if the mass were
squeezed equally in all directions no laminated structure could be produced;
it must have room to yield in a lateral direction. Mr. Warren De la Rue
informs me that he once wished to obtain white-lead in a fine granular state,
and to accomplish this he first compressed it. The mould was conical, and
permitted the lead to spread out a little laterally. The lamination was as
perfect as that of slate, and it quite defeated him in his effort to obtain a
granular powder. ] the little polyhedra become converted into laminae,
Page 300
separated from each other by surfaces of weak cohesion, and the infallible
result will be a tendency to cleave at right angles to the line of pressure.
Further, a mass of dried mud is full of cavities and fissures. If you break
dried pipe-clay you see them in great numbers, and there are multitudes of
them so small that you cannot see them. A flattening of these cavities must
take place in squeezed mud, and this must to some extent facilitate the
cleavage of the mass in the direction indicated.
Although the time at my disposal has not permitted me duly to develope
these thoughts, yet for the last twelve months the subject has presented itself
to me almost daily under one aspect or another. I have never eaten a biscuit
during this period without remarking the cleavage developed by the rolling-
pin. You have only to break a biscuit across, and to look at the fracture, to
see the laminated structure. We have here the means of pushing the analogy
further. I invite you to compare the structure of this slate, which was
subjected to a high temperature during the conflagration of Mr. Scott
Russell's premises, with that of a biscuit. Air or vapour within the slate has
caused it to swell, and the mechanical structure it reveals is precisely that of
a biscuit. During these enquiries I have received much instruction in the
manufacture of puff-paste. Here is some such paste baked under my own
superintendence. The cleavage of our hills is accidental cleavage, but this is
cleavage with intention. The volition of the pastrycook has entered into its
formation. It has been his aim to preserve a series of surfaces of structural
weakness, along which the dough divides into layers. Puff-paste in
preparation must not be handled too much; it ought, moreover, to be rolled
on a cold slab, to prevent the butter from melting, and diffusing itself, thus
rendering the paste more homogeneous and less liable to split. Puff-paste is,
then, simply an exaggerated case of slaty cleavage.
The principle here enunciated is so simple as to be almost trivial;
nevertheless, it embraces not only the cases mentioned, but, if time
permitted, it might be shown you that the principle has a much wider range
of application. When iron is taken from the puddling furnace it is more or
less spongy, an aggregate in fact of small nodules: it is at a welding heat, and
at this temperature is submitted to the process of rolling. Bright smooth bars
are the result. But notwithstanding the high heat the nodules do not perfectly
blend together. The process of rolling draws them into fibres. Here is a mass
result will be a tendency to cleave at right angles to the line of pressure.
Further, a mass of dried mud is full of cavities and fissures. If you break
dried pipe-clay you see them in great numbers, and there are multitudes of
them so small that you cannot see them. A flattening of these cavities must
take place in squeezed mud, and this must to some extent facilitate the
cleavage of the mass in the direction indicated.
Although the time at my disposal has not permitted me duly to develope
these thoughts, yet for the last twelve months the subject has presented itself
to me almost daily under one aspect or another. I have never eaten a biscuit
during this period without remarking the cleavage developed by the rolling-
pin. You have only to break a biscuit across, and to look at the fracture, to
see the laminated structure. We have here the means of pushing the analogy
further. I invite you to compare the structure of this slate, which was
subjected to a high temperature during the conflagration of Mr. Scott
Russell's premises, with that of a biscuit. Air or vapour within the slate has
caused it to swell, and the mechanical structure it reveals is precisely that of
a biscuit. During these enquiries I have received much instruction in the
manufacture of puff-paste. Here is some such paste baked under my own
superintendence. The cleavage of our hills is accidental cleavage, but this is
cleavage with intention. The volition of the pastrycook has entered into its
formation. It has been his aim to preserve a series of surfaces of structural
weakness, along which the dough divides into layers. Puff-paste in
preparation must not be handled too much; it ought, moreover, to be rolled
on a cold slab, to prevent the butter from melting, and diffusing itself, thus
rendering the paste more homogeneous and less liable to split. Puff-paste is,
then, simply an exaggerated case of slaty cleavage.
The principle here enunciated is so simple as to be almost trivial;
nevertheless, it embraces not only the cases mentioned, but, if time
permitted, it might be shown you that the principle has a much wider range
of application. When iron is taken from the puddling furnace it is more or
less spongy, an aggregate in fact of small nodules: it is at a welding heat, and
at this temperature is submitted to the process of rolling. Bright smooth bars
are the result. But notwithstanding the high heat the nodules do not perfectly
blend together. The process of rolling draws them into fibres. Here is a mass
Page 301
acted upon by dilute sulphuric acid, which exhibits in a striking manner this
fibrous structure. The experiment was made by my friend Dr. Percy, without
any reference to the question of cleavage.
Break a piece of ordinary iron and you have a granular fracture; heat the
iron, you elongate these granules, and finally render the mass fibrous. Here
are pieces of rails along which the wheels of locomotives have slid-den; the
granules have yielded and become plates. They exfoliate or come off in
leaves; all these effects belong, I believe, to the great class of phenomena of
which slaty cleavage forms the most prominent example. [Footnote: For
some further observations on this subject by Mr. Sorby and myself, see
Philosophical Magazine for August, 1856.]
We have now reached the termination of our task. You have witnessed the
phenomena of crystallisation, and have had placed before you the facts
which are found associated with the cleavage of slate rocks. Such facts, as
expressed by Helmholtz, are so many telescopes to our spiritual vision, by
which we can see backward through the night of antiquity, and discern the
forces which have been in operation upon the earth's surface
fibrous structure. The experiment was made by my friend Dr. Percy, without
any reference to the question of cleavage.
Break a piece of ordinary iron and you have a granular fracture; heat the
iron, you elongate these granules, and finally render the mass fibrous. Here
are pieces of rails along which the wheels of locomotives have slid-den; the
granules have yielded and become plates. They exfoliate or come off in
leaves; all these effects belong, I believe, to the great class of phenomena of
which slaty cleavage forms the most prominent example. [Footnote: For
some further observations on this subject by Mr. Sorby and myself, see
Philosophical Magazine for August, 1856.]
We have now reached the termination of our task. You have witnessed the
phenomena of crystallisation, and have had placed before you the facts
which are found associated with the cleavage of slate rocks. Such facts, as
expressed by Helmholtz, are so many telescopes to our spiritual vision, by
which we can see backward through the night of antiquity, and discern the
forces which have been in operation upon the earth's surface
Page 302
Ere the lion roared,
Or the eagle soared.
From evidence of the most independent and trustworthy character, we come
to the conclusion that these slaty masses have been subjected to enormous
pressure, and by the sure method of experiment we have shown — and this
is the only really new point which has been brought before you — how the
pressure is sufficient to produce the cleavage. Expanding our field of view,
we find the self-same law, whose footsteps we trace amid the crags of Wales
and Cumberland, extending into the domain of the pastrycook and
ironfounder; nay, a wheel cannot roll over the half-dried mud of our streets
without revealing to us more or less of the features of this law. Let me say, in
conclusion, that the spirit in which this problem has been attacked by
geologists, indicates the dawning of a new day for their science. The great
intellects who have laboured at geology, and who have raised it to its present
pitch of grandeur, were compelled to deal with the subject in mass; they had
no time to look after details. But the desire for more exact knowledge is
increasing; facts are flowing in which, while they leave untouched the
intrinsic wonders of geology, are gradually supplanting by solid truths the
uncertain speculations which beset the subject in its infancy. Geologists now
aim to imitate, as far as possible, the conditions of nature, and to produce her
results; they are approaching more and more to the domain of physics, and I
trust the day will soon come when we shall interlace our friendly arms
across the common boundary of our sciences, and pursue our respective
tasks in a spirit of mutual helpfulness, encouragement and goodwill.
[I would now lay more stress on the lateral yielding, referred to in the
footnote concerning Mr. Warren De la Rue's attempt to produce finely
granular white-lead, accompanied as it is by tangential sliding, than I was
prepared to do when this lecture was given. This sliding is, I think, the
principal cause of the planes of weakness, both in pressed wax and slate
rock. J. T. 1871.]
.
.
Or the eagle soared.
From evidence of the most independent and trustworthy character, we come
to the conclusion that these slaty masses have been subjected to enormous
pressure, and by the sure method of experiment we have shown — and this
is the only really new point which has been brought before you — how the
pressure is sufficient to produce the cleavage. Expanding our field of view,
we find the self-same law, whose footsteps we trace amid the crags of Wales
and Cumberland, extending into the domain of the pastrycook and
ironfounder; nay, a wheel cannot roll over the half-dried mud of our streets
without revealing to us more or less of the features of this law. Let me say, in
conclusion, that the spirit in which this problem has been attacked by
geologists, indicates the dawning of a new day for their science. The great
intellects who have laboured at geology, and who have raised it to its present
pitch of grandeur, were compelled to deal with the subject in mass; they had
no time to look after details. But the desire for more exact knowledge is
increasing; facts are flowing in which, while they leave untouched the
intrinsic wonders of geology, are gradually supplanting by solid truths the
uncertain speculations which beset the subject in its infancy. Geologists now
aim to imitate, as far as possible, the conditions of nature, and to produce her
results; they are approaching more and more to the domain of physics, and I
trust the day will soon come when we shall interlace our friendly arms
across the common boundary of our sciences, and pursue our respective
tasks in a spirit of mutual helpfulness, encouragement and goodwill.
[I would now lay more stress on the lateral yielding, referred to in the
footnote concerning Mr. Warren De la Rue's attempt to produce finely
granular white-lead, accompanied as it is by tangential sliding, than I was
prepared to do when this lecture was given. This sliding is, I think, the
principal cause of the planes of weakness, both in pressed wax and slate
rock. J. T. 1871.]
.
.
Page 303
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XIII. ON PARAMAGNETIC AND DIAMAGNETIC FORCES.
[Footnote: Abstract of a discourse delivered in the Royal Institution,
February 1, 1856.]
THE notion of an attractive force, which draws bodies towards the centre of
the earth, was entertained by Anaxagoras and his pupils, by Democritus,
Pythagoras, and Epicurus; and the conjectures of these ancients were
renewed by Galileo, Huyghens, and others, who stated that bodies attract
each other as a magnet attracts iron. Kepler applied the notion to bodies
beyond the surface of the earth, and affirmed the extension of this force to
the most distant stars. Thus it would appear, that in the attraction of iron by a
magnet originated the conception of the force of gravitation. Nevertheless, if
we look closely at the matter, it will be seen that the magnetic force
possesses characters strikingly distinct from those of the force which holds
the universe together. The theory of gravitation is, that every particle of
matter attracts every other particle; in magnetism also we have attraction, but
we have always, at the same time, repulsion, the final effect being due to the
difference of these two forces. A body may be intensely acted on by a
magnet, and still no motion of translation will follow, if the repulsion be
equal to the attraction. Previous to magnetization, a dipping needle, when its
centre of gravity is supported, stands accurately level; but, after
magnetization, one end of it, in our latitude, is pulled towards the north pole
of the earth. The needle, however, being suspended from the arm of a fine
balance, its weight is found unaltered by its magnetization. In like manner,
when the needle is permitted to float upon a liquid, and thus to follow the
attraction of the north magnetic pole of the earth, there is no motion of the
mass towards that pole. The reason is known to be, that although the marked
.
--------------------
.
.
XIII. ON PARAMAGNETIC AND DIAMAGNETIC FORCES.
[Footnote: Abstract of a discourse delivered in the Royal Institution,
February 1, 1856.]
THE notion of an attractive force, which draws bodies towards the centre of
the earth, was entertained by Anaxagoras and his pupils, by Democritus,
Pythagoras, and Epicurus; and the conjectures of these ancients were
renewed by Galileo, Huyghens, and others, who stated that bodies attract
each other as a magnet attracts iron. Kepler applied the notion to bodies
beyond the surface of the earth, and affirmed the extension of this force to
the most distant stars. Thus it would appear, that in the attraction of iron by a
magnet originated the conception of the force of gravitation. Nevertheless, if
we look closely at the matter, it will be seen that the magnetic force
possesses characters strikingly distinct from those of the force which holds
the universe together. The theory of gravitation is, that every particle of
matter attracts every other particle; in magnetism also we have attraction, but
we have always, at the same time, repulsion, the final effect being due to the
difference of these two forces. A body may be intensely acted on by a
magnet, and still no motion of translation will follow, if the repulsion be
equal to the attraction. Previous to magnetization, a dipping needle, when its
centre of gravity is supported, stands accurately level; but, after
magnetization, one end of it, in our latitude, is pulled towards the north pole
of the earth. The needle, however, being suspended from the arm of a fine
balance, its weight is found unaltered by its magnetization. In like manner,
when the needle is permitted to float upon a liquid, and thus to follow the
attraction of the north magnetic pole of the earth, there is no motion of the
mass towards that pole. The reason is known to be, that although the marked
Page 304
end of the needle is attracted by the north pole, the unmarked end is repelled
by an equal force, the two equal and opposite forces neutralizing each other.
When the pole of an ordinary magnet is brought to act upon the swimming
needle, the latter is attracted, — the reason being that the attracted end of the
needle being nearer to the pole of the magnet than the repelled end, the force
of attraction is the more powerful of the two. In the case of the earth, its pole
is so distant that the length of the needle is practically zero. In like manner,
when a piece of iron is presented to a magnet, the nearer parts are attracted,
while the more distant parts are repelled; and because the attracted portions
are nearer to the magnet than the repelled ones, we have a balance in favour
of attraction. Here then is the special characteristic of the magnetic force,
which distinguishes it from that of gravitation. The latter is a simple unpolar
force, while the former is duplex or polar. Were gravitation like magnetism,
a stone would no more fall to the ground than a piece of iron towards the
north magnetic pole: and thus, however rich in consequences the supposition
of Kepler and others may have been, it is clear that a force like that of
magnetism would not be able to transact the business of the universe.
The object of this discourse is to enquire whether the force of diamagnetism,
which manifests itself as a repulsion of certain bodies by the poles of a
magnet, is to be ranged as a polar force, beside that of magnetism; or as an
unpolar force, beside that of gravitation. When a cylinder of soft iron is
placed within a wire helix, and surrounded by an electric current, the
antithesis of its two ends, or, in other words, its polar excitation, is at once
manifested by its action upon a magnetic needle; and it may be asked why a
cylinder of bismuth may not be substituted for the cylinder of iron, and its
state similarly examined. The reason is, that the excitement of the bismuth is
so feeble, that it would be quite masked by that of the helix in which it is
enclosed; and the problem that now meets us is, so to excite a diamagnetic
body that the pure action of the body upon a magnetic needle may be
observed, unmixed with the action of the body used to excite the
diamagnetic.
by an equal force, the two equal and opposite forces neutralizing each other.
When the pole of an ordinary magnet is brought to act upon the swimming
needle, the latter is attracted, — the reason being that the attracted end of the
needle being nearer to the pole of the magnet than the repelled end, the force
of attraction is the more powerful of the two. In the case of the earth, its pole
is so distant that the length of the needle is practically zero. In like manner,
when a piece of iron is presented to a magnet, the nearer parts are attracted,
while the more distant parts are repelled; and because the attracted portions
are nearer to the magnet than the repelled ones, we have a balance in favour
of attraction. Here then is the special characteristic of the magnetic force,
which distinguishes it from that of gravitation. The latter is a simple unpolar
force, while the former is duplex or polar. Were gravitation like magnetism,
a stone would no more fall to the ground than a piece of iron towards the
north magnetic pole: and thus, however rich in consequences the supposition
of Kepler and others may have been, it is clear that a force like that of
magnetism would not be able to transact the business of the universe.
The object of this discourse is to enquire whether the force of diamagnetism,
which manifests itself as a repulsion of certain bodies by the poles of a
magnet, is to be ranged as a polar force, beside that of magnetism; or as an
unpolar force, beside that of gravitation. When a cylinder of soft iron is
placed within a wire helix, and surrounded by an electric current, the
antithesis of its two ends, or, in other words, its polar excitation, is at once
manifested by its action upon a magnetic needle; and it may be asked why a
cylinder of bismuth may not be substituted for the cylinder of iron, and its
state similarly examined. The reason is, that the excitement of the bismuth is
so feeble, that it would be quite masked by that of the helix in which it is
enclosed; and the problem that now meets us is, so to excite a diamagnetic
body that the pure action of the body upon a magnetic needle may be
observed, unmixed with the action of the body used to excite the
diamagnetic.
Page 305
How
this has been effected may be illustrated in the following manner:—
When through an upright helix of covered copper wire, a voltaic current is
sent, the top of the helix attracts, while its bottom repels, the same pole of a
magnetic needle; its central point, on the contrary, is neutral, and exhibits
neither attraction nor repulsion. Such a helix is caused to stand between the
two poles N's' of an astatic system. [Footnote: The reversal of the poles of
the two magnets, which were of the same strength, completely annulled the
action of the earth as a magnet.] The two magnets S N' and S'N are united
by a rigid cross piece at their centres, and are suspended from the point a, so
that both magnets swing in the same horizontal plane. It is so arranged that
the poles N' s' are opposite to the central or neutral point of the helix, so that
when a current is sent through the latter, the magnets, as before explained,
are unaffected. Here then we have an excited helix which itself has no action
upon the magnets, and we are thus enabled to examine the action of a body
placed within the helix and excited by it, undisturbed by the influence of the
latter. The helix being 12 inches high, a cylinder of soft iron 6 inches long,
suspended from a string and passing over a pulley, can be raised or lowered
within the helix. When it is so far sunk that its lower end rests upon the
table, the upper end finds itself between the poles N´S´ of the astatic system.
The iron cylinder is thus converted into a strong magnet, attracting one of
the poles, and repelling the other, and consequently deflecting the entire
astatic system. When the cylinder is raised so that the upper end is at the
level of the top of the helix, its lower end comes between the poles N´S´; and
a deflection opposed in direction to the former one is the immediate
this has been effected may be illustrated in the following manner:—
When through an upright helix of covered copper wire, a voltaic current is
sent, the top of the helix attracts, while its bottom repels, the same pole of a
magnetic needle; its central point, on the contrary, is neutral, and exhibits
neither attraction nor repulsion. Such a helix is caused to stand between the
two poles N's' of an astatic system. [Footnote: The reversal of the poles of
the two magnets, which were of the same strength, completely annulled the
action of the earth as a magnet.] The two magnets S N' and S'N are united
by a rigid cross piece at their centres, and are suspended from the point a, so
that both magnets swing in the same horizontal plane. It is so arranged that
the poles N' s' are opposite to the central or neutral point of the helix, so that
when a current is sent through the latter, the magnets, as before explained,
are unaffected. Here then we have an excited helix which itself has no action
upon the magnets, and we are thus enabled to examine the action of a body
placed within the helix and excited by it, undisturbed by the influence of the
latter. The helix being 12 inches high, a cylinder of soft iron 6 inches long,
suspended from a string and passing over a pulley, can be raised or lowered
within the helix. When it is so far sunk that its lower end rests upon the
table, the upper end finds itself between the poles N´S´ of the astatic system.
The iron cylinder is thus converted into a strong magnet, attracting one of
the poles, and repelling the other, and consequently deflecting the entire
astatic system. When the cylinder is raised so that the upper end is at the
level of the top of the helix, its lower end comes between the poles N´S´; and
a deflection opposed in direction to the former one is the immediate
Page 306
consequence. To render these deflections more easily visible, a mirror m is
attached to the system of magnets; a beam of light thrown upon the mirror
being reflected and projected as a bright disk against the wall. The distance
of this image from the mirror being considerable, and its angular motion
double that of the latter, a very slight motion of the magnet is sufficient to
produce a displacement of the image through several yards.
This then is the principle of the beautiful apparatus [Footnote: Devised by
Prof. W. Weber, and constructed by M. Leyser, of Leipzig.] by which the
investigation was conducted. It is manifest that if a second helix be placed
between the poles SN with a cylinder within it, the action upon the astatic
magnet may be exalted. This was the arrangement made use of in the actual
enquiry. Thus to intensify the feeble action, which it is here our object to
seek, we have in the first place neutralized the action of the earth upon the
magnets, by placing them astatically. Secondly, by making use of two
cylinders, and permitting them to act simultaneously on the four poles of the
magnets, we have rendered the deflecting force four times what it would be,
if only a single pole were used. Finally, the whole apparatus was enclosed in
a suitable case which protected the magnets from air-currents, and the
deflections were read off through a glass plate in the case, by means of a
telescope and scale placed at a considerable distance from the instrument.
A pair of bismuth cylinders was first examined. Sending a current through
the helices, and observing that the magnets swung perfectly free, it was first
arranged that the bismuth cylinders within the helices had their central or
neutral points opposite to the poles of the magnets. All being at rest the
number on the scale marked by the cross wire of the telescope was 572. The
cylinders were then moved, one up the other down, so that two of their ends
were brought to bear simultaneously upon the magnetic poles: the magnet
moved promptly, and after some oscillations [Footnote: To lessen these a
copper damper was made use of.] came to rest at the number 612; thus
moving from a smaller to a larger number. The other two ends of the bars
were next brought to bear upon the magnet: a prompt deflection was the
consequence, and the final position of equilibrium was 526; the movement
being from a larger to a smaller number. We thus observe a manifest polar
action of the bismuth cylinders upon the magnet; one pair of ends deflecting
it in one direction, and the other pair deflecting it in the opposite direction.
attached to the system of magnets; a beam of light thrown upon the mirror
being reflected and projected as a bright disk against the wall. The distance
of this image from the mirror being considerable, and its angular motion
double that of the latter, a very slight motion of the magnet is sufficient to
produce a displacement of the image through several yards.
This then is the principle of the beautiful apparatus [Footnote: Devised by
Prof. W. Weber, and constructed by M. Leyser, of Leipzig.] by which the
investigation was conducted. It is manifest that if a second helix be placed
between the poles SN with a cylinder within it, the action upon the astatic
magnet may be exalted. This was the arrangement made use of in the actual
enquiry. Thus to intensify the feeble action, which it is here our object to
seek, we have in the first place neutralized the action of the earth upon the
magnets, by placing them astatically. Secondly, by making use of two
cylinders, and permitting them to act simultaneously on the four poles of the
magnets, we have rendered the deflecting force four times what it would be,
if only a single pole were used. Finally, the whole apparatus was enclosed in
a suitable case which protected the magnets from air-currents, and the
deflections were read off through a glass plate in the case, by means of a
telescope and scale placed at a considerable distance from the instrument.
A pair of bismuth cylinders was first examined. Sending a current through
the helices, and observing that the magnets swung perfectly free, it was first
arranged that the bismuth cylinders within the helices had their central or
neutral points opposite to the poles of the magnets. All being at rest the
number on the scale marked by the cross wire of the telescope was 572. The
cylinders were then moved, one up the other down, so that two of their ends
were brought to bear simultaneously upon the magnetic poles: the magnet
moved promptly, and after some oscillations [Footnote: To lessen these a
copper damper was made use of.] came to rest at the number 612; thus
moving from a smaller to a larger number. The other two ends of the bars
were next brought to bear upon the magnet: a prompt deflection was the
consequence, and the final position of equilibrium was 526; the movement
being from a larger to a smaller number. We thus observe a manifest polar
action of the bismuth cylinders upon the magnet; one pair of ends deflecting
it in one direction, and the other pair deflecting it in the opposite direction.
Page 307
Substituting for the cylinders of bismuth thin cylinders of iron, of magnetic
slate, of sulphate of iron, carbonate of iron, protochloride of iron, red
ferrocyanide of potassium, and other magnetic bodies, it was found that
when the position of the magnetic cylinders was the same as that of the
cylinders of bismuth, the deflection produced by the former was always
opposed in direction to that produced by the latter; and hence the disposition
of the force in the diamagnetic body must have been precisely antithetical to
its disposition in the magnetic ones.
But it will be urged, and indeed has been urged against this inference, that
the deflection produced by the bismuth cylinders may be due to induced
currents excited in the metal by its motion within the helices. In reply to this
objection, it may be stated, in the first place, that the deflection is permanent,
and cannot therefore be due to induced currents, which are only of
momentary duration. It has also been urged that such experiments ought to
be made with other metals, and with better conductors than bismuth; for if
due to currents of induction, the better the conductor the more exalted will
be the effect. This requirement was complied with.
Cylinders of antimony were substituted for those of bismuth. This metal is a
better conductor of electricity, but less strongly diamagnetic than bismuth. If
therefore the action referred to be due to induced currents we ought to have
it greater in the case of antimony than with bismuth; but if it springs from a
true diamagnetic polarity, the action of the bismuth ought to exceed that of
the antimony. Experiment proves this to be the case. Hence the deflection
produced by these metals is due to their diamagnetic, and not to their
conductive capacity. Copper cylinders were next examined: here we have a
metal which conducts electricity fifty times better than bismuth, but its
diamagnetic power is nearly null; if the effects be due to induced currents we
ought to have them here in an enormously exaggerated degree, but no
sensible deflection was produced by the two cylinders of copper.
It has also been proposed by the opponents of diamagnetic polarity to coat
fragments of bismuth with some insulating substance, so as to render the
formation of induced currents impossible, and to test the question with
cylinders of these fragments. This requirement was also fulfilled. It is only
necessary to reduce the bismuth to powder and expose it for a short time to
the air to cause the particles to become so far oxidised as to render them
slate, of sulphate of iron, carbonate of iron, protochloride of iron, red
ferrocyanide of potassium, and other magnetic bodies, it was found that
when the position of the magnetic cylinders was the same as that of the
cylinders of bismuth, the deflection produced by the former was always
opposed in direction to that produced by the latter; and hence the disposition
of the force in the diamagnetic body must have been precisely antithetical to
its disposition in the magnetic ones.
But it will be urged, and indeed has been urged against this inference, that
the deflection produced by the bismuth cylinders may be due to induced
currents excited in the metal by its motion within the helices. In reply to this
objection, it may be stated, in the first place, that the deflection is permanent,
and cannot therefore be due to induced currents, which are only of
momentary duration. It has also been urged that such experiments ought to
be made with other metals, and with better conductors than bismuth; for if
due to currents of induction, the better the conductor the more exalted will
be the effect. This requirement was complied with.
Cylinders of antimony were substituted for those of bismuth. This metal is a
better conductor of electricity, but less strongly diamagnetic than bismuth. If
therefore the action referred to be due to induced currents we ought to have
it greater in the case of antimony than with bismuth; but if it springs from a
true diamagnetic polarity, the action of the bismuth ought to exceed that of
the antimony. Experiment proves this to be the case. Hence the deflection
produced by these metals is due to their diamagnetic, and not to their
conductive capacity. Copper cylinders were next examined: here we have a
metal which conducts electricity fifty times better than bismuth, but its
diamagnetic power is nearly null; if the effects be due to induced currents we
ought to have them here in an enormously exaggerated degree, but no
sensible deflection was produced by the two cylinders of copper.
It has also been proposed by the opponents of diamagnetic polarity to coat
fragments of bismuth with some insulating substance, so as to render the
formation of induced currents impossible, and to test the question with
cylinders of these fragments. This requirement was also fulfilled. It is only
necessary to reduce the bismuth to powder and expose it for a short time to
the air to cause the particles to become so far oxidised as to render them
Page 308
perfectly insulating. The insulating power of the powder was exhibited
experimentally; nevertheless, this powder, enclosed in glass tubes, exhibited
an action scarcely less powerful than that of the massive bismuth cylinders.
But the most rigid proof, a proof admitted to be conclusive by those who
have denied the antithesis of magnetism and diamagnetism, remains to be
stated. Prisms of the same heavy glass as that with which the diamagnetic
force was discovered, were substituted for the metallic cylinders, and their
action upon the magnet was proved to be precisely the same in kind as that
of the cylinders of bismuth. The enquiry was also extended to other
insulators: to phosphorus, sulphur, nitre, calcareous spar, statuary marble,
with the same invariable result: each of these substances was proved to be
polar, the disposition of the force being the same as that of bismuth and the
reverse of that of iron. When a bar of iron is set erect, its lower end is known
to be a north pole, and its upper end a south pole, in virtue of the earth's
induction. A marble statue, on the contrary, has its feet a south pole, and its
head a north pole, and there is no doubt that the same remark applies to its
living archetype; each man walking over the earth's surface is a true
diamagnet, with its poles the reverse of those of a mass of magnetic matter
of the same shape and position.
An experiment of practical value, as affording a ready estimate of the
different conductive powers of two metals for electricity, was exhibited in
the lecture, for the purpose of proving experimentally some of the statements
made in reference to this subject. A cube of bismuth was suspended by a
twisted string between the two poles of an electro-magnet. The cube was
attached by a short copper wire to a little square pyramid, the base of which
was horizontal, and its sides formed of four small triangular pieces of
looking-glass. A beam of light was suffered to fall upon this reflector, and as
the reflector followed the motion of the cube the images cast from its sides
followed each other in succession, each describing a circle about thirty feet
in diameter. As the velocity of rotation augmented, these images blended
into a continuous ring of light. At a particular instant the electro-magnet was
excited, currents were evolved in the rotating cube, and the strength of these
currents, which increases with the conductivity of the cube for electricity,
was practically estimated by the time required to bring the cube and its
associated mirrors to a state of rest. With bismuth this time amounted to a
experimentally; nevertheless, this powder, enclosed in glass tubes, exhibited
an action scarcely less powerful than that of the massive bismuth cylinders.
But the most rigid proof, a proof admitted to be conclusive by those who
have denied the antithesis of magnetism and diamagnetism, remains to be
stated. Prisms of the same heavy glass as that with which the diamagnetic
force was discovered, were substituted for the metallic cylinders, and their
action upon the magnet was proved to be precisely the same in kind as that
of the cylinders of bismuth. The enquiry was also extended to other
insulators: to phosphorus, sulphur, nitre, calcareous spar, statuary marble,
with the same invariable result: each of these substances was proved to be
polar, the disposition of the force being the same as that of bismuth and the
reverse of that of iron. When a bar of iron is set erect, its lower end is known
to be a north pole, and its upper end a south pole, in virtue of the earth's
induction. A marble statue, on the contrary, has its feet a south pole, and its
head a north pole, and there is no doubt that the same remark applies to its
living archetype; each man walking over the earth's surface is a true
diamagnet, with its poles the reverse of those of a mass of magnetic matter
of the same shape and position.
An experiment of practical value, as affording a ready estimate of the
different conductive powers of two metals for electricity, was exhibited in
the lecture, for the purpose of proving experimentally some of the statements
made in reference to this subject. A cube of bismuth was suspended by a
twisted string between the two poles of an electro-magnet. The cube was
attached by a short copper wire to a little square pyramid, the base of which
was horizontal, and its sides formed of four small triangular pieces of
looking-glass. A beam of light was suffered to fall upon this reflector, and as
the reflector followed the motion of the cube the images cast from its sides
followed each other in succession, each describing a circle about thirty feet
in diameter. As the velocity of rotation augmented, these images blended
into a continuous ring of light. At a particular instant the electro-magnet was
excited, currents were evolved in the rotating cube, and the strength of these
currents, which increases with the conductivity of the cube for electricity,
was practically estimated by the time required to bring the cube and its
associated mirrors to a state of rest. With bismuth this time amounted to a
Page 309
score of seconds or more: a cube of copper, on the contrary, was struck
almost instantly motionless when the circuit was established.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XIV. PHYSICAL BASIS OF SOLAR CHEMISTRY.
[Footnote: From a discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, June 7, 1861.]
OMITTING all preface, attention was first drawn to an experimental
arrangement intended to prove that gaseous bodies radiate heat in different
degrees. Near a double screen of polished tin was placed an ordinary ring
gas-burner, and on this was placed a hot copper ball, from which a column
of heated air ascended. Behind the screen, but so situated that no ray from
the ball could reach the instrument, was an excellent Thermo-electric pile,
connected by wires with a very delicate galvanometer. The pile was known
to be an instrument whereby heat is applied to the generation of electric
currents; the strength of the current being an accurate measure of the
quantity of the heat. As long as both faces of the pile are at the same
temperature, no current is produced; but the slightest difference in the
temperature of the two faces at once declares itself by the production of a
current, which, when carried through the galvanometer, indicates by the
deflection. of the needle both its strength and its direction.
The two faces of the pile were in the first instance brought to the same
temperature; the equilibrium being shown by the needle of the galvanometer
almost instantly motionless when the circuit was established.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XIV. PHYSICAL BASIS OF SOLAR CHEMISTRY.
[Footnote: From a discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, June 7, 1861.]
OMITTING all preface, attention was first drawn to an experimental
arrangement intended to prove that gaseous bodies radiate heat in different
degrees. Near a double screen of polished tin was placed an ordinary ring
gas-burner, and on this was placed a hot copper ball, from which a column
of heated air ascended. Behind the screen, but so situated that no ray from
the ball could reach the instrument, was an excellent Thermo-electric pile,
connected by wires with a very delicate galvanometer. The pile was known
to be an instrument whereby heat is applied to the generation of electric
currents; the strength of the current being an accurate measure of the
quantity of the heat. As long as both faces of the pile are at the same
temperature, no current is produced; but the slightest difference in the
temperature of the two faces at once declares itself by the production of a
current, which, when carried through the galvanometer, indicates by the
deflection. of the needle both its strength and its direction.
The two faces of the pile were in the first instance brought to the same
temperature; the equilibrium being shown by the needle of the galvanometer
Page 310
standing at zero. The rays emitted by the current of hot air already referred
to were permitted to fall upon one of the faces of the pile; and an extremely
slight movement of the needle showed that the radiation from the hot air,
though sensible, was extremely feeble. Connected with the ring-burner was a
holder containing oxygen gas; and by turning a cock, a stream of this gas
was permitted to issue from the burner, strike the copper ball, and ascend in
a heated column in front of the pile. The result was, that oxygen showed
itself, as a radiator of heat, to be quite as feeble as atmospheric air.
A second holder containing olefiant gas was then connected with the ring-
burner. Oxygen and air had already flowed over the ball and cooled it in
some degree. Hence the olefiant gas laboured under a disadvantage. But on
permitting the gas to rise from the ball, it casts an amount of heat against the
adjacent face of the pile sufficient to impel the needle of the galvanometer
almost to 90°. This experiment proved the vast difference between two
equally invisible gases with regard to their power of emitting radiant heat.
The converse experiment was now performed. The thermo-electric pile was
removed and placed between two cubes filled with water kept in a state of
constant ebullition; and it was so arranged that the quantities of heat falling
from the cubes on the opposite faces of the pile were exactly equal, thus
neutralising each other. The needle of the galvanometer being at zero, a sheet
of oxygen gas was caused to issue from a slit between one of the cubes and
the adjacent face of the pile. If this sheet of gas possessed any sensible
power of intercepting the thermal rays from the cube, one face of the pile
being deprived of the heat thus intercepted, a difference of temperature
between its two faces would instantly set in, and the result would be declared
by the galvanometer. The quantity absorbed by the oxygen under those
circumstances was too feeble to affect the galvanometer; the gas, in fact,
proved perfectly transparent to the rays of heat. It had but a feeble power of
radiation: it had an equally feeble power of absorption.
The pile remaining in its position, a sheet of olefiant gas was caused to issue
from the same slit as that through which the oxygen had passed. No one
present could see the gas; it was quite invisible, the light went through it as
freely as through oxygen or air; but its effect upon the thermal rays
emanating from the cube was what might be expected from a sheet of metal.
A quantity so large was cut off, that the needle of the galvanometer,
to were permitted to fall upon one of the faces of the pile; and an extremely
slight movement of the needle showed that the radiation from the hot air,
though sensible, was extremely feeble. Connected with the ring-burner was a
holder containing oxygen gas; and by turning a cock, a stream of this gas
was permitted to issue from the burner, strike the copper ball, and ascend in
a heated column in front of the pile. The result was, that oxygen showed
itself, as a radiator of heat, to be quite as feeble as atmospheric air.
A second holder containing olefiant gas was then connected with the ring-
burner. Oxygen and air had already flowed over the ball and cooled it in
some degree. Hence the olefiant gas laboured under a disadvantage. But on
permitting the gas to rise from the ball, it casts an amount of heat against the
adjacent face of the pile sufficient to impel the needle of the galvanometer
almost to 90°. This experiment proved the vast difference between two
equally invisible gases with regard to their power of emitting radiant heat.
The converse experiment was now performed. The thermo-electric pile was
removed and placed between two cubes filled with water kept in a state of
constant ebullition; and it was so arranged that the quantities of heat falling
from the cubes on the opposite faces of the pile were exactly equal, thus
neutralising each other. The needle of the galvanometer being at zero, a sheet
of oxygen gas was caused to issue from a slit between one of the cubes and
the adjacent face of the pile. If this sheet of gas possessed any sensible
power of intercepting the thermal rays from the cube, one face of the pile
being deprived of the heat thus intercepted, a difference of temperature
between its two faces would instantly set in, and the result would be declared
by the galvanometer. The quantity absorbed by the oxygen under those
circumstances was too feeble to affect the galvanometer; the gas, in fact,
proved perfectly transparent to the rays of heat. It had but a feeble power of
radiation: it had an equally feeble power of absorption.
The pile remaining in its position, a sheet of olefiant gas was caused to issue
from the same slit as that through which the oxygen had passed. No one
present could see the gas; it was quite invisible, the light went through it as
freely as through oxygen or air; but its effect upon the thermal rays
emanating from the cube was what might be expected from a sheet of metal.
A quantity so large was cut off, that the needle of the galvanometer,
Page 311
promptly quitting the zero line, moved with energy to its stops. Thus the
olefiant gas, so light and clear and pervious to luminous rays, was proved to
be a most potent destroyer of the rays emanating from an obscure source.
The reciprocity of action established in the case of oxygen comes out here;
the good radiator is found by this experiment to be the good absorber.
This result, now exhibited before a public audience for the first time, was
typical of what had been obtained with gases generally. Going through the
entire list of gases and vapours in this way, we find radiation and absorption
to be as rigidly associated as positive and negative in electricity, or as north
and south polarity in magnetism. So that if we make the number which
expresses the absorptive power the numerator of a fraction, and that which
expresses its radiative power the denominator, the result would be, that on
account of the numerator and denominator varying in the same, proportion,
the value of that fraction would always remain the same, whatever might be
the gas or vapour experimented with.
But why should this reciprocity exist? What is the meaning of absorption?
what is the meaning of radiation? When you cast a stone into still water,
rings of waves surround the place where it falls; motion is radiated on all
sides from the centre of disturbance. When a hammer strikes a bell, the latter
vibrates; and sound, which is nothing more than an undulatory motion of the
air, is radiated in all directions. Modern philosophy reduces light and heat to
the same mechanical category. A luminous body is one with its atoms in a
state of vibration; a hot body is one with its atoms also vibrating, but at a
rate which is incompetent to excite the sense of vision; and, as a sounding
body has the air around it, through which it propagates its vibrations, so also
the luminous or heated body has a medium, called aether, which accepts its
motions and carries them forward with inconceivable velocity. Radiation,
then, as regards both light and heat, is the transference of motion from the
vibrating body to the aether in which it swings: and, as in the case of sound,
the motion imparted to the air is soon transferred to surrounding objects,
against which the aerial undulations strike, the sound being, in technical
language, absorbed; so also with regard to light and heat, absorption consists
in the transference of motion from the agitated aether to the molecules of the
absorbing body.
olefiant gas, so light and clear and pervious to luminous rays, was proved to
be a most potent destroyer of the rays emanating from an obscure source.
The reciprocity of action established in the case of oxygen comes out here;
the good radiator is found by this experiment to be the good absorber.
This result, now exhibited before a public audience for the first time, was
typical of what had been obtained with gases generally. Going through the
entire list of gases and vapours in this way, we find radiation and absorption
to be as rigidly associated as positive and negative in electricity, or as north
and south polarity in magnetism. So that if we make the number which
expresses the absorptive power the numerator of a fraction, and that which
expresses its radiative power the denominator, the result would be, that on
account of the numerator and denominator varying in the same, proportion,
the value of that fraction would always remain the same, whatever might be
the gas or vapour experimented with.
But why should this reciprocity exist? What is the meaning of absorption?
what is the meaning of radiation? When you cast a stone into still water,
rings of waves surround the place where it falls; motion is radiated on all
sides from the centre of disturbance. When a hammer strikes a bell, the latter
vibrates; and sound, which is nothing more than an undulatory motion of the
air, is radiated in all directions. Modern philosophy reduces light and heat to
the same mechanical category. A luminous body is one with its atoms in a
state of vibration; a hot body is one with its atoms also vibrating, but at a
rate which is incompetent to excite the sense of vision; and, as a sounding
body has the air around it, through which it propagates its vibrations, so also
the luminous or heated body has a medium, called aether, which accepts its
motions and carries them forward with inconceivable velocity. Radiation,
then, as regards both light and heat, is the transference of motion from the
vibrating body to the aether in which it swings: and, as in the case of sound,
the motion imparted to the air is soon transferred to surrounding objects,
against which the aerial undulations strike, the sound being, in technical
language, absorbed; so also with regard to light and heat, absorption consists
in the transference of motion from the agitated aether to the molecules of the
absorbing body.
Page 312
The simple atoms are found to be bad radiators; the compound atoms good
ones: and the higher the degree of complexity in the atomic grouping, the
more potent, as a general rule, is the radiation and absorption. Let us get
definite ideas here, however gross, and purify them afterwards by the
process of abstraction. Imagine our simple atoms swinging like single
spheres in the aether; they cannot create the swell which a group of them
united to form a system can produce. An oar runs freely edgeways through
the water, and imparts far less of its motion to the water than when its broad
flat side is brought to bear upon it. In our present language the oar, broad
side vertical, is a good radiator; broad side horizontal, it is a bad radiator.
Conversely the waves of water, impinging upon the flat face of the oar-
blade, will impart a greater amount of motion to it than when impinging
upon the edge. In the position in which the oar radiates well, it also absorbs
well. Simple atoms glide through the aether without much resistance;
compound ones encounter resistance, and hence yield up more speedily their
motion to the aether. Mix oxygen and nitrogen mechanically, they absorb and
radiate a certain amount of heat. Cause these gases to combine chemically
and form nitrous oxide, both the absorption and radiation are thereby
augmented hundreds of times!
In this way we look with the telescope of the intellect into atomic systems,
and obtain a conception of processes which the eye of sense can never reach.
But gases and vapours possess a power of choice as to the rays which they
absorb. They single out certain groups of rays for destruction, and allow
other groups to pass unharmed. This is best illustrated by a famous
experiment of Sir David Brewster's, modified to suit present requirements.
Into a glass cylinder, with its ends stopped by discs of plate-glass, a small
quantity of nitrous acid gas is introduced; the presence of the gas being
indicated by its rich brown colour. The beam from an electric lamp being
sent through two prisms of bisulphide of carbon, a spectrum seven feet long
and eighteen inches wide is cast upon the screen. Introducing the cylinder
containing the nitrous acid into the path of the beam as it issues from the
lamp, the splendid and continuous spectrum becomes instantly furrowed by
numerous dark bands, the rays answering to which are intercepted by the
nitric gas, while the light which falls upon the intervening spaces is
permitted to pass with comparative impunity.
ones: and the higher the degree of complexity in the atomic grouping, the
more potent, as a general rule, is the radiation and absorption. Let us get
definite ideas here, however gross, and purify them afterwards by the
process of abstraction. Imagine our simple atoms swinging like single
spheres in the aether; they cannot create the swell which a group of them
united to form a system can produce. An oar runs freely edgeways through
the water, and imparts far less of its motion to the water than when its broad
flat side is brought to bear upon it. In our present language the oar, broad
side vertical, is a good radiator; broad side horizontal, it is a bad radiator.
Conversely the waves of water, impinging upon the flat face of the oar-
blade, will impart a greater amount of motion to it than when impinging
upon the edge. In the position in which the oar radiates well, it also absorbs
well. Simple atoms glide through the aether without much resistance;
compound ones encounter resistance, and hence yield up more speedily their
motion to the aether. Mix oxygen and nitrogen mechanically, they absorb and
radiate a certain amount of heat. Cause these gases to combine chemically
and form nitrous oxide, both the absorption and radiation are thereby
augmented hundreds of times!
In this way we look with the telescope of the intellect into atomic systems,
and obtain a conception of processes which the eye of sense can never reach.
But gases and vapours possess a power of choice as to the rays which they
absorb. They single out certain groups of rays for destruction, and allow
other groups to pass unharmed. This is best illustrated by a famous
experiment of Sir David Brewster's, modified to suit present requirements.
Into a glass cylinder, with its ends stopped by discs of plate-glass, a small
quantity of nitrous acid gas is introduced; the presence of the gas being
indicated by its rich brown colour. The beam from an electric lamp being
sent through two prisms of bisulphide of carbon, a spectrum seven feet long
and eighteen inches wide is cast upon the screen. Introducing the cylinder
containing the nitrous acid into the path of the beam as it issues from the
lamp, the splendid and continuous spectrum becomes instantly furrowed by
numerous dark bands, the rays answering to which are intercepted by the
nitric gas, while the light which falls upon the intervening spaces is
permitted to pass with comparative impunity.
Page 313
Here also the principle of reciprocity, as regards radiation and absorption,
holds good; and could we, without otherwise altering its physical character,
render that nitrous gas luminous, we should find that the very rays which it
absorbs are precisely those which it would emit. When atmospheric air and
other gases are brought to a state of intense incandescence by the passage of
an electric spark, the spectra which we obtain from them consist of a series
of bright bands. But such spectra are produced with the greatest brilliancy
when, instead of ordinary gases, we make use of metals heated so highly as
to volatilise them. This is easily done by the voltaic current. A capsule of
carbon filled with mercury, which formed the positive electrode of the
electric lamp, has a carbon point brought down upon it. On separating the
one from the other, a brilliant arc containing the mercury in a volatilised
condition passes between them. The spectrum of this arc is not continuous
like that of the solid carbon points, but consists of a series of vivid bands,
each corresponding in colour to that particular portion of the spectrum to
which its rays belong. Copper gives its system of bands; zinc gives its
system; and brass, which is an alloy of copper and zinc, gives a spectrum
made up of the bands belonging to both metals.
Not only, however, when metals are united like zinc and copper to form an
alloy, is it possible to obtain the bands which belong to them. No matter how
we may disguise the metal — allowing it to unite with oxygen to form an
oxide, and this again with an acid to form a salt; if the heat applied be
sufficiently intense, the bands belonging to the metal reveal themselves with
perfect definition. Into holes drilled in a cylinder of retort carbon, pure
culinary salt is introduced. When the carbon is made the positive electrode
of the lamp, the resultant spectrum shows the brilliant yellow lines of the
metal sodium. Similar experiments made with the chlorides of strontium,
calcium, lithium, [Footnote: The vividness of the colours of the lithium
spectrum is extraordinary; the spectrum, moreover, contained a blue band of
indescribable splendour. It was thought by many, during the discourse, that I
had mistaken strontium for lithium, as this blue band had never before been
seen. I have obtained it many times since; and my friend Dr. Miller, having
kindly analysed the substance made use of, pronounces it pure chloride of
lithium. — J. T.] and other metals, give the bands due to the respective
metals. When different salts are mixed together, and rammed into holes in
the carbon; a spectrum is obtained which contains the bands of them all.
holds good; and could we, without otherwise altering its physical character,
render that nitrous gas luminous, we should find that the very rays which it
absorbs are precisely those which it would emit. When atmospheric air and
other gases are brought to a state of intense incandescence by the passage of
an electric spark, the spectra which we obtain from them consist of a series
of bright bands. But such spectra are produced with the greatest brilliancy
when, instead of ordinary gases, we make use of metals heated so highly as
to volatilise them. This is easily done by the voltaic current. A capsule of
carbon filled with mercury, which formed the positive electrode of the
electric lamp, has a carbon point brought down upon it. On separating the
one from the other, a brilliant arc containing the mercury in a volatilised
condition passes between them. The spectrum of this arc is not continuous
like that of the solid carbon points, but consists of a series of vivid bands,
each corresponding in colour to that particular portion of the spectrum to
which its rays belong. Copper gives its system of bands; zinc gives its
system; and brass, which is an alloy of copper and zinc, gives a spectrum
made up of the bands belonging to both metals.
Not only, however, when metals are united like zinc and copper to form an
alloy, is it possible to obtain the bands which belong to them. No matter how
we may disguise the metal — allowing it to unite with oxygen to form an
oxide, and this again with an acid to form a salt; if the heat applied be
sufficiently intense, the bands belonging to the metal reveal themselves with
perfect definition. Into holes drilled in a cylinder of retort carbon, pure
culinary salt is introduced. When the carbon is made the positive electrode
of the lamp, the resultant spectrum shows the brilliant yellow lines of the
metal sodium. Similar experiments made with the chlorides of strontium,
calcium, lithium, [Footnote: The vividness of the colours of the lithium
spectrum is extraordinary; the spectrum, moreover, contained a blue band of
indescribable splendour. It was thought by many, during the discourse, that I
had mistaken strontium for lithium, as this blue band had never before been
seen. I have obtained it many times since; and my friend Dr. Miller, having
kindly analysed the substance made use of, pronounces it pure chloride of
lithium. — J. T.] and other metals, give the bands due to the respective
metals. When different salts are mixed together, and rammed into holes in
the carbon; a spectrum is obtained which contains the bands of them all.
Page 314
The position of these bright bands never varies, and each metal has its own
system. Hence the competent observer can infer from the bands of the
spectrum the metals which produce it. It is a language addressed to the eye
instead of the ear; and the certainty would not be augmented if each metal
possessed the power of audibly calling out, 'I am here!' Nor is this language
affected by distance. If we find that the sun or the stars give us the bands of
our terrestrial metals, it is a declaration on the part of these orbs that such
metals enter into their composition. Does the sun give us any such
intimation? Does the solar spectrum exhibit bright lines which we might
compare with those produced by our terrestrial metals, and prove either their
identity or difference? No. The solar spectrum, when closely examined,
gives us a multitude of fine dark lines instead of bright ones. They were first
noticed by Dr. Wollaston, but were multiplied and investigated with
profound skill by Fraunhofer, and named after him Fraunhofer's lines. They
had been long a standing puzzle to philosophers. The bright lines yielded by
metallic vapours had been also known to us for years; but the connection
between both classes of phenomena was wholly unknown, until Kirchhoff,
with admirable acuteness, revealed the secret, and placed it at the same time
in our power to chemically analyse the sun.
We have now some difficult work before us. Hitherto we have been
delighted by objects which addressed themselves as much to our aesthetic
taste as to our scientific faculty; we have ridden pleasantly to the base of the
final cone of Etna, and must now dismount and march through ashes and
lava, if we would enjoy the prospect from the summit. Our problem is to
connect the dark lines of Fraunhofer with the bright ones of the metals. The
white beam of the lamp is refracted in passing through our two prisms, but
its different components are refracted in different degrees, and thus its
colours are drawn apart.
Now the colour depends solely upon the rate of oscillation of the atoms of
the luminous body; red light being produced by one rate, blue light by a
much quicker rate, and the colours between red and blue by the intermediate
rates. The solid incandescent coal-points give us a continuous spectrum; or
in other words they emit rays of all possible periods between the two
extremes of the spectrum. Colour, as many of you know, is to light what
pitch is to sound. When a violin-player presses his finger on a string he
makes it shorter and tighter, and thus, causing it to vibrate more speedily,
system. Hence the competent observer can infer from the bands of the
spectrum the metals which produce it. It is a language addressed to the eye
instead of the ear; and the certainty would not be augmented if each metal
possessed the power of audibly calling out, 'I am here!' Nor is this language
affected by distance. If we find that the sun or the stars give us the bands of
our terrestrial metals, it is a declaration on the part of these orbs that such
metals enter into their composition. Does the sun give us any such
intimation? Does the solar spectrum exhibit bright lines which we might
compare with those produced by our terrestrial metals, and prove either their
identity or difference? No. The solar spectrum, when closely examined,
gives us a multitude of fine dark lines instead of bright ones. They were first
noticed by Dr. Wollaston, but were multiplied and investigated with
profound skill by Fraunhofer, and named after him Fraunhofer's lines. They
had been long a standing puzzle to philosophers. The bright lines yielded by
metallic vapours had been also known to us for years; but the connection
between both classes of phenomena was wholly unknown, until Kirchhoff,
with admirable acuteness, revealed the secret, and placed it at the same time
in our power to chemically analyse the sun.
We have now some difficult work before us. Hitherto we have been
delighted by objects which addressed themselves as much to our aesthetic
taste as to our scientific faculty; we have ridden pleasantly to the base of the
final cone of Etna, and must now dismount and march through ashes and
lava, if we would enjoy the prospect from the summit. Our problem is to
connect the dark lines of Fraunhofer with the bright ones of the metals. The
white beam of the lamp is refracted in passing through our two prisms, but
its different components are refracted in different degrees, and thus its
colours are drawn apart.
Now the colour depends solely upon the rate of oscillation of the atoms of
the luminous body; red light being produced by one rate, blue light by a
much quicker rate, and the colours between red and blue by the intermediate
rates. The solid incandescent coal-points give us a continuous spectrum; or
in other words they emit rays of all possible periods between the two
extremes of the spectrum. Colour, as many of you know, is to light what
pitch is to sound. When a violin-player presses his finger on a string he
makes it shorter and tighter, and thus, causing it to vibrate more speedily,
Page 315
heightens the pitch. Imagine such a player to move his fingers slowly along
the string, shortening it gradually as he draws his bow, the note would rise in
pitch by a regular gradation; there would be no gap intervening between note
and note. Here we have the analogue to the continuous spectrum, whose
colours insensibly blend together without gap or interruption, from the red of
the lowest pitch to the violet of the highest. But suppose the player, instead
of gradually shortening his string, to press his finger on a certain point, and
to sound the corresponding note; then to pass on to another point more or
less distant, and sound its note; then to another, and so on, thus sounding
particular notes separated from each other by gaps which correspond to the
intervals of the string passed over; we should then have the exact analogue
of a spectrum composed of separate bright bands with intervals of darkness
between them. But this, though a perfectly true and intelligible analogy, is
not sufficient for our purpose; we must look with the mind's eye at the
oscillating atoms of the volatilised metal.
Figure these atoms as connected together by springs of a certain tension,
which, if the atoms are squeezed together, push them again asunder, and if
the atoms are drawn apart, pull them again together, causing them, before
coming to rest, to quiver for a certain time at a certain definite rate
determined by the strength of the spring. Now the volatilised metal which
gives us one bright band is to be figured as having its atoms united by
springs all of the same tension, its vibrations are all of one kind. The metal
which gives us two bands may be figured as having some of its atoms united
by springs of one tension, and others by springs of a different tension. Its
vibrations are of two distinct kinds; so also when we have three or more
bands we are to figure as many distinct sets of springs, each capable of
vibrating in its own particular time and at a different rate from the others. If
we seize this idea definitely, we shall have no difficulty in dropping the
metaphor of springs, and substituting for it mentally the forces by which the
atoms act upon each other. Having thus far cleared our way, let us make
another effort to advance.
A heavy ivory ball is here suspended from a string. I blow against this ball; a
single puff of my breath moves it a little way from its position of rest; it
swings back towards me, and when it reaches the limit of its swing I puff
again. It now swings further; and thus by timing the puffs I can so
accumulate their action as to produce oscillations of large amplitude. The
the string, shortening it gradually as he draws his bow, the note would rise in
pitch by a regular gradation; there would be no gap intervening between note
and note. Here we have the analogue to the continuous spectrum, whose
colours insensibly blend together without gap or interruption, from the red of
the lowest pitch to the violet of the highest. But suppose the player, instead
of gradually shortening his string, to press his finger on a certain point, and
to sound the corresponding note; then to pass on to another point more or
less distant, and sound its note; then to another, and so on, thus sounding
particular notes separated from each other by gaps which correspond to the
intervals of the string passed over; we should then have the exact analogue
of a spectrum composed of separate bright bands with intervals of darkness
between them. But this, though a perfectly true and intelligible analogy, is
not sufficient for our purpose; we must look with the mind's eye at the
oscillating atoms of the volatilised metal.
Figure these atoms as connected together by springs of a certain tension,
which, if the atoms are squeezed together, push them again asunder, and if
the atoms are drawn apart, pull them again together, causing them, before
coming to rest, to quiver for a certain time at a certain definite rate
determined by the strength of the spring. Now the volatilised metal which
gives us one bright band is to be figured as having its atoms united by
springs all of the same tension, its vibrations are all of one kind. The metal
which gives us two bands may be figured as having some of its atoms united
by springs of one tension, and others by springs of a different tension. Its
vibrations are of two distinct kinds; so also when we have three or more
bands we are to figure as many distinct sets of springs, each capable of
vibrating in its own particular time and at a different rate from the others. If
we seize this idea definitely, we shall have no difficulty in dropping the
metaphor of springs, and substituting for it mentally the forces by which the
atoms act upon each other. Having thus far cleared our way, let us make
another effort to advance.
A heavy ivory ball is here suspended from a string. I blow against this ball; a
single puff of my breath moves it a little way from its position of rest; it
swings back towards me, and when it reaches the limit of its swing I puff
again. It now swings further; and thus by timing the puffs I can so
accumulate their action as to produce oscillations of large amplitude. The
Page 316
ivory ball here has absorbed the motion which my breath communicated to
the air. I now bring the ball to rest. Suppose, instead of the breath, a wave of
air to strike against it, and that this wave is followed by a series of others
which succeed each other exactly in the same intervals as my puffs; it is
obvious that these waves would communicate their motion to the ball and
cause it to swing as the puffs did. And it is equally manifest that this would
not be the case if the impulses of the waves were not properly timed; for
then the motion imparted to the pendulum by one wave would be neutralised
by another, and there could not be the accumulation of effect obtained when
the periods of the waves correspond with the periods of the pendulum. So
much for the particular impulses absorbed by the pendulum. But if such a
pendulum set oscillating in air could produce waves in the air, it is evident
that the waves it would produce would be of the same period as those whose
motions it would take up or absorb most completely, if they struck against it.
Perhaps the most curious effect of these timed impulses ever described was
that observed by a watchmaker, named Ellicott, in the year 1741. He left two
clocks leaning against the same rail; one of them, which we may call A, was
set going; the other, B, not. Some time afterwards he found, to his surprise,
that B was ticking also. The pendulums being of the same length, the shocks
imparted by the ticking of A to the rail against which both clocks rested were
propagated to B, and were so timed as to set B going. Other curious effects
were at the same time observed. When ,the pendulums differed from each
other a certain amount, set B going, but the reaction of B stopped A. Then B
set A going, and the re-action of A stopped B. When the periods of
oscillation were close to each other, but still not quite alike, the clocks
mutually controlled each other, and by a kind of compromise they ticked in
perfect unison.
But what has all this to do with our present subject? The varied actions of
the universe are all modes of motion; and the vibration of a ray claims strict
brotherhood with the vibrations of our pendulum. Suppose aethereal waves
striking upon atoms which oscillate in the same periods as the waves, the
motion of the waves will be absorbed by the atoms; suppose we send our
beam of white light through a sodium flame, the atoms of that flame will be
chiefly affected by those undulations which are synchronous with their own
periods of vibration. There will be on the part of those particular rays a
the air. I now bring the ball to rest. Suppose, instead of the breath, a wave of
air to strike against it, and that this wave is followed by a series of others
which succeed each other exactly in the same intervals as my puffs; it is
obvious that these waves would communicate their motion to the ball and
cause it to swing as the puffs did. And it is equally manifest that this would
not be the case if the impulses of the waves were not properly timed; for
then the motion imparted to the pendulum by one wave would be neutralised
by another, and there could not be the accumulation of effect obtained when
the periods of the waves correspond with the periods of the pendulum. So
much for the particular impulses absorbed by the pendulum. But if such a
pendulum set oscillating in air could produce waves in the air, it is evident
that the waves it would produce would be of the same period as those whose
motions it would take up or absorb most completely, if they struck against it.
Perhaps the most curious effect of these timed impulses ever described was
that observed by a watchmaker, named Ellicott, in the year 1741. He left two
clocks leaning against the same rail; one of them, which we may call A, was
set going; the other, B, not. Some time afterwards he found, to his surprise,
that B was ticking also. The pendulums being of the same length, the shocks
imparted by the ticking of A to the rail against which both clocks rested were
propagated to B, and were so timed as to set B going. Other curious effects
were at the same time observed. When ,the pendulums differed from each
other a certain amount, set B going, but the reaction of B stopped A. Then B
set A going, and the re-action of A stopped B. When the periods of
oscillation were close to each other, but still not quite alike, the clocks
mutually controlled each other, and by a kind of compromise they ticked in
perfect unison.
But what has all this to do with our present subject? The varied actions of
the universe are all modes of motion; and the vibration of a ray claims strict
brotherhood with the vibrations of our pendulum. Suppose aethereal waves
striking upon atoms which oscillate in the same periods as the waves, the
motion of the waves will be absorbed by the atoms; suppose we send our
beam of white light through a sodium flame, the atoms of that flame will be
chiefly affected by those undulations which are synchronous with their own
periods of vibration. There will be on the part of those particular rays a
Page 317
transference of motion from the agitated aether to the atoms of the
volatilised metal, which, as already defined, is absorption.
The experiment justifying this conclusion is now for the first time to be
made before a public audience. I pass a beam through our two prisms, and
the spectrum spreads its colours upon the screen. Between the lamp and the
prism I interpose a snapdragon light. Alcohol and water are here mixed with
common salt, and the metal dish that holds them is heated by a spirit-lamp.
The vapour from the mixture ignites and we have a monochromatic flame.
Through this flame the beam from the lamp is now passing; and observe the
result upon the spectrum. You see a shady band cut out of the yellow, — not
very dark, but sufficiently so to be seen by everybody present.
But let me exalt this effect. Placing in front of the electric lamp the intense
flame of a large Bunsen's burner, a platinum capsule containing a bit of
sodium less than a pea in magnitude is plunged into the flame. The sodium
soon volatilises and burns with brilliant incandescence. The beam crosses
the flame, and at the same time the yellow band of the spectrum is clearly
and sharply cut out, a band of intense darkness occupying its place. On
withdrawing the sodium, the brilliant yellow of the spectrum takes its proper
place, while the reintroduction of the flame causes the band to reappear.
Let me be more precise :— The yellow colour of the spectrum extends over
a sensible space, blending on one side with the orange and on the other with
the green. The term 'yellow band' is therefore somewhat indefinite. This
vagueness may be entirely removed. By dipping the carbon-point used for
the positive electrode into a solution of common salt, and replacing it in the
lamp, the bright yellow band produced by the sodium vapour stands out
from the spectrum. When the sodium flame is caused to act upon the beam it
is that particular yellow band that is obliterated, an intensely black streak
occupying its place.
An additional step of reasoning leads to the conclusion that if, instead of the
flame of sodium alone, we were to introduce into the path of the beam a
flame in which lithium, strontium, magnesium, calcium, &c., are in a state of
volatilisation, each metallic vapour would cut out a system of bands,
corresponding exactly in position with the bright bands of the same metallic
vapour. The light of our electric lamp shining through such a composite
volatilised metal, which, as already defined, is absorption.
The experiment justifying this conclusion is now for the first time to be
made before a public audience. I pass a beam through our two prisms, and
the spectrum spreads its colours upon the screen. Between the lamp and the
prism I interpose a snapdragon light. Alcohol and water are here mixed with
common salt, and the metal dish that holds them is heated by a spirit-lamp.
The vapour from the mixture ignites and we have a monochromatic flame.
Through this flame the beam from the lamp is now passing; and observe the
result upon the spectrum. You see a shady band cut out of the yellow, — not
very dark, but sufficiently so to be seen by everybody present.
But let me exalt this effect. Placing in front of the electric lamp the intense
flame of a large Bunsen's burner, a platinum capsule containing a bit of
sodium less than a pea in magnitude is plunged into the flame. The sodium
soon volatilises and burns with brilliant incandescence. The beam crosses
the flame, and at the same time the yellow band of the spectrum is clearly
and sharply cut out, a band of intense darkness occupying its place. On
withdrawing the sodium, the brilliant yellow of the spectrum takes its proper
place, while the reintroduction of the flame causes the band to reappear.
Let me be more precise :— The yellow colour of the spectrum extends over
a sensible space, blending on one side with the orange and on the other with
the green. The term 'yellow band' is therefore somewhat indefinite. This
vagueness may be entirely removed. By dipping the carbon-point used for
the positive electrode into a solution of common salt, and replacing it in the
lamp, the bright yellow band produced by the sodium vapour stands out
from the spectrum. When the sodium flame is caused to act upon the beam it
is that particular yellow band that is obliterated, an intensely black streak
occupying its place.
An additional step of reasoning leads to the conclusion that if, instead of the
flame of sodium alone, we were to introduce into the path of the beam a
flame in which lithium, strontium, magnesium, calcium, &c., are in a state of
volatilisation, each metallic vapour would cut out a system of bands,
corresponding exactly in position with the bright bands of the same metallic
vapour. The light of our electric lamp shining through such a composite
Page 318
flame would give us a spectrum cut up by dark lines, exactly as the solar
spectrum is cut up by the lines of Fraunhofer.
Thus by the combination of the strictest reasoning with the most conclusive
experiment, we reach the solution of one of the grandest of scientific
problems — the constitution of the sun. The sun consists of a nucleus
surrounded by a flaming atmosphere. The light of the nucleus would give us
a continuous spectrum, like that of our common carbon-points; but having to
pass through the photosphere, as our beam had to pass through the flame,
those rays of the nucleus which the photosphere can itself emit are absorbed,
and shaded spaces, corresponding to the particular rays absorbed, occur in
the spectrum. Abolish the solar nucleus, and we should have a spectrum
showing a bright line in the place of every dark line of Fraunhofer. These
lines are therefore not absolutely dark, but dark by an amount corresponding
to the difference between the light of the nucleus intercepted by the
photosphere, and the light which issues from the latter.
The man to whom we owe this noble generalisation is Kirchhoff, Professor
of Natural Philosophy in the University of Heidelberg; [Footnote: Now
Professor in the University of Berlin.] but, like every other great discovery, it
is compounded of various elements. Mr. Talbot observed the bright lines in
the spectra of coloured flames. Sixteen years ago Dr. Miller gave drawings
and descriptions of the spectra of various coloured flames. Wheatstone, with
his accustomed ingenuity, analysed the light of the electric spark, and
showed that the metals between which the spark passed determined the
bright bands in the spectrum of the spark. Masson published a prize essay on
these bands; Van der Willigen, and more recently Plucker, have given us
beautiful drawings of the spectra, obtained from the discharge of
Ruhmkorff's coil. But none of these distinguished men betrayed the least
knowledge of the connection between the bright bands of the metals and the
dark lines of the solar spectrum. The man who came nearest to the
philosophy of the subject was Angstrom. In a paper translated from
Poggendorff's 'Annalen' by myself, and published in the 'Philosophical
Magazine' for 1855, he indicates that the rays which a body absorbs are
precisely those which it can emit when rendered luminous. In another place,
he speaks of one of his spectra giving the general impression of a reversal of
the solar spectrum. Foucault, Stokes, and Thomson, have all been very close
to the discovery; and, for my own part, the examination of the radiation and
spectrum is cut up by the lines of Fraunhofer.
Thus by the combination of the strictest reasoning with the most conclusive
experiment, we reach the solution of one of the grandest of scientific
problems — the constitution of the sun. The sun consists of a nucleus
surrounded by a flaming atmosphere. The light of the nucleus would give us
a continuous spectrum, like that of our common carbon-points; but having to
pass through the photosphere, as our beam had to pass through the flame,
those rays of the nucleus which the photosphere can itself emit are absorbed,
and shaded spaces, corresponding to the particular rays absorbed, occur in
the spectrum. Abolish the solar nucleus, and we should have a spectrum
showing a bright line in the place of every dark line of Fraunhofer. These
lines are therefore not absolutely dark, but dark by an amount corresponding
to the difference between the light of the nucleus intercepted by the
photosphere, and the light which issues from the latter.
The man to whom we owe this noble generalisation is Kirchhoff, Professor
of Natural Philosophy in the University of Heidelberg; [Footnote: Now
Professor in the University of Berlin.] but, like every other great discovery, it
is compounded of various elements. Mr. Talbot observed the bright lines in
the spectra of coloured flames. Sixteen years ago Dr. Miller gave drawings
and descriptions of the spectra of various coloured flames. Wheatstone, with
his accustomed ingenuity, analysed the light of the electric spark, and
showed that the metals between which the spark passed determined the
bright bands in the spectrum of the spark. Masson published a prize essay on
these bands; Van der Willigen, and more recently Plucker, have given us
beautiful drawings of the spectra, obtained from the discharge of
Ruhmkorff's coil. But none of these distinguished men betrayed the least
knowledge of the connection between the bright bands of the metals and the
dark lines of the solar spectrum. The man who came nearest to the
philosophy of the subject was Angstrom. In a paper translated from
Poggendorff's 'Annalen' by myself, and published in the 'Philosophical
Magazine' for 1855, he indicates that the rays which a body absorbs are
precisely those which it can emit when rendered luminous. In another place,
he speaks of one of his spectra giving the general impression of a reversal of
the solar spectrum. Foucault, Stokes, and Thomson, have all been very close
to the discovery; and, for my own part, the examination of the radiation and
Page 319
absorption of heat by gases and vapours, some of the results of which I
placed before you at the commencement of this discourse, would have led
me in 1859 to the law on which all Kirchhoff's speculations are founded, had
not an accident withdrawn me from the investigation. But Kirchhoff's claims
are unaffected by these circumstances. True, much that I have referred to
formed the necessary basis of his discovery; so did the laws of Kepler
furnish to Newton the basis of the theory of gravitation. But what Kirchhoff
has done carries us far beyond all that had before been accomplished. He has
introduced the order of law amid a vast assemblage of empirical
observations, and has ennobled our previous knowledge by showing its
relationship to some of the most sublime of natural phenomena.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XV. ELEMENTARY MAGNETISM.
A LECTURE TO SCHOOLMASTERS.
We have no reason to believe that the sheep or the dog, or indeed any of the
lower animals, feel an interest in the laws by which natural phenomena are
regulated. A herd may be terrified by a thunderstorm; birds may go to roost,
and cattle return to their stalls, during a solar eclipse; but neither birds nor
cattle, as far as we know, ever think of enquiring into the causes of these
things. It is otherwise with Man. The presence of natural objects, the
occurrence of natural events, the varied appearances of the universe in which
he dwells penetrate beyond his organs of sense, and appeal to an inner power
of which the senses are the mere instruments and excitants. No fact is to him
placed before you at the commencement of this discourse, would have led
me in 1859 to the law on which all Kirchhoff's speculations are founded, had
not an accident withdrawn me from the investigation. But Kirchhoff's claims
are unaffected by these circumstances. True, much that I have referred to
formed the necessary basis of his discovery; so did the laws of Kepler
furnish to Newton the basis of the theory of gravitation. But what Kirchhoff
has done carries us far beyond all that had before been accomplished. He has
introduced the order of law amid a vast assemblage of empirical
observations, and has ennobled our previous knowledge by showing its
relationship to some of the most sublime of natural phenomena.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XV. ELEMENTARY MAGNETISM.
A LECTURE TO SCHOOLMASTERS.
We have no reason to believe that the sheep or the dog, or indeed any of the
lower animals, feel an interest in the laws by which natural phenomena are
regulated. A herd may be terrified by a thunderstorm; birds may go to roost,
and cattle return to their stalls, during a solar eclipse; but neither birds nor
cattle, as far as we know, ever think of enquiring into the causes of these
things. It is otherwise with Man. The presence of natural objects, the
occurrence of natural events, the varied appearances of the universe in which
he dwells penetrate beyond his organs of sense, and appeal to an inner power
of which the senses are the mere instruments and excitants. No fact is to him
Page 320
either original or final. He cannot limit himself to the contemplation of it
alone, but endeavours to ascertain its position in a series to which uniform
experience assures him it must belong. He regards all that he witnesses in the
present as the efflux and sequence of something that has gone before, and as
the source of a system of events which is to follow. The notion of
spontaneity, by which in his ruder state he accounted for natural events, is
abandoned; the idea that nature is an aggregate of independent parts also
disappears, as the connection and mutual dependence of physical powers
become more and more manifest: until he is finally led to regard Nature as
an organic whole — as a body each of whose members sympathises with the
rest, changing, it is true, from age to age, but changing without break of
continuity in the relation of cause and effect.
The system of things which we call Nature is, however, too vast and various
to be studied first-hand by any single mind. As knowledge extends there is
always a tendency to subdivide the field of investigation. Its various parts
are taken up by different minds, and thus receive a greater amount of
attention than could possibly be bestowed on them if each investigator aimed
at the mastery of the whole. The centrifugal form in which knowledge, as a
whole, advances, spreading ever wider on all sides, is due in reality to the
exertions of individuals, each of whom directs his efforts, more or less,
along a single line. Accepting, in many respects, his culture from his fellow-
men — taking it from spoken words or from written books — in some one
direction, the student of Nature ought actually to touch his work. He may
otherwise be a distributor of knowledge, but not a creator, and he fails to
attain that vitality of thought, and correctness of judgment, which direct and
habitual contact with natural truth can alone impart.
One large department of the system of Nature which forms the chief subject
of my own studies, and to which it is my duty to call your attention this
evening, is that of physics, or natural philosophy. This term is large enough
to cover the study of Nature generally, but it is usually restricted to a
department which, perhaps, lies closer to our perceptions than any other. It
deals with the phenomena and laws of light and heat — with the phenomena
and laws of magnetism and electricity — with those of sound — with the
pressures and motions of liquids and gases, whether at rest or in a state of
translation or of undulation. The science of mechanics is a portion of natural
philosophy, though at present so large as to need the exclusive attention of
alone, but endeavours to ascertain its position in a series to which uniform
experience assures him it must belong. He regards all that he witnesses in the
present as the efflux and sequence of something that has gone before, and as
the source of a system of events which is to follow. The notion of
spontaneity, by which in his ruder state he accounted for natural events, is
abandoned; the idea that nature is an aggregate of independent parts also
disappears, as the connection and mutual dependence of physical powers
become more and more manifest: until he is finally led to regard Nature as
an organic whole — as a body each of whose members sympathises with the
rest, changing, it is true, from age to age, but changing without break of
continuity in the relation of cause and effect.
The system of things which we call Nature is, however, too vast and various
to be studied first-hand by any single mind. As knowledge extends there is
always a tendency to subdivide the field of investigation. Its various parts
are taken up by different minds, and thus receive a greater amount of
attention than could possibly be bestowed on them if each investigator aimed
at the mastery of the whole. The centrifugal form in which knowledge, as a
whole, advances, spreading ever wider on all sides, is due in reality to the
exertions of individuals, each of whom directs his efforts, more or less,
along a single line. Accepting, in many respects, his culture from his fellow-
men — taking it from spoken words or from written books — in some one
direction, the student of Nature ought actually to touch his work. He may
otherwise be a distributor of knowledge, but not a creator, and he fails to
attain that vitality of thought, and correctness of judgment, which direct and
habitual contact with natural truth can alone impart.
One large department of the system of Nature which forms the chief subject
of my own studies, and to which it is my duty to call your attention this
evening, is that of physics, or natural philosophy. This term is large enough
to cover the study of Nature generally, but it is usually restricted to a
department which, perhaps, lies closer to our perceptions than any other. It
deals with the phenomena and laws of light and heat — with the phenomena
and laws of magnetism and electricity — with those of sound — with the
pressures and motions of liquids and gases, whether at rest or in a state of
translation or of undulation. The science of mechanics is a portion of natural
philosophy, though at present so large as to need the exclusive attention of
Page 321
him who would cultivate it profoundly. Astronomy is the application of
physics to the motions of the heavenly bodies, the vastness of the field
causing it, however, to bed regarded as a department in itself. In chemistry
physical agents play important parts. By heat and light we cause atoms and
molecules to unite or to fall asunder. Electricity exerts a similar power.
Through their ability to separate nutritive compounds into their constituents,
the solar beams build up the whole vegetable world, and by it the animal
world. The touch of the self-same beams causes hydrogen and chlorine to;
unite with sudden explosion, and to form by their combination a powerful
acid. Thus physics and chemistry intermingle. Physical agents are, however,
employed by the chemist as a means to an end; while in physics proper the
laws and phenomena of the agents themselves, both qualitative and
quantitative, are the primary objects of attention.
My duty here to-night is to spend an hour in telling how this subject is to be
studied, and how a knowledge of it is to be imparted to others. From the
domain of physics, which would be unmanageable as a whole, I select as a
sample the subject of magnetism. I might readily entertain you on the
present occasion with an account of what natural philosophy has
accomplished. I might point to those applications of science of which we
hear so much in the newspapers, and which are so often mistaken for science
itself. I might, of course, ring changes on the steam-engine and the telegraph,
the electrotype and the photograph, the medical applications of physics, and
the various other inlets by which scientific thought filters into practical life.
That would be easy compared with the task of informing you how you are to
make the study of physics the instrument of your pupil's culture; how you
are to possess its facts and make them living seeds which shall take root and
grow in the mind, and not lie like dead lumber in the storehouse of memory.
This is a task much heavier than the mere recounting of scientific
achievements; and it is one which, feeling my own want of time to execute it
aright, I might well hesitate to accept.
But let me sink excuses, and attack the work before me. First and foremost,
then, I would advise you to get a knowledge of facts from actual
observation. Facts looked at directly are vital; when they pass into words
half the sap is taken out of them. You wish, for example, to get a knowledge
of magnetism; well, provide yourself with a good book on the subject, if you
can, but do not be content with what the book tells you; do not be satisfied
physics to the motions of the heavenly bodies, the vastness of the field
causing it, however, to bed regarded as a department in itself. In chemistry
physical agents play important parts. By heat and light we cause atoms and
molecules to unite or to fall asunder. Electricity exerts a similar power.
Through their ability to separate nutritive compounds into their constituents,
the solar beams build up the whole vegetable world, and by it the animal
world. The touch of the self-same beams causes hydrogen and chlorine to;
unite with sudden explosion, and to form by their combination a powerful
acid. Thus physics and chemistry intermingle. Physical agents are, however,
employed by the chemist as a means to an end; while in physics proper the
laws and phenomena of the agents themselves, both qualitative and
quantitative, are the primary objects of attention.
My duty here to-night is to spend an hour in telling how this subject is to be
studied, and how a knowledge of it is to be imparted to others. From the
domain of physics, which would be unmanageable as a whole, I select as a
sample the subject of magnetism. I might readily entertain you on the
present occasion with an account of what natural philosophy has
accomplished. I might point to those applications of science of which we
hear so much in the newspapers, and which are so often mistaken for science
itself. I might, of course, ring changes on the steam-engine and the telegraph,
the electrotype and the photograph, the medical applications of physics, and
the various other inlets by which scientific thought filters into practical life.
That would be easy compared with the task of informing you how you are to
make the study of physics the instrument of your pupil's culture; how you
are to possess its facts and make them living seeds which shall take root and
grow in the mind, and not lie like dead lumber in the storehouse of memory.
This is a task much heavier than the mere recounting of scientific
achievements; and it is one which, feeling my own want of time to execute it
aright, I might well hesitate to accept.
But let me sink excuses, and attack the work before me. First and foremost,
then, I would advise you to get a knowledge of facts from actual
observation. Facts looked at directly are vital; when they pass into words
half the sap is taken out of them. You wish, for example, to get a knowledge
of magnetism; well, provide yourself with a good book on the subject, if you
can, but do not be content with what the book tells you; do not be satisfied
Page 322
with its descriptive woodcuts; see the operations of the force yourself. Half
of our book writers describe experiments which they never made, and their
descriptions often lack both force and truth; but, no matter how clever or
conscientious they may be, their written words cannot supply the place of
actual observation. Every fact has numerous radiations, which are shorn off
by the man who describes it.
Go, then, to a philosophical instrument maker, and give a shilling or half a
crown for a straight bar-magnet, or, if you can afford it, purchase a pair of
them; or get a smith to cut a length of ten inches from a bar of steel an inch
wide and half an inch thick; file its ends smoothly, harden it, and get
somebody like myself to magnetise it. Procure some darning needles, and
also a little unspun silk, which will give you a suspending fibre void of
torsion. Make little loop of paper, or of wire, and attach your fibre to it. Do it
neatly. In the loop place a darning-needle, and bring the two ends or poles,
as they are called, of your bar-magnet successively up to the ends of the
needle. Both the poles, you find, attract both ends of the needle. Replace the
needle by a bit of annealed iron wire; the same effects ensue. Suspend
successively little rods of lead, copper, silver, brass, wood, glass, ivory, or
whalebone; the magnet produces no sensible effect upon any of the
substances. You thence infer a special property in the case of steel and iron.
Multiply your experiments, However, and you will find that some other
substances, besides iron and steel, are acted upon by your magnet. A rod of
the metal nickel, or of the metal cobalt, from which the blue colour used by
painters is derived, exhibits powers similar to those observed with the iron
and steel. In studying the character of the force you may, however, confine
yourself to iron and steel, which are always at hand.
Make your experiments with the darning-needle over and over again; operate
on both ends of the needle; try both ends of the magnet. Do not think the
work dull; you are conversing with Nature, and must acquire over her
language a certain grace and mastery, which practice can alone impart. Let
every movement be made with care, and avoid slovenliness, from the outset.
Experiment, as I have said, is the language by which we address Nature, and
through which she sends her replies; in the use of this language a lack of
straightforwardness is as possible, and as prejudicial, as in the spoken
language of the tongue. If, therefore, you wish to become acquainted with
the truth of Nature, you must from the first resolve to deal with her sincerely.
of our book writers describe experiments which they never made, and their
descriptions often lack both force and truth; but, no matter how clever or
conscientious they may be, their written words cannot supply the place of
actual observation. Every fact has numerous radiations, which are shorn off
by the man who describes it.
Go, then, to a philosophical instrument maker, and give a shilling or half a
crown for a straight bar-magnet, or, if you can afford it, purchase a pair of
them; or get a smith to cut a length of ten inches from a bar of steel an inch
wide and half an inch thick; file its ends smoothly, harden it, and get
somebody like myself to magnetise it. Procure some darning needles, and
also a little unspun silk, which will give you a suspending fibre void of
torsion. Make little loop of paper, or of wire, and attach your fibre to it. Do it
neatly. In the loop place a darning-needle, and bring the two ends or poles,
as they are called, of your bar-magnet successively up to the ends of the
needle. Both the poles, you find, attract both ends of the needle. Replace the
needle by a bit of annealed iron wire; the same effects ensue. Suspend
successively little rods of lead, copper, silver, brass, wood, glass, ivory, or
whalebone; the magnet produces no sensible effect upon any of the
substances. You thence infer a special property in the case of steel and iron.
Multiply your experiments, However, and you will find that some other
substances, besides iron and steel, are acted upon by your magnet. A rod of
the metal nickel, or of the metal cobalt, from which the blue colour used by
painters is derived, exhibits powers similar to those observed with the iron
and steel. In studying the character of the force you may, however, confine
yourself to iron and steel, which are always at hand.
Make your experiments with the darning-needle over and over again; operate
on both ends of the needle; try both ends of the magnet. Do not think the
work dull; you are conversing with Nature, and must acquire over her
language a certain grace and mastery, which practice can alone impart. Let
every movement be made with care, and avoid slovenliness, from the outset.
Experiment, as I have said, is the language by which we address Nature, and
through which she sends her replies; in the use of this language a lack of
straightforwardness is as possible, and as prejudicial, as in the spoken
language of the tongue. If, therefore, you wish to become acquainted with
the truth of Nature, you must from the first resolve to deal with her sincerely.
Page 323
Now remove your needle from its loop, and draw it from eye to point along
one of the ends of the magnet; resuspend it, and repeat your former
experiment. You now find that each extremity of the magnet attracts one end
of the needle, and repels the other. The simple attraction observed in the first
instance, is now replaced by a dual force. Repeat the experiment till you
have thoroughly observed the ends which attract and those which repel each
other.
Withdraw the magnet entirely from the vicinity of your needle, and leave the
latter freely suspended by its fibre. Shelter it as well as you can from
currents of air, and if you have iron buttons on your coat, or a steel penknife
in your pocket, beware of their action. If you work at night, beware of iron
candlesticks, or of brass ones with iron rods inside. Freed from such
disturbances, the needle takes up a certain determinate position. It sets its
length nearly north and south. Draw it aside and let it go. After several
oscillations it will again come to the same position. If you have obtained
your magnet from a philosophical instrument maker, you will see a mark on
one of its ends. Supposing, then, that you drew your needle along the end
thus marked, and that the point of your needle was the last to quit the
magnet, you will find that the point turns to the south, the eye of the needle
turning towards the north. Make sure of this, and do not take the statement
on my authority.
Now take a second darning-needle like the first, and magnetise it in precisely
the same manner: freely suspended it also will turn its eye to the north and
its point to the south. Your next step is to examine the action of the two
needles which you have thus magnetised upon each other.
Take one of them in your hand, and leave the other suspended; bring the eye-
end of the former near the eye-end of the latter; the suspended needle
retreats: it is repelled. Make the same experiment with the two points; you
obtain the same result, the suspended needle is repelled. Now cause the
dissimilar ends to act on each other — you have attraction — point attracts
eye, and eye attracts point. Prove the reciprocity of this action by removing
the suspended needle, and putting the other in its place. You obtain the same
result. The attraction, then, is mutual, and the repulsion U mutual. You have
thus demonstrated in the clearest manner the fundamental law of magnetism,
that like poles repel, and that unlike poles attract, each other. You may say
one of the ends of the magnet; resuspend it, and repeat your former
experiment. You now find that each extremity of the magnet attracts one end
of the needle, and repels the other. The simple attraction observed in the first
instance, is now replaced by a dual force. Repeat the experiment till you
have thoroughly observed the ends which attract and those which repel each
other.
Withdraw the magnet entirely from the vicinity of your needle, and leave the
latter freely suspended by its fibre. Shelter it as well as you can from
currents of air, and if you have iron buttons on your coat, or a steel penknife
in your pocket, beware of their action. If you work at night, beware of iron
candlesticks, or of brass ones with iron rods inside. Freed from such
disturbances, the needle takes up a certain determinate position. It sets its
length nearly north and south. Draw it aside and let it go. After several
oscillations it will again come to the same position. If you have obtained
your magnet from a philosophical instrument maker, you will see a mark on
one of its ends. Supposing, then, that you drew your needle along the end
thus marked, and that the point of your needle was the last to quit the
magnet, you will find that the point turns to the south, the eye of the needle
turning towards the north. Make sure of this, and do not take the statement
on my authority.
Now take a second darning-needle like the first, and magnetise it in precisely
the same manner: freely suspended it also will turn its eye to the north and
its point to the south. Your next step is to examine the action of the two
needles which you have thus magnetised upon each other.
Take one of them in your hand, and leave the other suspended; bring the eye-
end of the former near the eye-end of the latter; the suspended needle
retreats: it is repelled. Make the same experiment with the two points; you
obtain the same result, the suspended needle is repelled. Now cause the
dissimilar ends to act on each other — you have attraction — point attracts
eye, and eye attracts point. Prove the reciprocity of this action by removing
the suspended needle, and putting the other in its place. You obtain the same
result. The attraction, then, is mutual, and the repulsion U mutual. You have
thus demonstrated in the clearest manner the fundamental law of magnetism,
that like poles repel, and that unlike poles attract, each other. You may say
Page 324
that this is all easily understood without doing; but do it, and your
knowledge will not be confined to what I have uttered here.
I have said that one end of your bar magnet has a mark upon it; lay several
silk fibres together, so as to get sufficient strength, or employ a thin silk
ribbon, and form a loop large enough to hold your magnet. Suspend it; it
turns its marked end towards the north. This marked end is that which in
England is called the north pole. If a common smith has made your magnet,
it will be convenient to determine its north pole yourself, and to mark it with
a file. Vary your experiments by causing your magnetised darning-needle to
attract and repel your large magnet; it is quite competent to do so. In
magnetising the needle, I have supposed the point to be the last to quit the
marked end of the magnet; the point of the needle is a south pole. The end
which last quits the magnet is always opposed in polarity to the end of the
magnet with which it, has been last in contact.
You may perhaps learn all this in a single hour; but spend several at it, if
necessary; and remember, understanding it is not sufficient: you must obtain
a manual aptitude in addressing Nature. If you speak to your fellow-man you
are not entitled to use jargon. Bad experiments are jargon addressed to
Nature, and just as much to be deprecated. Manual dexterity in illustrating
the interaction of magnetic poles is of the utmost importance at this stage of
your progress; and you must not neglect attaining this power over your
implements. As you proceed, moreover, you will be tempted to do more than
I can possibly suggest. Thoughts will occur to you which you will endeavour
to follow out: questions will arise which you will try to answer. The same
experiment may be twenty different things to twenty people. Having
witnessed the action of pole on pole, through the air, you will perhaps try
whether the magnetic power is not to be screened off. You use plates of
glass, wood, slate, pasteboard, or gutta-percha, but find them all pervious to
this wondrous force. One magnetic pole acts upon another through these
bodies as if they were not present. Should you ever become a patentee for
the regulation of ships' compasses, you will not fall, as some projectors have
done, into the error of screening off the magnetism of the ship by the
interposition of such substances.
If you wish to teach a class you must contrive that the effects which you
have thus far witnessed for yourself shall be witnessed by twenty or thirty
knowledge will not be confined to what I have uttered here.
I have said that one end of your bar magnet has a mark upon it; lay several
silk fibres together, so as to get sufficient strength, or employ a thin silk
ribbon, and form a loop large enough to hold your magnet. Suspend it; it
turns its marked end towards the north. This marked end is that which in
England is called the north pole. If a common smith has made your magnet,
it will be convenient to determine its north pole yourself, and to mark it with
a file. Vary your experiments by causing your magnetised darning-needle to
attract and repel your large magnet; it is quite competent to do so. In
magnetising the needle, I have supposed the point to be the last to quit the
marked end of the magnet; the point of the needle is a south pole. The end
which last quits the magnet is always opposed in polarity to the end of the
magnet with which it, has been last in contact.
You may perhaps learn all this in a single hour; but spend several at it, if
necessary; and remember, understanding it is not sufficient: you must obtain
a manual aptitude in addressing Nature. If you speak to your fellow-man you
are not entitled to use jargon. Bad experiments are jargon addressed to
Nature, and just as much to be deprecated. Manual dexterity in illustrating
the interaction of magnetic poles is of the utmost importance at this stage of
your progress; and you must not neglect attaining this power over your
implements. As you proceed, moreover, you will be tempted to do more than
I can possibly suggest. Thoughts will occur to you which you will endeavour
to follow out: questions will arise which you will try to answer. The same
experiment may be twenty different things to twenty people. Having
witnessed the action of pole on pole, through the air, you will perhaps try
whether the magnetic power is not to be screened off. You use plates of
glass, wood, slate, pasteboard, or gutta-percha, but find them all pervious to
this wondrous force. One magnetic pole acts upon another through these
bodies as if they were not present. Should you ever become a patentee for
the regulation of ships' compasses, you will not fall, as some projectors have
done, into the error of screening off the magnetism of the ship by the
interposition of such substances.
If you wish to teach a class you must contrive that the effects which you
have thus far witnessed for yourself shall be witnessed by twenty or thirty
Page 325
pupils. And here your private ingenuity must come into play. You will attach
bits of paper to your needles, so as to render their movements visible at a
distance, denoting the north and south poles by different colours, say green
and red. You may also improve upon your darning-needle. Take a strip of
sheet steel, heat it to vivid redness and plunge it into cold water. It is thereby
hardened; rendered, in fact, almost as brittle as glass. Six inches of this,
magnetised in the manner of the darning-needle, will be better able to carry
your paper indexes. Having secured such a strip, you proceed thus :—
Magnetise a small sewing-needle and determine its poles; or, break half an
inch, or an inch, off your magnetised darning-needle and suspend it by a fine
silk fibre. The sewing-needle, or the fragment of the darning needle, is now
to be used as a test-needle, to examine the distribution of the magnetism in
your strip of steel. Hold the strip upright in your left hand, and cause the
test-needle to approach the lower end of your strip; one end of the test-
needle is attracted, the other is repelled. Raise your needle along the strip; its
oscillations, which at first were quick, become slower; opposite the middle
of the strip they cease entirely; neither end of the needle is attracted; above
the middle the test-needle turns suddenly round, its other end being now
attracted. Go through the experiment thoroughly: you thus learn that the
entire lower half of the strip attracts one end of the needle, while the entire
upper half attracts the opposite end. Supposing the north end of your little
needle to be that attracted below, you infer that the entire lower half of your
magnetised strip exhibits south magnetism, while the entire upper half
exhibits north magnetism. So far, then, you have determined the distribution
of magnetism in your strip of steel.
You look at this fact, you think of it; in its suggestiveness the value of an
experiment chiefly consists. The thought naturally arises: 'What will occur if
I break my strip of steel across in the middle? Shall I obtain two magnets
each possessing a single pole?' Try the experiment; break your strip of steel,
and test each half as you tested the whole. The mere presentation of its two
ends in succession to your test-needle, suffices to show that you have not a
magnet with a single pole — that each half possesses two poles with a
neutral point between them. And if you again break the half into two other
halves, you will find that each quarter of the original strip exhibits precisely
the same magnetic distribution as the whole strip. You may continue the
breaking process: no matter how small your fragment may be, it still
bits of paper to your needles, so as to render their movements visible at a
distance, denoting the north and south poles by different colours, say green
and red. You may also improve upon your darning-needle. Take a strip of
sheet steel, heat it to vivid redness and plunge it into cold water. It is thereby
hardened; rendered, in fact, almost as brittle as glass. Six inches of this,
magnetised in the manner of the darning-needle, will be better able to carry
your paper indexes. Having secured such a strip, you proceed thus :—
Magnetise a small sewing-needle and determine its poles; or, break half an
inch, or an inch, off your magnetised darning-needle and suspend it by a fine
silk fibre. The sewing-needle, or the fragment of the darning needle, is now
to be used as a test-needle, to examine the distribution of the magnetism in
your strip of steel. Hold the strip upright in your left hand, and cause the
test-needle to approach the lower end of your strip; one end of the test-
needle is attracted, the other is repelled. Raise your needle along the strip; its
oscillations, which at first were quick, become slower; opposite the middle
of the strip they cease entirely; neither end of the needle is attracted; above
the middle the test-needle turns suddenly round, its other end being now
attracted. Go through the experiment thoroughly: you thus learn that the
entire lower half of the strip attracts one end of the needle, while the entire
upper half attracts the opposite end. Supposing the north end of your little
needle to be that attracted below, you infer that the entire lower half of your
magnetised strip exhibits south magnetism, while the entire upper half
exhibits north magnetism. So far, then, you have determined the distribution
of magnetism in your strip of steel.
You look at this fact, you think of it; in its suggestiveness the value of an
experiment chiefly consists. The thought naturally arises: 'What will occur if
I break my strip of steel across in the middle? Shall I obtain two magnets
each possessing a single pole?' Try the experiment; break your strip of steel,
and test each half as you tested the whole. The mere presentation of its two
ends in succession to your test-needle, suffices to show that you have not a
magnet with a single pole — that each half possesses two poles with a
neutral point between them. And if you again break the half into two other
halves, you will find that each quarter of the original strip exhibits precisely
the same magnetic distribution as the whole strip. You may continue the
breaking process: no matter how small your fragment may be, it still
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possesses two opposite poles and a neutral point between them. Well, your
hand ceases to break where breaking becomes a mechanical impossibility;
but does the mind stop there? No: you follow the breaking process in idea
when you can no longer realise it in fact; your thoughts wander amid the
very atoms of your steel, and you conclude that each atom is a magnet, and
that the force exerted by the strip of steel is the mere summation, or
resultant, of the forces of its ultimate particles.
Here, then, is an exhibition of power which we can call forth at pleasure or
cause to disappear. We magnetise our strip of steel by drawing it along the
pole of a magnet; we can demagnetise it, or reverse its magnetism, by
properly drawing it along the same pole in the opposite direction. What,
then, is the real nature of this wondrous change? What is it that takes place
among the atoms of the steel when the substance is magnetised? The
question leads us beyond the region of sense, and into that of imagination.
This faculty, indeed, is the divining-rod of the man of science. Not, however,
an imagination which catches its creations from the air, but one informed
and inspired by facts; capable of seizing firmly on a physical image as a
principle, of discerning its consequences, and of devising means whereby
these forecasts of thought may be brought to an experimental test. If such a
principle be adequate to account for all the phenomena — if from an
assumed cause the observed acts necessarily follow, we call the assumption a
theory, and, once possessing it, we can not only revive at pleasure facts
already known, but we can predict others which we have never seen. Thus,
then, in the prosecution of physical science, our powers of observation,
memory, imagination, and inference, are all drawn upon. We observe facts
and store them up; the constructive imagination broods upon these
memories, tries to discern their interdependence and weave them to an
organic whole. The theoretic principle flashes or slowly dawns upon the
mind; and then the deductive faculty interposes to carry out the principle to
its logical consequences. A perfect theory gives dominion over natural facts;
and even an assumption which can only partially stand the test of a
comparison with facts, may be of eminent use in enabling us to connect and
classify groups of phenomena. The theory of magnetic fluids is of this latter
character, and with it we must now make ourselves familiar.
With the view of stamping the thing more firmly on your minds, I will make
use of a strong and vivid image. In optics, red and green are called
hand ceases to break where breaking becomes a mechanical impossibility;
but does the mind stop there? No: you follow the breaking process in idea
when you can no longer realise it in fact; your thoughts wander amid the
very atoms of your steel, and you conclude that each atom is a magnet, and
that the force exerted by the strip of steel is the mere summation, or
resultant, of the forces of its ultimate particles.
Here, then, is an exhibition of power which we can call forth at pleasure or
cause to disappear. We magnetise our strip of steel by drawing it along the
pole of a magnet; we can demagnetise it, or reverse its magnetism, by
properly drawing it along the same pole in the opposite direction. What,
then, is the real nature of this wondrous change? What is it that takes place
among the atoms of the steel when the substance is magnetised? The
question leads us beyond the region of sense, and into that of imagination.
This faculty, indeed, is the divining-rod of the man of science. Not, however,
an imagination which catches its creations from the air, but one informed
and inspired by facts; capable of seizing firmly on a physical image as a
principle, of discerning its consequences, and of devising means whereby
these forecasts of thought may be brought to an experimental test. If such a
principle be adequate to account for all the phenomena — if from an
assumed cause the observed acts necessarily follow, we call the assumption a
theory, and, once possessing it, we can not only revive at pleasure facts
already known, but we can predict others which we have never seen. Thus,
then, in the prosecution of physical science, our powers of observation,
memory, imagination, and inference, are all drawn upon. We observe facts
and store them up; the constructive imagination broods upon these
memories, tries to discern their interdependence and weave them to an
organic whole. The theoretic principle flashes or slowly dawns upon the
mind; and then the deductive faculty interposes to carry out the principle to
its logical consequences. A perfect theory gives dominion over natural facts;
and even an assumption which can only partially stand the test of a
comparison with facts, may be of eminent use in enabling us to connect and
classify groups of phenomena. The theory of magnetic fluids is of this latter
character, and with it we must now make ourselves familiar.
With the view of stamping the thing more firmly on your minds, I will make
use of a strong and vivid image. In optics, red and green are called
Page 327
complementary colours; their mixture produces white. Now I ask you to
imagine each of these colours to possess a self-repulsive power; that red
repels red, that green repels green; but that red attracts green and green
attracts red, the attraction of the dissimilar colours being equal to the
repulsion of the similar ones. Imagine the two colours mixed so as to
produce white, and suppose two strips of wood painted with this white-;
what will be their action upon each other? Suspend one of them freely as we
suspended our darning-needle, and bring the other near it; what will occur?
The red component of the strip you hold in your hand will repel the red
component of your suspended strip; but then it will attract the green, and, the
forces being equal, they neutralise each other. In fact, the least reflection
shows you that the strips will be as indifferent to each other as two
unmagnetised darning-needles would be under the same circumstances.
But suppose, instead of mixing the colours, we painted one half of each strip
from centre to end red, and the other half green, it is perfectly manifest that
the two strips would now behave towards each other exactly as our two
magnetised darning-needles — the red end would repel the red and attract
the green, the green would repel the green and attract the red; so that,
assuming two colours thus related to each other, we could by their mixture
produce the neutrality of an unmagnetised body, while by their separation we
could produce the duality of action of magnetised bodies.
But you have already anticipated a defect in my conception; for if we break
one of our strips of wood in the middle we have one half entirely red, and
the other entirely green, and with these it would be impossible to imitate the
action of our broken magnet. How, then, must we modify our conception?
We must evidently suppose _each molecule of the wood_ painted green on
one face and red on the opposite one. The resultant action of all the atoms
would then exactly resemble the action of a magnet. Here also, if the two
opposite colours of each atom could be caused to mix so as to produce
white, we should have, as before, perfect neutrality.
For these two self-repellent and mutually attractive colours, substitute in
your minds two invisible self-repellent and mutually attractive fluids, which
in ordinary steel are mixed to form a neutral compound, but which the act of
magnetisation separates from each other, placing the opposite fluids on the
opposite face of each molecule. You have then a perfectly distinct
imagine each of these colours to possess a self-repulsive power; that red
repels red, that green repels green; but that red attracts green and green
attracts red, the attraction of the dissimilar colours being equal to the
repulsion of the similar ones. Imagine the two colours mixed so as to
produce white, and suppose two strips of wood painted with this white-;
what will be their action upon each other? Suspend one of them freely as we
suspended our darning-needle, and bring the other near it; what will occur?
The red component of the strip you hold in your hand will repel the red
component of your suspended strip; but then it will attract the green, and, the
forces being equal, they neutralise each other. In fact, the least reflection
shows you that the strips will be as indifferent to each other as two
unmagnetised darning-needles would be under the same circumstances.
But suppose, instead of mixing the colours, we painted one half of each strip
from centre to end red, and the other half green, it is perfectly manifest that
the two strips would now behave towards each other exactly as our two
magnetised darning-needles — the red end would repel the red and attract
the green, the green would repel the green and attract the red; so that,
assuming two colours thus related to each other, we could by their mixture
produce the neutrality of an unmagnetised body, while by their separation we
could produce the duality of action of magnetised bodies.
But you have already anticipated a defect in my conception; for if we break
one of our strips of wood in the middle we have one half entirely red, and
the other entirely green, and with these it would be impossible to imitate the
action of our broken magnet. How, then, must we modify our conception?
We must evidently suppose _each molecule of the wood_ painted green on
one face and red on the opposite one. The resultant action of all the atoms
would then exactly resemble the action of a magnet. Here also, if the two
opposite colours of each atom could be caused to mix so as to produce
white, we should have, as before, perfect neutrality.
For these two self-repellent and mutually attractive colours, substitute in
your minds two invisible self-repellent and mutually attractive fluids, which
in ordinary steel are mixed to form a neutral compound, but which the act of
magnetisation separates from each other, placing the opposite fluids on the
opposite face of each molecule. You have then a perfectly distinct
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conception of the celebrated theory of magnetic fluids. The strength of the
magnetism excited is supposed to be proportional to the quantity of neutral
fluid decomposed. According to this theory nothing is actually transferred
from the exciting magnet to the excited steel. The act of magnetisation
consists in the forcible separation of two fluids which existed in the steel
before it was magnetised, but which then neutralised each other by their
coalescence. And if you test your magnet, after it has excited a hundred
pieces of steel, you will find that it has lost no force — no more, indeed,
than I should lose, had my words such a magnetic influence on your minds
as to excite in them a strong resolve to study natural philosophy. I should
rather be the gainer by my own utterance, and by the reaction of your
fervour. The magnet also is the gainer by the reaction of the body which it
magnetises.
Look now to your excited piece of steel; figure each molecule with its
opposed fluids spread over its opposite faces. How can this state of things be
permanent? The fluids, by hypothesis, attract each other; what, then, keeps
them apart? Why do they not instantly rush together across the equator of the
atom, and thus neutralise each other? To meet this question philosophers
have been obliged to infer the existence of a special force, which holds the
fluids asunder. They call it coercive force; and it is found that those kinds of
steel which offer most resistance to being magnetised — which require the
greatest amount of 'coercion' to tear their fluids asunder — are the very ones
which offer the greatest resistance to the reunion of the fluids, after they
have been once separated. Such kinds of steel are most suited to the
formation of permanent magnets. It is manifest, indeed, that without
coercive force a permanent magnet would not be at all possible.
Probably long before this you will have dipped the end of your magnet
among iron filings, and observed how they cling to it; or into a nail-box, and
found how it drags the nails after it. I know very well that if you are not the
slaves of routine, you will have by this time done many things that I have not
told you to do, and thus multiplied your experience beyond what I have
indicated. You are almost sure to have caused a bit of iron to hang from the
end of your magnet, and you have probably succeeded in causing a second
bit to attach itself to the first, a third to the second; until finally the force has
become too feeble to bear the weight of more. If you have operated with
nails, you may have observed that the points and edges hold together with
magnetism excited is supposed to be proportional to the quantity of neutral
fluid decomposed. According to this theory nothing is actually transferred
from the exciting magnet to the excited steel. The act of magnetisation
consists in the forcible separation of two fluids which existed in the steel
before it was magnetised, but which then neutralised each other by their
coalescence. And if you test your magnet, after it has excited a hundred
pieces of steel, you will find that it has lost no force — no more, indeed,
than I should lose, had my words such a magnetic influence on your minds
as to excite in them a strong resolve to study natural philosophy. I should
rather be the gainer by my own utterance, and by the reaction of your
fervour. The magnet also is the gainer by the reaction of the body which it
magnetises.
Look now to your excited piece of steel; figure each molecule with its
opposed fluids spread over its opposite faces. How can this state of things be
permanent? The fluids, by hypothesis, attract each other; what, then, keeps
them apart? Why do they not instantly rush together across the equator of the
atom, and thus neutralise each other? To meet this question philosophers
have been obliged to infer the existence of a special force, which holds the
fluids asunder. They call it coercive force; and it is found that those kinds of
steel which offer most resistance to being magnetised — which require the
greatest amount of 'coercion' to tear their fluids asunder — are the very ones
which offer the greatest resistance to the reunion of the fluids, after they
have been once separated. Such kinds of steel are most suited to the
formation of permanent magnets. It is manifest, indeed, that without
coercive force a permanent magnet would not be at all possible.
Probably long before this you will have dipped the end of your magnet
among iron filings, and observed how they cling to it; or into a nail-box, and
found how it drags the nails after it. I know very well that if you are not the
slaves of routine, you will have by this time done many things that I have not
told you to do, and thus multiplied your experience beyond what I have
indicated. You are almost sure to have caused a bit of iron to hang from the
end of your magnet, and you have probably succeeded in causing a second
bit to attach itself to the first, a third to the second; until finally the force has
become too feeble to bear the weight of more. If you have operated with
nails, you may have observed that the points and edges hold together with
Page 329
the greatest tenacity; and that a bit of iron clings more firmly to the corner of
your magnet than to one of its flat surfaces. In short, you will in all
likelihood have enriched your experience in many ways without any special
direction from me.
Well, the magnet attracts the nail, and the nail attracts a second one. This
proves that the nail in contact with the magnet has had the magnetic quality
developed in it by that contact. If it be withdrawn from the magnet its power
to attract its fellow nail ceases. Contact, however, is not necessary. A sheet of
glass or paper, or a space of air, may exist between the magnet and the nail;
the latter is still magnetised, though not so forcibly as when in actual
contact. The nail thus presented to the magnet is itself a temporary magnet.
That end which is turned towards the magnetic pole has the opposite
magnetism of the pole which excites it; the end most remote from the pole
has the same magnetism as the pole itself, and between the two poles the
nail, like the magnet, possesses a magnetic equator.
Conversant as you now are with the theory of magnetic fluids, you have
already, I doubt not, anticipated me in imagining the exact condition of an
iron nail under the influence of the magnet. You picture the iron as
possessing the neutral fluid in abundance; you picture the magnetic pole,
when brought near, decomposing the fluid; repelling the fluid of a like kind
with itself, and attracting the unlike fluid; thus exciting in the parts of the
iron nearest to itself the opposite polarity. But the iron is incapable of
becoming a permanent magnet. It only shows its virtue as long as the magnet
acts upon it. What, then, does the iron lack which the steel possesses? It
lacks coercive force. Its fluids are separated with ease; but, once the
separating cause is removed, they flow together again, and neutrality is
restored. Imagination must be quite nimble in picturing these changes —
able to see the fluids dividing and reuniting, according as the magnet is
brought near or withdrawn. Fixing a definite pole in your mind, you must
picture the precise arrangement of the two fluids with reference to this pole,
and be able to arouse similar pictures in the minds of your pupils. You will
cause them to place magnets and iron in various positions, and describe the
exact magnetic state of the iron in each particular case. The mere facts of
magnetism will have their interest immensely augmented by an acquaintance
with the principles whereon the facts depend. Still, while you use this theory
of magnetic fluids to track out the phenomena and link them together, you
your magnet than to one of its flat surfaces. In short, you will in all
likelihood have enriched your experience in many ways without any special
direction from me.
Well, the magnet attracts the nail, and the nail attracts a second one. This
proves that the nail in contact with the magnet has had the magnetic quality
developed in it by that contact. If it be withdrawn from the magnet its power
to attract its fellow nail ceases. Contact, however, is not necessary. A sheet of
glass or paper, or a space of air, may exist between the magnet and the nail;
the latter is still magnetised, though not so forcibly as when in actual
contact. The nail thus presented to the magnet is itself a temporary magnet.
That end which is turned towards the magnetic pole has the opposite
magnetism of the pole which excites it; the end most remote from the pole
has the same magnetism as the pole itself, and between the two poles the
nail, like the magnet, possesses a magnetic equator.
Conversant as you now are with the theory of magnetic fluids, you have
already, I doubt not, anticipated me in imagining the exact condition of an
iron nail under the influence of the magnet. You picture the iron as
possessing the neutral fluid in abundance; you picture the magnetic pole,
when brought near, decomposing the fluid; repelling the fluid of a like kind
with itself, and attracting the unlike fluid; thus exciting in the parts of the
iron nearest to itself the opposite polarity. But the iron is incapable of
becoming a permanent magnet. It only shows its virtue as long as the magnet
acts upon it. What, then, does the iron lack which the steel possesses? It
lacks coercive force. Its fluids are separated with ease; but, once the
separating cause is removed, they flow together again, and neutrality is
restored. Imagination must be quite nimble in picturing these changes —
able to see the fluids dividing and reuniting, according as the magnet is
brought near or withdrawn. Fixing a definite pole in your mind, you must
picture the precise arrangement of the two fluids with reference to this pole,
and be able to arouse similar pictures in the minds of your pupils. You will
cause them to place magnets and iron in various positions, and describe the
exact magnetic state of the iron in each particular case. The mere facts of
magnetism will have their interest immensely augmented by an acquaintance
with the principles whereon the facts depend. Still, while you use this theory
of magnetic fluids to track out the phenomena and link them together, you
Page 330
will not forget to tell your pupils that it is to be regarded as a symbol merely,
— a symbol, moreover, which is incompetent to cover all the facts, but
which does good practical service whilst we are waiting for the actual truth.
[Footnote: This theory breaks down when applied to diamagnetic bodies
which are repelled by magnets. Like soft iron, such bodies are thrown into a
state of temporary excitement, in virtue of which they are repelled; but any
attempt to explain such a repulsion by the decomposition of a fluid will
demonstrate its own futility.]
The state of excitement into which iron is thrown by the influence, of a
magnet, is sometimes called 'magnetisation by influence.' More commonly,
however, the magnetism is said to be 'induced' in the iron, and hence this
mode of magnetising is called 'magnetic induction.' Now, there is nothing
theoretically perfect in Nature: there is no iron so soft as not to possess a
certain amount of coercive force, and no steel so hard as not to be capable, in
some degree, of magnetic induction. The quality of steel is in some measure
possessed by iron, and the quality of iron is shared in some degree by steel.
It is in virtue of this latter fact that the unmagnetised darning-needle was
attracted in your first experiment; and from this you may at once deduce the
consequence that, after the steel has been magnetised, the repulsive action of
a magnet must be always less than its attractive action. For the repulsion is
opposed by the inductive action of the magnet on the steel, while the
attraction is assisted by the same inductive action. Make this clear to your
minds, and verify it by your experiments. In some cases you can actually
make the attraction due to the temporary magnetism overbalance the
repulsion due to the permanent magnetism, and thus cause two poles of the
same kind apparently to attract each other. When, however, good hard
magnets act on each other from a sufficient distance, the inductive action
practically vanishes, and the repulsion of like poles is sensibly equal to the
attraction of unlike ones.
I dwell thus long on elementary principles, because they are of the first
importance, and it is the temptation of this age of unhealthy cramming to
neglect them. Now follow me a little farther. In examining the distribution of
magnetism in your strip of steel you raised the needle slowly from bottom to
top, and found what we called a neutral point at the centre.
— a symbol, moreover, which is incompetent to cover all the facts, but
which does good practical service whilst we are waiting for the actual truth.
[Footnote: This theory breaks down when applied to diamagnetic bodies
which are repelled by magnets. Like soft iron, such bodies are thrown into a
state of temporary excitement, in virtue of which they are repelled; but any
attempt to explain such a repulsion by the decomposition of a fluid will
demonstrate its own futility.]
The state of excitement into which iron is thrown by the influence, of a
magnet, is sometimes called 'magnetisation by influence.' More commonly,
however, the magnetism is said to be 'induced' in the iron, and hence this
mode of magnetising is called 'magnetic induction.' Now, there is nothing
theoretically perfect in Nature: there is no iron so soft as not to possess a
certain amount of coercive force, and no steel so hard as not to be capable, in
some degree, of magnetic induction. The quality of steel is in some measure
possessed by iron, and the quality of iron is shared in some degree by steel.
It is in virtue of this latter fact that the unmagnetised darning-needle was
attracted in your first experiment; and from this you may at once deduce the
consequence that, after the steel has been magnetised, the repulsive action of
a magnet must be always less than its attractive action. For the repulsion is
opposed by the inductive action of the magnet on the steel, while the
attraction is assisted by the same inductive action. Make this clear to your
minds, and verify it by your experiments. In some cases you can actually
make the attraction due to the temporary magnetism overbalance the
repulsion due to the permanent magnetism, and thus cause two poles of the
same kind apparently to attract each other. When, however, good hard
magnets act on each other from a sufficient distance, the inductive action
practically vanishes, and the repulsion of like poles is sensibly equal to the
attraction of unlike ones.
I dwell thus long on elementary principles, because they are of the first
importance, and it is the temptation of this age of unhealthy cramming to
neglect them. Now follow me a little farther. In examining the distribution of
magnetism in your strip of steel you raised the needle slowly from bottom to
top, and found what we called a neutral point at the centre.
Page 331
Now does the magnet really exert no influence on the pole presented to its
centre? Let us see.
Let SN, fig. 13, be our magnet, and let n represent a particle of north
magnetism placed exactly opposite the middle of the magnet. Of course this
is an imaginary case, as you can never in reality thus detach your north
magnetism from its neighbour. But supposing us to have done so, what
would be the action of the two poles of the magnet on n? Your reply will of
course be that the pole S attracts n while the pole N repels it. Let the
magnitude and direction of the attraction be expressed by the line n m, and
the magnitude and direction of the repulsion by the line n o. Now, the
particle n being equally distant from s and N, the line n o, expressing the
repulsion, will be equal to m n, which expresses the attraction. Acted upon
by two such forces, the particle n must evidently move in the direction n p,
exactly midway between m n and n o. Hence you see that, although there is
no tendency of the particle n to move towards the magnetic equator, there is
a tendency on its part to move parallel to the magnet. If, instead of a particle
of north magnetism, we placed a particle of south magnetism opposite to the
magnetic equator, it would evidently be urged along the line n q; and if,
instead of two separate particles of magnetism, we place a little magnetic
centre? Let us see.
Let SN, fig. 13, be our magnet, and let n represent a particle of north
magnetism placed exactly opposite the middle of the magnet. Of course this
is an imaginary case, as you can never in reality thus detach your north
magnetism from its neighbour. But supposing us to have done so, what
would be the action of the two poles of the magnet on n? Your reply will of
course be that the pole S attracts n while the pole N repels it. Let the
magnitude and direction of the attraction be expressed by the line n m, and
the magnitude and direction of the repulsion by the line n o. Now, the
particle n being equally distant from s and N, the line n o, expressing the
repulsion, will be equal to m n, which expresses the attraction. Acted upon
by two such forces, the particle n must evidently move in the direction n p,
exactly midway between m n and n o. Hence you see that, although there is
no tendency of the particle n to move towards the magnetic equator, there is
a tendency on its part to move parallel to the magnet. If, instead of a particle
of north magnetism, we placed a particle of south magnetism opposite to the
magnetic equator, it would evidently be urged along the line n q; and if,
instead of two separate particles of magnetism, we place a little magnetic
Page 332
needle, containing both north and south magnetism, opposite the magnetic
equator, its south pole being urged along n q, and its north along n p, the
little needle will be compelled to set itself parallel to the magnet s N. Make
the experiment, and satisfy yourselves that this is a true deduction.
Substitute for your magnetic needle a bit of iron wire, devoid of permanent
magnetism, and it will set itself exactly as the needle does.
Acted upon by the magnet, the wire, as you know, becomes a magnet and
behaves as such; it will turn its north pole towards p, and south pole towards
q, just like the needle.
But supposing you shift the position of your particle of north magnetism,
and bring it nearer to one end of your magnet than to the other; the forces
acting on the particle are no longer equal; the nearest pole of the magnet will
act more powerfully on the particle than the more distant one. Let SN, fig.
14, be the magnet, and n the particle of north magnetism, in its new position.
It is repelled by N, and attracted by S. Let the repulsion be represented in
magnitude and direction by the line n o, and the attraction by the shorter line
n M. The resultant of these two forces will be found by completing the
parallelogram m n o p, and drawing its diagonal n p. Along n p, then, a
equator, its south pole being urged along n q, and its north along n p, the
little needle will be compelled to set itself parallel to the magnet s N. Make
the experiment, and satisfy yourselves that this is a true deduction.
Substitute for your magnetic needle a bit of iron wire, devoid of permanent
magnetism, and it will set itself exactly as the needle does.
Acted upon by the magnet, the wire, as you know, becomes a magnet and
behaves as such; it will turn its north pole towards p, and south pole towards
q, just like the needle.
But supposing you shift the position of your particle of north magnetism,
and bring it nearer to one end of your magnet than to the other; the forces
acting on the particle are no longer equal; the nearest pole of the magnet will
act more powerfully on the particle than the more distant one. Let SN, fig.
14, be the magnet, and n the particle of north magnetism, in its new position.
It is repelled by N, and attracted by S. Let the repulsion be represented in
magnitude and direction by the line n o, and the attraction by the shorter line
n M. The resultant of these two forces will be found by completing the
parallelogram m n o p, and drawing its diagonal n p. Along n p, then, a
Page 333
particle of north magnetism would be urged by the simultaneous action of S
and N. Substituting a particle of south magnetism for n, the same reasoning
would lead to the conclusion that the particle would be urged along it q. If
we place at n a short magnetic needle, its north pole will be urged along n p,
its south pole along n q, the only position possible to the needle, thus acted
on, being along the line p q, which is no longer parallel to the magnet. Verify
this deduction by actual experiment.
In this way we might go round the entire magnet; and, considering its two
poles as two centres from which the force emanates, we could, in accordance
with ordinary mechanical principles, assign a definite direction to the
magnetic needle at every particular place. And substituting, as before, a bit
of iron wire for the magnetic needle, the positions of both will be the same.
Now, I think, without further preface, you will be able' to comprehend for
yourselves, and explain to others, one of the most interesting effects in the
whole domain of magnetism. Iron filings you know are particles of iron,
irregular in shape, being longer in some directions than in others. For the
present experiment, moreover, instead of the iron filings, very small scraps
of thin iron wire might be employed. I place a sheet of paper over the
magnet; it is all the better if the paper be stretched on a wooden frame as this
enables us to keep it quite level. I scatter the filings, or the scraps of wire,
from a sieve upon the paper, and tap the latter gently, so as to liberate the
particles for a moment from its friction. The magnet acts on the filings
through the paper, and see how it arranges them! They embrace the magnet
in a series of beautiful curves, which are technically called 'magnetic curves,'
or 'lines of magnetic force.' Does the meaning of these lines yet flash upon
you? Set your magnetic needle, or your suspended bit of wire, at any point of
one of the curves, and you will find the direction of the needle, or of the
wire, to be exactly that of the particle of iron, or of the magnetic curve, at
that point. Go round and round the magnet; the direction of your needle
always coincides with the direction of the curve on which it is placed. These,
then, are the lines along which a particle of south magnetism, if you could
detach it, would move to the north pole, and a bit of north magnetism to the
south pole. They are the lines along which the decomposition of the neutral
fluid takes place. In the case of the magnetic needle, one of its poles being
urged in one direction, and the other pole in the opposite direction, the
needle must necessarily set itself as a tangent to the curve. I will not seek to
and N. Substituting a particle of south magnetism for n, the same reasoning
would lead to the conclusion that the particle would be urged along it q. If
we place at n a short magnetic needle, its north pole will be urged along n p,
its south pole along n q, the only position possible to the needle, thus acted
on, being along the line p q, which is no longer parallel to the magnet. Verify
this deduction by actual experiment.
In this way we might go round the entire magnet; and, considering its two
poles as two centres from which the force emanates, we could, in accordance
with ordinary mechanical principles, assign a definite direction to the
magnetic needle at every particular place. And substituting, as before, a bit
of iron wire for the magnetic needle, the positions of both will be the same.
Now, I think, without further preface, you will be able' to comprehend for
yourselves, and explain to others, one of the most interesting effects in the
whole domain of magnetism. Iron filings you know are particles of iron,
irregular in shape, being longer in some directions than in others. For the
present experiment, moreover, instead of the iron filings, very small scraps
of thin iron wire might be employed. I place a sheet of paper over the
magnet; it is all the better if the paper be stretched on a wooden frame as this
enables us to keep it quite level. I scatter the filings, or the scraps of wire,
from a sieve upon the paper, and tap the latter gently, so as to liberate the
particles for a moment from its friction. The magnet acts on the filings
through the paper, and see how it arranges them! They embrace the magnet
in a series of beautiful curves, which are technically called 'magnetic curves,'
or 'lines of magnetic force.' Does the meaning of these lines yet flash upon
you? Set your magnetic needle, or your suspended bit of wire, at any point of
one of the curves, and you will find the direction of the needle, or of the
wire, to be exactly that of the particle of iron, or of the magnetic curve, at
that point. Go round and round the magnet; the direction of your needle
always coincides with the direction of the curve on which it is placed. These,
then, are the lines along which a particle of south magnetism, if you could
detach it, would move to the north pole, and a bit of north magnetism to the
south pole. They are the lines along which the decomposition of the neutral
fluid takes place. In the case of the magnetic needle, one of its poles being
urged in one direction, and the other pole in the opposite direction, the
needle must necessarily set itself as a tangent to the curve. I will not seek to
Page 334
simplify this subject further. If there be anything obscure or confused or
incomplete in my statement, you ought now, by patient thought, to be able to
clear away the obscurity, to reduce the confusion to order, and to supply
what is needed to render the explanation complete. Do not quit the subject
until you thoroughly understand it; and if you are then able to look with your
mind's eye at the play of forces around a magnet, and see distinctly the
operation of those forces in the production of the magnetic curves, the time
which we have spent together will not have been spent in vain.
incomplete in my statement, you ought now, by patient thought, to be able to
clear away the obscurity, to reduce the confusion to order, and to supply
what is needed to render the explanation complete. Do not quit the subject
until you thoroughly understand it; and if you are then able to look with your
mind's eye at the play of forces around a magnet, and see distinctly the
operation of those forces in the production of the magnetic curves, the time
which we have spent together will not have been spent in vain.
Page 335
FIG. 15.
Page 336
In this thorough manner we must master our materials, reason upon them,
and, by determined study, attain to clearness of conception. Facts thus dealt
with exercise an expansive force upon the intellect; they widen the mind to
generalisation. We soon recognise a brotherhood between the larger
phenomena of Nature and the minute effects which we have observed in our
private chambers. Why, we enquire, does the magnetic needle set north and
south? Evidently it is compelled to do so by the earth; the great globe which
we inherit is itself a magnet. Let us learn a little more about it. By means of
a bit of wax, or otherwise, attach the end of your silk fibre to the middle
point of your magnetic needle; the needle will thus be uninterfered with by
the paper loop, and will enjoy to some extent a power of dipping' its point, or
its eye, below the horizon. Lay your bar magnet on a table, and hold the
needle over the equator of the magnet. The needle sets horizontal. Move it
towards the north end of the magnet; the south end of the needle dips, the dip
augmenting as you approach the north pole, over which the needle, if free to
move, will set itself exactly vertical. Move it back to the centre, it resumes
its horizontality; pass it on towards the south pole, its north end now dips,
and directly over the south pole the needle becomes vertical, its north end
being now turned downwards. Thus we learn that on the one side of the
magnetic equator the north end of the needle dips; on the other side the south
end dips, the dip varying from nothing to 90°. If we go to the equatorial
regions of the earth with a suitably suspended needle we shall find there the
position of the needle horizontal. If we sail north one end of the needle dips;
if we sail south the opposite end dips; and over the north or south terrestrial
magnetic pole the needle sets vertical. The south magnetic pole has not yet
been found, but Sir James Ross discovered the north magnetic pole on June
1, 1831. In this manner we establish a complete parallelism between the
action of the earth and that of an ordinary magnet.
The terrestrial magnetic poles do not coincide with the geographical ones;
nor does the earth's magnetic equator quite coincide with the geographical
equator. The direction of the magnetic needle in London, which is called the
magnetic meridian, encloses an angle of 24° with the astronomical meridian,
this angle being called the Declination of the needle for London. The north
pole of the needle now lies to the west of the true meridian; the declination is
westerly. In the year 1660, however, the declination was nothing, while
before that time it was easterly. All this proves that the earth's magnetic
and, by determined study, attain to clearness of conception. Facts thus dealt
with exercise an expansive force upon the intellect; they widen the mind to
generalisation. We soon recognise a brotherhood between the larger
phenomena of Nature and the minute effects which we have observed in our
private chambers. Why, we enquire, does the magnetic needle set north and
south? Evidently it is compelled to do so by the earth; the great globe which
we inherit is itself a magnet. Let us learn a little more about it. By means of
a bit of wax, or otherwise, attach the end of your silk fibre to the middle
point of your magnetic needle; the needle will thus be uninterfered with by
the paper loop, and will enjoy to some extent a power of dipping' its point, or
its eye, below the horizon. Lay your bar magnet on a table, and hold the
needle over the equator of the magnet. The needle sets horizontal. Move it
towards the north end of the magnet; the south end of the needle dips, the dip
augmenting as you approach the north pole, over which the needle, if free to
move, will set itself exactly vertical. Move it back to the centre, it resumes
its horizontality; pass it on towards the south pole, its north end now dips,
and directly over the south pole the needle becomes vertical, its north end
being now turned downwards. Thus we learn that on the one side of the
magnetic equator the north end of the needle dips; on the other side the south
end dips, the dip varying from nothing to 90°. If we go to the equatorial
regions of the earth with a suitably suspended needle we shall find there the
position of the needle horizontal. If we sail north one end of the needle dips;
if we sail south the opposite end dips; and over the north or south terrestrial
magnetic pole the needle sets vertical. The south magnetic pole has not yet
been found, but Sir James Ross discovered the north magnetic pole on June
1, 1831. In this manner we establish a complete parallelism between the
action of the earth and that of an ordinary magnet.
The terrestrial magnetic poles do not coincide with the geographical ones;
nor does the earth's magnetic equator quite coincide with the geographical
equator. The direction of the magnetic needle in London, which is called the
magnetic meridian, encloses an angle of 24° with the astronomical meridian,
this angle being called the Declination of the needle for London. The north
pole of the needle now lies to the west of the true meridian; the declination is
westerly. In the year 1660, however, the declination was nothing, while
before that time it was easterly. All this proves that the earth's magnetic
Page 337
constituents are gradually changing their distribution. This change is very
slow: it is therefore called the secular change, and the observation of it has
not yet extended over a sufficient period to enable us to guess, even
approximately, at its laws.
Having thus discovered, to some extent, the secret of the earth's magnetic
power, we can turn it to account. In the line of 'dip' I hold a poker formed of
good soft iron. The earth, acting as a magnet, is at this moment constraining
the two fluids of the poker to separate, making the lower end of the poker a
north pole, and the upper end a south pole. Mark the experiment: When the
knob is uppermost, it attracts the north end of a magnetic needle; when
undermost it attracts the south end of a magnetic needle. With such a poker
repeat this experiment and satisfy yourselves that the fluids shift their
position according to the manner in which the poker is presented to the earth.
It has already been stated that the softest iron possesses a certain amount of
coercive force. The earth, at this moment, finds in this force an antagonist
which opposes the decomposition of the neutral fluid, The component fluids
may be figured as meeting an amount of friction, or possessing an amount of
adhesion, which prevents them from gliding over the molecules of the poker.
Can we assist the earth in this case? If we wish to remove the residue of a
powder from the interior surface of a glass to which the powder clings, we
invert the glass, tap it, loosen the hold of the powder, and thus enable the
force of gravity to pull it down. So also by tapping the end of the poker we
'loosen the adhesion of the magnetic fluids to the molecules and enable the
earth to pull them apart. But, what is the consequence? The portion of fluid
which has been thus forcibly dragged over the molecules refuses to return
when the poker has been removed from the line of dip; the iron, as you see,
has become a permanent magnet. By reversing its position and tapping it
again we reverse its magnetism. A thoughtful and competent teacher will
know how to place these remarkable facts before his pupils in a manner
which will excite their interest. By the use of sensible images, more or less
gross, he will first give those whom he teaches definite conceptions,
purifying these conceptions afterwards, as the minds of his pupils become
more capable of abstraction. By thus giving them a distinct substratum for
their reasonings, he will confer upon his pupils a profit and a joy which the
mere exhibition of facts without principles, or the appeal to the bodily senses
and the power of memory alone, could never inspire.
slow: it is therefore called the secular change, and the observation of it has
not yet extended over a sufficient period to enable us to guess, even
approximately, at its laws.
Having thus discovered, to some extent, the secret of the earth's magnetic
power, we can turn it to account. In the line of 'dip' I hold a poker formed of
good soft iron. The earth, acting as a magnet, is at this moment constraining
the two fluids of the poker to separate, making the lower end of the poker a
north pole, and the upper end a south pole. Mark the experiment: When the
knob is uppermost, it attracts the north end of a magnetic needle; when
undermost it attracts the south end of a magnetic needle. With such a poker
repeat this experiment and satisfy yourselves that the fluids shift their
position according to the manner in which the poker is presented to the earth.
It has already been stated that the softest iron possesses a certain amount of
coercive force. The earth, at this moment, finds in this force an antagonist
which opposes the decomposition of the neutral fluid, The component fluids
may be figured as meeting an amount of friction, or possessing an amount of
adhesion, which prevents them from gliding over the molecules of the poker.
Can we assist the earth in this case? If we wish to remove the residue of a
powder from the interior surface of a glass to which the powder clings, we
invert the glass, tap it, loosen the hold of the powder, and thus enable the
force of gravity to pull it down. So also by tapping the end of the poker we
'loosen the adhesion of the magnetic fluids to the molecules and enable the
earth to pull them apart. But, what is the consequence? The portion of fluid
which has been thus forcibly dragged over the molecules refuses to return
when the poker has been removed from the line of dip; the iron, as you see,
has become a permanent magnet. By reversing its position and tapping it
again we reverse its magnetism. A thoughtful and competent teacher will
know how to place these remarkable facts before his pupils in a manner
which will excite their interest. By the use of sensible images, more or less
gross, he will first give those whom he teaches definite conceptions,
purifying these conceptions afterwards, as the minds of his pupils become
more capable of abstraction. By thus giving them a distinct substratum for
their reasonings, he will confer upon his pupils a profit and a joy which the
mere exhibition of facts without principles, or the appeal to the bodily senses
and the power of memory alone, could never inspire.
Page 338
------
==================================
As an expansion of the note on magnetic fluids, the following extract may
find a place here:— 'It is well known that a voltaic current exerts an
attractive force upon a second current, flowing in the same direction; and
that when the directions are opposed to each other the force exerted is a
repulsive one. By coiling wires into spirals, Ampère was enabled to make
them produce all the phenomena of attraction and repulsion exhibited by
magnets, and from this it was but a step to his celebrated theory of molecular
currents. He supposed the molecules of a magnetic body to be surrounded by
such currents, which, however, in the natural state of the body mutually
neutralised each other, on account of their confused grouping. The act of
magnetisation he supposed to consist in setting these molecular currents
parallel to each other; and, starting from this principle, he reduced all the
phenomena of magnetism to the mutual action of electric currents.
'If we reflect upon the experiments recorded in the foregoing pages from
first to last, we can hardly fail to be convinced that diamagnetic bodies
operated on by magnetic forces possess a polarity "the same in kind as, but
the reverse in direction of, that acquired by magnetic bodies." But if this be
the case, how are we to conceive the physical mechanism of this polarity?
According to Coulomb's and Poisson's theory, the act of magnetisation
consists in the decomposition of a neutral magnetic fluid; the north pole of a
magnet, for example, possesses an attraction for the south fluid of a piece of
soft iron submitted to its influence, draws the said fluid towards it, and with
it the material particles with which the fluid is associated. To account for
diamagnetic phenomena this theory seems to fail altogether; according to it,
indeed, the oft-used phrase, "a north pole exciting a north pole, and a south
pole a south pole," involves a contradiction. For if the north fluid be
supposed to be attracted towards the influencing north pole, it is absurd to
suppose that its presence there could produce repulsion. The theory of
Ampère is equally at a loss to explain diamagnetic action; for if we suppose
the particles of bismuth surrounded by molecular currents, then, according to
all that is known of electrodynamic laws, these currents would set
themselves parallel to, and in the same direction as, those of the magnet, and
hence attraction, and not repulsion, would be the result. The fact, however,
==================================
As an expansion of the note on magnetic fluids, the following extract may
find a place here:— 'It is well known that a voltaic current exerts an
attractive force upon a second current, flowing in the same direction; and
that when the directions are opposed to each other the force exerted is a
repulsive one. By coiling wires into spirals, Ampère was enabled to make
them produce all the phenomena of attraction and repulsion exhibited by
magnets, and from this it was but a step to his celebrated theory of molecular
currents. He supposed the molecules of a magnetic body to be surrounded by
such currents, which, however, in the natural state of the body mutually
neutralised each other, on account of their confused grouping. The act of
magnetisation he supposed to consist in setting these molecular currents
parallel to each other; and, starting from this principle, he reduced all the
phenomena of magnetism to the mutual action of electric currents.
'If we reflect upon the experiments recorded in the foregoing pages from
first to last, we can hardly fail to be convinced that diamagnetic bodies
operated on by magnetic forces possess a polarity "the same in kind as, but
the reverse in direction of, that acquired by magnetic bodies." But if this be
the case, how are we to conceive the physical mechanism of this polarity?
According to Coulomb's and Poisson's theory, the act of magnetisation
consists in the decomposition of a neutral magnetic fluid; the north pole of a
magnet, for example, possesses an attraction for the south fluid of a piece of
soft iron submitted to its influence, draws the said fluid towards it, and with
it the material particles with which the fluid is associated. To account for
diamagnetic phenomena this theory seems to fail altogether; according to it,
indeed, the oft-used phrase, "a north pole exciting a north pole, and a south
pole a south pole," involves a contradiction. For if the north fluid be
supposed to be attracted towards the influencing north pole, it is absurd to
suppose that its presence there could produce repulsion. The theory of
Ampère is equally at a loss to explain diamagnetic action; for if we suppose
the particles of bismuth surrounded by molecular currents, then, according to
all that is known of electrodynamic laws, these currents would set
themselves parallel to, and in the same direction as, those of the magnet, and
hence attraction, and not repulsion, would be the result. The fact, however,
Page 339
of this not being the case, proves that these molecular currents are not the
mechanism by which diamagnetic induction is effected. The consciousness
of this, I doubt not, drove M. Weber to the assumption that the phenomena of
diamagnetism are produced by molecular currents, not directed, but actually
excited in the bismuth by the magnet. Such induced currents would,
according to known laws, have a direction opposed to those of the inducing
magnet, and hence would produce the phenomena of repulsion. To carry out
the assumption here made, M. Weber is obliged to suppose that the
molecules of diamagnetic bodies are surrounded by channels, in which the
induced molecular currents, once excited, continue to flow without
resistance.' [Footnote: In assuming these non-resisting channels M. Weber, it
must be admitted, did not go beyond the assumptions of Ampère.] —
Diamagnetism and Magne-crystallic Action, p. 136-7..
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVI. ON FORCE.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered in the Royal Institution, June 6, 1862.]
A SPHERE of lead was suspended at a height of 16 feet above the theatre
floor of the Royal Institution. It was liberated, and fell by gravity. That
weight required a second to fall to the floor from that elevation; and the
instant before it touched the floor, it had a velocity of 32 feet a second. That
is to say, if at that instant the earth were annihilated, and its attraction
annulled, the weight would proceed through space at the uniform velocity of
32 feet a second.
mechanism by which diamagnetic induction is effected. The consciousness
of this, I doubt not, drove M. Weber to the assumption that the phenomena of
diamagnetism are produced by molecular currents, not directed, but actually
excited in the bismuth by the magnet. Such induced currents would,
according to known laws, have a direction opposed to those of the inducing
magnet, and hence would produce the phenomena of repulsion. To carry out
the assumption here made, M. Weber is obliged to suppose that the
molecules of diamagnetic bodies are surrounded by channels, in which the
induced molecular currents, once excited, continue to flow without
resistance.' [Footnote: In assuming these non-resisting channels M. Weber, it
must be admitted, did not go beyond the assumptions of Ampère.] —
Diamagnetism and Magne-crystallic Action, p. 136-7..
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVI. ON FORCE.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered in the Royal Institution, June 6, 1862.]
A SPHERE of lead was suspended at a height of 16 feet above the theatre
floor of the Royal Institution. It was liberated, and fell by gravity. That
weight required a second to fall to the floor from that elevation; and the
instant before it touched the floor, it had a velocity of 32 feet a second. That
is to say, if at that instant the earth were annihilated, and its attraction
annulled, the weight would proceed through space at the uniform velocity of
32 feet a second.
Page 340
If instead of being pulled downward by gravity, the weight be cast upward in
opposition to gravity, then, to reach a height of 16 feet it must start with a
velocity of 32 feet a second. This velocity imparted to the weight by the
human hand, or by any other mechanical means, would carry it to the precise
height from which we saw it fall.
Now the lifting of the weight may be regarded as so much mechanical work
performed. By means of a ladder placed against the wall, the weight might
be carried up to a height of 16 feet; or it might be drawn up to this height by
means of a string and pulley, or it might be suddenly jerked up to a height of
16 feet. The amount of work done in all these cases, as far as the raising of
the weight is concerned, would be absolutely the same. The work done at
one and the same place, and neglecting the small change of gravity with the
height, depends solely upon two things; on the quantity of matter lifted, and
on the height to which it is lifted. If we call the quantity or mass of matter m,
and the height through which it is lifted h, then the product of m into h, or
mh, expresses, or is proportional to, the amount of work done.
Supposing, instead of imparting a velocity of 32 feet a second we impart at
starting twice this velocity. To what height will the weight rise? You might
be disposed to answer, 'To twice the height;' but this would be quite
incorrect. Instead of twice 16, or 32 feet, it would reach a height of four
times 16, or 64 feet. So also, if we treble the starting velocity, the weight
would reach nine times the height; if we quadruple the speed at starting, we
attain sixteen times the height. Thus, with a four-fold velocity of 128 feet a
second at starting, the weight would attain an elevation of 256 feet. With a
seven-fold velocity at starting, the weight would rise to 49 times the height,
or to an elevation of 784 feet.
Now the work done — or, as it is sometimes called, the mechanical effect —
other things being constant, is, as before explained, proportional to the
height, and as a double velocity gives four times the height, a treble velocity
nine times the height, and so on, it is perfectly plain that the mechanical
effect increases as the square of the velocity. If the mass of the body be
represented by the letter m, and its velocity by v, the mechanical effect
would be proportional to or represented by m v2. In the case considered, I
have supposed the weight to be cast upward, being opposed in its flight by
the resistance of gravity; but the same holds true if the projectile be sent into
opposition to gravity, then, to reach a height of 16 feet it must start with a
velocity of 32 feet a second. This velocity imparted to the weight by the
human hand, or by any other mechanical means, would carry it to the precise
height from which we saw it fall.
Now the lifting of the weight may be regarded as so much mechanical work
performed. By means of a ladder placed against the wall, the weight might
be carried up to a height of 16 feet; or it might be drawn up to this height by
means of a string and pulley, or it might be suddenly jerked up to a height of
16 feet. The amount of work done in all these cases, as far as the raising of
the weight is concerned, would be absolutely the same. The work done at
one and the same place, and neglecting the small change of gravity with the
height, depends solely upon two things; on the quantity of matter lifted, and
on the height to which it is lifted. If we call the quantity or mass of matter m,
and the height through which it is lifted h, then the product of m into h, or
mh, expresses, or is proportional to, the amount of work done.
Supposing, instead of imparting a velocity of 32 feet a second we impart at
starting twice this velocity. To what height will the weight rise? You might
be disposed to answer, 'To twice the height;' but this would be quite
incorrect. Instead of twice 16, or 32 feet, it would reach a height of four
times 16, or 64 feet. So also, if we treble the starting velocity, the weight
would reach nine times the height; if we quadruple the speed at starting, we
attain sixteen times the height. Thus, with a four-fold velocity of 128 feet a
second at starting, the weight would attain an elevation of 256 feet. With a
seven-fold velocity at starting, the weight would rise to 49 times the height,
or to an elevation of 784 feet.
Now the work done — or, as it is sometimes called, the mechanical effect —
other things being constant, is, as before explained, proportional to the
height, and as a double velocity gives four times the height, a treble velocity
nine times the height, and so on, it is perfectly plain that the mechanical
effect increases as the square of the velocity. If the mass of the body be
represented by the letter m, and its velocity by v, the mechanical effect
would be proportional to or represented by m v2. In the case considered, I
have supposed the weight to be cast upward, being opposed in its flight by
the resistance of gravity; but the same holds true if the projectile be sent into
Page 341
water, mud, earth, timber, or other resisting material. If, for example, we
double the velocity of a cannon-ball, we quadruple its mechanical effect.
Hence the importance of augmenting the velocity of a projectile, and hence
the philosophy of Sir William Armstrong in using a large charge of powder
in his recent striking experiments.
The measure then of mechanical effect is the mass of the body multiplied by
the square of its velocity.
Now in firing a ball against a target the projectile, after collision, is often
found hot. Mr. Fairbairn informs me that in the experiments at Shoeburyness
it is a common thing to see a flash, even in broad daylight, when the ball
strikes the target. And if our lead weight be examined after it has fallen from
a height it is also found heated. Now here experiment and reasoning lead us
to the remarkable law that, like the mechanical effect, the amount of heat
generated is proportional to the product of the mass into the square of the
velocity. Double your mass, other things being equal, and you double your
amount of heat; double your velocity, other things remaining equal, and you
quadruple your amount of heat. Here then we have common mechanical
motion destroyed and heat produced. When a violin bow is drawn across a
string, the sound produced is due to motion imparted to the air, and to
produce that motion muscular force has been expended. We may here
correctly say, that the mechanical force of the arm is converted into music.
In a similar way we say that the arrested motion of our descending weight,
or of the cannon-ball, is converted into heat. The mode of motion changes,
but motion still continues; the motion of the mass is converted into a motion
of the atoms of the mass; and these small motions, communicated to the
nerves, produce the sensation we call heat.
We know the amount of heat which a given amount of mechanical force can
develope. Our lead ball, for example, in falling to the earth generated a
quantity of heat sufficient to raise its own temperature three-fifths of a
Fahrenheit degree. It reached the earth with a velocity of 32 feet a second,
and forty times this velocity would be small for a rifle bullet; multiplying 0.6
by the square of 40, we find that the amount of heat developed by collision
with the target would, if wholly concentrated in the lead, raise its
temperature 960 degrees. This would be more than sufficient to fuse the
lead. In reality, however, the heat developed is divided between the lead and
double the velocity of a cannon-ball, we quadruple its mechanical effect.
Hence the importance of augmenting the velocity of a projectile, and hence
the philosophy of Sir William Armstrong in using a large charge of powder
in his recent striking experiments.
The measure then of mechanical effect is the mass of the body multiplied by
the square of its velocity.
Now in firing a ball against a target the projectile, after collision, is often
found hot. Mr. Fairbairn informs me that in the experiments at Shoeburyness
it is a common thing to see a flash, even in broad daylight, when the ball
strikes the target. And if our lead weight be examined after it has fallen from
a height it is also found heated. Now here experiment and reasoning lead us
to the remarkable law that, like the mechanical effect, the amount of heat
generated is proportional to the product of the mass into the square of the
velocity. Double your mass, other things being equal, and you double your
amount of heat; double your velocity, other things remaining equal, and you
quadruple your amount of heat. Here then we have common mechanical
motion destroyed and heat produced. When a violin bow is drawn across a
string, the sound produced is due to motion imparted to the air, and to
produce that motion muscular force has been expended. We may here
correctly say, that the mechanical force of the arm is converted into music.
In a similar way we say that the arrested motion of our descending weight,
or of the cannon-ball, is converted into heat. The mode of motion changes,
but motion still continues; the motion of the mass is converted into a motion
of the atoms of the mass; and these small motions, communicated to the
nerves, produce the sensation we call heat.
We know the amount of heat which a given amount of mechanical force can
develope. Our lead ball, for example, in falling to the earth generated a
quantity of heat sufficient to raise its own temperature three-fifths of a
Fahrenheit degree. It reached the earth with a velocity of 32 feet a second,
and forty times this velocity would be small for a rifle bullet; multiplying 0.6
by the square of 40, we find that the amount of heat developed by collision
with the target would, if wholly concentrated in the lead, raise its
temperature 960 degrees. This would be more than sufficient to fuse the
lead. In reality, however, the heat developed is divided between the lead and
Page 342
the body against which it strikes; nevertheless, it would be worth while to
pay attention to this point, and to ascertain whether rifle bullets do not, under
some circumstances, show signs of fusion. [Footnote: Eight years
subsequently this surmise was proved correct. In the Franco-German War
signs of fusion were observed in the case of bullets impinging on bones.]
From the motion of sensible masses, by gravity and other means, we now
pass to the motion of atoms towards each other by chemical affinity. A
collodion balloon filled with a mixture of chlorine and hydrogen being hung
in the focus of a parabolic mirror, in the focus of a second mirror 20 feet
distant a strong electric light was suddenly generated; the instant the
concentrated light fell upon the balloon, the gases within it exploded,
hydrochloric acid being the result. Here the atoms virtually fell together, the
amount of heat produced showing the enormous force of the collision. The
burning of charcoal in oxygen is an old experiment, but it has now a
significance beyond what it used to have; we now regard the act of
combination on the part of the atoms of oxygen and coal as we regard the
clashing of a falling weight against the earth. The heat produced in both
cases is referable to a common cause. A diamond, which burns in oxygen as
a star of white light, glows and burns in consequence of the falling of the
atoms of oxygen against it. And could we measure the velocity of the atoms
when they clash, and could we find their number and weights, multiplying
the weight of each atom by the square of its velocity, and adding all together,
we should get a number representing the exact amount of heat developed by
the union of the oxygen and carbon.
Thus far we have regarded the heat developed by the clashing of sensible
masses and of atoms. Work is expended in giving motion to these atoms or
masses, and heat is developed. But we reverse this process daily, and by the
expenditure of heat execute work. We can raise a weight by heat; and in this
agent we possess an enormous store of mechanical power. A pound of coal
produces by its combination with oxygen an amount of heat which, if
mechanically applied, would suffice to raise a weight of 100 lbs. to a height
of 20 miles above the earth's surface. Conversely, 100 lbs. falling from a
height of 20 miles, and striking against 'the earth, would generate an amount
of heat equal to that developed by the combustion of a pound of coal.
Wherever work is done by heat, heat disappears. A gun which fires a ball is
less heated than one which fires blank cartridge. The quantity of heat
pay attention to this point, and to ascertain whether rifle bullets do not, under
some circumstances, show signs of fusion. [Footnote: Eight years
subsequently this surmise was proved correct. In the Franco-German War
signs of fusion were observed in the case of bullets impinging on bones.]
From the motion of sensible masses, by gravity and other means, we now
pass to the motion of atoms towards each other by chemical affinity. A
collodion balloon filled with a mixture of chlorine and hydrogen being hung
in the focus of a parabolic mirror, in the focus of a second mirror 20 feet
distant a strong electric light was suddenly generated; the instant the
concentrated light fell upon the balloon, the gases within it exploded,
hydrochloric acid being the result. Here the atoms virtually fell together, the
amount of heat produced showing the enormous force of the collision. The
burning of charcoal in oxygen is an old experiment, but it has now a
significance beyond what it used to have; we now regard the act of
combination on the part of the atoms of oxygen and coal as we regard the
clashing of a falling weight against the earth. The heat produced in both
cases is referable to a common cause. A diamond, which burns in oxygen as
a star of white light, glows and burns in consequence of the falling of the
atoms of oxygen against it. And could we measure the velocity of the atoms
when they clash, and could we find their number and weights, multiplying
the weight of each atom by the square of its velocity, and adding all together,
we should get a number representing the exact amount of heat developed by
the union of the oxygen and carbon.
Thus far we have regarded the heat developed by the clashing of sensible
masses and of atoms. Work is expended in giving motion to these atoms or
masses, and heat is developed. But we reverse this process daily, and by the
expenditure of heat execute work. We can raise a weight by heat; and in this
agent we possess an enormous store of mechanical power. A pound of coal
produces by its combination with oxygen an amount of heat which, if
mechanically applied, would suffice to raise a weight of 100 lbs. to a height
of 20 miles above the earth's surface. Conversely, 100 lbs. falling from a
height of 20 miles, and striking against 'the earth, would generate an amount
of heat equal to that developed by the combustion of a pound of coal.
Wherever work is done by heat, heat disappears. A gun which fires a ball is
less heated than one which fires blank cartridge. The quantity of heat
Page 343
communicated to the boiler of a working steam-engine is greater than that
which could be obtained from the re-condensation of the steam, after it had
done its work; and the amount of work performed is the exact equivalent of
the amount of heat lost. Mr. Smyth informed us in his interesting discourse,
that we dig annually 84 millions of tons of coal from our pits. The amount of
mechanical force represented by this quantity of coal seems perfectly
fabulous. The combustion of a single pound of coal, supposing it to take
place in a minute, would be equivalent to the work of 300 horses; and if we
suppose 108 millions of horses working day and night with unimpaired
strength, for a year, their united energies would enable them to perform an
amount of work just equivalent to that which the annual produce of our coal-
fields would be able to accomplish.
Comparing with ordinary gravity the force with which oxygen and carbon
unite together, chemical affinity seems almost infinite. But let us give
gravity fair play by permitting it to act throughout its entire range. Place a
body at such a distance from the earth that the attraction of our planet is
barely sensible, and let it fall to the earth from this distance. It would reach
the earth with a final velocity of 36,747 feet a second; and on collision with
the earth the body would generate about twice the amount of heat generated
by the combustion of an equal weight of coal. We have stated that by falling
through a space of 16 feet our lead bullet would be heated three-fifths of a
degree; but a body falling from an infinite distance has already used up
1,299,999 parts out of 1,300,000 of the earth's pulling power, when it has
arrived within 16 feet of the surface; on this space only 1/1,300,000 of the
whole force is exerted.
Let us now turn our thoughts for a moment from the earth to the sun. The
researches of Sir John Herschel and M. Pouillet have informed us of the
annual expenditure of the sun as regards heat; and by an easy calculation we
ascertain the precise amount of the expenditure which falls to the share of
our planet. Out of 2300 million parts of light and heat the earth receives one.
The whole heat emitted by the sun in a minute would be competent to boil
12,000 millions of cubic miles of ice-cold water. How is this enormous loss
made good — whence is the sun's heat derived, and by what means is it
maintained? No combustion — no chemical affinity with which we are
acquainted, would be competent to produce the temperature of the sun's
surface. Besides, were the sun a burning body merely, its light and heat
which could be obtained from the re-condensation of the steam, after it had
done its work; and the amount of work performed is the exact equivalent of
the amount of heat lost. Mr. Smyth informed us in his interesting discourse,
that we dig annually 84 millions of tons of coal from our pits. The amount of
mechanical force represented by this quantity of coal seems perfectly
fabulous. The combustion of a single pound of coal, supposing it to take
place in a minute, would be equivalent to the work of 300 horses; and if we
suppose 108 millions of horses working day and night with unimpaired
strength, for a year, their united energies would enable them to perform an
amount of work just equivalent to that which the annual produce of our coal-
fields would be able to accomplish.
Comparing with ordinary gravity the force with which oxygen and carbon
unite together, chemical affinity seems almost infinite. But let us give
gravity fair play by permitting it to act throughout its entire range. Place a
body at such a distance from the earth that the attraction of our planet is
barely sensible, and let it fall to the earth from this distance. It would reach
the earth with a final velocity of 36,747 feet a second; and on collision with
the earth the body would generate about twice the amount of heat generated
by the combustion of an equal weight of coal. We have stated that by falling
through a space of 16 feet our lead bullet would be heated three-fifths of a
degree; but a body falling from an infinite distance has already used up
1,299,999 parts out of 1,300,000 of the earth's pulling power, when it has
arrived within 16 feet of the surface; on this space only 1/1,300,000 of the
whole force is exerted.
Let us now turn our thoughts for a moment from the earth to the sun. The
researches of Sir John Herschel and M. Pouillet have informed us of the
annual expenditure of the sun as regards heat; and by an easy calculation we
ascertain the precise amount of the expenditure which falls to the share of
our planet. Out of 2300 million parts of light and heat the earth receives one.
The whole heat emitted by the sun in a minute would be competent to boil
12,000 millions of cubic miles of ice-cold water. How is this enormous loss
made good — whence is the sun's heat derived, and by what means is it
maintained? No combustion — no chemical affinity with which we are
acquainted, would be competent to produce the temperature of the sun's
surface. Besides, were the sun a burning body merely, its light and heat
Page 344
would speedily come to an end. Supposing it to be a solid globe of coal, its
combustion would only cover 4600 years of expenditure. In this short time it
would burn itself out. What agency then can produce the temperature and
maintain the outlay? We have already regarded the case of a body falling
from a great distance towards the earth, and found that the heat generated by
its collision would be twice that produced by the combustion of an equal
weight of coal. How much greater must be the heat developed by a body
falling against the sun! The maximum velocity with which a body can strike
the earth is about 7 miles in a second; the maximum velocity with which it
can strike the sun is 390 miles in a second. And as the heat developed by the
collision is proportional to the square of the velocity destroyed, an asteroid
falling into the sun with the above velocity would generate about 10,000
times the quantity of heat produced by the combustion of an asteroid of coal
of the same weight.
Have we any reason to believe that such bodies exist in space, and that they
may be raining down upon the sun? The meteorites flashing through the air
are small planetary bodies, drawn by the earth's attraction. They enter our
atmosphere with planetary velocity, and by friction against the air they are
raised to incandescence and caused to emit light and heat. At certain seasons
of the year they shower down upon us in great numbers. In Boston 240,000
of them were observed in nine hours. There is no reason to suppose that the
planetary system is limited to 'vast masses of enormous weight;' there is, on
the contrary, reason to believe that space is stocked with smaller masses,
which obey the same laws as the larger ones. That lenticular envelope which
surrounds the sun, and which is known to astronomers as the Zodiacal light,
is probably a crowd of meteors; and moving as they do in a resisting
medium, they must continually approach the sun. Falling into it, they would
produce enormous heat, and this would constitute a source from which the
annual loss of heat might be made good. The sun, according to this
hypothesis, would continually grow larger; but how much larger? Were our
moon to fall into the sun, it would develope an amount of heat sufficient to
cover one or two years' loss; and were our earth to fall into the sun a
century's loss would be made good. Still, our moon and our earth, if
distributed over the surface of the sun, would utterly vanish from perception.
Indeed, the quantity of matter competent to produce the required effect
would, during the range of history, cause no appreciable augmentation in the
sun's magnitude. The augmentation of the sun's attractive force would be
combustion would only cover 4600 years of expenditure. In this short time it
would burn itself out. What agency then can produce the temperature and
maintain the outlay? We have already regarded the case of a body falling
from a great distance towards the earth, and found that the heat generated by
its collision would be twice that produced by the combustion of an equal
weight of coal. How much greater must be the heat developed by a body
falling against the sun! The maximum velocity with which a body can strike
the earth is about 7 miles in a second; the maximum velocity with which it
can strike the sun is 390 miles in a second. And as the heat developed by the
collision is proportional to the square of the velocity destroyed, an asteroid
falling into the sun with the above velocity would generate about 10,000
times the quantity of heat produced by the combustion of an asteroid of coal
of the same weight.
Have we any reason to believe that such bodies exist in space, and that they
may be raining down upon the sun? The meteorites flashing through the air
are small planetary bodies, drawn by the earth's attraction. They enter our
atmosphere with planetary velocity, and by friction against the air they are
raised to incandescence and caused to emit light and heat. At certain seasons
of the year they shower down upon us in great numbers. In Boston 240,000
of them were observed in nine hours. There is no reason to suppose that the
planetary system is limited to 'vast masses of enormous weight;' there is, on
the contrary, reason to believe that space is stocked with smaller masses,
which obey the same laws as the larger ones. That lenticular envelope which
surrounds the sun, and which is known to astronomers as the Zodiacal light,
is probably a crowd of meteors; and moving as they do in a resisting
medium, they must continually approach the sun. Falling into it, they would
produce enormous heat, and this would constitute a source from which the
annual loss of heat might be made good. The sun, according to this
hypothesis, would continually grow larger; but how much larger? Were our
moon to fall into the sun, it would develope an amount of heat sufficient to
cover one or two years' loss; and were our earth to fall into the sun a
century's loss would be made good. Still, our moon and our earth, if
distributed over the surface of the sun, would utterly vanish from perception.
Indeed, the quantity of matter competent to produce the required effect
would, during the range of history, cause no appreciable augmentation in the
sun's magnitude. The augmentation of the sun's attractive force would be
Page 345
more sensible. However this hypothesis may fare as a representant of what is
going on in nature, it certainly shows how a sun might be formed and
maintained on known thermo-dynamic principles.
Our earth moves in its orbit with a velocity of 68,040 miles an hour. Were
this motion stopped, an amount of heat would be developed sufficient to
raise the temperature of a globe of lead of the same size as the earth 384,000
degrees of the centigrade thermometer. It has been prophesied that 'the
elements shall melt with fervent heat.' The earth's own motion embraces the
conditions of fulfilment; stop that motion, and the greater part, if not the
whole, of our planet would be reduced to vapour. If the earth fell into the
sun, the amount of heat developed by the shock would be equal to that
developed by the combustion of a mass of solid coal 6435 times the earth in
size.
There is one other consideration connected with the permanence of our
present terrestrial conditions, which is well worthy of our attention. Standing
upon one of the London bridges, we observe the current of the Thames
reversed, and the water poured upward twice a-day. The water thus moved
rubs against the river's bed, and heat is the consequence of this friction. The
heat thus generated is in part radiated into space and lost, as far as the earth
is concerned. What supplies this incessant loss? The earth's rotation. Let us
look a little more closely at the matter. Imagine the moon fixed, and the earth
turning like a wheel from west to east in its diurnal rotation. Suppose a high
mountain on the earth's surface approaching the earth's meridian; that
mountain is, as it were, laid hold of by the moon; it forms a kind of handle
by which the earth is pulled more quickly round. But when the meridian is
passed the pull of the moon on the mountain would be in the opposite
direction, it would tend to diminish the velocity of rotation as much as it
previously augmented it; thus the action of all fixed bodies on the earth's
surface is neutralised. But suppose the mountain to lie always to the east of
the moon's meridian, the pull then would be always exerted against the
earth's rotation, the velocity of which would be diminished in a degree
corresponding to the strength of the pull. The tidal wave occupies this
position — it lies always to the east of the moon's meridian. The waters of
the ocean are in part dragged as a brake along the surface of the earth; and as
a brake they must diminish the velocity of the earth's rotation. [Footnote:
Kant surmised an action of this kind.] Supposing then that we turn a mill by
going on in nature, it certainly shows how a sun might be formed and
maintained on known thermo-dynamic principles.
Our earth moves in its orbit with a velocity of 68,040 miles an hour. Were
this motion stopped, an amount of heat would be developed sufficient to
raise the temperature of a globe of lead of the same size as the earth 384,000
degrees of the centigrade thermometer. It has been prophesied that 'the
elements shall melt with fervent heat.' The earth's own motion embraces the
conditions of fulfilment; stop that motion, and the greater part, if not the
whole, of our planet would be reduced to vapour. If the earth fell into the
sun, the amount of heat developed by the shock would be equal to that
developed by the combustion of a mass of solid coal 6435 times the earth in
size.
There is one other consideration connected with the permanence of our
present terrestrial conditions, which is well worthy of our attention. Standing
upon one of the London bridges, we observe the current of the Thames
reversed, and the water poured upward twice a-day. The water thus moved
rubs against the river's bed, and heat is the consequence of this friction. The
heat thus generated is in part radiated into space and lost, as far as the earth
is concerned. What supplies this incessant loss? The earth's rotation. Let us
look a little more closely at the matter. Imagine the moon fixed, and the earth
turning like a wheel from west to east in its diurnal rotation. Suppose a high
mountain on the earth's surface approaching the earth's meridian; that
mountain is, as it were, laid hold of by the moon; it forms a kind of handle
by which the earth is pulled more quickly round. But when the meridian is
passed the pull of the moon on the mountain would be in the opposite
direction, it would tend to diminish the velocity of rotation as much as it
previously augmented it; thus the action of all fixed bodies on the earth's
surface is neutralised. But suppose the mountain to lie always to the east of
the moon's meridian, the pull then would be always exerted against the
earth's rotation, the velocity of which would be diminished in a degree
corresponding to the strength of the pull. The tidal wave occupies this
position — it lies always to the east of the moon's meridian. The waters of
the ocean are in part dragged as a brake along the surface of the earth; and as
a brake they must diminish the velocity of the earth's rotation. [Footnote:
Kant surmised an action of this kind.] Supposing then that we turn a mill by
Page 346
the action of the tide, and produce heat by the friction of the millstones; that
heat has an origin totally different from the heat produced by another mill
which is turned by a mountain stream. The former is produced at the expense
of the earth's rotation, the latter at the expense of the sun's radiation.
The sun, by the act of vaporisation, lifts mechanically all the moisture of our
air, which when it condenses falls in the form of rain, and when it freezes
falls as snow. In this solid form it is piled upon the Alpine heights, and
furnishes materials for glaciers. But the sun again interposes, liberates the
solidified liquid, and permits it to roll by gravity to the sea. The mechanical
force of every river in the world as it rolls towards the ocean, is drawn from
the heat of the sun. No streamlet glides to a lower level without having been
first lifted to the elevation from which it springs by the power of the sun.
The energy of winds is also due entirely to the same power.
But there is still another work which the sun performs, and its connection
with which is not so obvious. Trees and vegetables grow upon the earth, and
when burned they give rise to heat, and hence to mechanical energy. Whence
is this power derived? You see this oxide of iron, produced by the falling
together of the atoms of iron and oxygen; you cannot see this transparent
carbonic acid gas, formed by the falling together of carbon and oxygen. The
atoms thus in close union resemble our lead weight while resting on the
earth; but we can wind up the weight and prepare it for another fall, and so
these atoms can be wound up and thus enabled to repeat the process of
combination. In the building of plants carbonic acid is the material from
which the carbon of the plant is derived; and the solar beam is the agent
which tears the atoms asunder, setting the oxygen free, and allowing the
carbon to aggregate in woody fibre. Let the solar rays fall upon a surface of
sand; the sand is heated, and finally radiates away as much heat as it
receives; let the same beams fall upon a forest, the quantity of heat given
back is less than the forest receives; for the energy of a portion of the
sunbeams is invested in building the trees. Without the sun the reduction of
the carbonic acid cannot be effected, and an amount of sunlight is consumed
exactly equivalent to the molecular work done. Thus trees are formed; thus
the cotton on which Mr. Bazley discoursed last Friday is produced. I ignite
this cotton, and it flames; the oxygen again unites with the carbon; but an
amount of heat equal to that produced by its combustion was sacrificed by
the sun to form that bit of cotton.
heat has an origin totally different from the heat produced by another mill
which is turned by a mountain stream. The former is produced at the expense
of the earth's rotation, the latter at the expense of the sun's radiation.
The sun, by the act of vaporisation, lifts mechanically all the moisture of our
air, which when it condenses falls in the form of rain, and when it freezes
falls as snow. In this solid form it is piled upon the Alpine heights, and
furnishes materials for glaciers. But the sun again interposes, liberates the
solidified liquid, and permits it to roll by gravity to the sea. The mechanical
force of every river in the world as it rolls towards the ocean, is drawn from
the heat of the sun. No streamlet glides to a lower level without having been
first lifted to the elevation from which it springs by the power of the sun.
The energy of winds is also due entirely to the same power.
But there is still another work which the sun performs, and its connection
with which is not so obvious. Trees and vegetables grow upon the earth, and
when burned they give rise to heat, and hence to mechanical energy. Whence
is this power derived? You see this oxide of iron, produced by the falling
together of the atoms of iron and oxygen; you cannot see this transparent
carbonic acid gas, formed by the falling together of carbon and oxygen. The
atoms thus in close union resemble our lead weight while resting on the
earth; but we can wind up the weight and prepare it for another fall, and so
these atoms can be wound up and thus enabled to repeat the process of
combination. In the building of plants carbonic acid is the material from
which the carbon of the plant is derived; and the solar beam is the agent
which tears the atoms asunder, setting the oxygen free, and allowing the
carbon to aggregate in woody fibre. Let the solar rays fall upon a surface of
sand; the sand is heated, and finally radiates away as much heat as it
receives; let the same beams fall upon a forest, the quantity of heat given
back is less than the forest receives; for the energy of a portion of the
sunbeams is invested in building the trees. Without the sun the reduction of
the carbonic acid cannot be effected, and an amount of sunlight is consumed
exactly equivalent to the molecular work done. Thus trees are formed; thus
the cotton on which Mr. Bazley discoursed last Friday is produced. I ignite
this cotton, and it flames; the oxygen again unites with the carbon; but an
amount of heat equal to that produced by its combustion was sacrificed by
the sun to form that bit of cotton.
Page 347
We cannot, however, stop at vegetable life, for it is the source, mediate or
immediate, of all animal life. The sun severs the carbon from its oxygen and
builds the vegetable; the animal consumes the vegetable thus formed, a
reunion of the severed elements takes place, producing animal heat. The
process of building a vegetable is one of winding up; the process of building
an animal is one of running down. The warmth of our bodies, and every
mechanical energy which we exert, trace their lineage directly to the sun.
The fight of a pair of pugilists, the motion of an army, or the lifting of his
own body by an Alpine climber up a mountain slope, are all cases of
mechanical energy drawn from the sun. A man weighing 150 pounds has 64
pounds of muscle; but these, when dried, reduce themselves to 15 pounds.
Doing an ordinary day's work, for eighty days, this mass of muscle would be
wholly oxidised. Special organs which do more work would be more quickly
consumed: the heart, for example, if entirely unsustained, would be oxidised
in about a week. Take the amount of heat due to the direct oxidation of a
given weight of food; less heat is developed by the oxidation of the same
amount of food in the working animal frame, and the missing quantity is the
equivalent of the mechanical work accomplished by the muscles.
I might extend these considerations; the work, indeed, is done to my hand —
but I am warned that you have been already kept too long. To whom then are
we indebted for the most striking generalisations of this evening's discourse?
They are the work of a man of whom you have scarcely ever heard — the
published labours of a German doctor, named Mayer. Without external
stimulus, and pursuing his profession as town physician in Heilbronn, this
man was the first to raise the conception of the interaction of heat and other
natural forces to clearness in his own mind. And yet he is scarcely ever heard
of, and even to scientific men his merits are but partially known. Led by his
own beautiful researches, and quite independent of Mayer, Mr. Joule
published in 1843 his first paper on the 'Mechanical Value of Heat;' but in
1842 Mayer had actually calculated the mechanical equivalent of heat from
data which only a man of the rarest penetration could turn to account.
In 1845 he published his memoir on 'Organic Motion,' and applied the
mechanical theory of heat in the most fearless and precise manner to vital
processes. He also embraced the other natural agents in his chain of
conservation. In 1853 Mr. Waterston proposed, independently, the meteoric
immediate, of all animal life. The sun severs the carbon from its oxygen and
builds the vegetable; the animal consumes the vegetable thus formed, a
reunion of the severed elements takes place, producing animal heat. The
process of building a vegetable is one of winding up; the process of building
an animal is one of running down. The warmth of our bodies, and every
mechanical energy which we exert, trace their lineage directly to the sun.
The fight of a pair of pugilists, the motion of an army, or the lifting of his
own body by an Alpine climber up a mountain slope, are all cases of
mechanical energy drawn from the sun. A man weighing 150 pounds has 64
pounds of muscle; but these, when dried, reduce themselves to 15 pounds.
Doing an ordinary day's work, for eighty days, this mass of muscle would be
wholly oxidised. Special organs which do more work would be more quickly
consumed: the heart, for example, if entirely unsustained, would be oxidised
in about a week. Take the amount of heat due to the direct oxidation of a
given weight of food; less heat is developed by the oxidation of the same
amount of food in the working animal frame, and the missing quantity is the
equivalent of the mechanical work accomplished by the muscles.
I might extend these considerations; the work, indeed, is done to my hand —
but I am warned that you have been already kept too long. To whom then are
we indebted for the most striking generalisations of this evening's discourse?
They are the work of a man of whom you have scarcely ever heard — the
published labours of a German doctor, named Mayer. Without external
stimulus, and pursuing his profession as town physician in Heilbronn, this
man was the first to raise the conception of the interaction of heat and other
natural forces to clearness in his own mind. And yet he is scarcely ever heard
of, and even to scientific men his merits are but partially known. Led by his
own beautiful researches, and quite independent of Mayer, Mr. Joule
published in 1843 his first paper on the 'Mechanical Value of Heat;' but in
1842 Mayer had actually calculated the mechanical equivalent of heat from
data which only a man of the rarest penetration could turn to account.
In 1845 he published his memoir on 'Organic Motion,' and applied the
mechanical theory of heat in the most fearless and precise manner to vital
processes. He also embraced the other natural agents in his chain of
conservation. In 1853 Mr. Waterston proposed, independently, the meteoric
Page 348
theory of the sun's heat, and in 1854 Professor William Thomson applied his
admirable mathematical powers to the development of the theory; but six
years previously the subject had been handled in a masterly manner by
Mayer, and all that I have said about it has been derived from him. When we
consider the circumstances of Mayer's life, and the period at which he wrote,
we cannot fail to be struck with astonishment at what he has accomplished.
Here was a man of genius working in silence, animated solely by a love of
his subject, and arriving at the most important results in advance of those
whose lives were entirely devoted to Natural Philosophy. It was the accident
of bleeding a feverish patient at Java in 1840 that led Mayer to speculate on
these subjects. He noticed that the venous blood in the tropics was of a
brighter red than in colder latitudes, and his reasoning on this fact led him
into the laboratory of natural forces, where he has worked with such signal
ability and success. Well, you will desire to know what has become of this
man. His mind, it is alleged, gave way; it is said he became insane, and he
was certainly sent to a lunatic asylum. In a biographical dictionary of his
country it is stated that he died there, but this is incorrect. He recovered; and,
I believe, is at this moment a cultivator of vineyards in Heilbronn.
----------------------
June 20, 1862.
While preparing for publication my last course of lectures on Heat, I wished
to make myself acquainted with all that Dr. Mayer had done in connection
with this subject. I accordingly wrote to two gentlemen who above all others
seemed likely to give me the information which I needed. [Footnote:
Helmholtz and Clausius.] Both of them are Germans, and both particularly
distinguished in connection with the Dynamical Theory of Heat. Each of
them kindly furnished me with the list of Mayer's publications, and one of
them [Clausius] was so friendly as to order them from a bookseller, and to
send them to me. This friend, in his reply to my first letter regarding Mayer,
stated his belief that I should not find anything very important in Mayer's
writings; but before forwarding the memoirs to me he read them himself. His
letter accompanying them contains the following words: 'I must here retract
the statement in my last letter, that you would not find much matter of
importance in Mayer's writings: I am astonished at the multitude of beautiful
and correct thoughts which they contain;' and he goes on to point out various
admirable mathematical powers to the development of the theory; but six
years previously the subject had been handled in a masterly manner by
Mayer, and all that I have said about it has been derived from him. When we
consider the circumstances of Mayer's life, and the period at which he wrote,
we cannot fail to be struck with astonishment at what he has accomplished.
Here was a man of genius working in silence, animated solely by a love of
his subject, and arriving at the most important results in advance of those
whose lives were entirely devoted to Natural Philosophy. It was the accident
of bleeding a feverish patient at Java in 1840 that led Mayer to speculate on
these subjects. He noticed that the venous blood in the tropics was of a
brighter red than in colder latitudes, and his reasoning on this fact led him
into the laboratory of natural forces, where he has worked with such signal
ability and success. Well, you will desire to know what has become of this
man. His mind, it is alleged, gave way; it is said he became insane, and he
was certainly sent to a lunatic asylum. In a biographical dictionary of his
country it is stated that he died there, but this is incorrect. He recovered; and,
I believe, is at this moment a cultivator of vineyards in Heilbronn.
----------------------
June 20, 1862.
While preparing for publication my last course of lectures on Heat, I wished
to make myself acquainted with all that Dr. Mayer had done in connection
with this subject. I accordingly wrote to two gentlemen who above all others
seemed likely to give me the information which I needed. [Footnote:
Helmholtz and Clausius.] Both of them are Germans, and both particularly
distinguished in connection with the Dynamical Theory of Heat. Each of
them kindly furnished me with the list of Mayer's publications, and one of
them [Clausius] was so friendly as to order them from a bookseller, and to
send them to me. This friend, in his reply to my first letter regarding Mayer,
stated his belief that I should not find anything very important in Mayer's
writings; but before forwarding the memoirs to me he read them himself. His
letter accompanying them contains the following words: 'I must here retract
the statement in my last letter, that you would not find much matter of
importance in Mayer's writings: I am astonished at the multitude of beautiful
and correct thoughts which they contain;' and he goes on to point out various
Page 349
important subjects, in the treatment of which Mayer had anticipated other
eminent writers. My other friend, in whose own publications the name of
Mayer repeatedly occurs, and whose papers containing these references were
translated some years ago by myself, was, on the 10th of last month,
unacquainted with the thoughtful and beautiful essay of Mayer's, entitled
'Beitraege zur Dynamik des Himmels,' and in 1854, when Professor William
Thomson developed in so striking a manner the meteoric theory of the sun's
heat, he was certainly not aware of the existence of that essay, though from a
recent article in 'Macmillan's Magazine' I infer that he is now aware of it.
Mayer's physiological writings have been referred to by physiologists — by
Dr. Carpenter, for example — in terms of honouring recognition. We have
hitherto, indeed, obtained fragmentary glimpses of the man, partly from
physicists and partly from physiologists; but his total merit has never yet
been recognised as it assuredly would have been had he chosen a happier
mode of publication. I do not think a greater disservice could be done to a
man of science, than to overstate his claims: such overstatement is sure to
recoil to the disadvantage of him in whose interest it is made. But when
Mayer's opportunities, achievements, and fate are taken into account, I do
not think that I shall be deeply blamed for attempting to place him in that
honourable position, which I believe to be his due.
Here, however, are the titles of Mayer's papers, the perusal of which will
correct any error of judgment into which I may have fallen regarding their
author. 'Bemerkungen ueber die Kraefte der unbelebten Natur,' Liebig's
'Annalen,' 1842, Vol. 42, p. 231; 'Die Organische Bewegung in ihrem
Zusammenhange mit dem Stoffwechsel,' Heilbronn, 1845; 'Beitraege zur
Dynamik des Himmels,' Heilbronn, 1848; 'Bemerkungen ueber das
Mechanische Equivalent der Waerme,' Heilbronn, 1851.
---------------------------
IN MEMORIAM. — Dr. Julius Robert Mayer died at Heilbronn on March
20, 1878, aged 63 years. It gives me pleasure to reflect that the great position
which he will for ever occupy in the annals of science was first virtually
assigned to him in the foregoing discourse. He was subsequently chosen by
acclamation a member of the French Academy of Sciences; and he received
from the Royal Society the Copley medal — its highest reward. [Footnote:
See 'The Copley Medalist for 1871,' p. 479.]
eminent writers. My other friend, in whose own publications the name of
Mayer repeatedly occurs, and whose papers containing these references were
translated some years ago by myself, was, on the 10th of last month,
unacquainted with the thoughtful and beautiful essay of Mayer's, entitled
'Beitraege zur Dynamik des Himmels,' and in 1854, when Professor William
Thomson developed in so striking a manner the meteoric theory of the sun's
heat, he was certainly not aware of the existence of that essay, though from a
recent article in 'Macmillan's Magazine' I infer that he is now aware of it.
Mayer's physiological writings have been referred to by physiologists — by
Dr. Carpenter, for example — in terms of honouring recognition. We have
hitherto, indeed, obtained fragmentary glimpses of the man, partly from
physicists and partly from physiologists; but his total merit has never yet
been recognised as it assuredly would have been had he chosen a happier
mode of publication. I do not think a greater disservice could be done to a
man of science, than to overstate his claims: such overstatement is sure to
recoil to the disadvantage of him in whose interest it is made. But when
Mayer's opportunities, achievements, and fate are taken into account, I do
not think that I shall be deeply blamed for attempting to place him in that
honourable position, which I believe to be his due.
Here, however, are the titles of Mayer's papers, the perusal of which will
correct any error of judgment into which I may have fallen regarding their
author. 'Bemerkungen ueber die Kraefte der unbelebten Natur,' Liebig's
'Annalen,' 1842, Vol. 42, p. 231; 'Die Organische Bewegung in ihrem
Zusammenhange mit dem Stoffwechsel,' Heilbronn, 1845; 'Beitraege zur
Dynamik des Himmels,' Heilbronn, 1848; 'Bemerkungen ueber das
Mechanische Equivalent der Waerme,' Heilbronn, 1851.
---------------------------
IN MEMORIAM. — Dr. Julius Robert Mayer died at Heilbronn on March
20, 1878, aged 63 years. It gives me pleasure to reflect that the great position
which he will for ever occupy in the annals of science was first virtually
assigned to him in the foregoing discourse. He was subsequently chosen by
acclamation a member of the French Academy of Sciences; and he received
from the Royal Society the Copley medal — its highest reward. [Footnote:
See 'The Copley Medalist for 1871,' p. 479.]
Page 350
-------------------------------
November 1878.
At the meeting of the British Association at Glasgow in 1876 — that is to
say, more than fourteen years after its delivery and publication — the
foregoing lecture was made the cloak for an unseemly personal attack by
Professor Tait. The anger which found this uncourteous vent dates from
1863, [Footnote: See 'Philosophical Magazine' for this and the succeeding
years.] when it fell to my lot to maintain, in opposition to him and a more
eminent colleague, the position which in 1862 I had assigned to Dr. Mayer.
In those days Professor Tait denied to Mayer all originality, and he has since,
I regret to say, never missed an opportunity, however small, of carping at
Mayer's claims. The action of the Academy of Sciences and of the Royal
Society summarily disposes of this detraction, to which its object, during his
lifetime, never vouchsafed either remonstrance or reply.
Some time ago Professor Tait published a volume of lectures entitled 'Recent
Advances in Physical Science,' which I have reason to know has evoked an
amount of censure far beyond that hitherto publicly expressed. Many of the
best heads on the continent of Europe agree in their rejection and
condemnation of the historic portions of this book. In March last it was
subjected to a brief but pungent critique by Du Bois-Reymond, the
celebrated Perpetual Secretary of the Academy of Sciences in Berlin. Du
Bois-Reymond's address was on 'National Feeling,' and his critique is thus
wound up :— 'The author of the "Lectures" is not, perhaps, sufficiently well
acquainted with the history on which he professes to throw light, and on the
later phases of which he passes so unreserved (schroff) a judgment. He thus
exposes himself to the suspicion — which, unhappily, is not weakened by
his other writings — that the fiery Celtic blood of his country occasionally
runs away with him, converting him for the time into a scientific Chauvin.
Scientific Chauvinism,' adds the learned secretary, 'from which German
investigators have hitherto kept free, is more reprehensible (gehaessig) than
political Chauvinism, inasmuch as self-control (sittliche Haltung) is more to
be expected from men of science, than from the politically excited mass."
[Footnote: Festrede, delivered before the Academy of Sciences of Berlin, in
celebration of the birthday of the Emperor and King, March 28, 1878.]
November 1878.
At the meeting of the British Association at Glasgow in 1876 — that is to
say, more than fourteen years after its delivery and publication — the
foregoing lecture was made the cloak for an unseemly personal attack by
Professor Tait. The anger which found this uncourteous vent dates from
1863, [Footnote: See 'Philosophical Magazine' for this and the succeeding
years.] when it fell to my lot to maintain, in opposition to him and a more
eminent colleague, the position which in 1862 I had assigned to Dr. Mayer.
In those days Professor Tait denied to Mayer all originality, and he has since,
I regret to say, never missed an opportunity, however small, of carping at
Mayer's claims. The action of the Academy of Sciences and of the Royal
Society summarily disposes of this detraction, to which its object, during his
lifetime, never vouchsafed either remonstrance or reply.
Some time ago Professor Tait published a volume of lectures entitled 'Recent
Advances in Physical Science,' which I have reason to know has evoked an
amount of censure far beyond that hitherto publicly expressed. Many of the
best heads on the continent of Europe agree in their rejection and
condemnation of the historic portions of this book. In March last it was
subjected to a brief but pungent critique by Du Bois-Reymond, the
celebrated Perpetual Secretary of the Academy of Sciences in Berlin. Du
Bois-Reymond's address was on 'National Feeling,' and his critique is thus
wound up :— 'The author of the "Lectures" is not, perhaps, sufficiently well
acquainted with the history on which he professes to throw light, and on the
later phases of which he passes so unreserved (schroff) a judgment. He thus
exposes himself to the suspicion — which, unhappily, is not weakened by
his other writings — that the fiery Celtic blood of his country occasionally
runs away with him, converting him for the time into a scientific Chauvin.
Scientific Chauvinism,' adds the learned secretary, 'from which German
investigators have hitherto kept free, is more reprehensible (gehaessig) than
political Chauvinism, inasmuch as self-control (sittliche Haltung) is more to
be expected from men of science, than from the politically excited mass."
[Footnote: Festrede, delivered before the Academy of Sciences of Berlin, in
celebration of the birthday of the Emperor and King, March 28, 1878.]
Page 351
In the case before this 'expectation' would, I fear, be doomed to
disappointment. But Du Bois-Reymond and his countrymen must not accept
the writings of Professor Tait as representative of the thought of England.
Surely no nation in the world has more effectually shaken itself free from
scientific Chauvinism. From the day that Davy, on presenting the Copley
medal to Arago, scornfully brushed aside that spurious patriotism which
would run national boundaries through the free domain of science, chivalry
towards foreigners has been a guiding principle with the Royal Society.
On the more private amenities indulged in by Professor Tait, I do not
consider it necessary to say a word.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVII. CONTRIBUTIONS TO MOLECULAR PHYSICS.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered at the Royal Institution, March 18, 1864 —
supplementing, though of prior date, the Rede Lecture on Radiation.]
HAVING on previous occasions dwelt upon the enormous differences which
exist among gaseous bodies both as regards their power of absorbing and
emitting radiant heat, I have now to consider the effect of a change of
aggregation. When a gas is condensed to a liquid, or a liquid congealed to a
solid, the molecules coalesce, and grapple with each other by forces which
are insensible as long as the gaseous state is maintained. But, even in the
solid and liquid conditions, the luminiferous aether still surrounds the
molecules: hence, if the acts of radiation and absorption depend on them
disappointment. But Du Bois-Reymond and his countrymen must not accept
the writings of Professor Tait as representative of the thought of England.
Surely no nation in the world has more effectually shaken itself free from
scientific Chauvinism. From the day that Davy, on presenting the Copley
medal to Arago, scornfully brushed aside that spurious patriotism which
would run national boundaries through the free domain of science, chivalry
towards foreigners has been a guiding principle with the Royal Society.
On the more private amenities indulged in by Professor Tait, I do not
consider it necessary to say a word.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVII. CONTRIBUTIONS TO MOLECULAR PHYSICS.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered at the Royal Institution, March 18, 1864 —
supplementing, though of prior date, the Rede Lecture on Radiation.]
HAVING on previous occasions dwelt upon the enormous differences which
exist among gaseous bodies both as regards their power of absorbing and
emitting radiant heat, I have now to consider the effect of a change of
aggregation. When a gas is condensed to a liquid, or a liquid congealed to a
solid, the molecules coalesce, and grapple with each other by forces which
are insensible as long as the gaseous state is maintained. But, even in the
solid and liquid conditions, the luminiferous aether still surrounds the
molecules: hence, if the acts of radiation and absorption depend on them
Page 352
individually, regardless of their state of aggregation, the change from the
gaseous to the liquid state ought not materially t) affect the radiant and
absorbent power. If, on tie contrary, the mutual entanglement of the
molecular by the force of cohesion be of paramount influence, then we may
expect that liquids will exhibit a deportment towards radiant heat altogether
different from that of the vapours from which they are derived.
The first part of an enquiry conducted in 1863-64 was devoted to an
exhaustive examination of this question. Twelve different liquids were
employed, and five different layers of each, varying in thickness from 0.02
of an inch to 0.27 of an inch. The liquids were enclosed, not in glass vessels,
which would have materially modified the incident heat, but between plates
of transparent rock-salt, which only slightly affected the radiation. The
source of heat throughout these comparative experiments consisted of a
platinum wire, raised to incandescence by an electric current of unvarying
strength. The quantities of radiant heat absorbed and transmitted by each of
the liquids at the respective thicknesses were first determined. The vapours
of these liquids were subsequently examined, the quantities of vapour
employed being rendered proportional to the quantities of liquid previously
traversed by the radiant heat. The result was that, for heat from the same
source, the order of absorption of liquids and of their vapours proved
absolutely the same. There is no known exception to this law; so that, to
determine the position of a vapour as an absorber or a radiator, it is only
necessary to determine the position of its liquid.
This result proves that the state of aggregation, as far at all events as the
liquid stage is concerned, is of altogether subordinate moment — a
conclusion which will probably prove to be of cardinal importance in
molecular physics. On one important and contested point it has a special
bearing. If the position of a liquid as an absorber and radiator determine that
of its vapour, the position of water fixes that of aqueous vapour. Water has
been compared with other liquids in a multitude of experiments, and it has
been found, both as a radiant and as an absorbent, to transcend them all.
Thus, for example, a layer of bisulphide of carbon 0.02 of an inch in
thickness absorbs 6 per cent., and allows 94 per cent. of the radiation from
the red-hot platinum spiral to pass through it; benzol absorbs 43 and
transmits 57 per cent. of the same radiation; alcohol absorbs 67 and
transmits 33 per cent., and alcohol, as an absorber of radiant heat, stands at
gaseous to the liquid state ought not materially t) affect the radiant and
absorbent power. If, on tie contrary, the mutual entanglement of the
molecular by the force of cohesion be of paramount influence, then we may
expect that liquids will exhibit a deportment towards radiant heat altogether
different from that of the vapours from which they are derived.
The first part of an enquiry conducted in 1863-64 was devoted to an
exhaustive examination of this question. Twelve different liquids were
employed, and five different layers of each, varying in thickness from 0.02
of an inch to 0.27 of an inch. The liquids were enclosed, not in glass vessels,
which would have materially modified the incident heat, but between plates
of transparent rock-salt, which only slightly affected the radiation. The
source of heat throughout these comparative experiments consisted of a
platinum wire, raised to incandescence by an electric current of unvarying
strength. The quantities of radiant heat absorbed and transmitted by each of
the liquids at the respective thicknesses were first determined. The vapours
of these liquids were subsequently examined, the quantities of vapour
employed being rendered proportional to the quantities of liquid previously
traversed by the radiant heat. The result was that, for heat from the same
source, the order of absorption of liquids and of their vapours proved
absolutely the same. There is no known exception to this law; so that, to
determine the position of a vapour as an absorber or a radiator, it is only
necessary to determine the position of its liquid.
This result proves that the state of aggregation, as far at all events as the
liquid stage is concerned, is of altogether subordinate moment — a
conclusion which will probably prove to be of cardinal importance in
molecular physics. On one important and contested point it has a special
bearing. If the position of a liquid as an absorber and radiator determine that
of its vapour, the position of water fixes that of aqueous vapour. Water has
been compared with other liquids in a multitude of experiments, and it has
been found, both as a radiant and as an absorbent, to transcend them all.
Thus, for example, a layer of bisulphide of carbon 0.02 of an inch in
thickness absorbs 6 per cent., and allows 94 per cent. of the radiation from
the red-hot platinum spiral to pass through it; benzol absorbs 43 and
transmits 57 per cent. of the same radiation; alcohol absorbs 67 and
transmits 33 per cent., and alcohol, as an absorber of radiant heat, stands at
Page 353
the head of all liquids except one. The exception is water. A layer of this
substance, of the thickness above given, absorbs 81 per cent., and permits
only 19 per cent. of the radiation to pass through it. Had no single
experiment ever been made upon the vapour of water, its vigorous action
upon radiant heat might be inferred from the deportment of the liquid.
The relation of absorption and radiation to the chemical constitution of the
radiating and absorbing substances was next briefly considered. For the first
six substances in the list of liquids examined, the radiant and absorbent
powers augment as the number of atoms in the compound molecule
augments. Thus, bisulphide of carbon has 3 atoms, chloroform 5, iodide of
ethyl 8, benzol 12, and amylene 15 atoms in their respective molecules. The
order of their power as radiants and absorbents is that here indicated,
bisulphide of carbon being the feeblest, and amylene the strongest of the six.
Alcohol, however, excels benzol as an absorber, though it has but 9 atoms in
its molecule; but, on the other hand, its molecule is rendered more complex
by the introduction of a new element. Benzol contains carbon and hydrogen,
while alcohol contains carbon, hydrogen and oxygen. Thus, not only does
atomic multitude come into play in absorption and radiation — atomic
complexity must also be taken into account. I would recommend to the
particular attention of chemists the molecule of water; the deportment of this
substance towards radiant heat being perfectly anomalous, if the chemical
formula at present ascribed to it be correct.
Sir William Herschel made the important discovery that, beyond the limits of
the red end of the solar spectrum, rays of high heating power exist which are
incompetent to excite vision. The discovery is capable of extension.
Dissolving iodine in the bisulphide of carbon, a solution is obtained which
entirely intercepts the light of the most brilliant flames, while to the ultra-red
rays of such flames the same iodine is found to be perfectly diathermic. The
transparent bisulphide, which is highly pervious to invisible heat, exercises
on it the same absorption as the perfectly opaque solution. A hollow prism
filled with the opaque liquid being placed in the path of the beam from an
electric lamp, the light-spectrum is completely intercepted, but the heat
spectrum may be received upon a screen and there examined. Falling upon a
thermo-electric pile, its invisible presence is shown by the prompt deflection
of even a coarse galvanometer.
substance, of the thickness above given, absorbs 81 per cent., and permits
only 19 per cent. of the radiation to pass through it. Had no single
experiment ever been made upon the vapour of water, its vigorous action
upon radiant heat might be inferred from the deportment of the liquid.
The relation of absorption and radiation to the chemical constitution of the
radiating and absorbing substances was next briefly considered. For the first
six substances in the list of liquids examined, the radiant and absorbent
powers augment as the number of atoms in the compound molecule
augments. Thus, bisulphide of carbon has 3 atoms, chloroform 5, iodide of
ethyl 8, benzol 12, and amylene 15 atoms in their respective molecules. The
order of their power as radiants and absorbents is that here indicated,
bisulphide of carbon being the feeblest, and amylene the strongest of the six.
Alcohol, however, excels benzol as an absorber, though it has but 9 atoms in
its molecule; but, on the other hand, its molecule is rendered more complex
by the introduction of a new element. Benzol contains carbon and hydrogen,
while alcohol contains carbon, hydrogen and oxygen. Thus, not only does
atomic multitude come into play in absorption and radiation — atomic
complexity must also be taken into account. I would recommend to the
particular attention of chemists the molecule of water; the deportment of this
substance towards radiant heat being perfectly anomalous, if the chemical
formula at present ascribed to it be correct.
Sir William Herschel made the important discovery that, beyond the limits of
the red end of the solar spectrum, rays of high heating power exist which are
incompetent to excite vision. The discovery is capable of extension.
Dissolving iodine in the bisulphide of carbon, a solution is obtained which
entirely intercepts the light of the most brilliant flames, while to the ultra-red
rays of such flames the same iodine is found to be perfectly diathermic. The
transparent bisulphide, which is highly pervious to invisible heat, exercises
on it the same absorption as the perfectly opaque solution. A hollow prism
filled with the opaque liquid being placed in the path of the beam from an
electric lamp, the light-spectrum is completely intercepted, but the heat
spectrum may be received upon a screen and there examined. Falling upon a
thermo-electric pile, its invisible presence is shown by the prompt deflection
of even a coarse galvanometer.
Page 354
What, then, is the physical meaning of opacity and transparency as regards
light and radiant heat? The visible rays of the spectrum differ from the
invisible ones simply in period. The sensation of light is excited by waves of
aether shorter and more quickly recurrent than the non-visual waves which
fall beyond 'the extreme red. But why should iodine stop the former and
allow the latter to pass? The answer to this question no doubt is, that the
intercepted waves are those whose periods of recurrence coincide with the
periods of oscillation possible to the atoms of the dissolved iodine. The
elastic forces which keep these atoms apart compel them to vibrate in
definite periods, and, when these periods synchronise with those of the
aethereal waves, the latter are absorbed. Briefly defined, then, transparency
in liquids, as well as in gases, is synonymous with discord, while opacity is
synonymous with accord, between the periods of the waves of aether and
those of the molecules on which they impinge.
According to this view transparent and colourless substances owe their
transparency to the dissonance existing between the oscillating periods of
their atoms and those of the waves of the whole visible spectrum. From the
prevalence of transparency in compound bodies, the general discord of the
vibrating periods of their atoms with the light-giving waves of the spectrum,
may be inferred; while their synchronism with the ultra-red periods is to be
inferred from their opacity to the ultra-red rays. Water illustrates this in a
most striking manner. It is highly transparent to the luminous rays, which
proves that its atoms do not readily oscillate in the periods which excite
vision. It is highly opaque to the ultra-red undulations, which proves the
synchronism of its vibrating periods with those of the longer waves.
If, then, to the radiation from any source water shows itself eminently or
perfectly opaque, we may infer that the atoms whence the radiation emanates
oscillate in ultra-red periods. Let us apply this test to the radiation from a
flame of hydrogen. This flame consists mainly of incandescent aqueous
vapour, the temperature of which, as calculated by Bunsen, is 3259°C., so
that, if the penetrative power of radiant heat, as generally supposed, augment
with the temperature of its source, we may expect the radiation from this
flame to be copiously transmitted by water. While, however, a layer of the
bisulphide of carbon 0.07 of an inch in thickness transmits 72 per cent. of the
incident radiation, and while every other liquid examined transmits more or
less of the heat, a layer of water of the above thickness is entirely opaque to
light and radiant heat? The visible rays of the spectrum differ from the
invisible ones simply in period. The sensation of light is excited by waves of
aether shorter and more quickly recurrent than the non-visual waves which
fall beyond 'the extreme red. But why should iodine stop the former and
allow the latter to pass? The answer to this question no doubt is, that the
intercepted waves are those whose periods of recurrence coincide with the
periods of oscillation possible to the atoms of the dissolved iodine. The
elastic forces which keep these atoms apart compel them to vibrate in
definite periods, and, when these periods synchronise with those of the
aethereal waves, the latter are absorbed. Briefly defined, then, transparency
in liquids, as well as in gases, is synonymous with discord, while opacity is
synonymous with accord, between the periods of the waves of aether and
those of the molecules on which they impinge.
According to this view transparent and colourless substances owe their
transparency to the dissonance existing between the oscillating periods of
their atoms and those of the waves of the whole visible spectrum. From the
prevalence of transparency in compound bodies, the general discord of the
vibrating periods of their atoms with the light-giving waves of the spectrum,
may be inferred; while their synchronism with the ultra-red periods is to be
inferred from their opacity to the ultra-red rays. Water illustrates this in a
most striking manner. It is highly transparent to the luminous rays, which
proves that its atoms do not readily oscillate in the periods which excite
vision. It is highly opaque to the ultra-red undulations, which proves the
synchronism of its vibrating periods with those of the longer waves.
If, then, to the radiation from any source water shows itself eminently or
perfectly opaque, we may infer that the atoms whence the radiation emanates
oscillate in ultra-red periods. Let us apply this test to the radiation from a
flame of hydrogen. This flame consists mainly of incandescent aqueous
vapour, the temperature of which, as calculated by Bunsen, is 3259°C., so
that, if the penetrative power of radiant heat, as generally supposed, augment
with the temperature of its source, we may expect the radiation from this
flame to be copiously transmitted by water. While, however, a layer of the
bisulphide of carbon 0.07 of an inch in thickness transmits 72 per cent. of the
incident radiation, and while every other liquid examined transmits more or
less of the heat, a layer of water of the above thickness is entirely opaque to
Page 355
the radiation from the hydrogen flame. Thus we establish accord between the
periods of the atoms of cold water and those of aqueous vapour at a
temperature of 3259°C. But the periods of water have already been proved to
be ultra red — hence those of the hydrogen flame must be sensibly ultra-red
also. The absorption by dry air of the heat emitted by a platinum spiral raised
to incandescence by electricity is insensible, while that by the ordinary
undried air is 6 per cent. Substituting for the platinum spiral a hydrogen
flame, the absorption by dry air still remains insensible, while that of the
undried air rises to 20 per cent. of the entire radiation. The temperature of
the hydrogen flame is, as stated, 3259°C.; that of the aqueous vapour of the
air 20°C. Suppose, then, the temperature of aqueous vapour to rise from
20°C. to 3259°C., we must conclude that the augmentation of temperature is
applied to an increase of amplitude or width of swing, and not to the
introduction of quicker periods into the radiation.
The part played by aqueous vapour in the economy of nature is far more
wonderful than has been hitherto supposed. To nourish the vegetation of the
earth the actinic and luminous rays of the sun must penetrate our
atmosphere; and to such rays aqueous vapour is eminently transparent. The
violet and the ultra-violet rays pass through it with freedom. To protect
vegetation from destructive chills the terrestrial rays must be checked in
their transit towards stellar space; and this is accomplished by the aqueous
vapour diffused through the air. This substance is the great moderator of the
earth's temperature, bringing its extremes into proximity, and obviating
contrasts between day and night which would render life insupportable. But
we can advance beyond this general statement, now that we know the
radiation from aqueous vapour is intercepted, in a special degree, by water,
and, reciprocally, the radiation from water by aqueous vapour; for it follows
from this that the very act of nocturnal refrigeration which produces the
condensation of aqueous vapour at the surface of the earth — giving, as it
were, a varnish of water to that surface — imparts to terrestrial radiation that
particular character which disqualifies it from passing through the earth's
atmosphere and losing itself in space.
And here we come to a question in molecular physics which at the present
moment occupies attention. By allowing the violet and ultra-violet rays of
the spectrum to fall upon sulphate of quinine and other substances Professor
Stokes has changed the periods of those rays. Attempts have been made to
periods of the atoms of cold water and those of aqueous vapour at a
temperature of 3259°C. But the periods of water have already been proved to
be ultra red — hence those of the hydrogen flame must be sensibly ultra-red
also. The absorption by dry air of the heat emitted by a platinum spiral raised
to incandescence by electricity is insensible, while that by the ordinary
undried air is 6 per cent. Substituting for the platinum spiral a hydrogen
flame, the absorption by dry air still remains insensible, while that of the
undried air rises to 20 per cent. of the entire radiation. The temperature of
the hydrogen flame is, as stated, 3259°C.; that of the aqueous vapour of the
air 20°C. Suppose, then, the temperature of aqueous vapour to rise from
20°C. to 3259°C., we must conclude that the augmentation of temperature is
applied to an increase of amplitude or width of swing, and not to the
introduction of quicker periods into the radiation.
The part played by aqueous vapour in the economy of nature is far more
wonderful than has been hitherto supposed. To nourish the vegetation of the
earth the actinic and luminous rays of the sun must penetrate our
atmosphere; and to such rays aqueous vapour is eminently transparent. The
violet and the ultra-violet rays pass through it with freedom. To protect
vegetation from destructive chills the terrestrial rays must be checked in
their transit towards stellar space; and this is accomplished by the aqueous
vapour diffused through the air. This substance is the great moderator of the
earth's temperature, bringing its extremes into proximity, and obviating
contrasts between day and night which would render life insupportable. But
we can advance beyond this general statement, now that we know the
radiation from aqueous vapour is intercepted, in a special degree, by water,
and, reciprocally, the radiation from water by aqueous vapour; for it follows
from this that the very act of nocturnal refrigeration which produces the
condensation of aqueous vapour at the surface of the earth — giving, as it
were, a varnish of water to that surface — imparts to terrestrial radiation that
particular character which disqualifies it from passing through the earth's
atmosphere and losing itself in space.
And here we come to a question in molecular physics which at the present
moment occupies attention. By allowing the violet and ultra-violet rays of
the spectrum to fall upon sulphate of quinine and other substances Professor
Stokes has changed the periods of those rays. Attempts have been made to
Page 356
produce a similar result at the other end of the spectrum — to convert the
ultra-red periods into periods competent to excite vision — but hitherto
without success. Such a change of period, I agree with Dr. Miller in
believing, occurs when the limelight is produced by an oxy-hydrogen flame.
In this common experiment there is an actual breaking up of long periods
into short ones — a true rendering of unvisual periods visual. The change of
refrangibility here effected differs from that of Professor Stokes; firstly, by
its being in the opposite direction — that is, from a lower refrangibility to a
higher; and, secondly, in the circumstance that the lime is heated by the
collision of the molecules of aqueous vapour, before their heat has assumed
the radiant form. But it cannot be doubted that the same effect would be
produced by radiant heat of the same periods, provided the motion of the
aether could be rendered sufficiently intense. [Footnote: This was soon
afterwards accomplished. See the section on 'Transmutation of Rays'.] The
effect in principle is the same, whether we consider the lime to be struck by
a particle of aqueous vapour oscillating at a certain rate, or by a particle of
aether oscillating at the same rate.
By plunging a platinum wire into a hydrogen flame we cause it to glow, and
thus introduce shorter periods into the radiation. These, as already stated, are
in discord with the atomic vibrations of water; hence we may infer that the
transmission through water will be rendered more copious by the
introduction of the wire into the flame. Experiment proves this conclusion to
be true. Water, from being opaque, opens a passage to 6 per cent. of the
radiation from the spiral. A thin plate of colourless glass, moreover,
transmits 68 per cent. of the radiation from the hydrogen flame; but when the
flame and spiral are employed, 78 per cent. of the heat is transmitted.
For an alcohol flame Knoblauch and Melloni found glass to be less
transparent than for the same flame with a platinum spiral immersed in it;
but Melloni afterwards showed that the result was not general — that black
glass and black mica were decidedly more diathermic to the radiation from
the pure alcohol flame. Melloni did not explain this, but the reason is now
obvious. The mica and glass owe their blackness to the carbon diffused
through them. This carbon, as first proved by Melloni, is in some measure
transparent to the ultra-red rays, and I have myself succeeded in transmitting
between 40 and 50 per cent. of the radiation from a hydrogen flame through
a layer of carbon which intercepted the light of an intensely brilliant flame.
ultra-red periods into periods competent to excite vision — but hitherto
without success. Such a change of period, I agree with Dr. Miller in
believing, occurs when the limelight is produced by an oxy-hydrogen flame.
In this common experiment there is an actual breaking up of long periods
into short ones — a true rendering of unvisual periods visual. The change of
refrangibility here effected differs from that of Professor Stokes; firstly, by
its being in the opposite direction — that is, from a lower refrangibility to a
higher; and, secondly, in the circumstance that the lime is heated by the
collision of the molecules of aqueous vapour, before their heat has assumed
the radiant form. But it cannot be doubted that the same effect would be
produced by radiant heat of the same periods, provided the motion of the
aether could be rendered sufficiently intense. [Footnote: This was soon
afterwards accomplished. See the section on 'Transmutation of Rays'.] The
effect in principle is the same, whether we consider the lime to be struck by
a particle of aqueous vapour oscillating at a certain rate, or by a particle of
aether oscillating at the same rate.
By plunging a platinum wire into a hydrogen flame we cause it to glow, and
thus introduce shorter periods into the radiation. These, as already stated, are
in discord with the atomic vibrations of water; hence we may infer that the
transmission through water will be rendered more copious by the
introduction of the wire into the flame. Experiment proves this conclusion to
be true. Water, from being opaque, opens a passage to 6 per cent. of the
radiation from the spiral. A thin plate of colourless glass, moreover,
transmits 68 per cent. of the radiation from the hydrogen flame; but when the
flame and spiral are employed, 78 per cent. of the heat is transmitted.
For an alcohol flame Knoblauch and Melloni found glass to be less
transparent than for the same flame with a platinum spiral immersed in it;
but Melloni afterwards showed that the result was not general — that black
glass and black mica were decidedly more diathermic to the radiation from
the pure alcohol flame. Melloni did not explain this, but the reason is now
obvious. The mica and glass owe their blackness to the carbon diffused
through them. This carbon, as first proved by Melloni, is in some measure
transparent to the ultra-red rays, and I have myself succeeded in transmitting
between 40 and 50 per cent. of the radiation from a hydrogen flame through
a layer of carbon which intercepted the light of an intensely brilliant flame.
Page 357
The products of combustion of alcohol are carbonic acid and aqueous
vapour, the heat of which is almost wholly ultra-red. For this radiation, then,
the carbon is in a considerable degree transparent, while for the radiation
from the platinum spiral, it is in a great measure opaque. The platinum wire,
therefore. which augmented the radiation through the pure glass, augmented
the absorption of the black glass and mica.
No more striking or instructive illustration of the influence of coincidence
could be adduced than that furnished by the radiation from a carbonic oxide
flame. Here the product of combustion is carbonic acid; and on the radiation
from this flame even the ordinary carbonic acid of the atmosphere exerts a
powerful effect. A quantity of the gas, only one-thirtieth of an atmosphere in
density, contained in a polished brass tube four feet long, intercepts 50 per
cent. of the radiation from the carbonic oxide flame. For the heat emitted by
lampblack, olefiant gas is a far more powerful absorber than carbonic acid;
in fact, for such heat, with one exception, carbonic acid is the most feeble
absorber to be found among the compound gases. Moreover, for the
radiation from a hydrogen flame olefiant gas possesses twice the absorbent
power of carbonic acid, while for the radiation from the carbonic oxide
flame, at a common pressure of one inch of mercury, the absorption by
carbonic acid is more than twice that of olefiant gas. Thus we establish the
coincidence of period between carbonic acid at a temperature of 20°C. and
carbonic acid at a temperature of over 3000°C., the periods of oscillation of
both the incandescent and the cold gas belonging to the ultra-red portion of
the spectrum.
It will be seen from the foregoing remarks and experiments how impossible
it is to determine the effect of temperature pure and simple on the
transmission of radiant heat if different sources of heat be employed.
Throughout such an examination the same oscillating atoms ought to be
retained. This is done by beating a platinum spiral by an electric current, the
temperature meanwhile varying between the widest possible limits. Their
comparative opacity to the ultra-red rays shows the general accord of the
oscillating periods of the vapours referred to at the commencement of this
lecture with those of the ultra-red undulations. Hence, by gradually heating a
platinum wire from darkness up to whiteness, we ought gradually to
augment the discord between it and these vapours, and thus augment the
transmission. Experiment entirely confirms this conclusion. Formic nether,
vapour, the heat of which is almost wholly ultra-red. For this radiation, then,
the carbon is in a considerable degree transparent, while for the radiation
from the platinum spiral, it is in a great measure opaque. The platinum wire,
therefore. which augmented the radiation through the pure glass, augmented
the absorption of the black glass and mica.
No more striking or instructive illustration of the influence of coincidence
could be adduced than that furnished by the radiation from a carbonic oxide
flame. Here the product of combustion is carbonic acid; and on the radiation
from this flame even the ordinary carbonic acid of the atmosphere exerts a
powerful effect. A quantity of the gas, only one-thirtieth of an atmosphere in
density, contained in a polished brass tube four feet long, intercepts 50 per
cent. of the radiation from the carbonic oxide flame. For the heat emitted by
lampblack, olefiant gas is a far more powerful absorber than carbonic acid;
in fact, for such heat, with one exception, carbonic acid is the most feeble
absorber to be found among the compound gases. Moreover, for the
radiation from a hydrogen flame olefiant gas possesses twice the absorbent
power of carbonic acid, while for the radiation from the carbonic oxide
flame, at a common pressure of one inch of mercury, the absorption by
carbonic acid is more than twice that of olefiant gas. Thus we establish the
coincidence of period between carbonic acid at a temperature of 20°C. and
carbonic acid at a temperature of over 3000°C., the periods of oscillation of
both the incandescent and the cold gas belonging to the ultra-red portion of
the spectrum.
It will be seen from the foregoing remarks and experiments how impossible
it is to determine the effect of temperature pure and simple on the
transmission of radiant heat if different sources of heat be employed.
Throughout such an examination the same oscillating atoms ought to be
retained. This is done by beating a platinum spiral by an electric current, the
temperature meanwhile varying between the widest possible limits. Their
comparative opacity to the ultra-red rays shows the general accord of the
oscillating periods of the vapours referred to at the commencement of this
lecture with those of the ultra-red undulations. Hence, by gradually heating a
platinum wire from darkness up to whiteness, we ought gradually to
augment the discord between it and these vapours, and thus augment the
transmission. Experiment entirely confirms this conclusion. Formic nether,
Page 358
for example, absorbs 45 per cent. of the radiation from a platinum spiral
heated to barely visible redness; 32 per cent. of the radiation from the same
spiral at a red heat; 26 per cent. of the radiation from a white-hot spiral, and
only 21 per cent. when the spiral is brought near its point of fusion.
Remarkable cases of inversion as to transparency also occur. For barely
visible redness formic aether is more opaque than sulphuric; for a bright red
heat both are equally transparent; while, for a white heat, and still more for a
higher temperature, sulphuric aether is more opaque than formic. This result
gives us a clear view of the relationship of the two substances to the
luminiferous aether. As we introduce waves of shorter period the sulphuric
aether augments most rapidly in opacity; that is to say, its accord with the
shorter waves is greater than that of the formic. Hence we may infer that the
atoms of formic aether oscillate, on the whole, more slowly than those of
sulphuric aether.
When the source of heat is a Leslie's cube coated with lampblack and filled
with boiling water, the opacity of formic aether in comparison with sulphuric
is very decided. With this source also the positions of chloroform and iodide
of methyl are inverted. For a white-hot spiral, the absorption of chloroform
vapour being 10 per cent., that of iodide of methyl is 16; with the blackened
cube as source, the absorption by chloroform is 22 per cent., while that by
the iodide of methyl is only 19. This inversion is not the result of
temperature merely; for when a platinum wire, heated to the temperature of
boiling water, is employed as a source, the iodide continues to be the most
powerful absorber. All the experiments hitherto made go to prove that from
heated lampblack an emission takes place which synchronises in an especial
manner with chloroform. For the cube at 100' C., coated with lampblack, the
absorption by chloroform is more than three times that by bisulphide of
carbon; for the radiation from the most luminous portion of a gas-flame the
absorption by chloroform is also considerably in excess of that by bisulphide
of carbon; while, for the flame of a Bunsen's burner, from which the
incandescent carbon particles are removed by the free admixture of air, the
absorption by bisulphide of carbon is nearly twice that by chloroform. The
removal of the carbon particles more than doubles the relative transparency
of the chloroform. Testing, moreover, the radiation from various parts of the
same flame, it was found that for the blue base of the flame the bisulphide of
carbon was most opaque, while for all other parts of the flame the
chloroform was most opaque. For the radiation from a very small gas flame,
heated to barely visible redness; 32 per cent. of the radiation from the same
spiral at a red heat; 26 per cent. of the radiation from a white-hot spiral, and
only 21 per cent. when the spiral is brought near its point of fusion.
Remarkable cases of inversion as to transparency also occur. For barely
visible redness formic aether is more opaque than sulphuric; for a bright red
heat both are equally transparent; while, for a white heat, and still more for a
higher temperature, sulphuric aether is more opaque than formic. This result
gives us a clear view of the relationship of the two substances to the
luminiferous aether. As we introduce waves of shorter period the sulphuric
aether augments most rapidly in opacity; that is to say, its accord with the
shorter waves is greater than that of the formic. Hence we may infer that the
atoms of formic aether oscillate, on the whole, more slowly than those of
sulphuric aether.
When the source of heat is a Leslie's cube coated with lampblack and filled
with boiling water, the opacity of formic aether in comparison with sulphuric
is very decided. With this source also the positions of chloroform and iodide
of methyl are inverted. For a white-hot spiral, the absorption of chloroform
vapour being 10 per cent., that of iodide of methyl is 16; with the blackened
cube as source, the absorption by chloroform is 22 per cent., while that by
the iodide of methyl is only 19. This inversion is not the result of
temperature merely; for when a platinum wire, heated to the temperature of
boiling water, is employed as a source, the iodide continues to be the most
powerful absorber. All the experiments hitherto made go to prove that from
heated lampblack an emission takes place which synchronises in an especial
manner with chloroform. For the cube at 100' C., coated with lampblack, the
absorption by chloroform is more than three times that by bisulphide of
carbon; for the radiation from the most luminous portion of a gas-flame the
absorption by chloroform is also considerably in excess of that by bisulphide
of carbon; while, for the flame of a Bunsen's burner, from which the
incandescent carbon particles are removed by the free admixture of air, the
absorption by bisulphide of carbon is nearly twice that by chloroform. The
removal of the carbon particles more than doubles the relative transparency
of the chloroform. Testing, moreover, the radiation from various parts of the
same flame, it was found that for the blue base of the flame the bisulphide of
carbon was most opaque, while for all other parts of the flame the
chloroform was most opaque. For the radiation from a very small gas flame,
Page 359
consisting of a blue base and a small white tip, the bisulphide was also most
opaque, and its opacity very decidedly exceeded that of the chloroform when
the source of heat was the flame of bisulphide of carbon. Comparing the
radiation from a Leslie's cube coated with isinglass with that from a similar
cube coated with lampblack, at the common temperature of 100°C., it was
found that, out of eleven vapours, all but one absorbed the radiation from the
isinglass most powerfully; the single exception was chloroform.
It is worthy of remark that whenever, through a change of source, the
position of a vapour as an absorber of radiant heat was altered, the position
of the liquid from which the vapour was derived underwent a similar change.
It is still a point of difference between eminent investigators whether radiant
heat, up to a temperature of 100°C., is monochromatic or not. Some affirm
this; some deny it. A long series of experiments enables me to state that
probably no two substances at a temperature of 100°C. emit heat of the same
quality. The heat emitted by isinglass, for example, is different from that
emitted by lampblack, and the heat emitted by cloth, or paper, differs from
both. It is also a subject of discussion whether rock-salt is equally diathermic
to all kinds of calorific rays; the differences affirmed to exist by some
investigators being ascribed by others to differences of incidence from the
various sources employed. MM. de la Provostaye and Desains maintain the
former view, Melloni and M. Knoblauch maintain the latter. I tested this
point without changing anything but the temperature of the source; its size,
distance, and surroundings remaining the same. The experiments proved
rock-salt to be coloured thermally. It is more opaque, for example, to the
radiation from a barely visible spiral than to that from a white-hot one.
In regard to the relation of radiation to conduction, if we define radiation,
internal as well as external, as the communication of motion from the
vibrating atoms to the aether, we may, I think, by fair theoretic reasoning,
reach the conclusion that the best radiators ought to prove the worst
conductors. A broad consideration of the subject shows at once the general
harmony of this conclusion with observed facts. Organic substances are all
excellent radiators; they are also extremely bad conductors. The moment we
pass from the metals to their compounds we pass from good conductors to
bad ones, and from bad radiators to good ones. Water, among liquids, is
probably the worst conductor; it is the best radiator. Silver, among solids, is
opaque, and its opacity very decidedly exceeded that of the chloroform when
the source of heat was the flame of bisulphide of carbon. Comparing the
radiation from a Leslie's cube coated with isinglass with that from a similar
cube coated with lampblack, at the common temperature of 100°C., it was
found that, out of eleven vapours, all but one absorbed the radiation from the
isinglass most powerfully; the single exception was chloroform.
It is worthy of remark that whenever, through a change of source, the
position of a vapour as an absorber of radiant heat was altered, the position
of the liquid from which the vapour was derived underwent a similar change.
It is still a point of difference between eminent investigators whether radiant
heat, up to a temperature of 100°C., is monochromatic or not. Some affirm
this; some deny it. A long series of experiments enables me to state that
probably no two substances at a temperature of 100°C. emit heat of the same
quality. The heat emitted by isinglass, for example, is different from that
emitted by lampblack, and the heat emitted by cloth, or paper, differs from
both. It is also a subject of discussion whether rock-salt is equally diathermic
to all kinds of calorific rays; the differences affirmed to exist by some
investigators being ascribed by others to differences of incidence from the
various sources employed. MM. de la Provostaye and Desains maintain the
former view, Melloni and M. Knoblauch maintain the latter. I tested this
point without changing anything but the temperature of the source; its size,
distance, and surroundings remaining the same. The experiments proved
rock-salt to be coloured thermally. It is more opaque, for example, to the
radiation from a barely visible spiral than to that from a white-hot one.
In regard to the relation of radiation to conduction, if we define radiation,
internal as well as external, as the communication of motion from the
vibrating atoms to the aether, we may, I think, by fair theoretic reasoning,
reach the conclusion that the best radiators ought to prove the worst
conductors. A broad consideration of the subject shows at once the general
harmony of this conclusion with observed facts. Organic substances are all
excellent radiators; they are also extremely bad conductors. The moment we
pass from the metals to their compounds we pass from good conductors to
bad ones, and from bad radiators to good ones. Water, among liquids, is
probably the worst conductor; it is the best radiator. Silver, among solids, is
Page 360
the best conductor; it is the worst radiator. The excellent researches of MM.
de la Provostaye and Desains furnish a striking illustration of what I am
inclined to regard as a natural law — that those atoms which transfer the
greatest amount of motion to the aether, or, in other words, radiate most
powerfully, are the least competent to communicate motion to each other, or,
in other words, to propagate by conduction readily.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVIII. LIFE AND LETTERS OF FARADAY.
1870.
UNDERTAKEN and executed in a reverent and loving spirit, the work of Dr.
Bence Jones makes Faraday the virtual writer of his own life. Everybody
now knows the story of the philosopher's birth; that his father was a smith;
that he was born at Newington Butts in 1791; that he ran along the London
pavements, a bright-eyed errand boy, with a load of brown curls upon his
head and a packet of newspapers under his arm; that the lad's master was a
bookseller and bookbinder — a kindly man, who became attached to the
little fellow, and in due time made him his apprentice without fee; that
during his apprenticeship he found his appetite for knowledge provoked and
strengthened by the books he stitched and covered. Thus he grew in wisdom
and stature to his year of legal manhood, when he appears in the volumes
before us as a writer of letters, which reveal his occupation, acquirements,
and tone of mind. His correspondent was Mr. Abbott, a member of the
de la Provostaye and Desains furnish a striking illustration of what I am
inclined to regard as a natural law — that those atoms which transfer the
greatest amount of motion to the aether, or, in other words, radiate most
powerfully, are the least competent to communicate motion to each other, or,
in other words, to propagate by conduction readily.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVIII. LIFE AND LETTERS OF FARADAY.
1870.
UNDERTAKEN and executed in a reverent and loving spirit, the work of Dr.
Bence Jones makes Faraday the virtual writer of his own life. Everybody
now knows the story of the philosopher's birth; that his father was a smith;
that he was born at Newington Butts in 1791; that he ran along the London
pavements, a bright-eyed errand boy, with a load of brown curls upon his
head and a packet of newspapers under his arm; that the lad's master was a
bookseller and bookbinder — a kindly man, who became attached to the
little fellow, and in due time made him his apprentice without fee; that
during his apprenticeship he found his appetite for knowledge provoked and
strengthened by the books he stitched and covered. Thus he grew in wisdom
and stature to his year of legal manhood, when he appears in the volumes
before us as a writer of letters, which reveal his occupation, acquirements,
and tone of mind. His correspondent was Mr. Abbott, a member of the
Page 361
Society of Friends, who, with a forecast of his correspondent's greatness,
preserved his letters and produced them at the proper time.
In later years Faraday always carried in his pocket a blank card, on which he
jotted down in pencil his thoughts and memoranda. He made his notes in the
laboratory, in the theatre, and in the streets. This distrust of his memory
reveals itself in his first letter to Abbot. To a proposition that no new enquiry
should be started between them before the old one had been exhaustively
discussed, Faraday objects. 'Your notion,' he says, 'I can hardly allow, for the
following reason: ideas and thoughts spring up in my mind which are
irrevocably lost for want of noting at the time.' Gentle as he seemed, he
wished to have his own way, and he had it throughout his life. Differences of
opinion sometimes arose between the two friends, and then they resolutely
faced each other. 'I accept your offer to fight it out with joy, and shall in the
battle of experience cause not pain, but, I hope, pleasure.' Faraday notes his
own impetuosity, and incessantly checks it. There is at times something
almost mechanical in his self-restraint. In another nature it would have
hardened into mere 'correctness' of conduct; but his overflowing affections
prevented this in his case. The habit of self control became a second nature
to him at last, and lent serenity to his later years.
In October 1812 he was engaged by a Mr. De la Roche as a journeyman
bookbinder; but the situation did not suit him. His master appears to have
been an austere and passionate man, and Faraday was to the last degree
sensitive. All his life he continued so. He suffered at times from dejection;
and a certain grimness, too, pervaded his moods. 'At present,' he writes to
Abbott, 'I am as serious as you can be, and would not scruple to speak a truth
to any human being, whatever repugnance it might give rise to. Being in this
state of mind, I should have refrained from writing to you, did I not conceive
from the general tenor of your letters that your mind is, at proper times,
occupied upon serious subjects to the exclusion of those that are frivolous.'
Plainly he had fallen into that stern Puritan mood, which not only crucifies
the affections and lusts of him who harbours it, but is often a cause of
disturbed digestion to his friends.
About three months after his engagement with De la Roche, Faraday quitted
him and bookbinding together. He had heard Davy, copied his lectures, and
written to him, entreating to be released from Trade, which he hated, and
preserved his letters and produced them at the proper time.
In later years Faraday always carried in his pocket a blank card, on which he
jotted down in pencil his thoughts and memoranda. He made his notes in the
laboratory, in the theatre, and in the streets. This distrust of his memory
reveals itself in his first letter to Abbot. To a proposition that no new enquiry
should be started between them before the old one had been exhaustively
discussed, Faraday objects. 'Your notion,' he says, 'I can hardly allow, for the
following reason: ideas and thoughts spring up in my mind which are
irrevocably lost for want of noting at the time.' Gentle as he seemed, he
wished to have his own way, and he had it throughout his life. Differences of
opinion sometimes arose between the two friends, and then they resolutely
faced each other. 'I accept your offer to fight it out with joy, and shall in the
battle of experience cause not pain, but, I hope, pleasure.' Faraday notes his
own impetuosity, and incessantly checks it. There is at times something
almost mechanical in his self-restraint. In another nature it would have
hardened into mere 'correctness' of conduct; but his overflowing affections
prevented this in his case. The habit of self control became a second nature
to him at last, and lent serenity to his later years.
In October 1812 he was engaged by a Mr. De la Roche as a journeyman
bookbinder; but the situation did not suit him. His master appears to have
been an austere and passionate man, and Faraday was to the last degree
sensitive. All his life he continued so. He suffered at times from dejection;
and a certain grimness, too, pervaded his moods. 'At present,' he writes to
Abbott, 'I am as serious as you can be, and would not scruple to speak a truth
to any human being, whatever repugnance it might give rise to. Being in this
state of mind, I should have refrained from writing to you, did I not conceive
from the general tenor of your letters that your mind is, at proper times,
occupied upon serious subjects to the exclusion of those that are frivolous.'
Plainly he had fallen into that stern Puritan mood, which not only crucifies
the affections and lusts of him who harbours it, but is often a cause of
disturbed digestion to his friends.
About three months after his engagement with De la Roche, Faraday quitted
him and bookbinding together. He had heard Davy, copied his lectures, and
written to him, entreating to be released from Trade, which he hated, and
Page 362
enabled to pursue Science. Davy recognised the merit of his correspondent,
kept his eye upon him, and, when occasion offered, drove to his door and
sent in a letter, offering him the post of assistant in the laboratory of the
Royal Institution. He was engaged March 1, 1813, and on the 8th we find
him extracting the sugar from beet-root. He joined the City Philosophical
Society which had been founded by Mr. Tatum in 1808. 'The discipline was
very sturdy, the remarks very plain, and the results most valuable.' Faraday
derived great profit from this little association. In the laboratory he had a
discipline sturdier still. Both Davy and himself were at this time frequently
cut and bruised by explosions of chloride of nitrogen. One explosion was so
rapid 'as to blow my hand open, tear away a part of one nail, and make my
fingers so sore that I cannot use them easily.' In another experiment 'the tube
and receiver were blown to pieces, I got a cut on the head, and Sir Humphry
a bruise on his hand.' And again speaking of the same substance, he says,
'when put in the pump and exhausted, it stood for a moment, and then
exploded with a fearful noise. Both Sir H. and I had masks on, but I escaped
this time the best. Sir H. had his face cut in two places about the chin, and a
violent blow on the forehead struck through a considerable thickness of silk
and leather.' It was this same substance that blew out the eye of Dulong.
Over and over again, even at this early date, we can discern the quality
which, compounded with his rare intellectual power, made Faraday a great
experimental philosopher. This was his desire to see facts, and not to rest
contented with the descriptions of them. He frequently pits the eye against
the ear, and affirms the enormous superiority of the organ of vision. Late in
life I have heard him say that he could never fully understand an experiment
until he had seen it. But he did not confine himself to experiment. He aspired
to be a teacher, and reflected and wrote upon the method of scientific
exposition. 'A lecturer,' he observes, 'should appear easy and collected,
undaunted and unconcerned:' still 'his whole behaviour should evince respect
for his audience.' These recommendations were afterwards in great part
embodied by himself. I doubt his 'unconcern,' but his fearlessness was often
manifested. It used to rise within him as a wave, which carried both him and
his audience along with it. On rare occasions also, when he felt himself and
his subject hopelessly unintelligible, he suddenly evoked a certain
recklessness of thought, and, without halting to extricate his bewildered
followers, he would dash alone through the jungle into which he had
kept his eye upon him, and, when occasion offered, drove to his door and
sent in a letter, offering him the post of assistant in the laboratory of the
Royal Institution. He was engaged March 1, 1813, and on the 8th we find
him extracting the sugar from beet-root. He joined the City Philosophical
Society which had been founded by Mr. Tatum in 1808. 'The discipline was
very sturdy, the remarks very plain, and the results most valuable.' Faraday
derived great profit from this little association. In the laboratory he had a
discipline sturdier still. Both Davy and himself were at this time frequently
cut and bruised by explosions of chloride of nitrogen. One explosion was so
rapid 'as to blow my hand open, tear away a part of one nail, and make my
fingers so sore that I cannot use them easily.' In another experiment 'the tube
and receiver were blown to pieces, I got a cut on the head, and Sir Humphry
a bruise on his hand.' And again speaking of the same substance, he says,
'when put in the pump and exhausted, it stood for a moment, and then
exploded with a fearful noise. Both Sir H. and I had masks on, but I escaped
this time the best. Sir H. had his face cut in two places about the chin, and a
violent blow on the forehead struck through a considerable thickness of silk
and leather.' It was this same substance that blew out the eye of Dulong.
Over and over again, even at this early date, we can discern the quality
which, compounded with his rare intellectual power, made Faraday a great
experimental philosopher. This was his desire to see facts, and not to rest
contented with the descriptions of them. He frequently pits the eye against
the ear, and affirms the enormous superiority of the organ of vision. Late in
life I have heard him say that he could never fully understand an experiment
until he had seen it. But he did not confine himself to experiment. He aspired
to be a teacher, and reflected and wrote upon the method of scientific
exposition. 'A lecturer,' he observes, 'should appear easy and collected,
undaunted and unconcerned:' still 'his whole behaviour should evince respect
for his audience.' These recommendations were afterwards in great part
embodied by himself. I doubt his 'unconcern,' but his fearlessness was often
manifested. It used to rise within him as a wave, which carried both him and
his audience along with it. On rare occasions also, when he felt himself and
his subject hopelessly unintelligible, he suddenly evoked a certain
recklessness of thought, and, without halting to extricate his bewildered
followers, he would dash alone through the jungle into which he had
Page 363
unwittingly led them; thus saving them from ennui by the exhibition of a
vigour which, for the time being, they could neither share nor comprehend.
In October 1813 he quitted England with Sir Humphry and Lady Davy.
During his absence he kept a journal, from which copious and interesting
extracts have been made by Dr. Bence Jones. Davy was considerate,
preferring at times to be his own servant rather than impose on Faraday
duties which he disliked. But Lady Davy was the reverse. She treated him as
an underling; he chafed under the treatment, and was often on the point of
returning home. They halted at Geneva. De la Rive, the elder, had known
Davy in 1799, and, by his writings in the 'Bibliothéque Britannique,' had
been the first to make the English chemist's labours known abroad. He
welcomed Davy to his country residence in 1814. Both were sportsmen, and
they often went out shooting together. On these occasions Faraday charged
Davy's gun while De la Rive charged his own. Once the Genevese
philosopher found himself by the side of Faraday, and in his frank and genial
way entered into conversation with the young man. It was evident that a
person possessing such a charm of manner and such high intelligence could
be no mere servant. On enquiry De la Rive was somewhat shocked to find
that the soi-disant domestique was really préparateur in the laboratory of the
Royal Institution; and he immediately proposed that Faraday thenceforth
should join the masters instead of the servants at their meals. To this Davy,
probably out of weak deference to his wife, objected; but an arrangement
was come to that Faraday thenceforward should have his food in his own
room. Rumour states that a dinner in honour of Faraday was given by De la
Rive. This is a delusion; there was no such banquet; but Faraday never
forgot the kindness of the friend who saw his merit when he was a mere
garcon de laboratoire. [Footnote: While confined last autumn at Geneva by
the effects of a fall in the Alps, my friends, with a kindness I can never forget,
did all that friendship could suggest to render my captivity pleasant to me.
M. de la Rive then wrote out for me the full account, of which the foregoing
is a condensed abstract. It was at the desire of Dr. Bence Jones that I asked
him to do so. The rumour of a banquet at Geneva illustrates the tendency to
substitute for the youth of 1814 the Faraday of later years.]
He returned in 1815 to the Royal Institution. Here he helped Davy for years;
he worked also for himself, and lectured frequently at the City Philosophical
Society. He took lessons in elocution, happily without damage to his natural
vigour which, for the time being, they could neither share nor comprehend.
In October 1813 he quitted England with Sir Humphry and Lady Davy.
During his absence he kept a journal, from which copious and interesting
extracts have been made by Dr. Bence Jones. Davy was considerate,
preferring at times to be his own servant rather than impose on Faraday
duties which he disliked. But Lady Davy was the reverse. She treated him as
an underling; he chafed under the treatment, and was often on the point of
returning home. They halted at Geneva. De la Rive, the elder, had known
Davy in 1799, and, by his writings in the 'Bibliothéque Britannique,' had
been the first to make the English chemist's labours known abroad. He
welcomed Davy to his country residence in 1814. Both were sportsmen, and
they often went out shooting together. On these occasions Faraday charged
Davy's gun while De la Rive charged his own. Once the Genevese
philosopher found himself by the side of Faraday, and in his frank and genial
way entered into conversation with the young man. It was evident that a
person possessing such a charm of manner and such high intelligence could
be no mere servant. On enquiry De la Rive was somewhat shocked to find
that the soi-disant domestique was really préparateur in the laboratory of the
Royal Institution; and he immediately proposed that Faraday thenceforth
should join the masters instead of the servants at their meals. To this Davy,
probably out of weak deference to his wife, objected; but an arrangement
was come to that Faraday thenceforward should have his food in his own
room. Rumour states that a dinner in honour of Faraday was given by De la
Rive. This is a delusion; there was no such banquet; but Faraday never
forgot the kindness of the friend who saw his merit when he was a mere
garcon de laboratoire. [Footnote: While confined last autumn at Geneva by
the effects of a fall in the Alps, my friends, with a kindness I can never forget,
did all that friendship could suggest to render my captivity pleasant to me.
M. de la Rive then wrote out for me the full account, of which the foregoing
is a condensed abstract. It was at the desire of Dr. Bence Jones that I asked
him to do so. The rumour of a banquet at Geneva illustrates the tendency to
substitute for the youth of 1814 the Faraday of later years.]
He returned in 1815 to the Royal Institution. Here he helped Davy for years;
he worked also for himself, and lectured frequently at the City Philosophical
Society. He took lessons in elocution, happily without damage to his natural
Page 364
force, earnestness, and grace of delivery. He was never pledged to theory,
and he changed in opinion as knowledge advanced. With him life was
growth. In those early lectures we hear him say, 'In knowledge, that man
only is to be contemned and despised who is not in a state of transition.' And
again: 'Nothing is more difficult and requires more caution than
philosophical deduction, nor is there anything more adverse to its accuracy
than fixity of opinion.' Not that be was wafted about by every wind of
doctrine; but that he united flexibility with his strength. In striking contrast
with this intellectual expansiveness was his fixity in religion, but this is a
subject which cannot be discussed here.
Of all the letters published in these volumes none possess a greater charm
than those of Faraday to his wife. Here, as Dr. Bence Jones truly remarks, 'he
laid open all his mind and the whole of his character, and what can be made
known can scarcely fail to charm every one by its loveliness, its truthfulness,
and its earnestness.' Abbott and he sometimes swerved into wordplay about
love; but up to 1820, or thereabouts, the passion was potential merely.
Faraday's journal indeed contains entries which show that he took pleasure
in the assertion of his contempt for love; but these very entries became links
in his destiny. It was through them that he became acquainted with one who
inspired him with a feeling which only ended with his life. His biographer
has given us the means of tracing the varying moods which preceded his
acceptance. They reveal more than the common alternations of light and
gloom; at one moment he wishes that his flesh might melt and that he might
become nothing; at another he is intoxicated with hope. The impetuosity of
his character was then unchastened by the discipline to which it was
subjected in after years. The very strength of his passion proved for a time a
bar to its advance, suggesting, as it did, to the conscientious mind of Miss
Barnard, doubts of her capability to return it with adequate force. But they
met again and again, and at each successive meeting he found his heaven
clearer, until at length he was able to say, 'Not a moment's alloy of this
evening's happiness occurred. Everything was delightful to the last moment
of my stay with my companion, because she was so.' The turbulence of
doubt subsided, and a calm and elevating confidence took its place. 'What
can I call myself,' he writes to her in a subsequent letter, 'to convey most
perfectly my affection and love for you? Can I or can truth say more than
that for this world I am yours? Assuredly he made his profession good, and
no fairer light falls upon his character than that which reveals his relations to
and he changed in opinion as knowledge advanced. With him life was
growth. In those early lectures we hear him say, 'In knowledge, that man
only is to be contemned and despised who is not in a state of transition.' And
again: 'Nothing is more difficult and requires more caution than
philosophical deduction, nor is there anything more adverse to its accuracy
than fixity of opinion.' Not that be was wafted about by every wind of
doctrine; but that he united flexibility with his strength. In striking contrast
with this intellectual expansiveness was his fixity in religion, but this is a
subject which cannot be discussed here.
Of all the letters published in these volumes none possess a greater charm
than those of Faraday to his wife. Here, as Dr. Bence Jones truly remarks, 'he
laid open all his mind and the whole of his character, and what can be made
known can scarcely fail to charm every one by its loveliness, its truthfulness,
and its earnestness.' Abbott and he sometimes swerved into wordplay about
love; but up to 1820, or thereabouts, the passion was potential merely.
Faraday's journal indeed contains entries which show that he took pleasure
in the assertion of his contempt for love; but these very entries became links
in his destiny. It was through them that he became acquainted with one who
inspired him with a feeling which only ended with his life. His biographer
has given us the means of tracing the varying moods which preceded his
acceptance. They reveal more than the common alternations of light and
gloom; at one moment he wishes that his flesh might melt and that he might
become nothing; at another he is intoxicated with hope. The impetuosity of
his character was then unchastened by the discipline to which it was
subjected in after years. The very strength of his passion proved for a time a
bar to its advance, suggesting, as it did, to the conscientious mind of Miss
Barnard, doubts of her capability to return it with adequate force. But they
met again and again, and at each successive meeting he found his heaven
clearer, until at length he was able to say, 'Not a moment's alloy of this
evening's happiness occurred. Everything was delightful to the last moment
of my stay with my companion, because she was so.' The turbulence of
doubt subsided, and a calm and elevating confidence took its place. 'What
can I call myself,' he writes to her in a subsequent letter, 'to convey most
perfectly my affection and love for you? Can I or can truth say more than
that for this world I am yours? Assuredly he made his profession good, and
no fairer light falls upon his character than that which reveals his relations to
Page 365
his wife. Never, I believe, existed a manlier, purer, steadier love. Like a
burning diamond, it continued to shed, for six-and-forty years, its white and
smokeless glow.
Faraday was married on June 12, 1821; and up to this date Davy appears
throughout as his friend. Soon afterwards, however, disunion occurred
between them, which, while it lasted, must have given Faraday intense pain.
It is impossible to doubt the honesty of conviction with which this subject
has been treated by Dr. Bence Jones, and there may be facts known to him,
but not appearing in these volumes, which justify his opinion that Davy in
those days had become jealous of Faraday. This, which is the prevalent
belief, is also reproduced in an excellent article in the March number of
'Framer's Magazine.' But the best analysis I can make of the data fails to
present Davy in this light to me. The facts, as I regard them, are briefly
these.
In 1820, Oersted of Copenhagen made the celebrated discovery which
connects electricity with magnetism, and immediately afterwards the acute
mind of Wollaston perceived that a wire carrying a current ought to rotate
round its own axis under the influence of a magnetic pole. In 1821 'he tried,
but failed, to realise this result in the laboratory of the Royal Institution.
Faraday was not present at the moment, but he came in immediately
afterwards and heard the conversation of Wollaston and Davy about the
experiment. He had also heard a rumour of a wager that Dr. Wollaston would
eventually succeed.
This was in April. In the autumn of the same year Faraday wrote a history of
electro-magnetism, and repeated for himself the experiments which he
described. It was while thus instructing himself that he succeeded in causing
a wire, carrying an electric current, to rotate round a magnetic pole. This was
not the result sought by Wollaston, but it was closely related to that result.
The strong tendency of Faraday's mind to look upon the reciprocal actions of
natural forces gave birth to his greatest discoveries; and we, who know this,
should be justified in concluding that, even had Wollaston not preceded him,
the result would have been the same. But in judging Davy we ought to
transport ourselves to his time, and carefully exclude from our thoughts and
feelings that noble subsequent life, which would render simply impossible
burning diamond, it continued to shed, for six-and-forty years, its white and
smokeless glow.
Faraday was married on June 12, 1821; and up to this date Davy appears
throughout as his friend. Soon afterwards, however, disunion occurred
between them, which, while it lasted, must have given Faraday intense pain.
It is impossible to doubt the honesty of conviction with which this subject
has been treated by Dr. Bence Jones, and there may be facts known to him,
but not appearing in these volumes, which justify his opinion that Davy in
those days had become jealous of Faraday. This, which is the prevalent
belief, is also reproduced in an excellent article in the March number of
'Framer's Magazine.' But the best analysis I can make of the data fails to
present Davy in this light to me. The facts, as I regard them, are briefly
these.
In 1820, Oersted of Copenhagen made the celebrated discovery which
connects electricity with magnetism, and immediately afterwards the acute
mind of Wollaston perceived that a wire carrying a current ought to rotate
round its own axis under the influence of a magnetic pole. In 1821 'he tried,
but failed, to realise this result in the laboratory of the Royal Institution.
Faraday was not present at the moment, but he came in immediately
afterwards and heard the conversation of Wollaston and Davy about the
experiment. He had also heard a rumour of a wager that Dr. Wollaston would
eventually succeed.
This was in April. In the autumn of the same year Faraday wrote a history of
electro-magnetism, and repeated for himself the experiments which he
described. It was while thus instructing himself that he succeeded in causing
a wire, carrying an electric current, to rotate round a magnetic pole. This was
not the result sought by Wollaston, but it was closely related to that result.
The strong tendency of Faraday's mind to look upon the reciprocal actions of
natural forces gave birth to his greatest discoveries; and we, who know this,
should be justified in concluding that, even had Wollaston not preceded him,
the result would have been the same. But in judging Davy we ought to
transport ourselves to his time, and carefully exclude from our thoughts and
feelings that noble subsequent life, which would render simply impossible
Page 366
the ascription to Faraday of anything unfair. It would be unjust to Davy to
put our knowledge in the place of his, or to credit him with data which he
could not have possessed. Rumour and fact had connected the name of
Wollaston with these supposed interactions between magnets and currents.
When, therefore, Faraday in October published his successful experiment,
without any allusion to Wollaston, general, though really ungrounded,
criticism followed. I say ungrounded because, firstly, Faraday's experiment
was not that of Wollaston, and secondly, Faraday, before he published it, had
actually called upon Wollaston, and not finding him at home, did not feel
himself authorised to mention his name.
In December, Faraday published a second paper on the same subject, from
which, through a misapprehension, the name of Wollaston was also omitted.
Warburton and others thereupon affirmed that Wollaston's ideas had been
appropriated without acknowledgment, and it is plain that Wollaston himself,
though cautious in his utterance, was also hurt. Censure grew till it became
intolerable. 'I hear,' writes Faraday to his friend Stodart, 'every day more and
more of these sounds, which, though only whispers to me, are, I suspect,
spoken aloud among scientific men.' He might have written explanations and
defences, but he went straighter to the point. He wished to see the principals
face to face — to plead his cause before them personally. There was a certain
vehemence in his desire to do this. He saw Wollaston, he saw Davy, he saw
Warburton; and I am inclined to think that it was the irresistible candour and
truth of character which these viva voce defences revealed, as much as the
defences themselves, that disarmed resentment at the time.
As regards Davy, another cause of dissension arose in 1823. In the spring of
that year Faraday analysed the hydrate of chlorine, a substance once believed
to be the element chlorine, but proved by Davy to be a compound of that
element and water. The analysis was looked over by Davy, who then and
there suggested to Faraday to heat the hydrate in a closed glass tube. This
was done, the substance was decomposed, and one of the products of
decomposition was proved by Faraday to be chlorine liquefied by its own
pressure. On the day of its discovery he communicated this result to Dr.
Paris. Davy, on being informed of it, instantly liquefied another gas in the
same way. Having struck thus into Faraday's enquiry, ought he not to have
left the matter in Faraday's hands? I think he ought. But, considering his
relation to both Faraday and the hydrate of chlorine, Davy, I submit, may be
put our knowledge in the place of his, or to credit him with data which he
could not have possessed. Rumour and fact had connected the name of
Wollaston with these supposed interactions between magnets and currents.
When, therefore, Faraday in October published his successful experiment,
without any allusion to Wollaston, general, though really ungrounded,
criticism followed. I say ungrounded because, firstly, Faraday's experiment
was not that of Wollaston, and secondly, Faraday, before he published it, had
actually called upon Wollaston, and not finding him at home, did not feel
himself authorised to mention his name.
In December, Faraday published a second paper on the same subject, from
which, through a misapprehension, the name of Wollaston was also omitted.
Warburton and others thereupon affirmed that Wollaston's ideas had been
appropriated without acknowledgment, and it is plain that Wollaston himself,
though cautious in his utterance, was also hurt. Censure grew till it became
intolerable. 'I hear,' writes Faraday to his friend Stodart, 'every day more and
more of these sounds, which, though only whispers to me, are, I suspect,
spoken aloud among scientific men.' He might have written explanations and
defences, but he went straighter to the point. He wished to see the principals
face to face — to plead his cause before them personally. There was a certain
vehemence in his desire to do this. He saw Wollaston, he saw Davy, he saw
Warburton; and I am inclined to think that it was the irresistible candour and
truth of character which these viva voce defences revealed, as much as the
defences themselves, that disarmed resentment at the time.
As regards Davy, another cause of dissension arose in 1823. In the spring of
that year Faraday analysed the hydrate of chlorine, a substance once believed
to be the element chlorine, but proved by Davy to be a compound of that
element and water. The analysis was looked over by Davy, who then and
there suggested to Faraday to heat the hydrate in a closed glass tube. This
was done, the substance was decomposed, and one of the products of
decomposition was proved by Faraday to be chlorine liquefied by its own
pressure. On the day of its discovery he communicated this result to Dr.
Paris. Davy, on being informed of it, instantly liquefied another gas in the
same way. Having struck thus into Faraday's enquiry, ought he not to have
left the matter in Faraday's hands? I think he ought. But, considering his
relation to both Faraday and the hydrate of chlorine, Davy, I submit, may be
Page 367
excused for thinking differently. A father is not always wise enough to see
that his son has ceased to be a boy, and estrangement on this account is not
rare; nor was Davy wise enough to discern that Faraday had passed the mere
assistant stage, and become a discoverer. It is now hard to avoid magnifying
this error. But had Faraday died or ceased to work at this time, or had his
subsequent life been devoted to money-getting, instead of to research, would
anybody now dream of ascribing jealousy to Davy? Assuredly not. Why
should he be jealous? His reputation at this time was almost without a
parallel: his glory was without a cloud. He had added to his other discoveries
that of Faraday, and after having been his teacher for seven years, his
language to him was this: 'It gives me great pleasure to hear that you are
comfortable at the Royal Institution, and I trust that you will not only do
something good and honourable for yourself, but also for science.' This is
not the language of jealousy, potential or actual. But the chlorine business
introduced irritation and anger, to which, and not to any ignobler motive,
Davy's opposition to the election of Faraday to the Royal Society is, I am
persuaded, to be ascribed.
These matters are touched upon with perfect candour, and becoming
consideration, in the volumes of Dr. Bence Jones; but in 'society' they are not
always so handled. Here a name of noble intellectual associations is
surrounded by injurious rumours which I would willingly scatter for ever.
The pupil's magnitude, and the splendour of his position, are too great and
absolute to need as a foil the humiliation of his master. Brothers in intellect,
Davy and Faraday, however, could never have become brothers in feeling;
their characters were too unlike. Davy loved the pomp and circumstance of
fame; Faraday the inner consciousness that he had fairly won renown. They
were both proud men. But with Davy pride projected itself into the outer
world; while with Faraday it became a steadying and dignifying inward
force. In one great particular they agreed. Each of them could have turned
his science to immense commercial profit, but neither of them did so. The
noble excitement of research, and the delight of discovery, constituted their
reward. I commend them to the reverence which great gifts greatly exercised
ought to inspire. They were both ours; and through the coming centuries
England will be able to point with just pride to the possession of such men.
--------------------
that his son has ceased to be a boy, and estrangement on this account is not
rare; nor was Davy wise enough to discern that Faraday had passed the mere
assistant stage, and become a discoverer. It is now hard to avoid magnifying
this error. But had Faraday died or ceased to work at this time, or had his
subsequent life been devoted to money-getting, instead of to research, would
anybody now dream of ascribing jealousy to Davy? Assuredly not. Why
should he be jealous? His reputation at this time was almost without a
parallel: his glory was without a cloud. He had added to his other discoveries
that of Faraday, and after having been his teacher for seven years, his
language to him was this: 'It gives me great pleasure to hear that you are
comfortable at the Royal Institution, and I trust that you will not only do
something good and honourable for yourself, but also for science.' This is
not the language of jealousy, potential or actual. But the chlorine business
introduced irritation and anger, to which, and not to any ignobler motive,
Davy's opposition to the election of Faraday to the Royal Society is, I am
persuaded, to be ascribed.
These matters are touched upon with perfect candour, and becoming
consideration, in the volumes of Dr. Bence Jones; but in 'society' they are not
always so handled. Here a name of noble intellectual associations is
surrounded by injurious rumours which I would willingly scatter for ever.
The pupil's magnitude, and the splendour of his position, are too great and
absolute to need as a foil the humiliation of his master. Brothers in intellect,
Davy and Faraday, however, could never have become brothers in feeling;
their characters were too unlike. Davy loved the pomp and circumstance of
fame; Faraday the inner consciousness that he had fairly won renown. They
were both proud men. But with Davy pride projected itself into the outer
world; while with Faraday it became a steadying and dignifying inward
force. In one great particular they agreed. Each of them could have turned
his science to immense commercial profit, but neither of them did so. The
noble excitement of research, and the delight of discovery, constituted their
reward. I commend them to the reverence which great gifts greatly exercised
ought to inspire. They were both ours; and through the coming centuries
England will be able to point with just pride to the possession of such men.
--------------------
Page 368
.
The first volume of the 'Life and Letters' reveals to us the youth who was to
be father to the man. Skilful, aspiring, resolute, he grew steadily in
knowledge and in power. Consciously or unconsciously, the relation of
Action to Reaction was ever present to Faraday's mind. It had been fostered
by his discovery of Magnetic Rotations, and it planted in him more daring
ideas of a similar kind. Magnetism he knew could be evoked by electricity,
and he thought that electricity, in its turn, ought to be capable of evolution by
magnetism. On August 29, 1831, his experiments on this subject began. He
had been fortified by previous trials, which, though failures, had begotten
instincts directing him towards the truth. He, like every strong worker, might
at times miss the outward object, but he always gained the inner light,
education, and expansion. Of this Faraday's life was a constant illustration.
By November be had discovered and colligated a multitude of the most
wonderful and unexpected phenomena. He had generated currents by
currents; currents by magnets, permanent and transitory; and he afterwards
generated currents by the earth itself. Arago's 'Magnetism of Rotation,'
which had for years offered itself as a challenge to the best scientific
intellects of Europe, now fell into his hands. It proved to be a beautiful, but
still special, illustration of the great principle of Magneto-electric Induction.
Nothing equal to this latter, in the way of pure experimental enquiry, had
previously been achieved.
Electricities from various sources were next examined, and their differences
and resemblances revealed. He thus assured himself of their substantial
identity. He then took up Conduction, and gave many striking illustrations of
the influence of Fusion on Conducting Power. Renouncing professional
work, from which at this time he might have derived an income of many
thousands a year, he poured his whole momentum into his researches. He
was long entangled in Electrochemistry. The light of law was for a time
obscured by the thick umbrage of novel facts; but he finally emerged from
his researches with the great principle of Definite Electro-chemical
Decomposition in his hands. If his discovery of Magneto-electricity may be
ranked with that of the pile by Volta, this new discovery may almost stand
beside that of Definite Combining Proportions in Chemistry. He passed on to
Static Electricity — its Conduction, Induction, and Mode of Propagation. He
discovered and illustrated the principle of Inductive Capacity; and, turning to
The first volume of the 'Life and Letters' reveals to us the youth who was to
be father to the man. Skilful, aspiring, resolute, he grew steadily in
knowledge and in power. Consciously or unconsciously, the relation of
Action to Reaction was ever present to Faraday's mind. It had been fostered
by his discovery of Magnetic Rotations, and it planted in him more daring
ideas of a similar kind. Magnetism he knew could be evoked by electricity,
and he thought that electricity, in its turn, ought to be capable of evolution by
magnetism. On August 29, 1831, his experiments on this subject began. He
had been fortified by previous trials, which, though failures, had begotten
instincts directing him towards the truth. He, like every strong worker, might
at times miss the outward object, but he always gained the inner light,
education, and expansion. Of this Faraday's life was a constant illustration.
By November be had discovered and colligated a multitude of the most
wonderful and unexpected phenomena. He had generated currents by
currents; currents by magnets, permanent and transitory; and he afterwards
generated currents by the earth itself. Arago's 'Magnetism of Rotation,'
which had for years offered itself as a challenge to the best scientific
intellects of Europe, now fell into his hands. It proved to be a beautiful, but
still special, illustration of the great principle of Magneto-electric Induction.
Nothing equal to this latter, in the way of pure experimental enquiry, had
previously been achieved.
Electricities from various sources were next examined, and their differences
and resemblances revealed. He thus assured himself of their substantial
identity. He then took up Conduction, and gave many striking illustrations of
the influence of Fusion on Conducting Power. Renouncing professional
work, from which at this time he might have derived an income of many
thousands a year, he poured his whole momentum into his researches. He
was long entangled in Electrochemistry. The light of law was for a time
obscured by the thick umbrage of novel facts; but he finally emerged from
his researches with the great principle of Definite Electro-chemical
Decomposition in his hands. If his discovery of Magneto-electricity may be
ranked with that of the pile by Volta, this new discovery may almost stand
beside that of Definite Combining Proportions in Chemistry. He passed on to
Static Electricity — its Conduction, Induction, and Mode of Propagation. He
discovered and illustrated the principle of Inductive Capacity; and, turning to
Page 369
theory, he asked himself how electrical attractions and repulsions are
transmitted. Are they, like gravity, actions at a distance, or do they require a
medium? If the former, then, like gravity, they will act in straight lines; if the
latter, then, like sound or light, they may turn a corner. Faraday held — and
his views are gaining ground — that his experiments proved the fact of
curvilinear propagation, and hence the operation of a medium. Others denied
this; but none can deny the profound and philosophic character of his leading
thought. [Footnote: In a very remarkable paper published in Poggendorff's
'Annalen' for 1857, Werner Siemens accepts and develops Faraday's theory
of Molecular Induction.] The first volume of the Researches contains all the
papers here referred to.
Faraday had heard it stated that henceforth physical discoveries would be
made solely by the aid of mathematics; that we had our data, and needed
only to work deductively. Statements of a similar character crop out from
time to time in our day. They arise from an imperfect acquaintance with the
nature, present condition, and prospective vastness of the field of physical
enquiry. The tendency of natural science doubtless is to bring all physical
phenomena under the dominion of mechanical laws; to give them, in other
words, mathematical expression. But our approach to this result is
asymptotic; and for ages to come — possibly for all the ages of the human
race — Nature will find room for both the philosophical experimenter and
the mathematician. Faraday entered his protest against the foregoing
statement by labelling his investigations 'Experimental Researches in
Electricity.' They were completed in 1854, and three volumes of them have
been published. For the sake of reference, he numbered every paragraph, the
last number being 3362. In 1859 he collected and published a fourth volume
of papers, under the title, 'Experimental Researches in Chemistry and
Physics.' Thus did this apostle of experiment illustrate its power, and
magnify his office.
The second volume of the Researches embraces memoirs on the Electricity
of the Gymnotus; on the Source of Power in the Voltaic Pile; on the
Electricity evolved by the Friction of Water and Steam, in which the
phenomena and principles of Sir William Armstrong's Hydro-electric
machine are described and developed; a paper on Magnetic Rotations, and
Faraday's letters in relation to the controversy it aroused. The contribution of
most permanent value here, is that on the Source of Power in the Voltaic
transmitted. Are they, like gravity, actions at a distance, or do they require a
medium? If the former, then, like gravity, they will act in straight lines; if the
latter, then, like sound or light, they may turn a corner. Faraday held — and
his views are gaining ground — that his experiments proved the fact of
curvilinear propagation, and hence the operation of a medium. Others denied
this; but none can deny the profound and philosophic character of his leading
thought. [Footnote: In a very remarkable paper published in Poggendorff's
'Annalen' for 1857, Werner Siemens accepts and develops Faraday's theory
of Molecular Induction.] The first volume of the Researches contains all the
papers here referred to.
Faraday had heard it stated that henceforth physical discoveries would be
made solely by the aid of mathematics; that we had our data, and needed
only to work deductively. Statements of a similar character crop out from
time to time in our day. They arise from an imperfect acquaintance with the
nature, present condition, and prospective vastness of the field of physical
enquiry. The tendency of natural science doubtless is to bring all physical
phenomena under the dominion of mechanical laws; to give them, in other
words, mathematical expression. But our approach to this result is
asymptotic; and for ages to come — possibly for all the ages of the human
race — Nature will find room for both the philosophical experimenter and
the mathematician. Faraday entered his protest against the foregoing
statement by labelling his investigations 'Experimental Researches in
Electricity.' They were completed in 1854, and three volumes of them have
been published. For the sake of reference, he numbered every paragraph, the
last number being 3362. In 1859 he collected and published a fourth volume
of papers, under the title, 'Experimental Researches in Chemistry and
Physics.' Thus did this apostle of experiment illustrate its power, and
magnify his office.
The second volume of the Researches embraces memoirs on the Electricity
of the Gymnotus; on the Source of Power in the Voltaic Pile; on the
Electricity evolved by the Friction of Water and Steam, in which the
phenomena and principles of Sir William Armstrong's Hydro-electric
machine are described and developed; a paper on Magnetic Rotations, and
Faraday's letters in relation to the controversy it aroused. The contribution of
most permanent value here, is that on the Source of Power in the Voltaic
Page 370
Pile. By it the Contact Theory, pure and simple, was totally overthrown, and
the necessity of chemical action to the maintenance of the current
demonstrated.
The third volume of the Researches opens with a memoir entitled 'The
Magnetisation of Light,' and the Illumination of Magnetic Lines of Force.' It
is difficult even now to affix a definite meaning to this title; but the
discovery of the rotation of the plane of polarisation, which it announced,
seems pregnant with great results. The writings of William Thomson on the
theoretic aspects of the discovery; the excellent electrodynamic
measurements of Wilhelm Weber, which are models of experimental
completeness and skill; Weber's labours in conjunction with his lamented
friend Kohlrausch — above all, the researches of Clerk Maxwell on the
Electro-magnetic Theory of Light — point to that wonderful and mysterious
medium, which is the vehicle of light and radiant heat, as the probable basis
also of magnetic and electric phenomena. The hope of such a connection
was first raised by the discovery here referred to. [Footnote: A letter
addressed to me by Professor Weber on March 18 last contains the following
reference to the connection here mentioned: 'Die Hoffnung einer solchen
Combination ist durch Faraday's Entdeckung der Drehung der
Polarisationsebene durch magnetische Directionskraft zuerst, und sodann
durch die Uebereinstimmung derjenigen Geschwindigkeit, welche das
Verhaeltniss der electro-dynamischen Einheit zur electro-statischen
ausdrueckt, mit der Geschwindigkeit des Lichts angeregt worden; und mir
scheint von allen Versuchen, welche zur Verwirklichung dieser Hoffnung
gemacht worden sind, das von Herrn Maxwell gemachte am
erfolgreichsten.'] Faraday himself seemed to cling with particular affection
to this discovery. He felt that there was more in it than he was able to unfold.
He predicted that it would grow in meaning with the growth of science. This
it has done; this it is doing now. Its right interpretation will probably mark an
epoch in scientific history.
Rapidly following it is the discovery of Diamagnetism, or the repulsion of
matter by a magnet. Brugmans had shown that bismuth repelled a magnetic
needle. Here he stopped. Le Bailliff proved that antimony did the same. Here
he stopped. Seebeck, Becquerel, and others, also touched the discovery.
These fragmentary gleams excited a momentary curiosity and were almost
forgotten, when Faraday independently alighted on the same facts; and,
the necessity of chemical action to the maintenance of the current
demonstrated.
The third volume of the Researches opens with a memoir entitled 'The
Magnetisation of Light,' and the Illumination of Magnetic Lines of Force.' It
is difficult even now to affix a definite meaning to this title; but the
discovery of the rotation of the plane of polarisation, which it announced,
seems pregnant with great results. The writings of William Thomson on the
theoretic aspects of the discovery; the excellent electrodynamic
measurements of Wilhelm Weber, which are models of experimental
completeness and skill; Weber's labours in conjunction with his lamented
friend Kohlrausch — above all, the researches of Clerk Maxwell on the
Electro-magnetic Theory of Light — point to that wonderful and mysterious
medium, which is the vehicle of light and radiant heat, as the probable basis
also of magnetic and electric phenomena. The hope of such a connection
was first raised by the discovery here referred to. [Footnote: A letter
addressed to me by Professor Weber on March 18 last contains the following
reference to the connection here mentioned: 'Die Hoffnung einer solchen
Combination ist durch Faraday's Entdeckung der Drehung der
Polarisationsebene durch magnetische Directionskraft zuerst, und sodann
durch die Uebereinstimmung derjenigen Geschwindigkeit, welche das
Verhaeltniss der electro-dynamischen Einheit zur electro-statischen
ausdrueckt, mit der Geschwindigkeit des Lichts angeregt worden; und mir
scheint von allen Versuchen, welche zur Verwirklichung dieser Hoffnung
gemacht worden sind, das von Herrn Maxwell gemachte am
erfolgreichsten.'] Faraday himself seemed to cling with particular affection
to this discovery. He felt that there was more in it than he was able to unfold.
He predicted that it would grow in meaning with the growth of science. This
it has done; this it is doing now. Its right interpretation will probably mark an
epoch in scientific history.
Rapidly following it is the discovery of Diamagnetism, or the repulsion of
matter by a magnet. Brugmans had shown that bismuth repelled a magnetic
needle. Here he stopped. Le Bailliff proved that antimony did the same. Here
he stopped. Seebeck, Becquerel, and others, also touched the discovery.
These fragmentary gleams excited a momentary curiosity and were almost
forgotten, when Faraday independently alighted on the same facts; and,
Page 371
instead of stopping, made them the inlets to a new and vast region of
research. The value of a discovery is to be measured by the intellectual
action it calls forth; and it was Faraday's good fortune to strike such lodes of
scientific truth as give occupation to some of the best intellects of our age.
The salient quality of Faraday's scientific character reveals itself from
beginning to end of these volumes; a union of ardour and patience — the one
prompting the attack, the other holding him on to it, till defeat was final or
victory assured. Certainty in one sense or the other was necessary to his
peace of mind. The right method of investigation is perhaps
incommunicable; it depends on the individual rather than on the system, and
the mark is missed when Faraday's researches are pointed to as merely
illustrative of the power of the inductive philosophy. The brain may be filled
with that philosophy; but without the energy and insight which this man
possessed, and which with him were personal and distinctive, we should
never rise to the level of his achievements. His power is that of individual
genius, rather than of philosophic method; the energy of a strong soul
expressing itself after its own fashion, and acknowledging no mediator
between it and Nature.
The second volume of the 'Life and Letters,' like the first, is a historic
treasury as regards Faraday's work and character, and his scientific and
social relations. It contains letters from Humboldt, Herschel, Hachette, De la
Rive, Dumas, Liebig, Melloni, Becquerel, Oersted, Plucker, Du Bois
Reymond, Lord Melbourne, Prince Louis Napoleon, and many other
distinguished men. I notice with particular pleasure a letter from Sir John
Herschel, in reply to a sealed packet addressed to him by Faraday, but which
he had permission to open if he pleased. The packet referred to one of the
many unfulfilled hopes which spring up in the minds of fertile investigators :
—
'Go on and prosper, "from strength to strength," like a victor marching with
assured step to further conquests; and be certain that no voice will join more
heartily in the peans that already begin to rise, and will speedily swell into a
shout of triumph, astounding even to yourself, than that of J. F. W. Herschel.'
Faraday's behaviour to Melloni in 1835 merits a word of notice. The young
man was a political exile in Paris. He had newly fashioned and applied the
research. The value of a discovery is to be measured by the intellectual
action it calls forth; and it was Faraday's good fortune to strike such lodes of
scientific truth as give occupation to some of the best intellects of our age.
The salient quality of Faraday's scientific character reveals itself from
beginning to end of these volumes; a union of ardour and patience — the one
prompting the attack, the other holding him on to it, till defeat was final or
victory assured. Certainty in one sense or the other was necessary to his
peace of mind. The right method of investigation is perhaps
incommunicable; it depends on the individual rather than on the system, and
the mark is missed when Faraday's researches are pointed to as merely
illustrative of the power of the inductive philosophy. The brain may be filled
with that philosophy; but without the energy and insight which this man
possessed, and which with him were personal and distinctive, we should
never rise to the level of his achievements. His power is that of individual
genius, rather than of philosophic method; the energy of a strong soul
expressing itself after its own fashion, and acknowledging no mediator
between it and Nature.
The second volume of the 'Life and Letters,' like the first, is a historic
treasury as regards Faraday's work and character, and his scientific and
social relations. It contains letters from Humboldt, Herschel, Hachette, De la
Rive, Dumas, Liebig, Melloni, Becquerel, Oersted, Plucker, Du Bois
Reymond, Lord Melbourne, Prince Louis Napoleon, and many other
distinguished men. I notice with particular pleasure a letter from Sir John
Herschel, in reply to a sealed packet addressed to him by Faraday, but which
he had permission to open if he pleased. The packet referred to one of the
many unfulfilled hopes which spring up in the minds of fertile investigators :
—
'Go on and prosper, "from strength to strength," like a victor marching with
assured step to further conquests; and be certain that no voice will join more
heartily in the peans that already begin to rise, and will speedily swell into a
shout of triumph, astounding even to yourself, than that of J. F. W. Herschel.'
Faraday's behaviour to Melloni in 1835 merits a word of notice. The young
man was a political exile in Paris. He had newly fashioned and applied the
Page 372
thermo-electric pile, and had obtained with it results of the greatest
importance. But they were not appreciated. With the sickness of
disappointed hope Melloni waited for the report of the Commissioners,
appointed by the Academy of Sciences to examine the Primier. At length he
published his researches in the 'Annales de Chimie.' They thus fell into the
hands of Faraday, who, discerning at once their extraordinary merit, obtained
for their author the Rumford Medal of the Royal Society. A sum of money
always accompanies this medal; and the pecuniary help was, at this time,
even more essential than the mark of honour to the young refugee. Melloni's
gratitude was boundless :—
'Et vous, monsieur,' he writes to Faraday, 'qui appartenez à une société à
laquelle je n'avais rien offert, vous qui me connaissiez à peine de nom; vous
n'avez pas demandé si j'avais des ennemis faibles ou puissants, ni calculé
quel en était le nombre; mais vous avez parlé pour l'opprimé étranger, pour
celui qui n'avait pas le moindre droit à tant de bienveillance, et vos paroles
ont été accueillies favorablement par des collègues consciencieux! Je
reconnais bien là des hommes dignes de leur noble mission, les véritable
représentants de la science d'un pays libre et généreux.'
Within the prescribed limits of this article it would be impossible to give
even the slenderest summary of Faraday's correspondence, or to carve from
it more than the merest fragments of his character. His letters, written to
Lord Melbourne and others in 1836, regarding his pension, illustrate his
uncompromising independence. The Prime Minister had offended him, but
assuredly the apology demanded and given was complete. I think 'it certain
that, notwithstanding the very full account of this transaction given by Dr.
Bence Jones, motives and influences were at work which even now are not
entirely revealed. The minister was bitterly attacked, but he bore the censure
of the press with great dignity. Faraday, while he disavowed having either
directly or indirectly furnished the matter of those attacks, did not publicly
exonerate the Premier. The Hon. Caroline Fox had proved herself Faraday's
ardent friend, and it was she who had healed the breach between the
philosopher and the minister. She manifestly thought that Faraday ought to
have come forward in Lord Melbourne's defence, and there is a flavour of
resentment in one of her letters to him on the subject. No doubt Faraday had
good grounds for his reticence, but they are to me unknown.
importance. But they were not appreciated. With the sickness of
disappointed hope Melloni waited for the report of the Commissioners,
appointed by the Academy of Sciences to examine the Primier. At length he
published his researches in the 'Annales de Chimie.' They thus fell into the
hands of Faraday, who, discerning at once their extraordinary merit, obtained
for their author the Rumford Medal of the Royal Society. A sum of money
always accompanies this medal; and the pecuniary help was, at this time,
even more essential than the mark of honour to the young refugee. Melloni's
gratitude was boundless :—
'Et vous, monsieur,' he writes to Faraday, 'qui appartenez à une société à
laquelle je n'avais rien offert, vous qui me connaissiez à peine de nom; vous
n'avez pas demandé si j'avais des ennemis faibles ou puissants, ni calculé
quel en était le nombre; mais vous avez parlé pour l'opprimé étranger, pour
celui qui n'avait pas le moindre droit à tant de bienveillance, et vos paroles
ont été accueillies favorablement par des collègues consciencieux! Je
reconnais bien là des hommes dignes de leur noble mission, les véritable
représentants de la science d'un pays libre et généreux.'
Within the prescribed limits of this article it would be impossible to give
even the slenderest summary of Faraday's correspondence, or to carve from
it more than the merest fragments of his character. His letters, written to
Lord Melbourne and others in 1836, regarding his pension, illustrate his
uncompromising independence. The Prime Minister had offended him, but
assuredly the apology demanded and given was complete. I think 'it certain
that, notwithstanding the very full account of this transaction given by Dr.
Bence Jones, motives and influences were at work which even now are not
entirely revealed. The minister was bitterly attacked, but he bore the censure
of the press with great dignity. Faraday, while he disavowed having either
directly or indirectly furnished the matter of those attacks, did not publicly
exonerate the Premier. The Hon. Caroline Fox had proved herself Faraday's
ardent friend, and it was she who had healed the breach between the
philosopher and the minister. She manifestly thought that Faraday ought to
have come forward in Lord Melbourne's defence, and there is a flavour of
resentment in one of her letters to him on the subject. No doubt Faraday had
good grounds for his reticence, but they are to me unknown.
Page 373
In 1841 his health broke down utterly, and he went to Switzerland with his
wife and brother-in-law. His bodily vigour soon revived, and he
accomplished feats of walking respectable even for a trained mountaineer.
The published extracts from his Swiss journal contain many beautiful and
touching allusions. Amid references to the tints of the Jungfrau, the blue rifts
of the glaciers, and the noble Niesen towering over the Lake of Thun, we
come upon the charming little scrap which I have elsewhere quoted: 'Clout-
nail making goes on here rather considerably, and is a very neat and pretty
operation to observe. I love a smith's shop and anything relating to smithery.
My father was a smith.' This is from his journal; but he is unconsciously
speaking to somebody — perhaps to the world.
His description of the Staubbach, Giessbach, and of the scenic effects of sky
and mountain, are all fine and sympathetic. But amid it all, and in reference
to it all, he tells his sister that 'true enjoyment is from within, not from
without.' In those days Agassiz was living under a slab of gneiss on the
glacier of the Aar. Faraday met Forbes at the Grimsel, and arranged with him
an excursion to the 'Hôtel des Neufchâtelois'; but indisposition put the
project out.
From the Fort of Ham, in 1843, Faraday received a letter addressed to him
by Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. He read this letter to me many years
ago, and the desire, shown in various ways by the French Emperor, to turn
modern science to account, has often reminded me of it since. At the age of
thirty-five the prisoner of Ham speaks of 'rendering his captivity less sad by
studying the great discoveries' which science owes to Faraday; and he asks a
question which reveals his cast of thought at the time: 'What is the most
simple combination to give to a voltaic battery, in order to produce a spark
capable of setting fire to powder under water or under ground?' Should the
necessity arise, the French Emperor will not lack at the outset the best
appliances of modern science; while we, I fear, shall have to learn the
magnitude of the resources we are now neglecting amid the pangs of actual
war.' [Footnote: The 'science' has since been applied, with astonishing
effect, by those who had studied it far more thoroughly than the Emperor of
the French. We also, I am happy to think, have improved the time since the
above words were written [1878].]
.
wife and brother-in-law. His bodily vigour soon revived, and he
accomplished feats of walking respectable even for a trained mountaineer.
The published extracts from his Swiss journal contain many beautiful and
touching allusions. Amid references to the tints of the Jungfrau, the blue rifts
of the glaciers, and the noble Niesen towering over the Lake of Thun, we
come upon the charming little scrap which I have elsewhere quoted: 'Clout-
nail making goes on here rather considerably, and is a very neat and pretty
operation to observe. I love a smith's shop and anything relating to smithery.
My father was a smith.' This is from his journal; but he is unconsciously
speaking to somebody — perhaps to the world.
His description of the Staubbach, Giessbach, and of the scenic effects of sky
and mountain, are all fine and sympathetic. But amid it all, and in reference
to it all, he tells his sister that 'true enjoyment is from within, not from
without.' In those days Agassiz was living under a slab of gneiss on the
glacier of the Aar. Faraday met Forbes at the Grimsel, and arranged with him
an excursion to the 'Hôtel des Neufchâtelois'; but indisposition put the
project out.
From the Fort of Ham, in 1843, Faraday received a letter addressed to him
by Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. He read this letter to me many years
ago, and the desire, shown in various ways by the French Emperor, to turn
modern science to account, has often reminded me of it since. At the age of
thirty-five the prisoner of Ham speaks of 'rendering his captivity less sad by
studying the great discoveries' which science owes to Faraday; and he asks a
question which reveals his cast of thought at the time: 'What is the most
simple combination to give to a voltaic battery, in order to produce a spark
capable of setting fire to powder under water or under ground?' Should the
necessity arise, the French Emperor will not lack at the outset the best
appliances of modern science; while we, I fear, shall have to learn the
magnitude of the resources we are now neglecting amid the pangs of actual
war.' [Footnote: The 'science' has since been applied, with astonishing
effect, by those who had studied it far more thoroughly than the Emperor of
the French. We also, I am happy to think, have improved the time since the
above words were written [1878].]
.
Page 374
One turns with renewed pleasure to Faraday's letters to his wife, published in
the second volume. Here surely the loving essence of the man appears more
distinctly than anywhere else. From the house of Dr. Percy, in Birmingham,
he writes thus :—
'Here — even here the moment I leave the table, I wish I were with you IN
QUIET. Oh, what happiness is ours! My runs into the world in this way only
serve to make me esteem that happiness the more.'
And again:
'We have been to a grand conversazione in the town-hall, and I have now
returned to my room to talk with you, as the pleasantest and happiest thing
that I can do. Nothing rests me so much as communion with you. I feel it
even now as I write, and catch myself saying the words aloud as I write
them.'
Take this, moreover, as indicative of his love for Nature:
'After writing, I walk out in the evening hand in hand with my dear wife to
enjoy the sunset; for to me who love scenery, of all that I have seen or can
see, there is none surpasses that of heaven. A glorious sunset brings with it a
thousand thoughts that delight me.'
Of the numberless lights thrown upon him by the Life and Letters,' some fall
upon his religion. In a letter to Lady Lovelace, he describes himself as
belonging to 'a very small and despised sect of Christians, known, if known
at all, as Sandemanians, and our hope is founded on the faith that is in
Christ.' He adds: 'I do not think it at all necessary to tie the study of the
natural sciences and religion together, and in my intercourse with my fellow-
creatures, that which is religious, and that which is philosophical, have ever
been two distinct things.' He saw clearly the danger of quitting his moorings,
and his science acted indirectly as the safeguard of his faith. For his
investigations so filled his mind as to leave no room for sceptical
questionings, thus shielding from the assaults of philosophy, the creed of his
youth. His religion was constitutional and hereditary. It was implied in the
eddies of his blood and in the tremors of his brain; and, however its outward
the second volume. Here surely the loving essence of the man appears more
distinctly than anywhere else. From the house of Dr. Percy, in Birmingham,
he writes thus :—
'Here — even here the moment I leave the table, I wish I were with you IN
QUIET. Oh, what happiness is ours! My runs into the world in this way only
serve to make me esteem that happiness the more.'
And again:
'We have been to a grand conversazione in the town-hall, and I have now
returned to my room to talk with you, as the pleasantest and happiest thing
that I can do. Nothing rests me so much as communion with you. I feel it
even now as I write, and catch myself saying the words aloud as I write
them.'
Take this, moreover, as indicative of his love for Nature:
'After writing, I walk out in the evening hand in hand with my dear wife to
enjoy the sunset; for to me who love scenery, of all that I have seen or can
see, there is none surpasses that of heaven. A glorious sunset brings with it a
thousand thoughts that delight me.'
Of the numberless lights thrown upon him by the Life and Letters,' some fall
upon his religion. In a letter to Lady Lovelace, he describes himself as
belonging to 'a very small and despised sect of Christians, known, if known
at all, as Sandemanians, and our hope is founded on the faith that is in
Christ.' He adds: 'I do not think it at all necessary to tie the study of the
natural sciences and religion together, and in my intercourse with my fellow-
creatures, that which is religious, and that which is philosophical, have ever
been two distinct things.' He saw clearly the danger of quitting his moorings,
and his science acted indirectly as the safeguard of his faith. For his
investigations so filled his mind as to leave no room for sceptical
questionings, thus shielding from the assaults of philosophy, the creed of his
youth. His religion was constitutional and hereditary. It was implied in the
eddies of his blood and in the tremors of his brain; and, however its outward
Page 375
and visible form might have changed, Faraday would still have possessed its
elemental constituents — awe, reverence, truth, and love.
It is worth enquiring how so profoundly religious a mind, and so great a
teacher, would be likely to regard our present discussions on the subject of
education. Faraday would be a 'secularist' were he now alive. He had no
sympathy with those who contemn knowledge unless it be accompanied by
dogma. A lecture delivered before the City Philosophical Society in 1818,
when be was twenty-six years of age, expresses the views regarding
education which he entertained to the end of his life. 'First, then,' he says, 'all
theological considerations are banished from the society, and of course from
my remarks; and whatever I may say has no reference to a future state, or to
the means which are to be adopted in this world in anticipation of it. Next, I
have no intention of substituting anything for religion, but I wish to take that
part of human nature which is independent of it. Morality, philosophy,
commerce, the various institutions and habits of society, are independent of
religion, and may exist either with or without it. They are always the same,
and can dwell alike in the breasts of those who, from opinion, are entirely
opposed in the set of principles they include in the term religion, or in those
who have none.
'To discriminate more closely, if possible, I will observe that we have no
right to judge religious opinions; but the human nature of this evening is that
part of man which we have a right to judge. And I think it will be found on
examination, that this humanity — as it may perhaps be called — will
accord with what I have before described as being in our own hands so
improvable and perfectible.'
In an old journal I find the following remarks on one of my earliest dinners
with Faraday: 'At two o'clock he came down for me. He, his niece, and
myself, formed the party, "I never give dinners," he said. "I don't know how
to give dinners, and I never dine out. But I should not like my friends to
attribute this to a wrong cause. I act thus for the sake of securing time for
work, and not through religious motives, as some imagine." He said grace. I
am almost ashamed to call his prayer a "saying Of grace." In the language of
Scripture, it might be described as the petition of a son, into whose heart
God had sent the Spirit of His Son, and who with absolute trust asked a
blessing from his father. We dined on roast beef, Yorkshire pudding, and
elemental constituents — awe, reverence, truth, and love.
It is worth enquiring how so profoundly religious a mind, and so great a
teacher, would be likely to regard our present discussions on the subject of
education. Faraday would be a 'secularist' were he now alive. He had no
sympathy with those who contemn knowledge unless it be accompanied by
dogma. A lecture delivered before the City Philosophical Society in 1818,
when be was twenty-six years of age, expresses the views regarding
education which he entertained to the end of his life. 'First, then,' he says, 'all
theological considerations are banished from the society, and of course from
my remarks; and whatever I may say has no reference to a future state, or to
the means which are to be adopted in this world in anticipation of it. Next, I
have no intention of substituting anything for religion, but I wish to take that
part of human nature which is independent of it. Morality, philosophy,
commerce, the various institutions and habits of society, are independent of
religion, and may exist either with or without it. They are always the same,
and can dwell alike in the breasts of those who, from opinion, are entirely
opposed in the set of principles they include in the term religion, or in those
who have none.
'To discriminate more closely, if possible, I will observe that we have no
right to judge religious opinions; but the human nature of this evening is that
part of man which we have a right to judge. And I think it will be found on
examination, that this humanity — as it may perhaps be called — will
accord with what I have before described as being in our own hands so
improvable and perfectible.'
In an old journal I find the following remarks on one of my earliest dinners
with Faraday: 'At two o'clock he came down for me. He, his niece, and
myself, formed the party, "I never give dinners," he said. "I don't know how
to give dinners, and I never dine out. But I should not like my friends to
attribute this to a wrong cause. I act thus for the sake of securing time for
work, and not through religious motives, as some imagine." He said grace. I
am almost ashamed to call his prayer a "saying Of grace." In the language of
Scripture, it might be described as the petition of a son, into whose heart
God had sent the Spirit of His Son, and who with absolute trust asked a
blessing from his father. We dined on roast beef, Yorkshire pudding, and
Page 376
potatoes; drank sherry, talked of research and its requirements, and of his
habit of keeping himself free from the distractions of society. He was bright
and joyful — boy-like, in fact, though he is now sixty-two. His work excites
admiration, but contact with him warms and elevates the heart. Here, surely,
is a strong man. I love strength; but let me not forget the example of its
union with modesty, tenderness, and sweetness, in the character of Faraday.'
Faraday's progress in discovery, and the salient points of his character, are
well brought out by the wise choice of letters and extracts published in the
volumes before us. I will not call the labours of the biographer final. So great
a character will challenge reconstruction. In the coming time some
sympathetic spirit, with the requisite strength, knowledge, and solvent
power, will, I doubt not, render these materials plastic, give them more
perfect organic form, and send through them, with less of interruption, the
currents of Faraday's life. 'He was too good a man,' writes his present
biographer, 'for me to estimate rightly, and too great a philosopher for me to
understand thoroughly.' That may be: but the reverent affection to which we
owe the discovery, selection, and arrangement of the materials here placed
before us, is probably a surer guide than mere literary skill. The task of the
artist who may wish in future times to reproduce the real though unobtrusive
grandeur, the purity, beauty, and childlike simplicity of him whom we have
lost, will find his chief treasury already provided for him by Dr. Bence
Jones's labour of love.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XIX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1870.
habit of keeping himself free from the distractions of society. He was bright
and joyful — boy-like, in fact, though he is now sixty-two. His work excites
admiration, but contact with him warms and elevates the heart. Here, surely,
is a strong man. I love strength; but let me not forget the example of its
union with modesty, tenderness, and sweetness, in the character of Faraday.'
Faraday's progress in discovery, and the salient points of his character, are
well brought out by the wise choice of letters and extracts published in the
volumes before us. I will not call the labours of the biographer final. So great
a character will challenge reconstruction. In the coming time some
sympathetic spirit, with the requisite strength, knowledge, and solvent
power, will, I doubt not, render these materials plastic, give them more
perfect organic form, and send through them, with less of interruption, the
currents of Faraday's life. 'He was too good a man,' writes his present
biographer, 'for me to estimate rightly, and too great a philosopher for me to
understand thoroughly.' That may be: but the reverent affection to which we
owe the discovery, selection, and arrangement of the materials here placed
before us, is probably a surer guide than mere literary skill. The task of the
artist who may wish in future times to reproduce the real though unobtrusive
grandeur, the purity, beauty, and childlike simplicity of him whom we have
lost, will find his chief treasury already provided for him by Dr. Bence
Jones's labour of love.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XIX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1870.
Page 377
THIRTY years ago Electro-magnetism was looked to as a motive power,
which might possibly compete with steam. In centres of industry, such as
Manchester, attempts to investigate and apply this power were numerous.
This is shown by the scientific literature of the time. Among others Mr.
James Prescot Joule, a resident of Manchester, took up the subject, and, in a
series of papers published in Sturgeon's 'Annals of Electricity' between 1839
and 1841, described various attempts at the construction and perfection of
electro-magnetic engines. The spirit in which Mr. Joule pursued these
enquiries is revealed in the following extract: 'I am particularly anxious,' he
says, 'to communicate any new arrangement in order, if possible, to forestall
the monopolising designs of those who seem to regard this most interesting
subject merely in the light of pecuniary speculation.' He was naturally led to
investigate the laws of electro-magnetic attractions, and in 1840 he
announced the important principle that the attractive force exerted by two
electromagnets, or by an electro-magnet and a mass of annealed iron, is
directly proportional to the square of the strength of the magnetising current;
while the attraction exerted between, an electro-magnet and the pole of a
permanent steel magnet, varies simply as the strength of the current. These
investigations were conducted independently of, though a little subsequently
to, the celebrated enquiries of Henry, Jacobi, and Lenz and Jacobi, on the
same subject.
On December 17, 1840, Mr. Joule communicated to the Royal Society a
paper on the production of heat by Voltaic electricity. In it he announced the
law that the calorific effects of equal quantities of transmitted electricity are
proportional to the resistance overcome by the current, whatever may be the
length, thickness, shape, or character of the metal which closes the circuit;
and also proportional to the square of the quantity of transmitted electricity.
This is a law of primary importance. In another paper, presented to, but
declined by, the Royal Society, he confirmed this law by new experiments,
and materially extended it. He also executed experiments on the heat
consequent on the passage of Voltaic electricity through electrolytes, and
found, in all cases, that the heat evolved by the proper action of any Voltaic
current is proportional to the square of the intensity of that current,
multiplied by the resistance to conduction which it experiences. From this
law he deduced a number of conclusions of the highest importance to
electrochemistry.
which might possibly compete with steam. In centres of industry, such as
Manchester, attempts to investigate and apply this power were numerous.
This is shown by the scientific literature of the time. Among others Mr.
James Prescot Joule, a resident of Manchester, took up the subject, and, in a
series of papers published in Sturgeon's 'Annals of Electricity' between 1839
and 1841, described various attempts at the construction and perfection of
electro-magnetic engines. The spirit in which Mr. Joule pursued these
enquiries is revealed in the following extract: 'I am particularly anxious,' he
says, 'to communicate any new arrangement in order, if possible, to forestall
the monopolising designs of those who seem to regard this most interesting
subject merely in the light of pecuniary speculation.' He was naturally led to
investigate the laws of electro-magnetic attractions, and in 1840 he
announced the important principle that the attractive force exerted by two
electromagnets, or by an electro-magnet and a mass of annealed iron, is
directly proportional to the square of the strength of the magnetising current;
while the attraction exerted between, an electro-magnet and the pole of a
permanent steel magnet, varies simply as the strength of the current. These
investigations were conducted independently of, though a little subsequently
to, the celebrated enquiries of Henry, Jacobi, and Lenz and Jacobi, on the
same subject.
On December 17, 1840, Mr. Joule communicated to the Royal Society a
paper on the production of heat by Voltaic electricity. In it he announced the
law that the calorific effects of equal quantities of transmitted electricity are
proportional to the resistance overcome by the current, whatever may be the
length, thickness, shape, or character of the metal which closes the circuit;
and also proportional to the square of the quantity of transmitted electricity.
This is a law of primary importance. In another paper, presented to, but
declined by, the Royal Society, he confirmed this law by new experiments,
and materially extended it. He also executed experiments on the heat
consequent on the passage of Voltaic electricity through electrolytes, and
found, in all cases, that the heat evolved by the proper action of any Voltaic
current is proportional to the square of the intensity of that current,
multiplied by the resistance to conduction which it experiences. From this
law he deduced a number of conclusions of the highest importance to
electrochemistry.
Page 378
It was during these enquiries, which are marked throughout by rare sagacity
and originality, that the great idea of establishing quantitative relations
between Mechanical Energy and Heat arose and assumed definite form in
his mind. In 1843 Mr. Joule read before the meeting of the British
Association at Cork a. paper' On the Calorific Effects of Magneto-
Electricity, and on the Mechanical Value of Heat.' Even at the present day
this memoir is tough reading, and at the time it was written it must have
appeared hopelessly entangled. This, I should think, was the reason why
Faraday advised Mr. Joule not to submit the paper to the Royal Society. But
its drift and results are summed up in these memorable words by its author,
written some time subsequently: 'In that paper it was demonstrated
experimentally, that the mechanical power exerted in turning a magneto-
electric machine is converted into the heat evolved by the passage of the
currents of induction through its coils; and, on the other hand, that the
motive power of the electromagnetic engine is obtained at the expense of the
heat due to the chemical reaction of the battery by which it is worked.'
[Footnote: Phil. Mag. May, 1845.] It is needless to dwell upon the weight
and importance of this statement.
Considering the imperfections incidental to a first determination, it is not
surprising that the 'mechanical values of heat,' deduced from the different
series of experiments published in 1843, varied widely from each other. The
lowest limit was 587, and the highest 1,026 foot-pounds, for 1 degree Fahr.
of temperature.
One noteworthy result of his enquiries, which was pointed out at the time by
Mr. Joule, had reference to the exceedingly small fraction of the heat
actually converted into useful effect in the steam-engine. The thoughts of the
celebrated Julius Robert Mayer, who was then engaged in Germany upon the
same question, had moved independently in the same groove; but to his
labours due reference will be made on a future occasion. [Footnote: See the
next Fragment.] In the memoir now referred to, Mr. Joule also announced
that he had proved heat to be evolved during the passage of water through
narrow tubes; and he deduced from these experiments an equivalent of 770
foot-pounds, a figure remarkably near the one now accepted. A detached
statement regarding the origin and convertibility of animal heat strikingly
illustrates the penetration of Mr. Joule, and his mastery of principles, at the
period now referred to. A friend had mentioned to him Haller's hypothesis,
and originality, that the great idea of establishing quantitative relations
between Mechanical Energy and Heat arose and assumed definite form in
his mind. In 1843 Mr. Joule read before the meeting of the British
Association at Cork a. paper' On the Calorific Effects of Magneto-
Electricity, and on the Mechanical Value of Heat.' Even at the present day
this memoir is tough reading, and at the time it was written it must have
appeared hopelessly entangled. This, I should think, was the reason why
Faraday advised Mr. Joule not to submit the paper to the Royal Society. But
its drift and results are summed up in these memorable words by its author,
written some time subsequently: 'In that paper it was demonstrated
experimentally, that the mechanical power exerted in turning a magneto-
electric machine is converted into the heat evolved by the passage of the
currents of induction through its coils; and, on the other hand, that the
motive power of the electromagnetic engine is obtained at the expense of the
heat due to the chemical reaction of the battery by which it is worked.'
[Footnote: Phil. Mag. May, 1845.] It is needless to dwell upon the weight
and importance of this statement.
Considering the imperfections incidental to a first determination, it is not
surprising that the 'mechanical values of heat,' deduced from the different
series of experiments published in 1843, varied widely from each other. The
lowest limit was 587, and the highest 1,026 foot-pounds, for 1 degree Fahr.
of temperature.
One noteworthy result of his enquiries, which was pointed out at the time by
Mr. Joule, had reference to the exceedingly small fraction of the heat
actually converted into useful effect in the steam-engine. The thoughts of the
celebrated Julius Robert Mayer, who was then engaged in Germany upon the
same question, had moved independently in the same groove; but to his
labours due reference will be made on a future occasion. [Footnote: See the
next Fragment.] In the memoir now referred to, Mr. Joule also announced
that he had proved heat to be evolved during the passage of water through
narrow tubes; and he deduced from these experiments an equivalent of 770
foot-pounds, a figure remarkably near the one now accepted. A detached
statement regarding the origin and convertibility of animal heat strikingly
illustrates the penetration of Mr. Joule, and his mastery of principles, at the
period now referred to. A friend had mentioned to him Haller's hypothesis,
Page 379
that animal heat might arise from the friction of the blood in the veins and
arteries. 'It is unquestionable,' writes Mr. Joule,' that heat is produced by
such friction; but it must be understood that the mechanical force expended
in the friction is a part of the force of affinity which causes the venous blood
to unite with oxygen, so that the whole heat of the system must still be
referred to the chemical changes. But if the animal were engaged in turning a
piece of machinery, or in ascending a mountain, I apprehend that in
proportion to the muscular effort put forth for the purpose, a diminution of
the heat evolved in the system by a given chemical action would be
experienced.' The italics in this memorable passage, written, it is to be
remembered, in 1843, are Mr. Joule's own.
The concluding paragraph of this British Association paper equally
illustrates his insight and precision, regarding the nature of chemical and
latent heat. 'I had,' he writes, 'endeavoured to prove that when two atoms
combine together, the heat evolved is exactly that which would have been
evolved by the electrical current due to the chemical action taking place, and
is therefore proportional to the intensity of the chemical force causing the
atoms to combine. I now venture to state more explicitly, that it is not
precisely the attraction of affinity, but rather the mechanical force expended
by the atoms in falling towards one another, which determines the intensity
of the current, and, consequently, the quantity of heat evolved; so that we
have a simple hypothesis by which we may explain why heat is evolved so
freely in the combination of gases, and by which indeed we may account
"latent heat" as a mechanical power, prepared for action, as a watch-spring is
when wound up. Suppose, for the sake of illustration, that 8 lbs. of oxygen
and 1 lb. of hydrogen were presented to one another in the gaseous state, and
then exploded; the heat evolved would be about 1 degree Fahr. in 60,000 lbs.
of water, indicating a mechanical force, expended in the combination, equal
to a weight of about 50,000,000 lbs. raised to the height of one foot. Now if
the oxygen and hydrogen could be presented to each other in a liquid state,
the heat of combination would be less than before, because the atoms in
combining would fall through less space.' No words of mine are needed to
point out the commanding grasp of molecular physics, in their relation to the
mechanical theory of heat, implied by this statement.
Perfectly assured of the importance of the principle which his experiments
aimed at establishing, Mr. Joule did not rest content with results presenting
arteries. 'It is unquestionable,' writes Mr. Joule,' that heat is produced by
such friction; but it must be understood that the mechanical force expended
in the friction is a part of the force of affinity which causes the venous blood
to unite with oxygen, so that the whole heat of the system must still be
referred to the chemical changes. But if the animal were engaged in turning a
piece of machinery, or in ascending a mountain, I apprehend that in
proportion to the muscular effort put forth for the purpose, a diminution of
the heat evolved in the system by a given chemical action would be
experienced.' The italics in this memorable passage, written, it is to be
remembered, in 1843, are Mr. Joule's own.
The concluding paragraph of this British Association paper equally
illustrates his insight and precision, regarding the nature of chemical and
latent heat. 'I had,' he writes, 'endeavoured to prove that when two atoms
combine together, the heat evolved is exactly that which would have been
evolved by the electrical current due to the chemical action taking place, and
is therefore proportional to the intensity of the chemical force causing the
atoms to combine. I now venture to state more explicitly, that it is not
precisely the attraction of affinity, but rather the mechanical force expended
by the atoms in falling towards one another, which determines the intensity
of the current, and, consequently, the quantity of heat evolved; so that we
have a simple hypothesis by which we may explain why heat is evolved so
freely in the combination of gases, and by which indeed we may account
"latent heat" as a mechanical power, prepared for action, as a watch-spring is
when wound up. Suppose, for the sake of illustration, that 8 lbs. of oxygen
and 1 lb. of hydrogen were presented to one another in the gaseous state, and
then exploded; the heat evolved would be about 1 degree Fahr. in 60,000 lbs.
of water, indicating a mechanical force, expended in the combination, equal
to a weight of about 50,000,000 lbs. raised to the height of one foot. Now if
the oxygen and hydrogen could be presented to each other in a liquid state,
the heat of combination would be less than before, because the atoms in
combining would fall through less space.' No words of mine are needed to
point out the commanding grasp of molecular physics, in their relation to the
mechanical theory of heat, implied by this statement.
Perfectly assured of the importance of the principle which his experiments
aimed at establishing, Mr. Joule did not rest content with results presenting
Page 380
such discrepancies as those above referred to. He resorted in 1844 to entirely
new methods, and made elaborate experiments on the thermal changes
produced in air during its expansion: firstly, against. a pressure, and
therefore performing work; secondly, against no pressure, and therefore
performing no work. He thus established anew the relation between the heat
consumed and the work done. From five different series of experiments he
deduced five different mechanical equivalents, the agreement between them
being far greater than that attained in his first experiments. The mean of
them was 802 foot-pounds. From experiments with water agitated by a
paddle-wheel, he deduced, in 1845, an equivalent of 890 foot-pounds. In
1847 he again operated upon water and sperm-oil, agitated them by a
paddle-wheel, determined their elevation of temperature, and the mechanical
power which produced it. From the one he derived an equivalent of 781.6
foot-pounds; from the other an equivalent of 782.1 foot-pounds. The mean
of these two very close determinations is 781.8 foot-pounds.
By this time the labours of the previous ten years had made Mr. Joule
completely master of the conditions essential to accuracy and success.
Bringing his ripened experience to bear upon the subject, he executed in
1849 a series of 40 experiments on the friction of water, 50 experiments on
the friction of mercury, and 20 experiments on the friction of plates of cast-
iron. He deduced from these experiments our present mechanical equivalent
of heat, justly recognised all over the world as 'Joule's equivalent.'
There are labours so great and so pregnant in consequences, that they are
most highly praised when they are most simply stated. Such are the labours
of Mr. Joule. They constitute the experimental foundation of a principle of
incalculable moment, not only to the practice, but still more to the
philosophy of Science. Since the days of Newton, nothing more important
than the theory, of which Mr. Joule is the experimental demonstrator, has
been enunciated.
I have omitted all reference to the numerous minor papers with which Mr.
Joule has enriched scientific literature. Nor have I alluded to the important
investigations which he has conducted jointly with Sir William Thomson.
But sufficient, I think, has been here said to show that, in conferring upon
Mr. Joule the highest honour of the Royal Society, the Council paid to genius
not only a well-won tribute, but one which had been fairly earned twenty
new methods, and made elaborate experiments on the thermal changes
produced in air during its expansion: firstly, against. a pressure, and
therefore performing work; secondly, against no pressure, and therefore
performing no work. He thus established anew the relation between the heat
consumed and the work done. From five different series of experiments he
deduced five different mechanical equivalents, the agreement between them
being far greater than that attained in his first experiments. The mean of
them was 802 foot-pounds. From experiments with water agitated by a
paddle-wheel, he deduced, in 1845, an equivalent of 890 foot-pounds. In
1847 he again operated upon water and sperm-oil, agitated them by a
paddle-wheel, determined their elevation of temperature, and the mechanical
power which produced it. From the one he derived an equivalent of 781.6
foot-pounds; from the other an equivalent of 782.1 foot-pounds. The mean
of these two very close determinations is 781.8 foot-pounds.
By this time the labours of the previous ten years had made Mr. Joule
completely master of the conditions essential to accuracy and success.
Bringing his ripened experience to bear upon the subject, he executed in
1849 a series of 40 experiments on the friction of water, 50 experiments on
the friction of mercury, and 20 experiments on the friction of plates of cast-
iron. He deduced from these experiments our present mechanical equivalent
of heat, justly recognised all over the world as 'Joule's equivalent.'
There are labours so great and so pregnant in consequences, that they are
most highly praised when they are most simply stated. Such are the labours
of Mr. Joule. They constitute the experimental foundation of a principle of
incalculable moment, not only to the practice, but still more to the
philosophy of Science. Since the days of Newton, nothing more important
than the theory, of which Mr. Joule is the experimental demonstrator, has
been enunciated.
I have omitted all reference to the numerous minor papers with which Mr.
Joule has enriched scientific literature. Nor have I alluded to the important
investigations which he has conducted jointly with Sir William Thomson.
But sufficient, I think, has been here said to show that, in conferring upon
Mr. Joule the highest honour of the Royal Society, the Council paid to genius
not only a well-won tribute, but one which had been fairly earned twenty
Page 381
years previously. [Footnote: Lord Beaconsfield has recently honoured
himself and England by bestowing an annual pension of 200 pounds on Dr.
Joule.]
.
.
.
.
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XX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1871.
DR. JULIUS ROBERT MAYER was educated for D the medical profession.
In the summer of 1840, as he himself informs us, he was at Java, and there
observed that the venous blood of some of his patients had a singularly
bright red colour. The observation riveted his attention; he reasoned upon it,
and came to the conclusion that the brightness of the colour was due to the
fact that a less amount of oxidation sufficed to keep up the temperature of
the body in a hot climate than in a cold one. The darkness of the venous
blood he regarded as the visible sign of the energy of the oxidation.
It would be trivial to remark that accidents such as this, appealing to minds
prepared for them, have often led to great discoveries. Mayer's attention was
thereby drawn to the whole question of animal heat. Lavoisier had ascribed
this heat to the oxidation of the food. 'One great principle,' says Mayer, 'of
the physiological theory of combustion, is that under all circumstances the
same amount of fuel yields, by its perfect combustion, the same amount of
heat; that this law holds good even for vital processes; and that hence the
living body, notwithstanding all its enigmas and wonders, is incompetent to
generate heat out of nothing.'
himself and England by bestowing an annual pension of 200 pounds on Dr.
Joule.]
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XX. THE COPLEY MEDALIST OF 1871.
DR. JULIUS ROBERT MAYER was educated for D the medical profession.
In the summer of 1840, as he himself informs us, he was at Java, and there
observed that the venous blood of some of his patients had a singularly
bright red colour. The observation riveted his attention; he reasoned upon it,
and came to the conclusion that the brightness of the colour was due to the
fact that a less amount of oxidation sufficed to keep up the temperature of
the body in a hot climate than in a cold one. The darkness of the venous
blood he regarded as the visible sign of the energy of the oxidation.
It would be trivial to remark that accidents such as this, appealing to minds
prepared for them, have often led to great discoveries. Mayer's attention was
thereby drawn to the whole question of animal heat. Lavoisier had ascribed
this heat to the oxidation of the food. 'One great principle,' says Mayer, 'of
the physiological theory of combustion, is that under all circumstances the
same amount of fuel yields, by its perfect combustion, the same amount of
heat; that this law holds good even for vital processes; and that hence the
living body, notwithstanding all its enigmas and wonders, is incompetent to
generate heat out of nothing.'
Page 382
But beyond the power of generating internal heat, the animal organism can
also generate heat outside of itself. A blacksmith, for example, by
hammering can heat a nail, and a savage by friction can warm wood to its
point of ignition. Now, unless we give up the physiological axiom that the
living body cannot create heat out of nothing, 'we are driven,' says Mayer, 'to
the conclusion that it is the total heat generated within and without that is to
be regarded as the true calorific effect of the matter oxidised in the body.'
From this, again, he inferred that the heat generated externally must stand in
a fixed relation to the work expended in its production. For, supposing the
organic processes to remain the same; if it were possible, by the mere
alteration of the apparatus, to generate different amounts of heat by the same
amount of work, it would follow that the oxidation of the same amount of
material would sometimes yield a less, sometimes a greater, quantity of heat.
'Hence,' says Mayer, 'that a fixed relation subsists between heat and work, is
a postulate of the physiological theory of combustion.'
This is the simple and natural account, given subsequently by Mayer
himself, of the course of thought started by his observation in Java. But the
conviction once formed, that an unalterable relation subsists between work
and heat, it was: inevitable that Mayer should seek to express it numerically.
It was also inevitable that a mind like his, having raised itself to clearness on
this important point, should push forward to consider the relationship of
natural forces generally. At the beginning of 1842 his work had made
considerable progress; but he had become physician to the town of
Heilbronn, and the duties of his profession limited the time which he could
devote to purely scientific enquiry. He thought it wise, therefore, to secure
himself against accident, and in the spring of 1842 wrote to Liebig, asking
him to publish in his 'Annalen' a brief preliminary notice of the work then
accomplished. Liebig did so, and Dr. Mayer's first paper is contained in the
May number of the 'Annalen' for 1842.
Mayer had reached his conclusions by reflecting on the complex processes
of the living body; but his first step in public was to state definitely the
physical principles on which his physiological deductions were to rest. He
begins, therefore, with the forces of inorganic nature. He finds in the
universe two systems of causes which are not mutually convertible; — the
different kinds of matter and the different forms of force. The first quality of
also generate heat outside of itself. A blacksmith, for example, by
hammering can heat a nail, and a savage by friction can warm wood to its
point of ignition. Now, unless we give up the physiological axiom that the
living body cannot create heat out of nothing, 'we are driven,' says Mayer, 'to
the conclusion that it is the total heat generated within and without that is to
be regarded as the true calorific effect of the matter oxidised in the body.'
From this, again, he inferred that the heat generated externally must stand in
a fixed relation to the work expended in its production. For, supposing the
organic processes to remain the same; if it were possible, by the mere
alteration of the apparatus, to generate different amounts of heat by the same
amount of work, it would follow that the oxidation of the same amount of
material would sometimes yield a less, sometimes a greater, quantity of heat.
'Hence,' says Mayer, 'that a fixed relation subsists between heat and work, is
a postulate of the physiological theory of combustion.'
This is the simple and natural account, given subsequently by Mayer
himself, of the course of thought started by his observation in Java. But the
conviction once formed, that an unalterable relation subsists between work
and heat, it was: inevitable that Mayer should seek to express it numerically.
It was also inevitable that a mind like his, having raised itself to clearness on
this important point, should push forward to consider the relationship of
natural forces generally. At the beginning of 1842 his work had made
considerable progress; but he had become physician to the town of
Heilbronn, and the duties of his profession limited the time which he could
devote to purely scientific enquiry. He thought it wise, therefore, to secure
himself against accident, and in the spring of 1842 wrote to Liebig, asking
him to publish in his 'Annalen' a brief preliminary notice of the work then
accomplished. Liebig did so, and Dr. Mayer's first paper is contained in the
May number of the 'Annalen' for 1842.
Mayer had reached his conclusions by reflecting on the complex processes
of the living body; but his first step in public was to state definitely the
physical principles on which his physiological deductions were to rest. He
begins, therefore, with the forces of inorganic nature. He finds in the
universe two systems of causes which are not mutually convertible; — the
different kinds of matter and the different forms of force. The first quality of
Page 383
both he affirms to be indestructibility. A force cannot become nothing, nor
can it arise from nothing. Forces are convertible but not destructible. In the
terminology of his time, he then gives clear expression to the ideas of
potential and dynamic energy, illustrating his point by a weight resting upon
the earth, suspended at a height above the earth, and actually falling to the
earth. He next fixes his attention on cases where motion is apparently
destroyed, without producing other motion; on the shock of inelastic bodies,
for example. Under what form does the vanished motion maintain itself?
Experiment alone, says Mayer, can help us here. He warms water by stirring
it; he refers to the force expended in overcoming friction. Motion in both
cases disappears; but heat is generated, and the quantity generated is the
equivalent of the motion destroyed. 'Our locomotives,' he observes with
extraordinary sagacity, 'may be compared to distilling apparatus: the heat
beneath the boiler passes into the motion of the train, and is again deposited
as heat in the axles and wheels.
A numerical solution of the relation between heat and work was what Mayer
aimed at, and towards the end of his first paper he makes the attempt. It was
known that a definite amount of air, in rising one degree in temperature, can
take up two different amounts of heat. If its volume be kept constant, it takes
up one amount: if its pressure be kept constant it takes up a different amount.
These two amounts are called the specific heat under constant volume and
under constant pressure. The ratio of the first to the second is as 1: 1.421. No
man, to my knowledge, prior to Dr. Mayer, penetrated the significance of
these two numbers. He first saw that the excess 0.421 was not, as then
universally supposed, heat actually lodged in the gas, but heat which had
been actually consumed by the gas in expanding against pressure. The
amount of work here performed was accurately known, the amount of heat
consumed was also accurately known, and from these data Mayer
determined the mechanical equivalent of heat. Even in this first paper he is
able to direct attention to the enormous discrepancy between the theoretic
power of the fuel consumed in steam-engines, and their useful effect.
Though this paper contains but the germ of his further labours, I think it may
be safely assumed that, as regards the mechanical theory of heat, this
obscure Heilbronn physician, in the year 1842, was in advance of all the
scientific men of the time.
can it arise from nothing. Forces are convertible but not destructible. In the
terminology of his time, he then gives clear expression to the ideas of
potential and dynamic energy, illustrating his point by a weight resting upon
the earth, suspended at a height above the earth, and actually falling to the
earth. He next fixes his attention on cases where motion is apparently
destroyed, without producing other motion; on the shock of inelastic bodies,
for example. Under what form does the vanished motion maintain itself?
Experiment alone, says Mayer, can help us here. He warms water by stirring
it; he refers to the force expended in overcoming friction. Motion in both
cases disappears; but heat is generated, and the quantity generated is the
equivalent of the motion destroyed. 'Our locomotives,' he observes with
extraordinary sagacity, 'may be compared to distilling apparatus: the heat
beneath the boiler passes into the motion of the train, and is again deposited
as heat in the axles and wheels.
A numerical solution of the relation between heat and work was what Mayer
aimed at, and towards the end of his first paper he makes the attempt. It was
known that a definite amount of air, in rising one degree in temperature, can
take up two different amounts of heat. If its volume be kept constant, it takes
up one amount: if its pressure be kept constant it takes up a different amount.
These two amounts are called the specific heat under constant volume and
under constant pressure. The ratio of the first to the second is as 1: 1.421. No
man, to my knowledge, prior to Dr. Mayer, penetrated the significance of
these two numbers. He first saw that the excess 0.421 was not, as then
universally supposed, heat actually lodged in the gas, but heat which had
been actually consumed by the gas in expanding against pressure. The
amount of work here performed was accurately known, the amount of heat
consumed was also accurately known, and from these data Mayer
determined the mechanical equivalent of heat. Even in this first paper he is
able to direct attention to the enormous discrepancy between the theoretic
power of the fuel consumed in steam-engines, and their useful effect.
Though this paper contains but the germ of his further labours, I think it may
be safely assumed that, as regards the mechanical theory of heat, this
obscure Heilbronn physician, in the year 1842, was in advance of all the
scientific men of the time.
Page 384
Having, by the publication of this paper, secured himself against what he
calls 'Eventualitaeten,' he devoted every hour of his spare time to his studies,
and in 1845 published a memoir which far transcends his first one in weight
and fulness, and, indeed, marks an epoch in the history of science. The title
of Mayer's first paper was, 'Remarks on the Forces of Inorganic Nature.' The
title of his second great essay was, 'Organic Motion in its Connection with
Nutrition.' In it he expands and illustrates the physical principles laid down
in his first
brief paper. He goes fully through the calculation of the mechanical
equivalent of heat. He calculates the performances of steam-engines, and
finds that 100 lbs. of coal, in a good working engine, produce only the same
amount of heat as 95 lbs. in an unworking one; the 5 missing lbs. having
been converted into work. He determines the useful effect of gunpowder,
and finds nine per cent. of the force of the consumed charcoal invested on
the moving ball. He records observations on the heat generated in water
agitated by the pulping engine of a paper manufactory, and calculates the
equivalent of that heat in horse-power. He compares chemical combination
with mechanical combination — the union of atoms with the union of falling
bodies with the earth. He calculates the velocity with which a body starting
at an infinite distance would strike the earth's surface, and finds that the heat
generated by its collision would raise an equal weight of water 17,356' C. in
temperature. He then determines the thermal effect which would be
produced by the earth itself falling into the sun. So that here, in 1845, we
have the germ of that meteoric theory of the sun's heat which Mayer
developed with such extraordinary ability three years afterwards. He also
points to the almost exclusive efficacy of the sun's heat in producing
mechanical motions upon the earth, winding up with the profound remark,
that the heat developed by friction in the wheels of our wind and water mills
comes from the sun in the form of vibratory motion; while the heat produced
by mills driven by tidal action is generated at the expense of the earth's axial
rotation.
Having thus, with firm step, passed through the powers of inorganic nature,
his next object is to bring his principles to bear upon the phenomena of
vegetable and animal life. Wood and coal can burn; whence come their heat,
and the work producible by that heat? From the immeasurable reservoir of
the sun. Nature has proposed to herself the task of storing up the light which
calls 'Eventualitaeten,' he devoted every hour of his spare time to his studies,
and in 1845 published a memoir which far transcends his first one in weight
and fulness, and, indeed, marks an epoch in the history of science. The title
of Mayer's first paper was, 'Remarks on the Forces of Inorganic Nature.' The
title of his second great essay was, 'Organic Motion in its Connection with
Nutrition.' In it he expands and illustrates the physical principles laid down
in his first
brief paper. He goes fully through the calculation of the mechanical
equivalent of heat. He calculates the performances of steam-engines, and
finds that 100 lbs. of coal, in a good working engine, produce only the same
amount of heat as 95 lbs. in an unworking one; the 5 missing lbs. having
been converted into work. He determines the useful effect of gunpowder,
and finds nine per cent. of the force of the consumed charcoal invested on
the moving ball. He records observations on the heat generated in water
agitated by the pulping engine of a paper manufactory, and calculates the
equivalent of that heat in horse-power. He compares chemical combination
with mechanical combination — the union of atoms with the union of falling
bodies with the earth. He calculates the velocity with which a body starting
at an infinite distance would strike the earth's surface, and finds that the heat
generated by its collision would raise an equal weight of water 17,356' C. in
temperature. He then determines the thermal effect which would be
produced by the earth itself falling into the sun. So that here, in 1845, we
have the germ of that meteoric theory of the sun's heat which Mayer
developed with such extraordinary ability three years afterwards. He also
points to the almost exclusive efficacy of the sun's heat in producing
mechanical motions upon the earth, winding up with the profound remark,
that the heat developed by friction in the wheels of our wind and water mills
comes from the sun in the form of vibratory motion; while the heat produced
by mills driven by tidal action is generated at the expense of the earth's axial
rotation.
Having thus, with firm step, passed through the powers of inorganic nature,
his next object is to bring his principles to bear upon the phenomena of
vegetable and animal life. Wood and coal can burn; whence come their heat,
and the work producible by that heat? From the immeasurable reservoir of
the sun. Nature has proposed to herself the task of storing up the light which
Page 385
streams earthward from the sun, and of casting into a permanent form the
most fugitive of all powers. To this end she has overspread the earth with
organisms which, while living, take in the solar light, and by its consumption
generate forces of another kind. These organisms are plants. The vegetable
world, indeed, constitutes the instrument whereby the wave-motion of the
sun is changed into the rigid form of chemical tension, and thus prepared for
future use. With this prevision, as shall subsequently be shown, the existence
of the human race itself is inseparably connected. It is to be observed that
Mayer's utterances are far from being anticipated by vague statements
regarding the 'stimulus' of light, or regarding coal as 'bottled sunlight.' He
first saw the full meaning of De Saussure's observation as to the reducing
power of the solar rays, and gave that observation its proper place in the
doctrine of conservation. In the leaves of a tree, the carbon and oxygen of
carbonic acid, and the hydrogen and oxygen of water, are forced asunder at
the expense of the sun, and the amount of power thus sacrificed is accurately
restored by the combustion of the tree. The heat and work potential in our
coal strata are so much strength withdrawn from the sun of former ages.
Mayer lays the axe to the root of the notions regarding 'vital force' which
were prevalent when he wrote. With the plain fact before us that in the
absence of the solar rays plants cannot perform the work of reduction, or
generate chemical tensions, it is, he contends, incredible that these tensions
should be caused by the mystic play of the vital force. Such an hypothesis
would cut off all investigation; it would land us in a chaos of unbridled
phantasy.
'I count,' he says, 'therefore, upon your agreement with me when I state, as
an axiomatic truth, that during vital processes the conversion only, and never
the creation of matter or force occurs.'
Having cleared his way through the vegetable world, as he had previously
done through inorganic nature, Mayer passes on to the other organic
kingdom. The physical forces collected by plants become the property of
animals. Animals consume vegetables, and cause them to reunite with the
atmospheric oxygen. Animal heat is thus produced; and not only animal
heat, but animal motion. There is no indistinctness about Mayer here; he
grasps his subject in all its details, and reduces to figures the concomitants of
muscular action. A bowler who imparts to an 8-lb. ball a velocity of 30 feet,
consumes in the act one tenth of a grain of carbon. A man weighing 150 lbs.,
most fugitive of all powers. To this end she has overspread the earth with
organisms which, while living, take in the solar light, and by its consumption
generate forces of another kind. These organisms are plants. The vegetable
world, indeed, constitutes the instrument whereby the wave-motion of the
sun is changed into the rigid form of chemical tension, and thus prepared for
future use. With this prevision, as shall subsequently be shown, the existence
of the human race itself is inseparably connected. It is to be observed that
Mayer's utterances are far from being anticipated by vague statements
regarding the 'stimulus' of light, or regarding coal as 'bottled sunlight.' He
first saw the full meaning of De Saussure's observation as to the reducing
power of the solar rays, and gave that observation its proper place in the
doctrine of conservation. In the leaves of a tree, the carbon and oxygen of
carbonic acid, and the hydrogen and oxygen of water, are forced asunder at
the expense of the sun, and the amount of power thus sacrificed is accurately
restored by the combustion of the tree. The heat and work potential in our
coal strata are so much strength withdrawn from the sun of former ages.
Mayer lays the axe to the root of the notions regarding 'vital force' which
were prevalent when he wrote. With the plain fact before us that in the
absence of the solar rays plants cannot perform the work of reduction, or
generate chemical tensions, it is, he contends, incredible that these tensions
should be caused by the mystic play of the vital force. Such an hypothesis
would cut off all investigation; it would land us in a chaos of unbridled
phantasy.
'I count,' he says, 'therefore, upon your agreement with me when I state, as
an axiomatic truth, that during vital processes the conversion only, and never
the creation of matter or force occurs.'
Having cleared his way through the vegetable world, as he had previously
done through inorganic nature, Mayer passes on to the other organic
kingdom. The physical forces collected by plants become the property of
animals. Animals consume vegetables, and cause them to reunite with the
atmospheric oxygen. Animal heat is thus produced; and not only animal
heat, but animal motion. There is no indistinctness about Mayer here; he
grasps his subject in all its details, and reduces to figures the concomitants of
muscular action. A bowler who imparts to an 8-lb. ball a velocity of 30 feet,
consumes in the act one tenth of a grain of carbon. A man weighing 150 lbs.,
Page 386
who lifts his own body to a height of 8 feet, consumes in the act 1 grain of
carbon. In climbing a mountain 10,000 feet high, the consumption of the
same man would be 2 oz. 4 drs. 50 grs. of carbon. Boussingault had
determined experimentally the addition to be made to the food of horses
when actively working, and Liebig had determined the addition to be made
to the food of men. Employing the mechanical equivalent of heat, which he
had previously calculated, Mayer proves the additional food to be amply
sufficient to cover the increased oxidation.
But he does not content himself with showing, in a general way, that the
human body burns according to definite laws, when it performs mechanical
work. He seeks to determine the particular portion of the body consumed,
and in doing so executes some noteworthy calculations. The muscles of a
labourer 150 lbs. in weight weigh 64 lbs.; but when perfectly desiccated they
fall to 15 lbs. Were the oxidation corresponding to that labourer's work
exerted on the muscles alone, they would be utterly consumed in 80 days.
The heart furnishes a still more striking example. Were the oxidation
necessary to sustain the heart's action exerted upon its own tissue, it would
be utterly consumed in 8 days. And if we confine our attention to the two
ventricles, their action would be sufficient to consume the associated
muscular tissue in 3.5 days. Here, in his own words, emphasised in his own
way, is Mayer's pregnant conclusion from these calculations: 'The muscle is
only the apparatus by means of which the conversion of the force is effected;
but it is not the substance consumed in the production of the mechanical
effect.' He calls the blood 'the oil of the lamp of life;' it is the slow-burning
fluid whose chemical force, in the furnace of the capillaries, is sacrificed to
produce animal motion. This was Mayer's conclusion twenty-six years ago.
It was in complete opposition to the scientific conclusions of his time; but
eminent investigators have since amply verified it.
Thus, in baldest outline, I have sought to give some notion of the first half of
this marvellous essay. The second half is so exclusively physiological that I
do not wish to meddle with it. I will only add the illustration employed by
Mayer to explain the action of the nerves upon the muscles. As an engineer,
by the motion of his finger in opening a valve or loosing a detent, can
liberate an amount of mechanical motion almost infinite compared with its
exciting cause, so the nerves, acting upon the muscles, can unlock an amount
carbon. In climbing a mountain 10,000 feet high, the consumption of the
same man would be 2 oz. 4 drs. 50 grs. of carbon. Boussingault had
determined experimentally the addition to be made to the food of horses
when actively working, and Liebig had determined the addition to be made
to the food of men. Employing the mechanical equivalent of heat, which he
had previously calculated, Mayer proves the additional food to be amply
sufficient to cover the increased oxidation.
But he does not content himself with showing, in a general way, that the
human body burns according to definite laws, when it performs mechanical
work. He seeks to determine the particular portion of the body consumed,
and in doing so executes some noteworthy calculations. The muscles of a
labourer 150 lbs. in weight weigh 64 lbs.; but when perfectly desiccated they
fall to 15 lbs. Were the oxidation corresponding to that labourer's work
exerted on the muscles alone, they would be utterly consumed in 80 days.
The heart furnishes a still more striking example. Were the oxidation
necessary to sustain the heart's action exerted upon its own tissue, it would
be utterly consumed in 8 days. And if we confine our attention to the two
ventricles, their action would be sufficient to consume the associated
muscular tissue in 3.5 days. Here, in his own words, emphasised in his own
way, is Mayer's pregnant conclusion from these calculations: 'The muscle is
only the apparatus by means of which the conversion of the force is effected;
but it is not the substance consumed in the production of the mechanical
effect.' He calls the blood 'the oil of the lamp of life;' it is the slow-burning
fluid whose chemical force, in the furnace of the capillaries, is sacrificed to
produce animal motion. This was Mayer's conclusion twenty-six years ago.
It was in complete opposition to the scientific conclusions of his time; but
eminent investigators have since amply verified it.
Thus, in baldest outline, I have sought to give some notion of the first half of
this marvellous essay. The second half is so exclusively physiological that I
do not wish to meddle with it. I will only add the illustration employed by
Mayer to explain the action of the nerves upon the muscles. As an engineer,
by the motion of his finger in opening a valve or loosing a detent, can
liberate an amount of mechanical motion almost infinite compared with its
exciting cause, so the nerves, acting upon the muscles, can unlock an amount
Page 387
of activity, wholly out of proportion to the work done by the nerves
themselves.
As regards these questions of weightiest import to the science of physiology,
Dr. Mayer, in 1845, was assuredly far in advance of all living men.
Mayer grasped the mechanical theory of heat with commanding power,
illustrating it and applying it in the most diverse domains. He began, as we
have seen, with physical principles; he determined the numerical relation
between heat and work; he revealed the source of the energies of the
vegetable world, and showed the relationship of the heat of our fires to solar
heat. He followed the energies which were potential in the vegetable, up to
their local exhaustion in the animal. But in 1845 a new thought was forced
upon him by his calculations. He then, for the first time, drew attention to
the astounding amount of heat generated by gravity where the force has
sufficient distance to act through. He proved, as I have before stated, the heat
of collision of a body falling from an infinite distance to the earth, to be
sufficient to raise the temperature of a quantity of water, equal to the falling
body in weight, 17,356°C. He also found, in 1845, that the gravitating force
between the earth and sun was competent to generate an amount of heat
equal to that obtainable from the combustion of 6,000 times the weight of
the earth of solid coal. With the quickness of genius he saw that we had here
a power sufficient to produce the enormous temperature of the sun, and also
to account for the primal molten condition of our own planet. Mayer shows
the utter inadequacy of chemical forces, as we know them, to produce or
maintain the solar temperature. He shows that were the sun a lump of coal it
would be utterly consumed in 5,000 years. He shows the difficulties
attending the assumption that the sun is a cooling body; for, supposing it to
possess even the high specific heat of water, its temperature would fall
15,000' in 5,000 years. He finally concludes that the light and heat of the sun
are maintained by the constant impact of meteoric matter. I never ventured
an opinion as to the truth of this theory; that is a question which may still
have to be fought out. But I refer to it as an illustration of the force of genius
with which Mayer followed the mechanical theory of heat through all its
applications. Whether the meteoric theory be a matter of fact or not, with
him abides the honour of proving to demonstration that the light and heat of
suns and stars may be originated and maintained by the collisions of cold
planetary matter.
themselves.
As regards these questions of weightiest import to the science of physiology,
Dr. Mayer, in 1845, was assuredly far in advance of all living men.
Mayer grasped the mechanical theory of heat with commanding power,
illustrating it and applying it in the most diverse domains. He began, as we
have seen, with physical principles; he determined the numerical relation
between heat and work; he revealed the source of the energies of the
vegetable world, and showed the relationship of the heat of our fires to solar
heat. He followed the energies which were potential in the vegetable, up to
their local exhaustion in the animal. But in 1845 a new thought was forced
upon him by his calculations. He then, for the first time, drew attention to
the astounding amount of heat generated by gravity where the force has
sufficient distance to act through. He proved, as I have before stated, the heat
of collision of a body falling from an infinite distance to the earth, to be
sufficient to raise the temperature of a quantity of water, equal to the falling
body in weight, 17,356°C. He also found, in 1845, that the gravitating force
between the earth and sun was competent to generate an amount of heat
equal to that obtainable from the combustion of 6,000 times the weight of
the earth of solid coal. With the quickness of genius he saw that we had here
a power sufficient to produce the enormous temperature of the sun, and also
to account for the primal molten condition of our own planet. Mayer shows
the utter inadequacy of chemical forces, as we know them, to produce or
maintain the solar temperature. He shows that were the sun a lump of coal it
would be utterly consumed in 5,000 years. He shows the difficulties
attending the assumption that the sun is a cooling body; for, supposing it to
possess even the high specific heat of water, its temperature would fall
15,000' in 5,000 years. He finally concludes that the light and heat of the sun
are maintained by the constant impact of meteoric matter. I never ventured
an opinion as to the truth of this theory; that is a question which may still
have to be fought out. But I refer to it as an illustration of the force of genius
with which Mayer followed the mechanical theory of heat through all its
applications. Whether the meteoric theory be a matter of fact or not, with
him abides the honour of proving to demonstration that the light and heat of
suns and stars may be originated and maintained by the collisions of cold
planetary matter.
Page 388
It is the man who with the scantiest data could accomplish all this in six
short years, and in, the hours snatched from the duties of an arduous
profession, that the Royal Society, in 1871, crowned with its highest honour.
Comparing this brief history with that of the Copley Medalist of 1870, the
differentiating influence of 'environment,' on two minds of similar natural
cast and endowment, comes out in an instructive manner. Withdrawn from
mechanical appliances, Mayer fell back upon reflection, selecting with
marvellous sagacity, from existing physical data, the single result on which
could be founded a calculation of the mechanical equivalent of heat. In the
midst of mechanical appliances, Joule resorted to experiment, and laid the
broad and firm foundation which has secured for the mechanical theory the
acceptance it now enjoys. A great portion of Joule's time was occupied in
actual manipulation; freed from this, Mayer had time to follow the theory
into its most abstruse and impressive applications. With their places
reversed, however, Joule might have become Mayer, and Mayer might have
become Joule.
It does not lie within the scope of these brief articles to enter upon the
developments of the Dynamical Theory accomplished since Joule and Mayer
executed their memorable labours.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XXI. DEATH BY LIGHTNING.
short years, and in, the hours snatched from the duties of an arduous
profession, that the Royal Society, in 1871, crowned with its highest honour.
Comparing this brief history with that of the Copley Medalist of 1870, the
differentiating influence of 'environment,' on two minds of similar natural
cast and endowment, comes out in an instructive manner. Withdrawn from
mechanical appliances, Mayer fell back upon reflection, selecting with
marvellous sagacity, from existing physical data, the single result on which
could be founded a calculation of the mechanical equivalent of heat. In the
midst of mechanical appliances, Joule resorted to experiment, and laid the
broad and firm foundation which has secured for the mechanical theory the
acceptance it now enjoys. A great portion of Joule's time was occupied in
actual manipulation; freed from this, Mayer had time to follow the theory
into its most abstruse and impressive applications. With their places
reversed, however, Joule might have become Mayer, and Mayer might have
become Joule.
It does not lie within the scope of these brief articles to enter upon the
developments of the Dynamical Theory accomplished since Joule and Mayer
executed their memorable labours.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XXI. DEATH BY LIGHTNING.
Page 389
PEOPLE in general imagine, when they think at all about the matter, that an
impression upon the nerves — a blow, for example, or the prick of a pin —
is felt at the moment it is inflicted. But this is not the case. The seat of
sensation being the brain, to it the intelligence of any impression made upon
the nerves has to be transmitted before this impression can become manifest
as consciousness. The transmission, moreover, requires time, and the
consequence is, that a wound inflicted on a portion of the body distant from
the brain is more tardily appreciated than one inflicted adjacent to the brain.
By an extremely ingenious experimental arrangement, Helmholtz has
determined the velocity of this nervous transmission, and finds it to be about
eighty feet a second, or less than one-thirteenth of the velocity of sound in
air. If therefore, a whale forty feet long were wounded in the tail, it would
not be conscious of the injury till half a second after the wound had been
inflicted. [Footnote: A most admirable lecture on the velocity of nervous
transmission has been published by Dr. Du Bois Reymond in the
'Proceedings of the Royal Institution' for 1866, vol. iv. p. 575.] But this is not
the only ingredient in the delay. There can scarcely be a doubt that to every
act of consciousness belongs a determinate molecular arrangement of the
brain — that every thought or feeling has its physical correlative in that
organ; and nothing can be more certain than that every physical change,
whether molecular or mechanical, requires time for its accomplishment. So
that, besides the interval of transmission, a still further time is necessary for
the brain to put itself in order — for its molecules to take up the motions or
positions necessary to the completion of consciousness. Helmholtz considers
that one-tenth of a second is demanded for this purpose. Thus, in the case of
the whale above supposed, we have first half a second consumed in the
transmission of the intelligence through the sensor nerves to the head, one-
tenth of a second consumed by the brain in completing the arrangements
necessary to consciousness, and, if the velocity of transmission through the
motor be the same as that through the sensor nerves, half a second in sending
a command to the tail to defend itself. Thus one second and a tenth would
elapse before an impression made upon its caudal nerves could be responded
to by a whale forty feet long.
Now, it is quite conceivable that an injury might be inflicted so rapidly that
within the time required by the brain to complete the arrangements necessary
to consciousness, its power of arrangement might be destroyed. In such a
case, though the injury might be of a nature to cause death, this would occur
impression upon the nerves — a blow, for example, or the prick of a pin —
is felt at the moment it is inflicted. But this is not the case. The seat of
sensation being the brain, to it the intelligence of any impression made upon
the nerves has to be transmitted before this impression can become manifest
as consciousness. The transmission, moreover, requires time, and the
consequence is, that a wound inflicted on a portion of the body distant from
the brain is more tardily appreciated than one inflicted adjacent to the brain.
By an extremely ingenious experimental arrangement, Helmholtz has
determined the velocity of this nervous transmission, and finds it to be about
eighty feet a second, or less than one-thirteenth of the velocity of sound in
air. If therefore, a whale forty feet long were wounded in the tail, it would
not be conscious of the injury till half a second after the wound had been
inflicted. [Footnote: A most admirable lecture on the velocity of nervous
transmission has been published by Dr. Du Bois Reymond in the
'Proceedings of the Royal Institution' for 1866, vol. iv. p. 575.] But this is not
the only ingredient in the delay. There can scarcely be a doubt that to every
act of consciousness belongs a determinate molecular arrangement of the
brain — that every thought or feeling has its physical correlative in that
organ; and nothing can be more certain than that every physical change,
whether molecular or mechanical, requires time for its accomplishment. So
that, besides the interval of transmission, a still further time is necessary for
the brain to put itself in order — for its molecules to take up the motions or
positions necessary to the completion of consciousness. Helmholtz considers
that one-tenth of a second is demanded for this purpose. Thus, in the case of
the whale above supposed, we have first half a second consumed in the
transmission of the intelligence through the sensor nerves to the head, one-
tenth of a second consumed by the brain in completing the arrangements
necessary to consciousness, and, if the velocity of transmission through the
motor be the same as that through the sensor nerves, half a second in sending
a command to the tail to defend itself. Thus one second and a tenth would
elapse before an impression made upon its caudal nerves could be responded
to by a whale forty feet long.
Now, it is quite conceivable that an injury might be inflicted so rapidly that
within the time required by the brain to complete the arrangements necessary
to consciousness, its power of arrangement might be destroyed. In such a
case, though the injury might be of a nature to cause death, this would occur
Page 390
without pain, Death in this case would be simply the sudden negation of life,
without any intervention of consciousness whatever.
The time required for a rifle-bullet to pass clean through a man's head may
be roughly estimated at a thousandth of a second. Here, therefore, we should
have no room for sensation, and death would be painless. But there are other
actions which far transcend in rapidity that of the rifle-bullet. A flash of
lightning cleaves a cloud, appearing and disappearing in less than a hundred-
thousandth of a second, and the velocity of electricity is such as would carry
it in a single second over a distance almost equal to that which separates the
earth and moon. It is well known that a luminous impression once made
upon the retina endures for about one-sixth of a second, and that this is the
reason why we see a continuous band of light when a glowing coal is caused
to pass rapidly through the air. A body illuminated by an instantaneous flash
continues to be seen for the sixth of a second after the flash has become
extinct; and if the body thus illuminated be in motion, it appears at rest at the
place where the flash falls upon it. When a colour-top with differently-
coloured sectors is caused to spin rapidly the colours blend together. Such a
top, rotating in a dark room and illuminated by an electric spark, appears
motionless, each distinct colour being clearly seen. Professor Dove has
found that a flash of lightning produces the same effect. During a
thunderstorm he put a colour-top in exceedingly rapid motion, and found
that every flash revealed the top as a motionless object with its colours
distinct. If illuminated solely by a flash of lightning, the motion of all bodies
on the earth's surface would, as Dove has remarked, appear suspended. A
cannon-ball, for example, would have its flight apparently arrested, and
would seem to hang motionless in space as long as the luminous impression
which revealed the ball remained upon the eye.
If, then, a rifle-bullet move with sufficient rapidity to destroy life without the
interposition of sensation, much more is a flash of lightning competent to
produce this effect. Accordingly, we have well-authenticated cases of people
being struck senseless by lightning who, on recovery, had no memory of
pain. The following circumstantial case is described by Hemmer :-
On June 30, 1788, a soldier in the neighbourhood of Mannheim, being
overtaken by rain, placed himself under a tree, beneath which a woman had
previously taken shelter. He looked upwards to see whether the branches
without any intervention of consciousness whatever.
The time required for a rifle-bullet to pass clean through a man's head may
be roughly estimated at a thousandth of a second. Here, therefore, we should
have no room for sensation, and death would be painless. But there are other
actions which far transcend in rapidity that of the rifle-bullet. A flash of
lightning cleaves a cloud, appearing and disappearing in less than a hundred-
thousandth of a second, and the velocity of electricity is such as would carry
it in a single second over a distance almost equal to that which separates the
earth and moon. It is well known that a luminous impression once made
upon the retina endures for about one-sixth of a second, and that this is the
reason why we see a continuous band of light when a glowing coal is caused
to pass rapidly through the air. A body illuminated by an instantaneous flash
continues to be seen for the sixth of a second after the flash has become
extinct; and if the body thus illuminated be in motion, it appears at rest at the
place where the flash falls upon it. When a colour-top with differently-
coloured sectors is caused to spin rapidly the colours blend together. Such a
top, rotating in a dark room and illuminated by an electric spark, appears
motionless, each distinct colour being clearly seen. Professor Dove has
found that a flash of lightning produces the same effect. During a
thunderstorm he put a colour-top in exceedingly rapid motion, and found
that every flash revealed the top as a motionless object with its colours
distinct. If illuminated solely by a flash of lightning, the motion of all bodies
on the earth's surface would, as Dove has remarked, appear suspended. A
cannon-ball, for example, would have its flight apparently arrested, and
would seem to hang motionless in space as long as the luminous impression
which revealed the ball remained upon the eye.
If, then, a rifle-bullet move with sufficient rapidity to destroy life without the
interposition of sensation, much more is a flash of lightning competent to
produce this effect. Accordingly, we have well-authenticated cases of people
being struck senseless by lightning who, on recovery, had no memory of
pain. The following circumstantial case is described by Hemmer :-
On June 30, 1788, a soldier in the neighbourhood of Mannheim, being
overtaken by rain, placed himself under a tree, beneath which a woman had
previously taken shelter. He looked upwards to see whether the branches
Page 391
were thick enough to afford the required protection, and, in doing so, was
struck by lightning, and fell senseless to the earth. The woman at his side
experienced the shock in her foot, but was not struck down. Some hours
afterwards the man revived, but remembered nothing about what had
occurred, save the fact of his looking up at the branches. This was his last act
of consciousness, and he passed from the conscious to the unconscious
condition without pain. The visible marks of a lightning stroke are usually
insignificant: the hair is sometimes burnt; slight wounds are observed; while,
in some instances, a red streak marks the track of the discharge over the skin.
Under ordinary circumstances, the discharge from a small Leyden jar is
exceedingly unpleasant to me. Some time ago I happened to stand in the
presence of a numerous audience, with a battery of fifteen large Leyden jars
charged beside me. Through some awkwardness on my part, I touched a
wire leading from the battery, and the discharge went through my body. Life
was absolutely blotted out for a very sensible interval, without a trace of
pain. Ina second or so consciousness returned; I vaguely discerned the
audience and apparatus, and, by the help of these external appearances,
immediately concluded that I had received the battery discharge. The
intellectual consciousness of my position was restored with exceeding
rapidity, but not so the optical consciousness. To prevent the audience from
being alarmed, I observed that it had often been my desire to receive
accidentally such a shock, and that my wish had at length been fulfilled. But,
while making this remark, the appearance which my body presented to my
eyes was that of a number of separate pieces. The arms, for example, were
detached from the trunk, and seemed suspended in the air. In fact, memory
and the power of reasoning appeared to be complete long before the optic
nerve was restored to healthy action. But what I wish chiefly to dwell upon
here is, the absolute painlessness of the shock; and there cannot, I think, be a
doubt that, to a person struck dead by lightning, the passage from life to
death occurs without consciousness being in the least degree implicated. It is
an abrupt stoppage of sensation, unaccompanied by a pang.
.
.
.
struck by lightning, and fell senseless to the earth. The woman at his side
experienced the shock in her foot, but was not struck down. Some hours
afterwards the man revived, but remembered nothing about what had
occurred, save the fact of his looking up at the branches. This was his last act
of consciousness, and he passed from the conscious to the unconscious
condition without pain. The visible marks of a lightning stroke are usually
insignificant: the hair is sometimes burnt; slight wounds are observed; while,
in some instances, a red streak marks the track of the discharge over the skin.
Under ordinary circumstances, the discharge from a small Leyden jar is
exceedingly unpleasant to me. Some time ago I happened to stand in the
presence of a numerous audience, with a battery of fifteen large Leyden jars
charged beside me. Through some awkwardness on my part, I touched a
wire leading from the battery, and the discharge went through my body. Life
was absolutely blotted out for a very sensible interval, without a trace of
pain. Ina second or so consciousness returned; I vaguely discerned the
audience and apparatus, and, by the help of these external appearances,
immediately concluded that I had received the battery discharge. The
intellectual consciousness of my position was restored with exceeding
rapidity, but not so the optical consciousness. To prevent the audience from
being alarmed, I observed that it had often been my desire to receive
accidentally such a shock, and that my wish had at length been fulfilled. But,
while making this remark, the appearance which my body presented to my
eyes was that of a number of separate pieces. The arms, for example, were
detached from the trunk, and seemed suspended in the air. In fact, memory
and the power of reasoning appeared to be complete long before the optic
nerve was restored to healthy action. But what I wish chiefly to dwell upon
here is, the absolute painlessness of the shock; and there cannot, I think, be a
doubt that, to a person struck dead by lightning, the passage from life to
death occurs without consciousness being in the least degree implicated. It is
an abrupt stoppage of sensation, unaccompanied by a pang.
.
.
.
Page 392
.
--------------------
.
.
XXII. SCIENCE AND THE 'SPIRITS.'
THEIR refusal to investigate 'spiritual phenomena' is often urged as a
reproach against scientific men. I here propose to give a sketch of an attempt
to apply to the 'phenomena' those methods of enquiry which are found
available in dealing with natural truth.
Some years ago, when the spirits were particularly active in this country,
Faraday was invited, or rather entreated, by one of his friends to meet and
question them. He had, however, already made their acquaintance, and did
not wish to renew it. I had not been so privileged, and he therefore kindly
arranged a transfer of the invitation to me. The spirits themselves named the
time of meeting, and I was conducted to the place at the day and hour
appointed.
Absolute unbelief in the facts was by no means my condition of mind. On
the contrary, I thought it probable that some physical principle, not evident
to the spiritualists themselves, might underlie their manifestations.
Extraordinary effects are produced by the accumulation of small impulses.
Galileo set a heavy pendulum in motion by the well-timed puffs of his
breath. Ellicot set one clock going by the ticks of another, even when the two
clocks were separated by a wall. Preconceived notions, can, moreover,
vitiate, to an extraordinary degree, the testimony of even veracious persons.
Hence my desire to witness those extraordinary phenomena, the existence of
which seemed placed beyond a doubt by the known veracity of those who
had witnessed and described them. The meeting took place at a private
residence in the neighbourhood of London. My host, his intelligent wife, and
a gentleman who may be called X., were in the house when I arrived. I was
informed that the 'medium' had not yet made her appearance; that she was
sensitive, and might resent suspicion. It was therefore requested that the
--------------------
.
.
XXII. SCIENCE AND THE 'SPIRITS.'
THEIR refusal to investigate 'spiritual phenomena' is often urged as a
reproach against scientific men. I here propose to give a sketch of an attempt
to apply to the 'phenomena' those methods of enquiry which are found
available in dealing with natural truth.
Some years ago, when the spirits were particularly active in this country,
Faraday was invited, or rather entreated, by one of his friends to meet and
question them. He had, however, already made their acquaintance, and did
not wish to renew it. I had not been so privileged, and he therefore kindly
arranged a transfer of the invitation to me. The spirits themselves named the
time of meeting, and I was conducted to the place at the day and hour
appointed.
Absolute unbelief in the facts was by no means my condition of mind. On
the contrary, I thought it probable that some physical principle, not evident
to the spiritualists themselves, might underlie their manifestations.
Extraordinary effects are produced by the accumulation of small impulses.
Galileo set a heavy pendulum in motion by the well-timed puffs of his
breath. Ellicot set one clock going by the ticks of another, even when the two
clocks were separated by a wall. Preconceived notions, can, moreover,
vitiate, to an extraordinary degree, the testimony of even veracious persons.
Hence my desire to witness those extraordinary phenomena, the existence of
which seemed placed beyond a doubt by the known veracity of those who
had witnessed and described them. The meeting took place at a private
residence in the neighbourhood of London. My host, his intelligent wife, and
a gentleman who may be called X., were in the house when I arrived. I was
informed that the 'medium' had not yet made her appearance; that she was
sensitive, and might resent suspicion. It was therefore requested that the
Page 393
tables and chairs should be examined before her arrival, in order to be
assured that there was no trickery in the furniture. This was done; and I then
first learned that my hospitable host had arranged that the séance should be a
dinner-party. This was to me an unusual form of investigation; but I accepted
it, as one of the accidents of the occasion.
The 'medium' arrived — a delicate-looking young lady, who appeared to
have suffered much from ill health. I took her to dinner and sat close beside
her. Facts were absent for a considerable time, a series of very wonderful
narratives supplying their place. The duty of belief on the testimony of
witnesses was frequently insisted on. X. appeared to be a chosen spiritual
agent, and told us many surprising things. He affirmed that, when he took a
pen in his hand, an influence ran from his shoulder downwards, and impelled
him to write oracular sentences. I listened for a time, offering no
observation. 'And now,' continued X., 'this power has so risen as to reveal to
me the thoughts of others. Only this morning I told a friend what he was
thinking of, and what he intended to do during the day.' Here, I thought, is
something that can be at once tested. I said immediately to X.: 'If you wish
to win to your cause an apostle, who will proclaim your principles to the
world from the housetop, tell me what I am now thinking of.' X. reddened,
and did not tell me my thought.
Some time previously I had visited Baron Reichenbach, in Vienna, and I
now asked the young lady who sat beside me, whether she could see any of
the curious things which he describes — the light emitted by crystals, for
example? Here is the conversation which followed, as extracted from my
notes, written on the day following the séance.
Medium. — 'Oh, yes; but I see light around all bodies.'
I — 'Even in perfect darkness?'
Medium. — 'Yes; I see luminous atmospheres round all people. The
atmosphere which surrounds Mr. R. C. would fill this room with light.'
I. — 'You are aware of the effects ascribed by Baron Reichenbach to
magnets?'
assured that there was no trickery in the furniture. This was done; and I then
first learned that my hospitable host had arranged that the séance should be a
dinner-party. This was to me an unusual form of investigation; but I accepted
it, as one of the accidents of the occasion.
The 'medium' arrived — a delicate-looking young lady, who appeared to
have suffered much from ill health. I took her to dinner and sat close beside
her. Facts were absent for a considerable time, a series of very wonderful
narratives supplying their place. The duty of belief on the testimony of
witnesses was frequently insisted on. X. appeared to be a chosen spiritual
agent, and told us many surprising things. He affirmed that, when he took a
pen in his hand, an influence ran from his shoulder downwards, and impelled
him to write oracular sentences. I listened for a time, offering no
observation. 'And now,' continued X., 'this power has so risen as to reveal to
me the thoughts of others. Only this morning I told a friend what he was
thinking of, and what he intended to do during the day.' Here, I thought, is
something that can be at once tested. I said immediately to X.: 'If you wish
to win to your cause an apostle, who will proclaim your principles to the
world from the housetop, tell me what I am now thinking of.' X. reddened,
and did not tell me my thought.
Some time previously I had visited Baron Reichenbach, in Vienna, and I
now asked the young lady who sat beside me, whether she could see any of
the curious things which he describes — the light emitted by crystals, for
example? Here is the conversation which followed, as extracted from my
notes, written on the day following the séance.
Medium. — 'Oh, yes; but I see light around all bodies.'
I — 'Even in perfect darkness?'
Medium. — 'Yes; I see luminous atmospheres round all people. The
atmosphere which surrounds Mr. R. C. would fill this room with light.'
I. — 'You are aware of the effects ascribed by Baron Reichenbach to
magnets?'
Page 394
Medium. — 'Yes; but a magnet makes me terribly ill.'
I. — ' Am I to understand that, if this room were perfectly dark, you could
tell whether it contained a magnet, without being informed of the fact?'
Medium. — 'I should know of its presence on entering the room.'
I. — 'How?'
Medium. — ' I should be rendered instantly ill.'
I. — 'How do you feel to-day?'
Medium. — 'Particularly well; I have not been so well for months.'
I. — 'Then, may I ask you whether there is, at the present moment, a magnet
in my possession?'
The young lady looked at me, blushed, and stammered, 'No; I am not en
rapport with you.'
I sat at her right hand, and a left-hand pocket, within six inches of her
person, contained a magnet.
Our host here deprecated discussion, as it 'exhausted the medium.' The
wonderful narratives were resumed; but I had narratives of my own quite as
wonderful. These spirits, indeed, seemed clumsy creations, compared with
those with which my own work had made me familiar. I therefore began to
match the wonders related to me by other wonders. A lady present
discoursed on spiritual atmospheres, which she could see as beautiful
colours when she closed her eyes. I professed myself able to see similar
colours, and, more than that, to be able to see the interior of my own eyes.
The medium affirmed that she could see actual waves of light coming from
the sun. I retorted that men of science could tell the exact number of waves
emitted in a second, and also their exact length. The medium spoke of the
performances of the spirits on musical instruments. I said that such
performance was gross, in comparison with a kind of music which had been
discovered some time previously by a scientific man. Standing at a distance
of twenty feet from a jet of gas, he could command the flame to emit a
I. — ' Am I to understand that, if this room were perfectly dark, you could
tell whether it contained a magnet, without being informed of the fact?'
Medium. — 'I should know of its presence on entering the room.'
I. — 'How?'
Medium. — ' I should be rendered instantly ill.'
I. — 'How do you feel to-day?'
Medium. — 'Particularly well; I have not been so well for months.'
I. — 'Then, may I ask you whether there is, at the present moment, a magnet
in my possession?'
The young lady looked at me, blushed, and stammered, 'No; I am not en
rapport with you.'
I sat at her right hand, and a left-hand pocket, within six inches of her
person, contained a magnet.
Our host here deprecated discussion, as it 'exhausted the medium.' The
wonderful narratives were resumed; but I had narratives of my own quite as
wonderful. These spirits, indeed, seemed clumsy creations, compared with
those with which my own work had made me familiar. I therefore began to
match the wonders related to me by other wonders. A lady present
discoursed on spiritual atmospheres, which she could see as beautiful
colours when she closed her eyes. I professed myself able to see similar
colours, and, more than that, to be able to see the interior of my own eyes.
The medium affirmed that she could see actual waves of light coming from
the sun. I retorted that men of science could tell the exact number of waves
emitted in a second, and also their exact length. The medium spoke of the
performances of the spirits on musical instruments. I said that such
performance was gross, in comparison with a kind of music which had been
discovered some time previously by a scientific man. Standing at a distance
of twenty feet from a jet of gas, he could command the flame to emit a
Page 395
melodious note; it would obey, and continue its song for hours. So loud was
the music emitted by the gas-flame, that it might be heard by an assembly of
a thousand people. These were acknowledged to be as great marvels as any
of those of spiritdom. The spirits were then consulted, and I was pronounced
to be a first-class medium.
During this conversation a low knocking was heard from time to time under
the table. These, I was told, were the spirits' knocks. I was informed that one
knock, in answer to a question, meant 'No;' that two knocks meant 'Not yet;'
and that three knocks meant 'Yes.'
In answer to a question whether I was a medium, the response was three
brisk and vigorous knocks. I noticed that the knocks issued from a particular
locality, and therefore requested the spirits to be good enough to answer
from another corner of the table. They did not comply; but I was assured that
they would do it, and much more, by-and-by. The knocks continuing, I
turned a wine-glass upside down, and placed my ear upon it, as upon a
stethoscope. The spirits seemed disconcerted by the act; they lost their
playfulness, and did not recover it for a considerable time.
Somewhat weary of the proceedings, I once threw myself back against my
chair and gazed listlessly out of the window. While thus engaged, the table
was rudely pushed. Attention was drawn to the wine, still oscillating in the
glasses, and I was asked whether that was not convincing. I readily granted
the fact of motion, and began to feel the delicacy of my position. There were
several pairs of arms upon the table, and several pairs of legs under it; but
how was I, without offence, to express the conviction which I really
entertained? To ward off the difficulty, I again turned a wine-glass upside
down and rested my ear upon it. The rim of the glass was not level, and my
hair, on touching it, caused it to vibrate, and produce a peculiar buzzing
sound. A perfectly candid and warm-hearted old gentleman at the opposite
side of the table, whom I may call A., drew attention to the sound, and
expressed his entire belief that it was spiritual. I, however, informed him that
it was the moving hair acting on the glass. The explanation was not well
received; and X., in a tone of severe pleasantry, demanded whether it was the
hair that had moved the table. The promptness of my negative probably
satisfied him that my notion was a very different one.
the music emitted by the gas-flame, that it might be heard by an assembly of
a thousand people. These were acknowledged to be as great marvels as any
of those of spiritdom. The spirits were then consulted, and I was pronounced
to be a first-class medium.
During this conversation a low knocking was heard from time to time under
the table. These, I was told, were the spirits' knocks. I was informed that one
knock, in answer to a question, meant 'No;' that two knocks meant 'Not yet;'
and that three knocks meant 'Yes.'
In answer to a question whether I was a medium, the response was three
brisk and vigorous knocks. I noticed that the knocks issued from a particular
locality, and therefore requested the spirits to be good enough to answer
from another corner of the table. They did not comply; but I was assured that
they would do it, and much more, by-and-by. The knocks continuing, I
turned a wine-glass upside down, and placed my ear upon it, as upon a
stethoscope. The spirits seemed disconcerted by the act; they lost their
playfulness, and did not recover it for a considerable time.
Somewhat weary of the proceedings, I once threw myself back against my
chair and gazed listlessly out of the window. While thus engaged, the table
was rudely pushed. Attention was drawn to the wine, still oscillating in the
glasses, and I was asked whether that was not convincing. I readily granted
the fact of motion, and began to feel the delicacy of my position. There were
several pairs of arms upon the table, and several pairs of legs under it; but
how was I, without offence, to express the conviction which I really
entertained? To ward off the difficulty, I again turned a wine-glass upside
down and rested my ear upon it. The rim of the glass was not level, and my
hair, on touching it, caused it to vibrate, and produce a peculiar buzzing
sound. A perfectly candid and warm-hearted old gentleman at the opposite
side of the table, whom I may call A., drew attention to the sound, and
expressed his entire belief that it was spiritual. I, however, informed him that
it was the moving hair acting on the glass. The explanation was not well
received; and X., in a tone of severe pleasantry, demanded whether it was the
hair that had moved the table. The promptness of my negative probably
satisfied him that my notion was a very different one.
Page 396
The superhuman power of the spirits was next dwelt upon. The strength of
man, it was stated, was unavailing in opposition to theirs. No human power
could prevent the table from moving when they pulled it. During the evening
this pulling of the table occurred, or rather was attempted, three times. Twice
the table moved when my attention was withdrawn from it; on a third
occasion, I tried whether the act could be provoked by an assumed air of
inattention. Grasping the table firmly between my knees, I threw myself
back in the chair, and waited, with eyes fixed on vacancy, for the pull. It
came. For some seconds it was pull spirit, hold muscle; the muscle, however,
prevailed, and the table remained at rest. Up to the present moment, this
interesting fact is known only to the particular spirit in question and myself.
A species of mental scene-painting, with which my own pursuits had long
rendered me familiar, was employed to figure the changes and distribution of
spiritual power. The spirits, it was alleged, were provided with atmospheres,
which combined with and interpenetrated each other, and considerable
ingenuity was shown in demonstrating the necessity of time in effecting the
adjustment of the atmospheres. A rearrangement of our positions was
proposed and carried out; and soon afterwards my attention was drawn to a
scarcely sensible vibration on the part of the table. Several persons were
leaning on the table at the time, and I asked permission to touch the
medium's hand. 'Oh! I know I tremble,' was her reply. Throwing one leg
across the other, I accidentally nipped a muscle, and produced thereby an
involuntary vibration of the free leg. This vibration, I knew, must be
communicated to the floor, and thence to the chairs of all present. I therefore
intentionally promoted it. My attention was promptly drawn to the motion;
and a gentleman beside me, whose value as a witness I was particularly
desirous to test, expressed his belief that it was out of the compass of human
power to produce so strange a tremor. 'I believe,' he added, earnestly, 'that it
is entirely the spirits' work.' 'So do I,' added, with heat, the candid and
warmhearted old gentleman A. 'Why, sir,' he continued, 'I feel them at this
moment shaking my chair.' I stopped the motion of the leg. 'Now, sir,' A.
exclaimed, 'they are gone.' I began again, and A. once more affirmed their
presence. I could, however, notice that there were doubters present, who did
not quite know what to think of the manifestations. I saw their perplexity;
and, as there was sufficient reason to believe that the disclosure of the secret
would simply provoke anger, I kept it to myself.
man, it was stated, was unavailing in opposition to theirs. No human power
could prevent the table from moving when they pulled it. During the evening
this pulling of the table occurred, or rather was attempted, three times. Twice
the table moved when my attention was withdrawn from it; on a third
occasion, I tried whether the act could be provoked by an assumed air of
inattention. Grasping the table firmly between my knees, I threw myself
back in the chair, and waited, with eyes fixed on vacancy, for the pull. It
came. For some seconds it was pull spirit, hold muscle; the muscle, however,
prevailed, and the table remained at rest. Up to the present moment, this
interesting fact is known only to the particular spirit in question and myself.
A species of mental scene-painting, with which my own pursuits had long
rendered me familiar, was employed to figure the changes and distribution of
spiritual power. The spirits, it was alleged, were provided with atmospheres,
which combined with and interpenetrated each other, and considerable
ingenuity was shown in demonstrating the necessity of time in effecting the
adjustment of the atmospheres. A rearrangement of our positions was
proposed and carried out; and soon afterwards my attention was drawn to a
scarcely sensible vibration on the part of the table. Several persons were
leaning on the table at the time, and I asked permission to touch the
medium's hand. 'Oh! I know I tremble,' was her reply. Throwing one leg
across the other, I accidentally nipped a muscle, and produced thereby an
involuntary vibration of the free leg. This vibration, I knew, must be
communicated to the floor, and thence to the chairs of all present. I therefore
intentionally promoted it. My attention was promptly drawn to the motion;
and a gentleman beside me, whose value as a witness I was particularly
desirous to test, expressed his belief that it was out of the compass of human
power to produce so strange a tremor. 'I believe,' he added, earnestly, 'that it
is entirely the spirits' work.' 'So do I,' added, with heat, the candid and
warmhearted old gentleman A. 'Why, sir,' he continued, 'I feel them at this
moment shaking my chair.' I stopped the motion of the leg. 'Now, sir,' A.
exclaimed, 'they are gone.' I began again, and A. once more affirmed their
presence. I could, however, notice that there were doubters present, who did
not quite know what to think of the manifestations. I saw their perplexity;
and, as there was sufficient reason to believe that the disclosure of the secret
would simply provoke anger, I kept it to myself.
Page 397
Again a period of conversation intervened, during which the spirits became
animated. The evening was confessedly a dull one, but matters appeared to
brighten towards its close. The spirits were requested to spell the name by
which I was known in the heavenly world. Our host commenced repeating
the alphabet, and when he reached the letter 'P' a knock was heard. He
began again, and the spirits knocked at the letter 'O.' I was puzzled, but
waited for the end. The next letter knocked down was 'E.' I laughed, and
remarked that the spirits were going to make a poet of me. Admonished for
my levity, I was informed that the frame of mind proper for the occasion
ought to have been superinduced by a perusal of the Bible immediately
before the séance. The spelling, however, went on, and sure enough I came
out a poet. But matters did not end here. Our host continued his repetition
of the alphabet, and the next letter of the name proved to be '0.' Here was
manifestly an unfinished word; and the spirits were apparently in their most
communicative mood. The knocks came from under the table, but no person
present evinced the slightest desire to look under it. I asked whether I might
go underneath; the permission was granted; so I crept under the table. Some
tittered; but the candid old A. exclaimed, 'He has a right to look into the
very dregs of it, to convince himself.' Having pretty well assured myself
that no sound could be produced under the table without its origin being
revealed, I requested our host to continued his questions. He did so, but in
vain. He adopted a tone of tender entreaty; but the 'dear spirits' had become
dumb dogs, and refused to be entreated. I continued under that table for at
least a quarter of an hour, after which, with a feeling of despair as regards
the prospects of humanity never before experienced, I regained my chair.
Once there, the spirits resumed their loquacity, and dubbed me 'Poet of
Science.'
This, then, is the result of an attempt made by a scientific man to look into
these spiritual phenomena. It is not encouraging; and for this reason. The
present promoters of spiritual phenomena divide themselves into two
classes, one of which needs no demonstration, while the other is beyond the
reach of proof. The victims like to believe, and they do not like to be
undeceived. Science is perfectly powerless in the presence of this frame of
mind. It is, moreover, a state perfectly compatible with extreme intellectual
subtlety and a capacity for devising hypotheses which only require the
animated. The evening was confessedly a dull one, but matters appeared to
brighten towards its close. The spirits were requested to spell the name by
which I was known in the heavenly world. Our host commenced repeating
the alphabet, and when he reached the letter 'P' a knock was heard. He
began again, and the spirits knocked at the letter 'O.' I was puzzled, but
waited for the end. The next letter knocked down was 'E.' I laughed, and
remarked that the spirits were going to make a poet of me. Admonished for
my levity, I was informed that the frame of mind proper for the occasion
ought to have been superinduced by a perusal of the Bible immediately
before the séance. The spelling, however, went on, and sure enough I came
out a poet. But matters did not end here. Our host continued his repetition
of the alphabet, and the next letter of the name proved to be '0.' Here was
manifestly an unfinished word; and the spirits were apparently in their most
communicative mood. The knocks came from under the table, but no person
present evinced the slightest desire to look under it. I asked whether I might
go underneath; the permission was granted; so I crept under the table. Some
tittered; but the candid old A. exclaimed, 'He has a right to look into the
very dregs of it, to convince himself.' Having pretty well assured myself
that no sound could be produced under the table without its origin being
revealed, I requested our host to continued his questions. He did so, but in
vain. He adopted a tone of tender entreaty; but the 'dear spirits' had become
dumb dogs, and refused to be entreated. I continued under that table for at
least a quarter of an hour, after which, with a feeling of despair as regards
the prospects of humanity never before experienced, I regained my chair.
Once there, the spirits resumed their loquacity, and dubbed me 'Poet of
Science.'
This, then, is the result of an attempt made by a scientific man to look into
these spiritual phenomena. It is not encouraging; and for this reason. The
present promoters of spiritual phenomena divide themselves into two
classes, one of which needs no demonstration, while the other is beyond the
reach of proof. The victims like to believe, and they do not like to be
undeceived. Science is perfectly powerless in the presence of this frame of
mind. It is, moreover, a state perfectly compatible with extreme intellectual
subtlety and a capacity for devising hypotheses which only require the
Page 398
hardihood engendered by strong conviction, or by callous mendacity, to
render them impregnable. The logical feebleness of science is not
sufficiently borne in mind. It keeps down the weed of superstition, not by
logic but by, slowly rendering the mental soil unfit for its cultivation. When
science appeals to uniform experience, the spiritualist will retort, 'How do
you know that a uniform experience will continue uniform? You tell me that
the sun has risen for six thousand years: that is no proof that it will rise
tomorrow; within the next twelve hours it may be puffed out by the
Almighty.' Taking this ground, a man may maintain the story of 'Jack and
the Beanstalk' in the face of all the science in the world. You urge, in vain,
that science has given us all the knowledge of the universe which we now
possess, while spiritualism has added nothing to that knowledge. The
drugged soul is beyond the reach of reason. It is in vain that impostors are
exposed, and the special demon cast out. He has but slightly to change his
shape, return to his house, and find it 'empty, swept, and garnished.'
-----
Since the time when the foregoing remarks were written I have been more
than once among the spirits, at their own invitation. They do not improve on
acquaintance. Surely no baser delusion ever obtained dominance over the
weak mind of man.
--------------------
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND Co, NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
render them impregnable. The logical feebleness of science is not
sufficiently borne in mind. It keeps down the weed of superstition, not by
logic but by, slowly rendering the mental soil unfit for its cultivation. When
science appeals to uniform experience, the spiritualist will retort, 'How do
you know that a uniform experience will continue uniform? You tell me that
the sun has risen for six thousand years: that is no proof that it will rise
tomorrow; within the next twelve hours it may be puffed out by the
Almighty.' Taking this ground, a man may maintain the story of 'Jack and
the Beanstalk' in the face of all the science in the world. You urge, in vain,
that science has given us all the knowledge of the universe which we now
possess, while spiritualism has added nothing to that knowledge. The
drugged soul is beyond the reach of reason. It is in vain that impostors are
exposed, and the special demon cast out. He has but slightly to change his
shape, return to his house, and find it 'empty, swept, and garnished.'
-----
Since the time when the foregoing remarks were written I have been more
than once among the spirits, at their own invitation. They do not improve on
acquaintance. Surely no baser delusion ever obtained dominance over the
weak mind of man.
--------------------
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND Co, NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
Page 399
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FRAGMENTS OF SCIENCE:
A SERIES OF DETACHED ESSAYS, ADDRESSES, AND REVIEWS.
BY
JOHN TYNDALL, F.R.S.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO, NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
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FRAGMENTS OF SCIENCE:
A SERIES OF DETACHED ESSAYS, ADDRESSES, AND REVIEWS.
BY
JOHN TYNDALL, F.R.S.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO, NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
Page 400
SIXTH EDITION.
VOL. II.
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LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1879.
All rights reserved.
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In the bright sky they perceived an illuminator; in the all-encircling
firmament an embracer; in the roar of thunder and in the violence of the
VOL. II.
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LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1879.
All rights reserved.
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In the bright sky they perceived an illuminator; in the all-encircling
firmament an embracer; in the roar of thunder and in the violence of the
Page 401
storm they felt the presence of a shouter and of furious strikers; and out of
the rain they created an Indra, or giver of rain. — MAX MULLER.
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I. REFLECTIONS ON PRAYER AND NATURAL LAW.
1861.
AMID the apparent confusion and caprice of natural phenomena, which
roused emotions hostile to calm investigation, it must for ages have seemed
hopeless to seek for law or orderly relation; and before the thought of law
dawned upon the unfolding human mind these otherwise inexplicable
effects were referred to personal agency. In the fall of a cataract the savage
saw the leap of a spirit, and the echoed thunder-peal was to him the
hammer-clang of an exasperated god. Propitiation of these terrible powers
was the consequence, and sacrifice was offered to the demons of earth and
air.
But observation tends to chasten the emotions and to check those structural
efforts of the intellect which have emotion for their base. One by one
natural phenomena came to be associated with their proximate causes; the
idea of direct personal volition mixing itself with the economy of nature
retreating more and more. Many of us fear this change. Our religious
feelings are dear to us, and we look with suspicion and dislike on any
philosophy, the apparent tendency of which is to dry them up. Probably
every change from ancient savagery to our present enlightenment has
excited, in a greater or less degree, fears of this kind. But the fact is, that we
have not yet determined whether its present form is necessary to the life and
warmth of religious feeling. We may err in linking the imperishable with the
transitory, and confound the living plant with the decaying pole to which it
clings. My object, however, at present is not to argue, but to mark a
tendency. We have ceased to propitiate the powers of nature — ceased even
to pray for things in manifest contradiction to natural laws. In Protestant
countries, at least, I think it is conceded that the age of miracles is past.
the rain they created an Indra, or giver of rain. — MAX MULLER.
.
.
I. REFLECTIONS ON PRAYER AND NATURAL LAW.
1861.
AMID the apparent confusion and caprice of natural phenomena, which
roused emotions hostile to calm investigation, it must for ages have seemed
hopeless to seek for law or orderly relation; and before the thought of law
dawned upon the unfolding human mind these otherwise inexplicable
effects were referred to personal agency. In the fall of a cataract the savage
saw the leap of a spirit, and the echoed thunder-peal was to him the
hammer-clang of an exasperated god. Propitiation of these terrible powers
was the consequence, and sacrifice was offered to the demons of earth and
air.
But observation tends to chasten the emotions and to check those structural
efforts of the intellect which have emotion for their base. One by one
natural phenomena came to be associated with their proximate causes; the
idea of direct personal volition mixing itself with the economy of nature
retreating more and more. Many of us fear this change. Our religious
feelings are dear to us, and we look with suspicion and dislike on any
philosophy, the apparent tendency of which is to dry them up. Probably
every change from ancient savagery to our present enlightenment has
excited, in a greater or less degree, fears of this kind. But the fact is, that we
have not yet determined whether its present form is necessary to the life and
warmth of religious feeling. We may err in linking the imperishable with the
transitory, and confound the living plant with the decaying pole to which it
clings. My object, however, at present is not to argue, but to mark a
tendency. We have ceased to propitiate the powers of nature — ceased even
to pray for things in manifest contradiction to natural laws. In Protestant
countries, at least, I think it is conceded that the age of miracles is past.
Page 402
At an auberge near the foot of the Rhone glacier, I met, in the summer of
1858, an athletic young priest, who, after a solid breakfast, including a
bottle of wine, informed me that he had come up to 'bless the mountains.'
This was the annual custom of the place. Year by year the Highest was
entreated, by official intercessors, to make such meteorological
arrangements as should ensure food and shelter for the flocks and herds of
the Valaisians. A diversion of the Rhone, or a deepening of the river's bed,
would, at the time I now mention, have been of incalculable benefit to the
inhabitants of the valley. But the priest would have shrunk from the idea of
asking the Omnipotent to open a new channel for the river, or to cause a
portion of it to flow over the Grimsel pass, and down the valley of
Oberhasli to Brientz. This he would have deemed a miracle, and he did not
come to ask the Creator to perform miracles, but to do something which he
manifestly thought lay quite within the bounds of the natural and non-
miraculous. A Protestant gentleman who was present at the time smiled at
this recital. He had no faith in the priest's blessing; still, he deemed his
prayer different in kind from a request to open a new river-cut, or to cause
the water to flow up-hill.
In a similar manner the same Protestant gentleman would doubtless smile at
the honest Tyrolese priest, who, when he feared the bursting of a glacier
dam, offered the sacrifice of the Mass upon the ice as a means of averting
the calamity. That poor man did not expect to convert the ice into adamant,
or to strengthen its texture, so as to enable it to withstand the pressure of the
water; nor did he expect that his sacrifice would cause the stream to roll
back upon its source and relieve him, by a miracle, of its presence. But
beyond the boundaries of his knowledge lay a region where rain was
generated, he knew not how. He was not so presumptuous as to expect a
miracle, but he firmly believed that in yonder cloud-land matters could be
so arranged, without trespass on the miraculous, that the stream which
threatened him and his people should be caused to shrink within its proper
bounds.
Both these priests fashioned that which they did not understand to their
respective wants and wishes. In their case imagination came into play,
uncontrolled by a knowledge of law. A similar state of mind was long
prevalent among mechanicians. Many of these, among whom were to be
1858, an athletic young priest, who, after a solid breakfast, including a
bottle of wine, informed me that he had come up to 'bless the mountains.'
This was the annual custom of the place. Year by year the Highest was
entreated, by official intercessors, to make such meteorological
arrangements as should ensure food and shelter for the flocks and herds of
the Valaisians. A diversion of the Rhone, or a deepening of the river's bed,
would, at the time I now mention, have been of incalculable benefit to the
inhabitants of the valley. But the priest would have shrunk from the idea of
asking the Omnipotent to open a new channel for the river, or to cause a
portion of it to flow over the Grimsel pass, and down the valley of
Oberhasli to Brientz. This he would have deemed a miracle, and he did not
come to ask the Creator to perform miracles, but to do something which he
manifestly thought lay quite within the bounds of the natural and non-
miraculous. A Protestant gentleman who was present at the time smiled at
this recital. He had no faith in the priest's blessing; still, he deemed his
prayer different in kind from a request to open a new river-cut, or to cause
the water to flow up-hill.
In a similar manner the same Protestant gentleman would doubtless smile at
the honest Tyrolese priest, who, when he feared the bursting of a glacier
dam, offered the sacrifice of the Mass upon the ice as a means of averting
the calamity. That poor man did not expect to convert the ice into adamant,
or to strengthen its texture, so as to enable it to withstand the pressure of the
water; nor did he expect that his sacrifice would cause the stream to roll
back upon its source and relieve him, by a miracle, of its presence. But
beyond the boundaries of his knowledge lay a region where rain was
generated, he knew not how. He was not so presumptuous as to expect a
miracle, but he firmly believed that in yonder cloud-land matters could be
so arranged, without trespass on the miraculous, that the stream which
threatened him and his people should be caused to shrink within its proper
bounds.
Both these priests fashioned that which they did not understand to their
respective wants and wishes. In their case imagination came into play,
uncontrolled by a knowledge of law. A similar state of mind was long
prevalent among mechanicians. Many of these, among whom were to be
Page 403
reckoned men of consummate skill, were occupied a century ago with the
question of perpetual motion. They aimed at constructing a machine which
should execute work without the expenditure of power; and some of them
went mad in the pursuit of this object. The faith in such a consummation,
involving, as it did, immense personal profit to the inventor, was extremely
exciting, and every attempt to destroy this faith was met by bitter
resentment on the part of those who held it. Gradually, however, as men
became more and more acquainted with the true functions of machinery, the
dream dissolved. The hope of getting work out of mere mechanical
combinations disappeared: but still there remained for the speculator a
cloud-land denser than that which filled the imagination of the Tyrolese
priest, and out of which he still hoped to evolve perpetual motion. There
was the mystic store of chemic force, which nobody understood; there were
heat and light, electricity and magnetism, all competent to produce
mechanical motion. [Footnote: See Helmholtz: 'Wechselwirkung der
Naturkräfte.'] Here, then, was the mine in which our gem must be sought. A
modified and more refined form of the ancient faith revived; and, for aught
I know, a remnant of sanguine designers may at the present moment be
engaged on the problem which like-minded men in former ages left
unsolved.
And why should a perpetual motion, even under modern conditions, be
impossible? The answer to this question is the statement of that great
generalisation of modern science, which is known under the name of the
Conservation of Energy. This principle asserts that no power can make its
appearance in nature without an equivalent expenditure of some other
power; that natural agents are so related to each other as to be mutually
convertible, but that no new agency is created. Light runs into heat; heat
into electricity; electricity into magnetism; magnetism into mechanical
force; and mechanical force again into light and heat. The Proteus changes,
but he is ever the same; and his changes in nature, supposing no miracle to
supervene, are the expression, not of spontaneity, but of physical necessity.
A perpetual motion, then, is deemed impossible, because it demands the
creation of energy, whereas the principle of Conservation is — no creation,
but infinite conversion.
question of perpetual motion. They aimed at constructing a machine which
should execute work without the expenditure of power; and some of them
went mad in the pursuit of this object. The faith in such a consummation,
involving, as it did, immense personal profit to the inventor, was extremely
exciting, and every attempt to destroy this faith was met by bitter
resentment on the part of those who held it. Gradually, however, as men
became more and more acquainted with the true functions of machinery, the
dream dissolved. The hope of getting work out of mere mechanical
combinations disappeared: but still there remained for the speculator a
cloud-land denser than that which filled the imagination of the Tyrolese
priest, and out of which he still hoped to evolve perpetual motion. There
was the mystic store of chemic force, which nobody understood; there were
heat and light, electricity and magnetism, all competent to produce
mechanical motion. [Footnote: See Helmholtz: 'Wechselwirkung der
Naturkräfte.'] Here, then, was the mine in which our gem must be sought. A
modified and more refined form of the ancient faith revived; and, for aught
I know, a remnant of sanguine designers may at the present moment be
engaged on the problem which like-minded men in former ages left
unsolved.
And why should a perpetual motion, even under modern conditions, be
impossible? The answer to this question is the statement of that great
generalisation of modern science, which is known under the name of the
Conservation of Energy. This principle asserts that no power can make its
appearance in nature without an equivalent expenditure of some other
power; that natural agents are so related to each other as to be mutually
convertible, but that no new agency is created. Light runs into heat; heat
into electricity; electricity into magnetism; magnetism into mechanical
force; and mechanical force again into light and heat. The Proteus changes,
but he is ever the same; and his changes in nature, supposing no miracle to
supervene, are the expression, not of spontaneity, but of physical necessity.
A perpetual motion, then, is deemed impossible, because it demands the
creation of energy, whereas the principle of Conservation is — no creation,
but infinite conversion.
Page 404
It is an old remark that the law which moulds a tear also rounds a planet. In
the application of law in nature the terms great and small are unknown.
Thus the principle referred to teaches us that the Italian wind, gliding over
the crest of the Matterhorn, is as firmly ruled as the earth in its orbital
revolution round the sun; and that the fall of its vapour into clouds is
exactly as much a matter of necessity as the return of the seasons. The
dispersion, therefore, of the slightest mist by the special volition of the
Eternal, would be as much a miracle as the rolling of the Rhone over the
Grimsel precipices, down the valley of Hash to Meyringen and Brientz.
It seems to me quite beyond the present power of science to demonstrate
that the Tyrolese priest, or his colleague of the Rhone valley, asked for an
'impossibility' in praying for good weather; but Science can demonstrate the
incompleteness of the knowledge of nature which limited their prayers to
this narrow ground; and she may lessen the number of instances in which
we 'ask amiss,' by showing that we sometimes pray for the performance of a
miracle when we do not intend it. She does assert, for example, that without
a disturbance of natural law, quite as serious as the stoppage of an eclipse,
or the rolling of the river Niagara up the Falls, no act of humiliation,
individual or national, could call one shower from heaven, or deflect
towards us a single beam of the sun.
Those, therefore, who believe that the miraculous is still active in nature,
may, with perfect consistency, join in our periodic prayers for fair weather
and for rain: while those who hold that the age of miracles is past, will, if
they be consistent, refuse to join in these petitions. And these latter, if they
wish to fall back upon such a justification, may fairly urge that the latest
conclusions of science are in perfect accordance with the doctrine of the
Master himself, which manifestly was that the distribution of natural
phenomena is not affected by moral or religious causes. 'He maketh His sun
to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the
unjust.' Granting 'the power of Free Will in man,' so strongly claimed by
Professor Mansel in his admirable defence of the belief in miracles, and
assuming the efficacy of free prayer to produce changes in external nature,
it necessarily follows that natural laws are more or less at the mercy of
man's volition, and no conclusion founded on the assumed permanence of
those laws would be worthy of confidence.
the application of law in nature the terms great and small are unknown.
Thus the principle referred to teaches us that the Italian wind, gliding over
the crest of the Matterhorn, is as firmly ruled as the earth in its orbital
revolution round the sun; and that the fall of its vapour into clouds is
exactly as much a matter of necessity as the return of the seasons. The
dispersion, therefore, of the slightest mist by the special volition of the
Eternal, would be as much a miracle as the rolling of the Rhone over the
Grimsel precipices, down the valley of Hash to Meyringen and Brientz.
It seems to me quite beyond the present power of science to demonstrate
that the Tyrolese priest, or his colleague of the Rhone valley, asked for an
'impossibility' in praying for good weather; but Science can demonstrate the
incompleteness of the knowledge of nature which limited their prayers to
this narrow ground; and she may lessen the number of instances in which
we 'ask amiss,' by showing that we sometimes pray for the performance of a
miracle when we do not intend it. She does assert, for example, that without
a disturbance of natural law, quite as serious as the stoppage of an eclipse,
or the rolling of the river Niagara up the Falls, no act of humiliation,
individual or national, could call one shower from heaven, or deflect
towards us a single beam of the sun.
Those, therefore, who believe that the miraculous is still active in nature,
may, with perfect consistency, join in our periodic prayers for fair weather
and for rain: while those who hold that the age of miracles is past, will, if
they be consistent, refuse to join in these petitions. And these latter, if they
wish to fall back upon such a justification, may fairly urge that the latest
conclusions of science are in perfect accordance with the doctrine of the
Master himself, which manifestly was that the distribution of natural
phenomena is not affected by moral or religious causes. 'He maketh His sun
to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the
unjust.' Granting 'the power of Free Will in man,' so strongly claimed by
Professor Mansel in his admirable defence of the belief in miracles, and
assuming the efficacy of free prayer to produce changes in external nature,
it necessarily follows that natural laws are more or less at the mercy of
man's volition, and no conclusion founded on the assumed permanence of
those laws would be worthy of confidence.
Page 405
It is a wholesome sign for England that she numbers among her clergy men
wise enough to understand all this, and courageous enough to act up to their
knowledge. Such men do service to public character, by encouraging a
manly and intelligent conflict with the real causes of disease and scarcity,
instead of a delusive reliance on supernatural aid. But they have also a
value beyond this local and temporary one. They prepare the public mind
for changes, which though inevitable, could hardly, without such
preparation, be wrought without violence. Iron is strong; still, water in
crystallising will shiver an iron envelope, and the more unyielding the metal
is, the worse for its safety. There are in the world men who would
encompass philosophic speculation by a rigid envelope, hoping thereby to
restrain it, but in reality giving it explosive force. In England, thanks to men
of the stamp to which I have alluded, scope is gradually given to thought for
changes of aggregation, and the envelope slowly alters its form, in
accordance with the necessities of the time.
-----
The proximate origin of the foregoing slight article, and probably the
remoter origin of the next following one, was this. Some years ago, a day of
prayer and humiliation, on account of a bad harvest, was appointed by the
proper religious authorities; but certain clergymen of the Church of
England, doubting the wisdom of the demonstration, declined to join in the
services of the day. For this act of nonconformity they were severely
censured by some of their brethren. Rightly or wrongly, my sympathies
were on the side of these men; and, to lend them a helping hand in their
struggle against odds, I inserted the foregoing chapter in a little book
entitled 'Mountaineering in 1861.' Some time subsequently I received from
a gentleman of great weight and distinction in the scientific world, and, I
believe, of perfect orthodoxy in the religious one, a note directing my
attention to an exceedingly thoughtful article on Prayer and Cholera in the
'Pall Mall Gazette.' My eminent correspondent deemed the article a fair
answer to the remarks made by me in 1861. I, also, was struck by the
temper and ability of the article, but I could not deem its arguments
satisfactory, and in a short note to the editor of the 'Pall Mall Gazette' I
ventured to state so much. This letter elicited some very able replies, and a
second leading article was also devoted to the subject. In answer to all, I
wise enough to understand all this, and courageous enough to act up to their
knowledge. Such men do service to public character, by encouraging a
manly and intelligent conflict with the real causes of disease and scarcity,
instead of a delusive reliance on supernatural aid. But they have also a
value beyond this local and temporary one. They prepare the public mind
for changes, which though inevitable, could hardly, without such
preparation, be wrought without violence. Iron is strong; still, water in
crystallising will shiver an iron envelope, and the more unyielding the metal
is, the worse for its safety. There are in the world men who would
encompass philosophic speculation by a rigid envelope, hoping thereby to
restrain it, but in reality giving it explosive force. In England, thanks to men
of the stamp to which I have alluded, scope is gradually given to thought for
changes of aggregation, and the envelope slowly alters its form, in
accordance with the necessities of the time.
-----
The proximate origin of the foregoing slight article, and probably the
remoter origin of the next following one, was this. Some years ago, a day of
prayer and humiliation, on account of a bad harvest, was appointed by the
proper religious authorities; but certain clergymen of the Church of
England, doubting the wisdom of the demonstration, declined to join in the
services of the day. For this act of nonconformity they were severely
censured by some of their brethren. Rightly or wrongly, my sympathies
were on the side of these men; and, to lend them a helping hand in their
struggle against odds, I inserted the foregoing chapter in a little book
entitled 'Mountaineering in 1861.' Some time subsequently I received from
a gentleman of great weight and distinction in the scientific world, and, I
believe, of perfect orthodoxy in the religious one, a note directing my
attention to an exceedingly thoughtful article on Prayer and Cholera in the
'Pall Mall Gazette.' My eminent correspondent deemed the article a fair
answer to the remarks made by me in 1861. I, also, was struck by the
temper and ability of the article, but I could not deem its arguments
satisfactory, and in a short note to the editor of the 'Pall Mall Gazette' I
ventured to state so much. This letter elicited some very able replies, and a
second leading article was also devoted to the subject. In answer to all, I
Page 406
risked the publication of a second letter, and soon afterwards, by an
extremely courteous note from the editor, the discussion was closed.
Though thus stopped locally, the discussion flowed in other directions.
Sermons were preached, essays were published, articles were written, while
a copious correspondence occupied the pages of some of the religious
newspapers. It gave me sincere pleasure to notice that the discussion, save
in a few cases where natural coarseness had the upper hand, was conducted
with a minimum of vituperation. The severity shown was hardly more than
sufficient to demonstrate earnestness, while gentlemanly feeling was too
predominant to permit that earnestness to contract itself to bigotry or to
clothe itself in abuse. It was probably the memory of this discussion which
caused another excellent friend of mine to recommend to my perusal the
exceedingly able work which in the next article I have endeavoured to
review.
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.
Mr. Mozley's book belongs to that class of writing of which Butler may be
taken as the type. It is strong, genuine argument about difficult matters,
fairly tracing what is difficult, fairly trying to grapple, not with what
appears the gist and strong point of a question, but with what really at
bottom is the knot of it. It is a book the reasoning of which may not satisfy
everyone... But we think it is a book for people who wish to see a great
subject handled on a scale which befits it, and with a perception of its real
elements. It is a book which will have attractions for those who like to see a
powerful mind applying itself, without shrinking or holding back, without
trick or reserve or show of any kind, as a wrestler closes body to body with
extremely courteous note from the editor, the discussion was closed.
Though thus stopped locally, the discussion flowed in other directions.
Sermons were preached, essays were published, articles were written, while
a copious correspondence occupied the pages of some of the religious
newspapers. It gave me sincere pleasure to notice that the discussion, save
in a few cases where natural coarseness had the upper hand, was conducted
with a minimum of vituperation. The severity shown was hardly more than
sufficient to demonstrate earnestness, while gentlemanly feeling was too
predominant to permit that earnestness to contract itself to bigotry or to
clothe itself in abuse. It was probably the memory of this discussion which
caused another excellent friend of mine to recommend to my perusal the
exceedingly able work which in the next article I have endeavoured to
review.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
Mr. Mozley's book belongs to that class of writing of which Butler may be
taken as the type. It is strong, genuine argument about difficult matters,
fairly tracing what is difficult, fairly trying to grapple, not with what
appears the gist and strong point of a question, but with what really at
bottom is the knot of it. It is a book the reasoning of which may not satisfy
everyone... But we think it is a book for people who wish to see a great
subject handled on a scale which befits it, and with a perception of its real
elements. It is a book which will have attractions for those who like to see a
powerful mind applying itself, without shrinking or holding back, without
trick or reserve or show of any kind, as a wrestler closes body to body with
Page 407
his antagonist, to the strength of an adverse and powerful argument. —
Times, Tuesday, June 5, 1866.
We should add, that the faults of the work are wholly on the surface and in
the arrangement; that the matter is as solid and as logical as that of any
book within recent memory, and that it abounds in striking passages, of
which we have scarcely been able even to give a sample. No future arguer
against miracles can afford to pass it over. — SATURDAY REVIEW,
September 15, 1866.
.
--------------------
II. MIRACLES AND SPECIAL PROVIDENCES.
[Footnote: Fortnightly Review, New Series, vol. i. p. 645.]
1867.
IT is my privilege to enjoy the friendship of a select number of religious
men, with whom I converse frankly upon theological subjects, expressing
without disguise the notions and opinions I entertain regarding their tenets,
and hearing in return these notions and opinions subjected to criticism. I
have thus far found them liberal and loving men, patient in hearing, tolerant
in reply, who know how to reconcile the duties of courtesy with the
earnestness of debate. From one of these, nearly a year ago, I received a
note, recommending strongly to my attention the volume of 'Bampton
Lectures' for 1865, in which the question of miracles is treated by Mr.
Mozley. Previous to receiving this note, I had in part made the acquaintance
of the work through an able and elaborate review of it in the 'Times.' The
combined effect of the letter and the review was to make the book the
companion of my summer tour in the Alps. There, during the wet and
snowy days which were only too prevalent in 1866, and during the days of
rest interpolated between days of toil, I made myself more thoroughly
conversant with Mr. Mozley's volume. I found it clear and strong — an
intellectual tonic, as bracing and pleasant to my mind as the keen air of the
mountains was to my body. From time to time I jotted down thoughts
Times, Tuesday, June 5, 1866.
We should add, that the faults of the work are wholly on the surface and in
the arrangement; that the matter is as solid and as logical as that of any
book within recent memory, and that it abounds in striking passages, of
which we have scarcely been able even to give a sample. No future arguer
against miracles can afford to pass it over. — SATURDAY REVIEW,
September 15, 1866.
.
--------------------
II. MIRACLES AND SPECIAL PROVIDENCES.
[Footnote: Fortnightly Review, New Series, vol. i. p. 645.]
1867.
IT is my privilege to enjoy the friendship of a select number of religious
men, with whom I converse frankly upon theological subjects, expressing
without disguise the notions and opinions I entertain regarding their tenets,
and hearing in return these notions and opinions subjected to criticism. I
have thus far found them liberal and loving men, patient in hearing, tolerant
in reply, who know how to reconcile the duties of courtesy with the
earnestness of debate. From one of these, nearly a year ago, I received a
note, recommending strongly to my attention the volume of 'Bampton
Lectures' for 1865, in which the question of miracles is treated by Mr.
Mozley. Previous to receiving this note, I had in part made the acquaintance
of the work through an able and elaborate review of it in the 'Times.' The
combined effect of the letter and the review was to make the book the
companion of my summer tour in the Alps. There, during the wet and
snowy days which were only too prevalent in 1866, and during the days of
rest interpolated between days of toil, I made myself more thoroughly
conversant with Mr. Mozley's volume. I found it clear and strong — an
intellectual tonic, as bracing and pleasant to my mind as the keen air of the
mountains was to my body. From time to time I jotted down thoughts
Page 408
regarding it, intending afterwards to work them up into a coherent whole.
Other duties, however, interfered with the complete carrying out of this
intention, and what I wrote last summer I now publish, not hoping to be
able, within any reasonable time, to render my defence of scientific method
more complete.
Mr. Mozley refers at the outset of his task to the movement against miracles
which of late years has taken place, and which determined his choice of a
subject. He acquits modern science of having had any great share in the
production of this movement. The objection against miracles, he says, does
not arise from any minute knowledge of the laws of nature, but simply
because they are opposed to that plain and obvious order of nature which
everybody sees. The present movement is, he thinks, to be ascribed to the
greater earnestness and penetration of the present age. Formerly miracles
were accepted without question, because without reflection; but the exercise
of the 'historic imagination' is a characteristic of our own time. Men are
now accustomed to place before themselves vivid images of historic facts;
and when a miracle rises to view, they halt before the astounding
occurrence, and, realising it with the same clearness as if it were now
passing before their eyes, they ask themselves, 'Can this have taken place?'
In some instances the effort to answer this question has led to a disbelief in
miracles, in others to a strengthening of belief. The aim of Mr. Mozley's
lectures is to show that the strengthening of belief is the logical result which
ought to follow from the examination of the facts.
Attempts have been made by religious men to bring the Scripture miracles
within the scope of the order of nature, but all such attempts are rejected by
Mr. Mozley as utterly futile and wide of the mark. Regarding miracles as a
necessary accompaniment of a revelation, their evidential value in his eyes
depends entirely upon their deviation from the order of nature. Thus
deviating, they suggest and illustrate a power higher than nature, a 'personal
will;' and they commend the person in whom this power is vested as a
messenger from on high. Without these credentials such a messenger would
have no right to demand belief, even were his assertions regarding his
Divine mission backed by a holy life. Nor is it by miracles alone that the
order of nature is, or may be, disturbed. The material universe is also the
arena of 'special providences.' Under these two heads Mr. Mozley
Other duties, however, interfered with the complete carrying out of this
intention, and what I wrote last summer I now publish, not hoping to be
able, within any reasonable time, to render my defence of scientific method
more complete.
Mr. Mozley refers at the outset of his task to the movement against miracles
which of late years has taken place, and which determined his choice of a
subject. He acquits modern science of having had any great share in the
production of this movement. The objection against miracles, he says, does
not arise from any minute knowledge of the laws of nature, but simply
because they are opposed to that plain and obvious order of nature which
everybody sees. The present movement is, he thinks, to be ascribed to the
greater earnestness and penetration of the present age. Formerly miracles
were accepted without question, because without reflection; but the exercise
of the 'historic imagination' is a characteristic of our own time. Men are
now accustomed to place before themselves vivid images of historic facts;
and when a miracle rises to view, they halt before the astounding
occurrence, and, realising it with the same clearness as if it were now
passing before their eyes, they ask themselves, 'Can this have taken place?'
In some instances the effort to answer this question has led to a disbelief in
miracles, in others to a strengthening of belief. The aim of Mr. Mozley's
lectures is to show that the strengthening of belief is the logical result which
ought to follow from the examination of the facts.
Attempts have been made by religious men to bring the Scripture miracles
within the scope of the order of nature, but all such attempts are rejected by
Mr. Mozley as utterly futile and wide of the mark. Regarding miracles as a
necessary accompaniment of a revelation, their evidential value in his eyes
depends entirely upon their deviation from the order of nature. Thus
deviating, they suggest and illustrate a power higher than nature, a 'personal
will;' and they commend the person in whom this power is vested as a
messenger from on high. Without these credentials such a messenger would
have no right to demand belief, even were his assertions regarding his
Divine mission backed by a holy life. Nor is it by miracles alone that the
order of nature is, or may be, disturbed. The material universe is also the
arena of 'special providences.' Under these two heads Mr. Mozley
Page 409
distributes the total preternatural. One form of the preternatural may shade
into the other, as one colour passes into another in the rainbow; but, while
the line which divides the specially providential from the miraculous cannot
be sharply drawn, their distinction broadly expressed is this: that, while a
special providence can only excite surmise more or less probable, it is 'the
nature of a miracle to give proof, as distinguished from surmise, of Divine
design.'
Mr. Mozley adduces various illustrations of what he regards to be special
providences, as distinguished from miracles. 'The death of Arius,' he says,
'was not miraculous, because the coincidence of the death of a heresiarch
taking place when it was peculiarly advantageous to the orthodox faith . . .
was not such as to compel the inference of extraordinary Divine agency; but
it was a special providence, because it carried a reasonable appearance of it.
The miracle of the Thundering Legion was a special providence, but not a
miracle, for the same reason, because the coincidence of an instantaneous
fall of rain, in answer to prayer, carried some appearance, but not proof, of
preternatural agency.'
The eminent lecturer's remarks on this head brought to my recollection
certain narratives published in Methodist magazines, which I used to read
with avidity when a boy. The general title of these exciting stories, if I
remember right, was 'The Providence of God asserted,' and in them the
most extraordinary escapes from peril were recounted and ascribed to
prayer, while equally wonderful instances of calamity were adduced as
illustrations of Divine retribution. In such magazines, or elsewhere, I found
recorded the case of the celebrated Samuel Hick, which, as it illustrates a
whole class of special providences approaching in conclusiveness to
miracles, is worthy of mention here. It is related of this holy man that, on
one occasion, flour was lacking to make the sacramental bread. Grain was
present, and a windmill was present, but there was no wind to grind the
corn. With faith undoubting, Samuel Hick prayed to the Lord of the winds:
the sails turned, the corn was ground, after which the wind ceased.
According to the canon of the Bampton Lecturer, this, though carrying a
strong appearance of an immediate exertion of Divine energy, lacks by a
hair's-breadth the quality of a miracle. For the wind might have arisen, and
might have ceased, in the ordinary course of nature. Hence the occurrence
into the other, as one colour passes into another in the rainbow; but, while
the line which divides the specially providential from the miraculous cannot
be sharply drawn, their distinction broadly expressed is this: that, while a
special providence can only excite surmise more or less probable, it is 'the
nature of a miracle to give proof, as distinguished from surmise, of Divine
design.'
Mr. Mozley adduces various illustrations of what he regards to be special
providences, as distinguished from miracles. 'The death of Arius,' he says,
'was not miraculous, because the coincidence of the death of a heresiarch
taking place when it was peculiarly advantageous to the orthodox faith . . .
was not such as to compel the inference of extraordinary Divine agency; but
it was a special providence, because it carried a reasonable appearance of it.
The miracle of the Thundering Legion was a special providence, but not a
miracle, for the same reason, because the coincidence of an instantaneous
fall of rain, in answer to prayer, carried some appearance, but not proof, of
preternatural agency.'
The eminent lecturer's remarks on this head brought to my recollection
certain narratives published in Methodist magazines, which I used to read
with avidity when a boy. The general title of these exciting stories, if I
remember right, was 'The Providence of God asserted,' and in them the
most extraordinary escapes from peril were recounted and ascribed to
prayer, while equally wonderful instances of calamity were adduced as
illustrations of Divine retribution. In such magazines, or elsewhere, I found
recorded the case of the celebrated Samuel Hick, which, as it illustrates a
whole class of special providences approaching in conclusiveness to
miracles, is worthy of mention here. It is related of this holy man that, on
one occasion, flour was lacking to make the sacramental bread. Grain was
present, and a windmill was present, but there was no wind to grind the
corn. With faith undoubting, Samuel Hick prayed to the Lord of the winds:
the sails turned, the corn was ground, after which the wind ceased.
According to the canon of the Bampton Lecturer, this, though carrying a
strong appearance of an immediate exertion of Divine energy, lacks by a
hair's-breadth the quality of a miracle. For the wind might have arisen, and
might have ceased, in the ordinary course of nature. Hence the occurrence
Page 410
did not 'compel the inference of extraordinary Divine agency.' In like
manner Mr. Mozley considers that 'the appearance of the cross to
Constantine was a miracle, or a special providence, according to what
account of it we adopt. As only a meteoric appearance in the shape of a
cross it gave some token of preternatural agency, but not full evidence.'
In the Catholic canton of Switzerland where I now write, and still more
among the pious Tyrolese, the mountains are dotted with shrines, containing
offerings of all kinds, in acknowledgment of special mercies — legs, feet,
arms, and hands — of gold, silver, brass, and wood, according as worldly
possessions enabled the grateful heart to express its indebtedness. Most of
these offerings are made to the Virgin Mary. They are recognitions of
'special providences,' wrought through the instrumentality of the Mother of
God. Mr. Mozley's belief, that of the Methodist chronicler, and that of the
Tyrolese peasant, are substantially the same. Each of them assumes that
nature, instead of flowing ever onward in the uninterrupted rhythm of cause
and effect, is mediately ruled by the free human will. As regards direct
action upon natural phenomena, man's wish and will, as expressed in
prayer, are confessedly powerless; but prayer is the trigger which liberates
the Divine power, and to this extent, if the will be free, man, of course,
commands nature.
Did the existence of this belief depend solely upon the material benefits
derived from it, it could not, in my opinion, last a decade. As a purely
objective fact, we should soon see that the distribution of natural
phenomena is unaffected by the merits or the demerits of men; that the law
of gravitation crushes the simple worshippers of Ottery St. Mary, while
singing their hymns, just as surely as if they were engaged in a midnight
brawl. The hold of this belief upon the human mind is not due to outward
verification, but to the inner warmth, force, and elevation with which it is
commonly associated. It is plain, however, that these feelings may exist
under the most various forms. They are not limited to Church of England
Protestantism — they are not even limited to Christianity. Though less
refined, they are certainly not less strong in the heart of the Methodist and
the Tyrolese peasant than in the heart of Mr. Mozley. Indeed, those feelings
belong to the primal powers of man's nature. A 'sceptic' may have them.
They find vent in the battle-cry of the Moslem. They take hue and form in
manner Mr. Mozley considers that 'the appearance of the cross to
Constantine was a miracle, or a special providence, according to what
account of it we adopt. As only a meteoric appearance in the shape of a
cross it gave some token of preternatural agency, but not full evidence.'
In the Catholic canton of Switzerland where I now write, and still more
among the pious Tyrolese, the mountains are dotted with shrines, containing
offerings of all kinds, in acknowledgment of special mercies — legs, feet,
arms, and hands — of gold, silver, brass, and wood, according as worldly
possessions enabled the grateful heart to express its indebtedness. Most of
these offerings are made to the Virgin Mary. They are recognitions of
'special providences,' wrought through the instrumentality of the Mother of
God. Mr. Mozley's belief, that of the Methodist chronicler, and that of the
Tyrolese peasant, are substantially the same. Each of them assumes that
nature, instead of flowing ever onward in the uninterrupted rhythm of cause
and effect, is mediately ruled by the free human will. As regards direct
action upon natural phenomena, man's wish and will, as expressed in
prayer, are confessedly powerless; but prayer is the trigger which liberates
the Divine power, and to this extent, if the will be free, man, of course,
commands nature.
Did the existence of this belief depend solely upon the material benefits
derived from it, it could not, in my opinion, last a decade. As a purely
objective fact, we should soon see that the distribution of natural
phenomena is unaffected by the merits or the demerits of men; that the law
of gravitation crushes the simple worshippers of Ottery St. Mary, while
singing their hymns, just as surely as if they were engaged in a midnight
brawl. The hold of this belief upon the human mind is not due to outward
verification, but to the inner warmth, force, and elevation with which it is
commonly associated. It is plain, however, that these feelings may exist
under the most various forms. They are not limited to Church of England
Protestantism — they are not even limited to Christianity. Though less
refined, they are certainly not less strong in the heart of the Methodist and
the Tyrolese peasant than in the heart of Mr. Mozley. Indeed, those feelings
belong to the primal powers of man's nature. A 'sceptic' may have them.
They find vent in the battle-cry of the Moslem. They take hue and form in
Page 411
the hunting-grounds of the Red Indian; and raise all of them, as they raise
the Christian, upon a wave of victory, above the terrors of the grave.
The character, then, of a miracle, as distinguished from a special
providence, is that the former furnishes proof, while in the case of the latter
we have only surmise. Dissolve the element of doubt, and the alleged fact
passes from the one class of 'the preternatural into the other. In other words,
if a special providence could be proved to be a special providence, it would
cease to be a special providence and become a miracle. There is not the
least cloudiness about Mr. Mozley's meaning here. A special providence is a
doubtful miracle. Why, then, not call it so? The term employed by Mr.
Mozley conveys no negative suggestion, whereas the negation of certainty
is the peculiar characteristic of the thing intended to be expressed. There is
an apparent unwillingness on the part of the lecturer to call a special
providence what his own definition makes it to be. Instead of speaking of it
as a doubtful miracle, he calls it 'an invisible miracle.' He speaks of the
point of contact of supernatural power with the chain of causation being so
high up as to be wholly, or in part, out of sight, whereas the essence of a
special providence is the uncertainty whether there is any contact at all,
either high or low. By the use of an incorrect term, however, a grave danger
is avoided. For the idea of doubt, if kept systematically before the mind,
would soon be fatal to the special providence, considered as a means of
edification. The term employed, on the contrary, invites and encourages the
trust which is necessary to supplement the evidence.
This inner trust, though at first rejected by Mr. Mozley in favour of external
proof, is subsequently called upon to do momentous duty in regard to
miracles. Whenever the evidence of the miraculous seems incommensurate
with the fact which it has to establish, or rather when the fact is so amazing
that hardly any evidence is sufficient to establish it, Mr. Mozley invokes
'the affections.' They must urge the reason to accept the conclusion, from
which unaided it recoils. The affections and emotions are eminently the
court of appeal in matters of real religion, which is an affair of the heart; but
they are not, I submit, the court in which to weigh allegations regarding the
credibility of physical facts. These must be judged by the dry light of the
intellect alone, appeals to the affections being reserved for cases where
moral elevation, and not historic conviction, is the aim. It is, moreover,
the Christian, upon a wave of victory, above the terrors of the grave.
The character, then, of a miracle, as distinguished from a special
providence, is that the former furnishes proof, while in the case of the latter
we have only surmise. Dissolve the element of doubt, and the alleged fact
passes from the one class of 'the preternatural into the other. In other words,
if a special providence could be proved to be a special providence, it would
cease to be a special providence and become a miracle. There is not the
least cloudiness about Mr. Mozley's meaning here. A special providence is a
doubtful miracle. Why, then, not call it so? The term employed by Mr.
Mozley conveys no negative suggestion, whereas the negation of certainty
is the peculiar characteristic of the thing intended to be expressed. There is
an apparent unwillingness on the part of the lecturer to call a special
providence what his own definition makes it to be. Instead of speaking of it
as a doubtful miracle, he calls it 'an invisible miracle.' He speaks of the
point of contact of supernatural power with the chain of causation being so
high up as to be wholly, or in part, out of sight, whereas the essence of a
special providence is the uncertainty whether there is any contact at all,
either high or low. By the use of an incorrect term, however, a grave danger
is avoided. For the idea of doubt, if kept systematically before the mind,
would soon be fatal to the special providence, considered as a means of
edification. The term employed, on the contrary, invites and encourages the
trust which is necessary to supplement the evidence.
This inner trust, though at first rejected by Mr. Mozley in favour of external
proof, is subsequently called upon to do momentous duty in regard to
miracles. Whenever the evidence of the miraculous seems incommensurate
with the fact which it has to establish, or rather when the fact is so amazing
that hardly any evidence is sufficient to establish it, Mr. Mozley invokes
'the affections.' They must urge the reason to accept the conclusion, from
which unaided it recoils. The affections and emotions are eminently the
court of appeal in matters of real religion, which is an affair of the heart; but
they are not, I submit, the court in which to weigh allegations regarding the
credibility of physical facts. These must be judged by the dry light of the
intellect alone, appeals to the affections being reserved for cases where
moral elevation, and not historic conviction, is the aim. It is, moreover,
Page 412
because the result, in the case under consideration, is deemed desirable that
the affections are called upon to back it. If undesirable, they would, with
equal right, be called upon to act the other way. Even to the disciplined
scientific mind this would be a dangerous doctrine. A favourite theory —
the desire to establish or avoid a certain n result — can so warp the mind as
to destroy its powers of estimating facts. I have known men to work for
years under a fascination of this kind, unable to extricate themselves from
its fatal influence. They had certain data, but not, as it happened, enough.
By a process exactly analogous to that invoked by Mr. Mozley, they
supplemented the data, and went wrong. From that hour their intellects were
so blinded to the perception of adverse phenomena that they never reached
truth. If, then, to the disciplined scientific mind, this incongruous mixture of
proof and trust be fraught with danger, what must it be to the indiscriminate
audience which. Mr. Mozley addresses? In calling upon this agency he acts
the part of Frankenstein. It is a monster thus evoked that we see stalking
abroad, in the degrading spiritualistic phenomena of the present day. Again,
I say, where the aim is to elevate the mind, to quicken the moral sense, to
kindle the fire of religion in the soul, let the affections by all means be
invoked; but they must not be permitted to colour our reports, or to
influence our acceptance of reports of occurrences in external nature.
Testimony as to natural facts is worthless when wrapped in this atmosphere
of the affections; the most earnest subjective truth being thus rendered
perfectly compatible with the most astounding objective error.
There are questions in judging of which the affections or sympathies are
often our best guides, the estimation of moral goodness being one of these.
But at this precise point, where they are really of use, Mr. Mozley excludes
the affections and demands a miracle as a certificate of character. He will
not accept any other evidence of the perfect goodness of Christ. 'No
outward life and conduct,' he says, 'however irreproachable, could prove
His perfect sinlessness, because goodness depends upon the inward motive,
and the perfection of the inward motive is not proved by the outward act.'
But surely the miracle is an outward act, and to pass from it to the inner
motive imposes a greater strain upon logic than that involved in our.
ordinary methods of estimating men. There is, at least, moral congruity
between the outward goodness and the inner life, but there is no such
congruity between the miracle and the life within. The test of moral
the affections are called upon to back it. If undesirable, they would, with
equal right, be called upon to act the other way. Even to the disciplined
scientific mind this would be a dangerous doctrine. A favourite theory —
the desire to establish or avoid a certain n result — can so warp the mind as
to destroy its powers of estimating facts. I have known men to work for
years under a fascination of this kind, unable to extricate themselves from
its fatal influence. They had certain data, but not, as it happened, enough.
By a process exactly analogous to that invoked by Mr. Mozley, they
supplemented the data, and went wrong. From that hour their intellects were
so blinded to the perception of adverse phenomena that they never reached
truth. If, then, to the disciplined scientific mind, this incongruous mixture of
proof and trust be fraught with danger, what must it be to the indiscriminate
audience which. Mr. Mozley addresses? In calling upon this agency he acts
the part of Frankenstein. It is a monster thus evoked that we see stalking
abroad, in the degrading spiritualistic phenomena of the present day. Again,
I say, where the aim is to elevate the mind, to quicken the moral sense, to
kindle the fire of religion in the soul, let the affections by all means be
invoked; but they must not be permitted to colour our reports, or to
influence our acceptance of reports of occurrences in external nature.
Testimony as to natural facts is worthless when wrapped in this atmosphere
of the affections; the most earnest subjective truth being thus rendered
perfectly compatible with the most astounding objective error.
There are questions in judging of which the affections or sympathies are
often our best guides, the estimation of moral goodness being one of these.
But at this precise point, where they are really of use, Mr. Mozley excludes
the affections and demands a miracle as a certificate of character. He will
not accept any other evidence of the perfect goodness of Christ. 'No
outward life and conduct,' he says, 'however irreproachable, could prove
His perfect sinlessness, because goodness depends upon the inward motive,
and the perfection of the inward motive is not proved by the outward act.'
But surely the miracle is an outward act, and to pass from it to the inner
motive imposes a greater strain upon logic than that involved in our.
ordinary methods of estimating men. There is, at least, moral congruity
between the outward goodness and the inner life, but there is no such
congruity between the miracle and the life within. The test of moral
Page 413
goodness laid down by Mr. Mozley is not the test of John, who says, 'He
that doeth righteousness is righteous; 'nor is it the test of Jesus: 'By their
fruits ye shall know them: do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of
thistles?' But it is the test of another: 'If thou be the Son of God, command
that these stones be made bread.' For my own part, I prefer the attitude of
Fichte to that of Mr. Mozley. The Jesus of John,' says this noble and mighty
thinker, knows no other God than the True God, in whom we all are, and
live, and may be blessed, and out of whom there is only Death and
Nothingness. And,' continues Fichte, 'he appeals, and rightly appeals, in
support of this truth, not to reasoning, but to the inward practical sense of
truth in man, not even knowing any other proof than this inward testimony,
"If any man will do the will of Him who sent Me, he shall know of the doe-
trine whether it be of God."'
Accepting Mr. Mozley's test, with which alone I am now dealing, it is
evident that, in the demonstration of moral goodness, the quantity of the
miraculous comes into play. Had Christ, for example, limited himself to the
conversion of water into wine, He would have fallen short of the
performance of Jannes and Jambres; for it is a smaller thing to convert one
liquid into another than to convert a dead rod into a living serpent. But
Jannes and Jambres, we are informed, were not good. Hence, if Mr.
Mozley's test be a true one, a point must exist, on the one side of which
miraculous power demonstrates goodness, while on the other side it does
not. How is this 'point of contrary flexure' to be determined? It must lie
somewhere between the magicians and Moses, for within this space the
power passed from the diabolical to the Divine. But how to mark the point
of passage — how, out of a purely quantitative difference in the visible
manifestation of power, we are to infer a total inversion of quality — it is
extremely difficult to see. Moses, we are informed, produced a large reptile;
Jannes and Jambres produced a small one. I do not possess the intellectual
faculty which would enable me to infer, from those data, either the
goodness of the one or the badness of the other; and in the highest recorded
manifestations of the miraculous I am equally at a loss. Let us not play fast
and loose with the miraculous; either it is a demonstration of goodness in all
cases or in none. If Mr. Mozley accepts Christ's goodness as transcendent,
because He did such works as no other man did, he ought, logically
speaking, to accept the works of those who, in His name, had cast out
that doeth righteousness is righteous; 'nor is it the test of Jesus: 'By their
fruits ye shall know them: do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of
thistles?' But it is the test of another: 'If thou be the Son of God, command
that these stones be made bread.' For my own part, I prefer the attitude of
Fichte to that of Mr. Mozley. The Jesus of John,' says this noble and mighty
thinker, knows no other God than the True God, in whom we all are, and
live, and may be blessed, and out of whom there is only Death and
Nothingness. And,' continues Fichte, 'he appeals, and rightly appeals, in
support of this truth, not to reasoning, but to the inward practical sense of
truth in man, not even knowing any other proof than this inward testimony,
"If any man will do the will of Him who sent Me, he shall know of the doe-
trine whether it be of God."'
Accepting Mr. Mozley's test, with which alone I am now dealing, it is
evident that, in the demonstration of moral goodness, the quantity of the
miraculous comes into play. Had Christ, for example, limited himself to the
conversion of water into wine, He would have fallen short of the
performance of Jannes and Jambres; for it is a smaller thing to convert one
liquid into another than to convert a dead rod into a living serpent. But
Jannes and Jambres, we are informed, were not good. Hence, if Mr.
Mozley's test be a true one, a point must exist, on the one side of which
miraculous power demonstrates goodness, while on the other side it does
not. How is this 'point of contrary flexure' to be determined? It must lie
somewhere between the magicians and Moses, for within this space the
power passed from the diabolical to the Divine. But how to mark the point
of passage — how, out of a purely quantitative difference in the visible
manifestation of power, we are to infer a total inversion of quality — it is
extremely difficult to see. Moses, we are informed, produced a large reptile;
Jannes and Jambres produced a small one. I do not possess the intellectual
faculty which would enable me to infer, from those data, either the
goodness of the one or the badness of the other; and in the highest recorded
manifestations of the miraculous I am equally at a loss. Let us not play fast
and loose with the miraculous; either it is a demonstration of goodness in all
cases or in none. If Mr. Mozley accepts Christ's goodness as transcendent,
because He did such works as no other man did, he ought, logically
speaking, to accept the works of those who, in His name, had cast out
Page 414
devils, as demonstrating a proportionate goodness on their part. But it is
people of this class who are consigned to ever-lasting fire prepared for the
devil and his angels. Such zeal as that of Mr. Mozley for miracles tends, I
fear, to eat his religion up. The logical threatens to stifles the spiritual. The
truly religious soul needs no miraculous proof of the goodness of Christ.
The words addressed to Matthew at the receipt of custom required no
miracle to produce obedience. It was by no stroke of the supernatural that
Jesus caused those sent to seize Him to go backward and fall to the ground.
It was the sublime and holy effluence from within, which needed no
prodigy to commend it to the reverence even of his foes.
As regards the function of miracles in the founding of a religion, Mr.
Mozley institutes a comparison between the religion of Christ and that of
Mahomet; and he derides the latter as 'irrational' because it does not profess
to adduce miracles in proof of its supernatural origin. But the religion of
Mahomet, notwithstanding this drawback, has thriven in the world, and at
one time it held sway over larger populations than Christianity itself. The
spread and influence of Christianity are, however, brought forward by Mr.
Mozley as 'a permanent, enormous, and incalculable practical result' of
Christian miracles; and he makes use of this result to strengthen his plea for
the miraculous. His logical warrant for this proceeding is not clear. It is the
method of science, when a phenomenon presents itself, towards the
production of which several elements may contribute, to exclude them one
by one, so as to arrive at length at the truly effective cause. Heat, for
example, is associated with a phenomenon; we exclude heat, but the
phenomenon remains: hence, heat is not its cause. Magnetism is associated
with a phenomenon; we exclude magnetism, but the phenomenon remains:
hence, magnetism is not its cause. Thus, also, when we seek the cause of a
diffusion of a religion — whether it be due to miracles, or to the spiritual
force of its founders — we exclude the miracles, and, finding the result
unchanged, we infer that miracles are not the effective cause. This
important experiment Mahometanism has made for us. It has lived and
spread without miracles; and to assert, in the face of this, that Christianity
has spread because of miracles, is, I submit, opposed both to the spirit of
science and the common sense of mankind.
people of this class who are consigned to ever-lasting fire prepared for the
devil and his angels. Such zeal as that of Mr. Mozley for miracles tends, I
fear, to eat his religion up. The logical threatens to stifles the spiritual. The
truly religious soul needs no miraculous proof of the goodness of Christ.
The words addressed to Matthew at the receipt of custom required no
miracle to produce obedience. It was by no stroke of the supernatural that
Jesus caused those sent to seize Him to go backward and fall to the ground.
It was the sublime and holy effluence from within, which needed no
prodigy to commend it to the reverence even of his foes.
As regards the function of miracles in the founding of a religion, Mr.
Mozley institutes a comparison between the religion of Christ and that of
Mahomet; and he derides the latter as 'irrational' because it does not profess
to adduce miracles in proof of its supernatural origin. But the religion of
Mahomet, notwithstanding this drawback, has thriven in the world, and at
one time it held sway over larger populations than Christianity itself. The
spread and influence of Christianity are, however, brought forward by Mr.
Mozley as 'a permanent, enormous, and incalculable practical result' of
Christian miracles; and he makes use of this result to strengthen his plea for
the miraculous. His logical warrant for this proceeding is not clear. It is the
method of science, when a phenomenon presents itself, towards the
production of which several elements may contribute, to exclude them one
by one, so as to arrive at length at the truly effective cause. Heat, for
example, is associated with a phenomenon; we exclude heat, but the
phenomenon remains: hence, heat is not its cause. Magnetism is associated
with a phenomenon; we exclude magnetism, but the phenomenon remains:
hence, magnetism is not its cause. Thus, also, when we seek the cause of a
diffusion of a religion — whether it be due to miracles, or to the spiritual
force of its founders — we exclude the miracles, and, finding the result
unchanged, we infer that miracles are not the effective cause. This
important experiment Mahometanism has made for us. It has lived and
spread without miracles; and to assert, in the face of this, that Christianity
has spread because of miracles, is, I submit, opposed both to the spirit of
science and the common sense of mankind.
Page 415
The incongruity of inferring moral goodness from miraculous power has
been dwelt upon above; in another particular also the strain put by Mr.
Mozley upon miracles is, I think, more than they can bear. In consistency
with his principles, it is difficult to see how he is to draw from the miracles
of Christ any certain conclusion as to His Divine nature. He dwells very
forcibly on what he calls 'the argument from experience,' in the demolition
of which he takes obvious delight. He destroys the argument, and repeats it,
for the mere Pleasure of again and again knocking the breath out of it.
Experience, he urges, can only deal with the past; and the moment we
attempt to project experience a hair's-breadth beyond the point it has at any
moment reached, we are condemned by reason. It appears to me that when
be infers from Christ's miracles a Divine and altogether superhuman energy,
Mr. Mozley places himself precisely under this condemnation. For what is
his logical ground for concluding that the miracles of the New Testament
illustrate Divine power? May they not be the result of expanded human
power? A miracle he defines as something impossible to man. But how does
he know that the miracles of the New Testament are impossible to man?
Seek as he may, he has absolutely no reason to adduce save this — that man
has never hitherto accomplished such things. But does the fact that man has
never raised the dead prove that he can never raise the dead? 'Assuredly
not,' must be Mr. Mozley's reply; 'for this would be pushing experience
beyond the limit it has now reached — which I pronounce unlawful.' Then a
period may come when man will be able to raise the dead. If this be
conceded — and I do not see how Mr. Mozley can avoid the concession —
it destroys the necessity of inferring Christ's Divinity from His miracles.
He, it may be contended, antedated the humanity of the future; as a mighty
tidal wave leaves high upon the beach a mark which by-and-by becomes the
general level of the ocean. Turn the matter as you will, no other warrant will
be found for the all-important conclusion that Christ's miracles demonstrate
Divine power, than an argument which has been stigmatised by Mr. Mozley
as a 'rope of sand' — the argument from experience.
The learned Bampton Lecturer would be in this position, even had he seen
with his own eyes every miracle recorded in the New Testament. But he has
not seen these miracles; and his intellectual plight is therefore worse. He
accepts these miracles on testimony. Why does he believe that testimony?
How does he know that it is not delusion; how is he sure that it is not even
been dwelt upon above; in another particular also the strain put by Mr.
Mozley upon miracles is, I think, more than they can bear. In consistency
with his principles, it is difficult to see how he is to draw from the miracles
of Christ any certain conclusion as to His Divine nature. He dwells very
forcibly on what he calls 'the argument from experience,' in the demolition
of which he takes obvious delight. He destroys the argument, and repeats it,
for the mere Pleasure of again and again knocking the breath out of it.
Experience, he urges, can only deal with the past; and the moment we
attempt to project experience a hair's-breadth beyond the point it has at any
moment reached, we are condemned by reason. It appears to me that when
be infers from Christ's miracles a Divine and altogether superhuman energy,
Mr. Mozley places himself precisely under this condemnation. For what is
his logical ground for concluding that the miracles of the New Testament
illustrate Divine power? May they not be the result of expanded human
power? A miracle he defines as something impossible to man. But how does
he know that the miracles of the New Testament are impossible to man?
Seek as he may, he has absolutely no reason to adduce save this — that man
has never hitherto accomplished such things. But does the fact that man has
never raised the dead prove that he can never raise the dead? 'Assuredly
not,' must be Mr. Mozley's reply; 'for this would be pushing experience
beyond the limit it has now reached — which I pronounce unlawful.' Then a
period may come when man will be able to raise the dead. If this be
conceded — and I do not see how Mr. Mozley can avoid the concession —
it destroys the necessity of inferring Christ's Divinity from His miracles.
He, it may be contended, antedated the humanity of the future; as a mighty
tidal wave leaves high upon the beach a mark which by-and-by becomes the
general level of the ocean. Turn the matter as you will, no other warrant will
be found for the all-important conclusion that Christ's miracles demonstrate
Divine power, than an argument which has been stigmatised by Mr. Mozley
as a 'rope of sand' — the argument from experience.
The learned Bampton Lecturer would be in this position, even had he seen
with his own eyes every miracle recorded in the New Testament. But he has
not seen these miracles; and his intellectual plight is therefore worse. He
accepts these miracles on testimony. Why does he believe that testimony?
How does he know that it is not delusion; how is he sure that it is not even
Page 416
fraud? He will answer, that the writing bears the marks of sobriety and
truth; and that in many cases the bearers of this message to mankind sealed
it with their blood. Granted with all my heart; but whence the value of all
this? Is it not solely derived from the fact that men, as we know them, do
not sacrifice their lives in the attestation of that which they know to be
untrue? Does not the entire value of the testimony of the Apostles depend
ultimately upon our experience of human nature? It appears, then, that those
said to have seen the miracles, based their inferences from what they saw
on the argument from experience; and that Mr. Mozley bases his belief in
their testimony on the same argument. The weakness of his conclusion is
quadrupled by this double insertion of a principle of belief, to which he
flatly denies rationality. His reasoning, in fact, cuts two ways — if it
destroys our trust in the order of nature, it far more effectually abolishes the
basis on which Mr. Mozley seeks to found the Christian religion.
-----
Over this argument from experience, which at bottom is his argument, Mr.
Mozley rides rough-shod. There is a dash of scorn in the energy with which
he tramples on it. Probably some previous writer had made too much of it,
and thus invited his powerful assault. Finding the difficulty of belief in
miracles to rise from their being in contradiction to the order of nature, he
sets himself to examine the grounds of our belief in that order. With a
vigour of logic rarely equalled, and with a confidence in its conclusions
never surpassed, he disposes of this belief in a manner calculated to startle
those who, without due examination, had come to the conclusion that the
order of nature was secure. What we mean, he says, by our belief in the
order of nature, is the belief that the future will be like the past. There is
not, according to Mr. Mozley, the slightest rational basis for this belief.
'That any cause in nature is more permanent than its existing and known
effects, extending further, and about to produce other and more instances
besides what it has produced already, we have no evidence. Let us imagine,'
he continues, 'the occurrence of a particular physical phenomenon for the
first time. Upon that single occurrence we should have but the very faintest
expectation of another. If it did occur again, once or twice, so far from
counting on another occurrence, a cessation would occur as the most natural
truth; and that in many cases the bearers of this message to mankind sealed
it with their blood. Granted with all my heart; but whence the value of all
this? Is it not solely derived from the fact that men, as we know them, do
not sacrifice their lives in the attestation of that which they know to be
untrue? Does not the entire value of the testimony of the Apostles depend
ultimately upon our experience of human nature? It appears, then, that those
said to have seen the miracles, based their inferences from what they saw
on the argument from experience; and that Mr. Mozley bases his belief in
their testimony on the same argument. The weakness of his conclusion is
quadrupled by this double insertion of a principle of belief, to which he
flatly denies rationality. His reasoning, in fact, cuts two ways — if it
destroys our trust in the order of nature, it far more effectually abolishes the
basis on which Mr. Mozley seeks to found the Christian religion.
-----
Over this argument from experience, which at bottom is his argument, Mr.
Mozley rides rough-shod. There is a dash of scorn in the energy with which
he tramples on it. Probably some previous writer had made too much of it,
and thus invited his powerful assault. Finding the difficulty of belief in
miracles to rise from their being in contradiction to the order of nature, he
sets himself to examine the grounds of our belief in that order. With a
vigour of logic rarely equalled, and with a confidence in its conclusions
never surpassed, he disposes of this belief in a manner calculated to startle
those who, without due examination, had come to the conclusion that the
order of nature was secure. What we mean, he says, by our belief in the
order of nature, is the belief that the future will be like the past. There is
not, according to Mr. Mozley, the slightest rational basis for this belief.
'That any cause in nature is more permanent than its existing and known
effects, extending further, and about to produce other and more instances
besides what it has produced already, we have no evidence. Let us imagine,'
he continues, 'the occurrence of a particular physical phenomenon for the
first time. Upon that single occurrence we should have but the very faintest
expectation of another. If it did occur again, once or twice, so far from
counting on another occurrence, a cessation would occur as the most natural
Page 417
event to us. But let it continue one hundred times, and we should find no
hesitation in inviting persons from a distance to see it; and if it occurred
every day for years, its occurrence would be a certainty to us, its cessation a
marvel... What ground of reason can we assign for an expectation that any
part of the course of nature will be the next moment what it has been up to
this moment, i.e. for our belief in the uniformity of nature 'None. No
demonstrative reason can be given, for the contrary to the recurrence of a
fact of nature is no contradiction. No probable reason can be given; for all
probable reasoning respecting the course of nature is founded upon this
presumption of likeness, and therefore cannot be the foundation of it. No
reason can be given for this belief. It is without a reason. It rests upon no
rational grounds, and can be traced to no rational principle.'
-----
'Everything,' Mr. Mozley, however, adds, 'depends upon this belief, every
provision we make for the future, every safeguard and caution we employ
against it, all calculation, all adjustment of means to ends, supposes this
belief; and yet this belief has no more producible reason for it than a
speculation of fancy It is necessary, all-important for the purposes of life,
but solely practical, and possesses no intellectual character.
'… The proper function,' continues Mr. Mozley, 'of the inductive principle,
the argument from experience, the belief in the order of nature — by
whatever phrase we designate the same instinct — is to operate as a
practical basis for the affairs of life and the carrying on of human society.'
To sum up, the belief in the order of nature is general, but it is 'an
unintelligent impulse, of which we can give no rational account.' It is
inserted into our constitution solely to induce us to till our fields, to raise
our winter fuel, and thus to meet the future on the perfectly gratuitous
supposition that it will be like the past.
'Thus, step by step,' says Mr. Mozley, with the emphasis of a man who feels
his position to be a strong one, 'has philosophy loosened the connection of
the order of nature with the ground of reason, befriending in exact
proportion as it has done this the principle of miracles.' For 'this belief not
having itself a foundation in reason, the ground is gone upon which it could
be maintained that miracles, as opposed to the order of nature, are opposed
hesitation in inviting persons from a distance to see it; and if it occurred
every day for years, its occurrence would be a certainty to us, its cessation a
marvel... What ground of reason can we assign for an expectation that any
part of the course of nature will be the next moment what it has been up to
this moment, i.e. for our belief in the uniformity of nature 'None. No
demonstrative reason can be given, for the contrary to the recurrence of a
fact of nature is no contradiction. No probable reason can be given; for all
probable reasoning respecting the course of nature is founded upon this
presumption of likeness, and therefore cannot be the foundation of it. No
reason can be given for this belief. It is without a reason. It rests upon no
rational grounds, and can be traced to no rational principle.'
-----
'Everything,' Mr. Mozley, however, adds, 'depends upon this belief, every
provision we make for the future, every safeguard and caution we employ
against it, all calculation, all adjustment of means to ends, supposes this
belief; and yet this belief has no more producible reason for it than a
speculation of fancy It is necessary, all-important for the purposes of life,
but solely practical, and possesses no intellectual character.
'… The proper function,' continues Mr. Mozley, 'of the inductive principle,
the argument from experience, the belief in the order of nature — by
whatever phrase we designate the same instinct — is to operate as a
practical basis for the affairs of life and the carrying on of human society.'
To sum up, the belief in the order of nature is general, but it is 'an
unintelligent impulse, of which we can give no rational account.' It is
inserted into our constitution solely to induce us to till our fields, to raise
our winter fuel, and thus to meet the future on the perfectly gratuitous
supposition that it will be like the past.
'Thus, step by step,' says Mr. Mozley, with the emphasis of a man who feels
his position to be a strong one, 'has philosophy loosened the connection of
the order of nature with the ground of reason, befriending in exact
proportion as it has done this the principle of miracles.' For 'this belief not
having itself a foundation in reason, the ground is gone upon which it could
be maintained that miracles, as opposed to the order of nature, are opposed
Page 418
to reason.' When we regard this belief in connection with science, 'in which
connection it receives a more imposing name, and is called the inductive
principle,' the result is the same. 'The inductive principle is only this
unreasoning impulse applied to a scientifically ascertained fact… Science
has led up to the fact; but there it stops, and for converting this fact into a
law, a totally unscientific principle comes into play, the same as that which
generalises the commonest observation of nature.'
The eloquent pleader of the cause of miracles passes over without a word
the results of scientific investigation, as proving anything rational regarding
the principles or method by which such results have been achieved. Here, as
elsewhere, be declines the test, 'By their fruits shall ye know them.' Perhaps
our best way of proceeding will be to give one or two examples of the mode
in which men of science apply the unintelligent impulse with which Mr.
Mozley credits them, and which shall show, by illustration, the surreptitious
method whereby they climb from the region of facts to that of laws.
Before the sixteenth century it was known that water rises in a pump; the
effect being then explained by the maxim that 'Nature abhors a vacuum.' It
was not known that there was any limit to the height to which the water
would ascend, until, on one occasion, the gardeners of Florence, while
attempting to raise water to a very great elevation, found that the column
ceased at a height of thirty-two feet. Beyond this all
the skill of the pump-maker could not get it to rise. The fact was brought to
the notice of Galileo, and he, soured by a world which had not treated his
science over kindly, is said to have twitted the philosophy of the time by
remarking that nature evidently abhorred a vacuum only to a height of
thirty-two feet. Galileo, however, did not solve the problem. It was taken up
by his pupil Torricelli, to whom, after due pondering, the thought occurred,
that the water might be forced into the tube by a pressure applied to the
surface of the liquid outside. But where, under the actual circumstances,
was such a pressure to be found? After much reflection, it flashed upon
Torricelli that the atmosphere might possibly exert this pressure; that the
impalpable air might possess weight, and that a column of water thirty-two
feet high might be of the exact weight necessary to hold the pressure of the
atmosphere in equilibrium.
connection it receives a more imposing name, and is called the inductive
principle,' the result is the same. 'The inductive principle is only this
unreasoning impulse applied to a scientifically ascertained fact… Science
has led up to the fact; but there it stops, and for converting this fact into a
law, a totally unscientific principle comes into play, the same as that which
generalises the commonest observation of nature.'
The eloquent pleader of the cause of miracles passes over without a word
the results of scientific investigation, as proving anything rational regarding
the principles or method by which such results have been achieved. Here, as
elsewhere, be declines the test, 'By their fruits shall ye know them.' Perhaps
our best way of proceeding will be to give one or two examples of the mode
in which men of science apply the unintelligent impulse with which Mr.
Mozley credits them, and which shall show, by illustration, the surreptitious
method whereby they climb from the region of facts to that of laws.
Before the sixteenth century it was known that water rises in a pump; the
effect being then explained by the maxim that 'Nature abhors a vacuum.' It
was not known that there was any limit to the height to which the water
would ascend, until, on one occasion, the gardeners of Florence, while
attempting to raise water to a very great elevation, found that the column
ceased at a height of thirty-two feet. Beyond this all
the skill of the pump-maker could not get it to rise. The fact was brought to
the notice of Galileo, and he, soured by a world which had not treated his
science over kindly, is said to have twitted the philosophy of the time by
remarking that nature evidently abhorred a vacuum only to a height of
thirty-two feet. Galileo, however, did not solve the problem. It was taken up
by his pupil Torricelli, to whom, after due pondering, the thought occurred,
that the water might be forced into the tube by a pressure applied to the
surface of the liquid outside. But where, under the actual circumstances,
was such a pressure to be found? After much reflection, it flashed upon
Torricelli that the atmosphere might possibly exert this pressure; that the
impalpable air might possess weight, and that a column of water thirty-two
feet high might be of the exact weight necessary to hold the pressure of the
atmosphere in equilibrium.
Page 419
There is much in this process of pondering and its results which it is
impossible to analyse. It is by a kind of inspiration that we rise from the
wise and sedulous contemplation of facts to the principles on which they
depend. The mind is, as it were, a photographic plate, which is gradually
cleansed by the effort to think rightly, and which, when so cleansed, and not
before, receives impressions from the light of truth. This passage from 'facts
to principles is called induction; and induction, in its highest form, is, as I
have just stated, a kind of inspiration. But, to make it sure, the inward sight
must be shown to be in accordance with outward fact. To prove or disprove
the induction, we must resort to deduction and experiment.
Torricelli reasoned thus: If a column of water thirty-two feet high holds the
pressure of the atmosphere in equilibrium, a shorter column of a heavier
liquid ought to do the same. Now, mercury is thirteen times heavier
than water; hence, if my induction be correct, the atmosphere ought to be
able to sustain only thirty inches of mercury. Here, then, is a deduction
which can be immediately submitted to experiment. Torricelli took a glass
tube a yard or so in length, closed at one end and open at the other, and
filling it with mercury, he stopped the open end with his thumb, and
inverted it into a basin filled with the liquid metal. One can imagine the
feeling with which Torricelli removed his thumb,
and the delight he experienced on finding that his thought had forestalled a
fact never before revealed to human eyes. The column sank, but it ceased to
sink at a height of thirty inches, leaving the Torricellian vacuum over-head.
From that hour the theory of the pump was established.
The celebrated Pascal followed Torricelli with another deduction. He
reasoned thus: If the mercurial column be supported by the atmosphere, the
higher we ascend in the air, the lower the column ought to sink, for the less
will be the weight of the air overhead. He caused a friend to ascend the Puy
de Dôme, carrying with him a barometric column; and it was found that
during the ascent the column sank, and that during the subsequent descent
the column rose.
Between the time here referred to and the present, millions of experiments
have been made upon this subject. Every village pump is an apparatus for
impossible to analyse. It is by a kind of inspiration that we rise from the
wise and sedulous contemplation of facts to the principles on which they
depend. The mind is, as it were, a photographic plate, which is gradually
cleansed by the effort to think rightly, and which, when so cleansed, and not
before, receives impressions from the light of truth. This passage from 'facts
to principles is called induction; and induction, in its highest form, is, as I
have just stated, a kind of inspiration. But, to make it sure, the inward sight
must be shown to be in accordance with outward fact. To prove or disprove
the induction, we must resort to deduction and experiment.
Torricelli reasoned thus: If a column of water thirty-two feet high holds the
pressure of the atmosphere in equilibrium, a shorter column of a heavier
liquid ought to do the same. Now, mercury is thirteen times heavier
than water; hence, if my induction be correct, the atmosphere ought to be
able to sustain only thirty inches of mercury. Here, then, is a deduction
which can be immediately submitted to experiment. Torricelli took a glass
tube a yard or so in length, closed at one end and open at the other, and
filling it with mercury, he stopped the open end with his thumb, and
inverted it into a basin filled with the liquid metal. One can imagine the
feeling with which Torricelli removed his thumb,
and the delight he experienced on finding that his thought had forestalled a
fact never before revealed to human eyes. The column sank, but it ceased to
sink at a height of thirty inches, leaving the Torricellian vacuum over-head.
From that hour the theory of the pump was established.
The celebrated Pascal followed Torricelli with another deduction. He
reasoned thus: If the mercurial column be supported by the atmosphere, the
higher we ascend in the air, the lower the column ought to sink, for the less
will be the weight of the air overhead. He caused a friend to ascend the Puy
de Dôme, carrying with him a barometric column; and it was found that
during the ascent the column sank, and that during the subsequent descent
the column rose.
Between the time here referred to and the present, millions of experiments
have been made upon this subject. Every village pump is an apparatus for
Page 420
such experiments. In thousands of instances, moreover, pumps have refused
to work; but on examination it has infallibly been found that the well was
dry, that the pump required priming, or that some other defect in the
apparatus accounted for the anomalous action. In every case of the kind the
skill of the pump-maker has been found to be the true remedy. In no case
has the pressure of the atmosphere ceased; constancy, as regards the lifting
of pump-water, has been hitherto the demonstrated rule of nature. So also as
regards Pascal's experiment. His experience has been the universal
experience ever since. Men have climbed mountains, and gone up in
balloons; but no deviation from Pascal's result has ever been observed.
Barometers, like pumps, have refused to act; but instead of indicating any
suspension of the operations of nature, or any interference on the part of its
Author with atmospheric pressure, examination has in every instance fixed
the anomaly upon the instruments themselves. It is this welding, then, of
rigid logic to verifying fact that Mr. Mozley refers to an 'unreasoning
impulse.'
Let us now briefly consider the case of Newton. Before his time men had
occupied themselves with the problem of the solar system. Kepler had
deduced, from a vast mass of observations, those general expressions of
planetary motion known as 'Kepler's laws.' It had been observed that a
magnet attracts iron; and by one of those flashes of inspiration which reveal
to the human mind the vast in the minute, the general in the particular, it
had been inferred, that the force by which bodies fall to the earth might also
be an attraction. Newton pondered all these things. He looked, as was his
wont, into the darkness until it became entirely luminous. How this light
arises we cannot explain; but, as a matter of fact, it does arise. Let me
remark here, that this kind of pondering is a process with which the ancients
could have been but imperfectly acquainted. They, for the most part, found
the exercise of fantasy more pleasant than careful observation, and
subsequent brooding over facts. Hence it is, that when those whose
education has been derived from the ancients speak of 'the reason of man,'
they are apt to omit from their conception of reason one of its most
important factors.
Well, Newton slowly marshalled his thoughts, or rather they came to him
while he 'intended his mind,' rising like a series of intellectual births out of
to work; but on examination it has infallibly been found that the well was
dry, that the pump required priming, or that some other defect in the
apparatus accounted for the anomalous action. In every case of the kind the
skill of the pump-maker has been found to be the true remedy. In no case
has the pressure of the atmosphere ceased; constancy, as regards the lifting
of pump-water, has been hitherto the demonstrated rule of nature. So also as
regards Pascal's experiment. His experience has been the universal
experience ever since. Men have climbed mountains, and gone up in
balloons; but no deviation from Pascal's result has ever been observed.
Barometers, like pumps, have refused to act; but instead of indicating any
suspension of the operations of nature, or any interference on the part of its
Author with atmospheric pressure, examination has in every instance fixed
the anomaly upon the instruments themselves. It is this welding, then, of
rigid logic to verifying fact that Mr. Mozley refers to an 'unreasoning
impulse.'
Let us now briefly consider the case of Newton. Before his time men had
occupied themselves with the problem of the solar system. Kepler had
deduced, from a vast mass of observations, those general expressions of
planetary motion known as 'Kepler's laws.' It had been observed that a
magnet attracts iron; and by one of those flashes of inspiration which reveal
to the human mind the vast in the minute, the general in the particular, it
had been inferred, that the force by which bodies fall to the earth might also
be an attraction. Newton pondered all these things. He looked, as was his
wont, into the darkness until it became entirely luminous. How this light
arises we cannot explain; but, as a matter of fact, it does arise. Let me
remark here, that this kind of pondering is a process with which the ancients
could have been but imperfectly acquainted. They, for the most part, found
the exercise of fantasy more pleasant than careful observation, and
subsequent brooding over facts. Hence it is, that when those whose
education has been derived from the ancients speak of 'the reason of man,'
they are apt to omit from their conception of reason one of its most
important factors.
Well, Newton slowly marshalled his thoughts, or rather they came to him
while he 'intended his mind,' rising like a series of intellectual births out of
Page 421
chaos. He made this idea of attraction his own. But, to apply the idea to the
solar system, it was necessary to know the magnitude of the attraction, and
the law of its variation with the distance. His conceptions first of all passed
from the action of the earth as a whole, to that of its constituent particles.
And persistent thought brought more and more clearly out the final
conclusion, that every particle of matter attracts every other particle with a
force varying inversely as the square of the distance between the particles.
Here we have the flower and outcome of Newton's induction; and how to
verify it, or to disprove it, was the next question. The first step of the
philosopher in this direction was to prove, mathematically, that if this law
of attraction be the true one; if the earth be constituted of particles which
obey this law; then the action of a sphere equal to the earth in size on a
body outside of it, is the same as that which would be exerted if the whole
mass of the sphere were contracted to a point at its centre. Practically
speaking, then, the centre of the earth is the point from which distances
must be measured to bodies attracted by the earth.
From experiments executed before his time, Newton knew the amount of
the earth's attraction at the earth's surface, or at a distance of 4,000 miles
from its centre. His object now was to measure the attraction at a greater
distance, and thus to determine the law of its diminution. But how was he to
find a body at a sufficient distance? He had no balloon? and even if he had,
he knew that any height to which he could attain would be too small to
enable him to solve his problem. What did he do? He fixed his thoughts
upon the moon; — a body 240,000 miles, or sixty times the earth's radius,
from the earth's centre. He virtually weighed the moon, and found that
weight to be 1/3600th of what it would be at the earth's surface. This is
exactly what his theory required. I will not dwell here upon the pause of
Newton after his first calculations, or speak of his self-denial in withholding
them because they did not quite agree with the observations then at his
command. Newton's action in this matter is the normal action of the
scientific mind. If it were otherwise — if scientific men were not
accustomed to demand verification — if they were satisfied with the
imperfect while the perfect is attainable, their science, instead of being, as it
is, a fortress of adamant, would be a house of clay, ill-fitted to bear the
buffetings of the theologic storms to which it is periodically exposed.
solar system, it was necessary to know the magnitude of the attraction, and
the law of its variation with the distance. His conceptions first of all passed
from the action of the earth as a whole, to that of its constituent particles.
And persistent thought brought more and more clearly out the final
conclusion, that every particle of matter attracts every other particle with a
force varying inversely as the square of the distance between the particles.
Here we have the flower and outcome of Newton's induction; and how to
verify it, or to disprove it, was the next question. The first step of the
philosopher in this direction was to prove, mathematically, that if this law
of attraction be the true one; if the earth be constituted of particles which
obey this law; then the action of a sphere equal to the earth in size on a
body outside of it, is the same as that which would be exerted if the whole
mass of the sphere were contracted to a point at its centre. Practically
speaking, then, the centre of the earth is the point from which distances
must be measured to bodies attracted by the earth.
From experiments executed before his time, Newton knew the amount of
the earth's attraction at the earth's surface, or at a distance of 4,000 miles
from its centre. His object now was to measure the attraction at a greater
distance, and thus to determine the law of its diminution. But how was he to
find a body at a sufficient distance? He had no balloon? and even if he had,
he knew that any height to which he could attain would be too small to
enable him to solve his problem. What did he do? He fixed his thoughts
upon the moon; — a body 240,000 miles, or sixty times the earth's radius,
from the earth's centre. He virtually weighed the moon, and found that
weight to be 1/3600th of what it would be at the earth's surface. This is
exactly what his theory required. I will not dwell here upon the pause of
Newton after his first calculations, or speak of his self-denial in withholding
them because they did not quite agree with the observations then at his
command. Newton's action in this matter is the normal action of the
scientific mind. If it were otherwise — if scientific men were not
accustomed to demand verification — if they were satisfied with the
imperfect while the perfect is attainable, their science, instead of being, as it
is, a fortress of adamant, would be a house of clay, ill-fitted to bear the
buffetings of the theologic storms to which it is periodically exposed.
Page 422
Thus we see that Newton, like Torricelli, first pondered his facts,
illuminated them with persistent thought, and finally divined the character
of the force of gravitation. But, having thus travelled inward to the
principle, he reversed his steps, carried the principle outwards, and justified
it by demonstrating its fitness to external nature.
And here, in passing, I would notice a point which is well worthy of
attention. Kepler had deduced his laws from observation. As far back as
those observations extended, the planetary motions had obeyed these laws;
and neither Kepler nor Newton entertained a doubt as to their continuing to
obey them. Year after year, as the ages rolled, they believed that those laws
would continue to illustrate themselves in the heavens. But this was not
sufficient. The scientific mind can find no repose in the mere registration of
sequence in nature. The further question intrudes itself with resistless might,
Whence comes the sequence? What is it that binds the consequent to its
antecedent in nature? The truly scientific intellect never can attain rest until
it reaches the forces by which the observed succession is produced. It was
thus with Torricelli; it was thus with Newton; it is thus pre-eminently with
the scientific man of to-day. In common with the most ignorant, he shares
the belief that spring will succeed winter, that summer will succeed spring,
that autumn will succeed summer, and that winter will succeed autumn. But
he knows still further — and this knowledge is essential to his intellectual
repose — that this succession, besides being permanent, is, under the
circumstances, necessary; that the gravitating force exerted between the sun
and a revolving sphere with an axis inclined to the plane of its orbit, must
produce the observed succession of the seasons. Not until this relation
between forces and phenomena has been established, is the law of reason
rendered concentric with the law of nature; and not until this is effected
does the mind of the scientific philosopher rest in peace.
The expectation of likeness, then, in the procession of phenomena, is not
that on which the scientific mind founds its belief in the order of nature. If
the force be permanent the phenomena are necessary, whether they
resemble or do not resemble anything that has gone before. Hence, in
judging of the order of nature, our enquiries eventually relate to the
permanence of force. From Galileo to Newton, from Newton to our own
illuminated them with persistent thought, and finally divined the character
of the force of gravitation. But, having thus travelled inward to the
principle, he reversed his steps, carried the principle outwards, and justified
it by demonstrating its fitness to external nature.
And here, in passing, I would notice a point which is well worthy of
attention. Kepler had deduced his laws from observation. As far back as
those observations extended, the planetary motions had obeyed these laws;
and neither Kepler nor Newton entertained a doubt as to their continuing to
obey them. Year after year, as the ages rolled, they believed that those laws
would continue to illustrate themselves in the heavens. But this was not
sufficient. The scientific mind can find no repose in the mere registration of
sequence in nature. The further question intrudes itself with resistless might,
Whence comes the sequence? What is it that binds the consequent to its
antecedent in nature? The truly scientific intellect never can attain rest until
it reaches the forces by which the observed succession is produced. It was
thus with Torricelli; it was thus with Newton; it is thus pre-eminently with
the scientific man of to-day. In common with the most ignorant, he shares
the belief that spring will succeed winter, that summer will succeed spring,
that autumn will succeed summer, and that winter will succeed autumn. But
he knows still further — and this knowledge is essential to his intellectual
repose — that this succession, besides being permanent, is, under the
circumstances, necessary; that the gravitating force exerted between the sun
and a revolving sphere with an axis inclined to the plane of its orbit, must
produce the observed succession of the seasons. Not until this relation
between forces and phenomena has been established, is the law of reason
rendered concentric with the law of nature; and not until this is effected
does the mind of the scientific philosopher rest in peace.
The expectation of likeness, then, in the procession of phenomena, is not
that on which the scientific mind founds its belief in the order of nature. If
the force be permanent the phenomena are necessary, whether they
resemble or do not resemble anything that has gone before. Hence, in
judging of the order of nature, our enquiries eventually relate to the
permanence of force. From Galileo to Newton, from Newton to our own
Page 423
time, eager eyes have been scanning the heavens, and clear heads have been
pondering the phenomena of the
solar system. The same eyes and minds have been also observing,
experimenting, and reflecting on the action of gravity at the surface of the
earth. Nothing has occurred to indicate that the operation of the law has for
a moment been suspended; nothing has ever intimated that nature has been
crossed by spontaneous action, or that a state of things at any time existed
which could not be rigorously deduced from the preceding state.
Given the distribution of matter, and the forces in operation, in the time of
Galileo, the competent mathematician of that day could predict what is now
occurring in our own. We calculate eclipses in advance, and find our
calculations true to the second. We determine the dates of those that have
occurred in the early times of history, and find calculation and history in
harmony. Anomalies and perturbations in the planets have been over and
over again observed; but these, instead of demonstrating any inconstancy on
the part of natural law, have invariably been reduced to consequences of
that law. Instead of referring the perturbations of Uranus to any interference
on the part of the Author of nature with the law of gravitation, the question
which the astronomer proposed to himself was, 'How, in accordance with
this law, can the perturbation be produced?' Guided by a principle, he was
enabled to fix the point of space in which, if a mass of matter were placed,
the observed perturbations would follow. We know the result. The practical
astronomer turned his telescope towards the region which the intellect of
the theoretic astronomer had already explored, and the Planet now named
Neptune was found in its predicted Place. A very respectable outcome, it
will be admitted, of an impulse which 'rests upon no rational grounds, and
can be traced to no rational principle;' which possesses 'no intellectual
character;' which 'philosophy' has uprooted from 'the ground of reason,' and
fixed in that 'large irrational department' discovered for it, by Mr. Mozley,
in the hitherto unexplored wilderness of the human mind.
The proper function of the inductive principle, or the belief in the order of
nature, says Mr. Mozley, is 'to act as a practical basis for the affairs of life,
and the carrying on of human society.' But what, it may be asked, has the
planet Neptune, or the belts of Jupiter, or the whiteness about the poles of
pondering the phenomena of the
solar system. The same eyes and minds have been also observing,
experimenting, and reflecting on the action of gravity at the surface of the
earth. Nothing has occurred to indicate that the operation of the law has for
a moment been suspended; nothing has ever intimated that nature has been
crossed by spontaneous action, or that a state of things at any time existed
which could not be rigorously deduced from the preceding state.
Given the distribution of matter, and the forces in operation, in the time of
Galileo, the competent mathematician of that day could predict what is now
occurring in our own. We calculate eclipses in advance, and find our
calculations true to the second. We determine the dates of those that have
occurred in the early times of history, and find calculation and history in
harmony. Anomalies and perturbations in the planets have been over and
over again observed; but these, instead of demonstrating any inconstancy on
the part of natural law, have invariably been reduced to consequences of
that law. Instead of referring the perturbations of Uranus to any interference
on the part of the Author of nature with the law of gravitation, the question
which the astronomer proposed to himself was, 'How, in accordance with
this law, can the perturbation be produced?' Guided by a principle, he was
enabled to fix the point of space in which, if a mass of matter were placed,
the observed perturbations would follow. We know the result. The practical
astronomer turned his telescope towards the region which the intellect of
the theoretic astronomer had already explored, and the Planet now named
Neptune was found in its predicted Place. A very respectable outcome, it
will be admitted, of an impulse which 'rests upon no rational grounds, and
can be traced to no rational principle;' which possesses 'no intellectual
character;' which 'philosophy' has uprooted from 'the ground of reason,' and
fixed in that 'large irrational department' discovered for it, by Mr. Mozley,
in the hitherto unexplored wilderness of the human mind.
The proper function of the inductive principle, or the belief in the order of
nature, says Mr. Mozley, is 'to act as a practical basis for the affairs of life,
and the carrying on of human society.' But what, it may be asked, has the
planet Neptune, or the belts of Jupiter, or the whiteness about the poles of
Page 424
Mars, to do with the affairs of society? How is society affected by the fact
that the sun's atmosphere contains sodium, or that the nebula of Orion
contains hydrogen gas? Nineteen-twentieths of the force employed in the
exercise of the inductive principle, which, reiterates Mr. Mozley, is 'purely
practical,' have been expended upon subjects as unpractical as these. What
practical interest has society in the fact that the spots on the sun have a
decennial period, and that when a magnet is closely watched for half a
century, it is found to perform small motions which synchronise with the
appearance and disappearance of the solar spots? And yet, I doubt not, Sir
Edward Sabine would deem a life of intellectual toil amply rewarded by
being privileged to solve, at its close, these infinitesimal motions.
The inductive principle is founded in man's desire to know — a desire
arising from his position among phenomena which are reducible to order by
his intellect: The material universe is the complement of the intellect; and,
without the study of its laws, reason could never have awakened to the
higher forms of self-consciousness at all. It is the Non-ego through and by
which the Ego is endowed with self-discernment. We hold it to be an
exercise of reason to explore the meaning of a universe to which we stand
in this relation, and the work we have accomplished is the proper
commentary on the methods we have pursued.
Before these methods were adopted the unbridled imagination roamed
through nature, putting in the place of law the figments of superstitious
dread. For thousands of years witchcraft, and magic, and miracles, and
special providences, and Mr. Mozley's 'distinctive reason of man,' had the
world to themselves. They made worse than nothing of it — worse, I say,
because they let and hindered those who might have made something of it.
Hence it is, that during a single lifetime of this era of 'unintelligent impulse,'
the progress in knowledge is all but infinite as compared with that of the
ages which preceded ours.
The believers in magic and miracles of a couple of centuries ago had all the
strength of Mr. Mozley's present logic on their side. They had done for
themselves what he rejoices in having so effectually done for us — cleared
the ground of the belief in the order of nature, and declared magic, miracles,
and witchcraft to be matters for 'ordinary evidence' to decide. 'The principle
that the sun's atmosphere contains sodium, or that the nebula of Orion
contains hydrogen gas? Nineteen-twentieths of the force employed in the
exercise of the inductive principle, which, reiterates Mr. Mozley, is 'purely
practical,' have been expended upon subjects as unpractical as these. What
practical interest has society in the fact that the spots on the sun have a
decennial period, and that when a magnet is closely watched for half a
century, it is found to perform small motions which synchronise with the
appearance and disappearance of the solar spots? And yet, I doubt not, Sir
Edward Sabine would deem a life of intellectual toil amply rewarded by
being privileged to solve, at its close, these infinitesimal motions.
The inductive principle is founded in man's desire to know — a desire
arising from his position among phenomena which are reducible to order by
his intellect: The material universe is the complement of the intellect; and,
without the study of its laws, reason could never have awakened to the
higher forms of self-consciousness at all. It is the Non-ego through and by
which the Ego is endowed with self-discernment. We hold it to be an
exercise of reason to explore the meaning of a universe to which we stand
in this relation, and the work we have accomplished is the proper
commentary on the methods we have pursued.
Before these methods were adopted the unbridled imagination roamed
through nature, putting in the place of law the figments of superstitious
dread. For thousands of years witchcraft, and magic, and miracles, and
special providences, and Mr. Mozley's 'distinctive reason of man,' had the
world to themselves. They made worse than nothing of it — worse, I say,
because they let and hindered those who might have made something of it.
Hence it is, that during a single lifetime of this era of 'unintelligent impulse,'
the progress in knowledge is all but infinite as compared with that of the
ages which preceded ours.
The believers in magic and miracles of a couple of centuries ago had all the
strength of Mr. Mozley's present logic on their side. They had done for
themselves what he rejoices in having so effectually done for us — cleared
the ground of the belief in the order of nature, and declared magic, miracles,
and witchcraft to be matters for 'ordinary evidence' to decide. 'The principle
Page 425
of miracles' thus 'befriended' had free scope, and we know the result.
Lacking that rock-barrier of natural knowledge which we now possess, keen
jurists and cultivated men were hurried on to deeds, the bare recital of
which makes the blood run cold. Skilled in all the rules of human evidence,
and versed in all the arts of cross-examination, these men, nevertheless,
went systematically astray, and committed the deadliest wrongs against
humanity. And why? Because they could not put Nature into the witness-
box, and question her — of her voiceless 'testimony' they knew nothing. In
all cases between man and man, their judgment was to be relied on; but in
all cases between man and nature, they were blind leaders of the blind.
[Footnote: 'In 1664 two women were hung in Suffolk, under a sentence of
Sir Matthew Hale, who took the opportunity of declaring that the reality of
witchcraft was unquestionable; "for first, the Scriptures had affirmed so
much; and secondly, the wisdom of all nations had provided laws against
such persons, which is an argument of their confidence of such a crime." Sir
Thomas Browne, who was a great physician as well as a great writer, was
called as a witness, and swore "that he was clearly of opinion that the
persons were bewitched." ' — Lecky's History of Rationalism, vol. i. p. 120.]
Mr. Mozley concedes that it would be no great result if miracles were only
accepted by the ignorant and superstitious, 'because it is easy to satisfy
those who do not enquire.' But he does consider it 'a great result' that they
have been accepted by the educated. In what sense educated? Like those
statesmen, jurists, and church dignitaries whose education was unable to
save them from the frightful errors glanced at above? Not even in this
sense; for the great mass of Mr. Mozley's educated people had no legal
training, and must have been absolutely defenceless against delusions
which could set even that training at naught. Like nine-tenths of our clergy
at the present day, they were versed in the literature of Greece, Rome, and
Judea; but as regards a knowledge of nature, which is here the one thing
needful, they were 'noble savages,' and nothing more. In the case of
miracles, then, it behoves us to understand the weight of the negative,
before we assign a value to the positive; to comprehend the depositions of
nature, before we attempt to measure, with them, the evidence of men. We
have only to open our eyes to see what honest and even intellectual men
and women are capable of, as to judging evidence, in this nineteenth
century of the Christian era, and in latitude fifty-two degrees north. The
Lacking that rock-barrier of natural knowledge which we now possess, keen
jurists and cultivated men were hurried on to deeds, the bare recital of
which makes the blood run cold. Skilled in all the rules of human evidence,
and versed in all the arts of cross-examination, these men, nevertheless,
went systematically astray, and committed the deadliest wrongs against
humanity. And why? Because they could not put Nature into the witness-
box, and question her — of her voiceless 'testimony' they knew nothing. In
all cases between man and man, their judgment was to be relied on; but in
all cases between man and nature, they were blind leaders of the blind.
[Footnote: 'In 1664 two women were hung in Suffolk, under a sentence of
Sir Matthew Hale, who took the opportunity of declaring that the reality of
witchcraft was unquestionable; "for first, the Scriptures had affirmed so
much; and secondly, the wisdom of all nations had provided laws against
such persons, which is an argument of their confidence of such a crime." Sir
Thomas Browne, who was a great physician as well as a great writer, was
called as a witness, and swore "that he was clearly of opinion that the
persons were bewitched." ' — Lecky's History of Rationalism, vol. i. p. 120.]
Mr. Mozley concedes that it would be no great result if miracles were only
accepted by the ignorant and superstitious, 'because it is easy to satisfy
those who do not enquire.' But he does consider it 'a great result' that they
have been accepted by the educated. In what sense educated? Like those
statesmen, jurists, and church dignitaries whose education was unable to
save them from the frightful errors glanced at above? Not even in this
sense; for the great mass of Mr. Mozley's educated people had no legal
training, and must have been absolutely defenceless against delusions
which could set even that training at naught. Like nine-tenths of our clergy
at the present day, they were versed in the literature of Greece, Rome, and
Judea; but as regards a knowledge of nature, which is here the one thing
needful, they were 'noble savages,' and nothing more. In the case of
miracles, then, it behoves us to understand the weight of the negative,
before we assign a value to the positive; to comprehend the depositions of
nature, before we attempt to measure, with them, the evidence of men. We
have only to open our eyes to see what honest and even intellectual men
and women are capable of, as to judging evidence, in this nineteenth
century of the Christian era, and in latitude fifty-two degrees north. The
Page 426
experience thus gained ought, I imagine, to influence our opinion regarding
the testimony of people inhabiting a sunnier clime, with a richer
imagination, and without a particle of that restraint which the discoveries of
physical science have imposed upon mankind.
.
-----
.
Having thus submitted Mr. Mozley's views to the examination which they
challenged at the hands of a student of nature, I am unwilling to quit his
book without expressing my admiration of his genius, and my respect for
his character. Though barely known to him personally, his recent death
affected me as that of a friend. With regard to the style of his book, I
heartily subscribe to the description with which the 'Times' winds up its
able and appreciative review. It is marked throughout with the most serious
and earnest conviction, but is without a single word from first to last of
asperity or insinuation against opponents; and this not from any deficiency
of feeling as to the importance of the issue, but from a deliberate and
resolutely maintained self-control, and from an over-ruling, ever-present
sense of the duty, on themes like these, of a more than judicial calmness.'
[To the argument regarding the quantity of the miraculous, introduced at
page 17, Mr. Mozley has done me the honour of publishing a Reply in the
seventh volume of the 'Contemporary Review.' — J. T.]
.
--------------------
.
ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON MIRACLES.
AMONG the scraps of manuscript, written at the time when Mr. Mozley's
work occupied my attention, I find the following reflections :—
the testimony of people inhabiting a sunnier clime, with a richer
imagination, and without a particle of that restraint which the discoveries of
physical science have imposed upon mankind.
.
-----
.
Having thus submitted Mr. Mozley's views to the examination which they
challenged at the hands of a student of nature, I am unwilling to quit his
book without expressing my admiration of his genius, and my respect for
his character. Though barely known to him personally, his recent death
affected me as that of a friend. With regard to the style of his book, I
heartily subscribe to the description with which the 'Times' winds up its
able and appreciative review. It is marked throughout with the most serious
and earnest conviction, but is without a single word from first to last of
asperity or insinuation against opponents; and this not from any deficiency
of feeling as to the importance of the issue, but from a deliberate and
resolutely maintained self-control, and from an over-ruling, ever-present
sense of the duty, on themes like these, of a more than judicial calmness.'
[To the argument regarding the quantity of the miraculous, introduced at
page 17, Mr. Mozley has done me the honour of publishing a Reply in the
seventh volume of the 'Contemporary Review.' — J. T.]
.
--------------------
.
ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON MIRACLES.
AMONG the scraps of manuscript, written at the time when Mr. Mozley's
work occupied my attention, I find the following reflections :—
Page 427
With regard to the influence of modern science which Mr. Mozley rates so
low, one obvious effect of it is to enhance the magnitude of many of the
recorded miracles, and to increase proportionably the difficulties of belief.
The ancients knew but little of the vastness of the universe. The Rev. Mr.
Kirkman, for example, has shown what inadequate notions the Jews
entertained regarding the 'firmament of heaven;' and Sir George Airy refers
to the case of a Greek philosopher who was persecuted for hazarding the
assertion, then deemed monstrous, that the sun might be as large as the
whole country of Greece. The concerns of a universe, regarded from this
point of view, were much more commensurate with man and his concerns
than those of the universe which science now reveals to us; and hence that
to suit man's purposes, or that in compliance with his prayers, changes
should occur in the order of the universe, was more easy of belief in the
ancient world than it can be now. In the very magnitude which it assigns to
natural phenomena, science has augmented the distance between them and
man, and increased the popular belief in their orderly progression.
As a natural consequence the demand for evidence is more exacting than it
used to be, whenever it is affirmed that the order of nature has been
disturbed. Let us take as an illustration the miracle by which the victory of
Joshua over the Amorites was rendered complete. In this case the sun is
reported to have stood still for 'about a whole day' upon Gibeon, and the
moon in the valley of Ajalon. An Englishman of average education at the
present day would naturally demand a greater amount of evidence to prove
that this occurrence took place, than would have satisfied an Israelite in the
age succeeding that of Joshua. For to the one, the miracle probably
consisted in the stoppage of a fiery ball less than a yard in diameter, while
to the other it would be the stoppage of an orb fourteen hundred thousand
times the earth in size. And even accepting the interpretation that Joshua
dealt with what was apparent merely, but that what really occurred was the
suspension of the earth's rotation, I think the right to exercise a greater
reserve in accepting the miracle, and to demand stronger evidence in
support of it than that which would have satisfied an ancient Israelite, will
still be conceded to a man of science.
There is a scientific as well as an historic imagination; and when, by the
exercise of the former, the stoppage of the earth's rotation is clearly realised,
low, one obvious effect of it is to enhance the magnitude of many of the
recorded miracles, and to increase proportionably the difficulties of belief.
The ancients knew but little of the vastness of the universe. The Rev. Mr.
Kirkman, for example, has shown what inadequate notions the Jews
entertained regarding the 'firmament of heaven;' and Sir George Airy refers
to the case of a Greek philosopher who was persecuted for hazarding the
assertion, then deemed monstrous, that the sun might be as large as the
whole country of Greece. The concerns of a universe, regarded from this
point of view, were much more commensurate with man and his concerns
than those of the universe which science now reveals to us; and hence that
to suit man's purposes, or that in compliance with his prayers, changes
should occur in the order of the universe, was more easy of belief in the
ancient world than it can be now. In the very magnitude which it assigns to
natural phenomena, science has augmented the distance between them and
man, and increased the popular belief in their orderly progression.
As a natural consequence the demand for evidence is more exacting than it
used to be, whenever it is affirmed that the order of nature has been
disturbed. Let us take as an illustration the miracle by which the victory of
Joshua over the Amorites was rendered complete. In this case the sun is
reported to have stood still for 'about a whole day' upon Gibeon, and the
moon in the valley of Ajalon. An Englishman of average education at the
present day would naturally demand a greater amount of evidence to prove
that this occurrence took place, than would have satisfied an Israelite in the
age succeeding that of Joshua. For to the one, the miracle probably
consisted in the stoppage of a fiery ball less than a yard in diameter, while
to the other it would be the stoppage of an orb fourteen hundred thousand
times the earth in size. And even accepting the interpretation that Joshua
dealt with what was apparent merely, but that what really occurred was the
suspension of the earth's rotation, I think the right to exercise a greater
reserve in accepting the miracle, and to demand stronger evidence in
support of it than that which would have satisfied an ancient Israelite, will
still be conceded to a man of science.
There is a scientific as well as an historic imagination; and when, by the
exercise of the former, the stoppage of the earth's rotation is clearly realised,
Page 428
the event assumes proportions so vast, in comparison with the result to be
obtained by it, that belief reels under the reflection. The energy here
involved is equal to that of six trillions of horses working for the whole of
the time employed by Joshua in the destruction of his foes. The amount of
power thus expended would be sufficient to supply every individual of an
army a thousand times the strength of that of Joshua, with a thousand times
the fighting power of each of Joshua's soldiers, not for the few hours
necessary to the extinction of a handful of Amorites, but for millions of
years. All this wonder is silently passed over by the sacred historian,
manifestly because he knew nothing about it. Whether, therefore, we
consider the miracle as purely evidential, or as a practical means of
vengeance, the same lavish squandering of energy stares us in the face. If
evidential, the energy was wasted, because the Israelites knew nothing of its
amount; if simply destructive, then the ratio of the quantity lost to the
quantity employed, may be inferred from the foregoing figures.
To other miracles similar remarks apply. Transferring our thoughts from this
little sand-grain of an earth to the immeasurable heavens, where countless
worlds with freights of life probably revolve unseen, the very suns which
warm them being barely visible across abysmal space; reflecting that
beyond these sparks of solar fire, suns innumerable may burn, whose light
can never stir the optic nerve at all; and bringing these reflections face to
face with the idea of the Builder and Sustainer of it all showing Himself in a
burning bush, exhibiting His hinder parts, or behaving in other familiar
ways ascribed to Him in the Jewish Scriptures, the incongruity must appear.
Did this credulous prattle of the ancients about miracles stand alone; were it
not associated with words of imperishable wisdom, and with examples of
moral grandeur unmatched elsewhere in the history of the human race, both
the miracles and their 'evidences' would have long since ceased to be the
transmitted inheritance of intelligent men. Influenced by the thoughts which
this universe inspires, well may we exclaim in David's spirit, if not in
David's words: 'When I consider the heavens, the work of thy fingers, the
moon, and the stars, which thou hast ordained; what is man that thou
shouldst be mindful of him, or the son of man that thou shouldst so regard
him?'
obtained by it, that belief reels under the reflection. The energy here
involved is equal to that of six trillions of horses working for the whole of
the time employed by Joshua in the destruction of his foes. The amount of
power thus expended would be sufficient to supply every individual of an
army a thousand times the strength of that of Joshua, with a thousand times
the fighting power of each of Joshua's soldiers, not for the few hours
necessary to the extinction of a handful of Amorites, but for millions of
years. All this wonder is silently passed over by the sacred historian,
manifestly because he knew nothing about it. Whether, therefore, we
consider the miracle as purely evidential, or as a practical means of
vengeance, the same lavish squandering of energy stares us in the face. If
evidential, the energy was wasted, because the Israelites knew nothing of its
amount; if simply destructive, then the ratio of the quantity lost to the
quantity employed, may be inferred from the foregoing figures.
To other miracles similar remarks apply. Transferring our thoughts from this
little sand-grain of an earth to the immeasurable heavens, where countless
worlds with freights of life probably revolve unseen, the very suns which
warm them being barely visible across abysmal space; reflecting that
beyond these sparks of solar fire, suns innumerable may burn, whose light
can never stir the optic nerve at all; and bringing these reflections face to
face with the idea of the Builder and Sustainer of it all showing Himself in a
burning bush, exhibiting His hinder parts, or behaving in other familiar
ways ascribed to Him in the Jewish Scriptures, the incongruity must appear.
Did this credulous prattle of the ancients about miracles stand alone; were it
not associated with words of imperishable wisdom, and with examples of
moral grandeur unmatched elsewhere in the history of the human race, both
the miracles and their 'evidences' would have long since ceased to be the
transmitted inheritance of intelligent men. Influenced by the thoughts which
this universe inspires, well may we exclaim in David's spirit, if not in
David's words: 'When I consider the heavens, the work of thy fingers, the
moon, and the stars, which thou hast ordained; what is man that thou
shouldst be mindful of him, or the son of man that thou shouldst so regard
him?'
Page 429
If you ask me who is to limit the outgoings of Almighty power, my answer
is, Not I. If you should urge that if the Builder and Maker of this universe
chose to stop the rotation of the earth, or to take the form of a burning bush,
there is nothing to prevent Him from doing so, I am not prepared to
contradict you. I neither agree with you nor differ from you, for it is a
subject of which I know nothing. But I observe that in such questions
regarding Almighty power, your enquiries relate, not to that power as it is
actually displayed in the universe, but to the power of your own
imagination. Your question is, not has the Omnipotent done so and so? or is
it in the least degree likely that the Omnipotent should do so and so? but, is
my imagination competent to picture a Being able and willing to do so and
so? I am not prepared to deny your competence. To the human mind
belongs the faculty of enlarging and diminishing, of distorting and
combining, indefinitely the objects revealed by the senses. It can imagine a
mouse as large as an elephant, an elephant as large as a mountain, and a
mountain as high as the stars. It can separate congruities and unite
incongruities. We see a fish and we see a woman we can drop one half of
each, and unite in idea the other two halves to a mermaid. We see a horse
and we see a man; we are able to drop one half of each, and unite the other
two halves to a centaur. Thus also the pictorial representations of the Deity,
the bodies and wings of cherubs and seraphs, the hoofs, horns, and tail of
the Evil One, the joys of the blessed, and the torments of the damned, have
been elaborated from materials furnished to the imagination by the senses.
It behoves you and me to take care that our notions of the Power which
rules the universe are not mere fanciful or ignorant enlargements of human
power. The capabilities of what you call your reason are not denied. By the
exercise of the faculty here adverted to, you can picture to yourself a Being
able and willing to do any and every conceivable thing. You are right in
saying that in opposition to this Power science is of no avail — that it is 'a
weapon of air.' The man of science, however, while accepting the figure,
would probably reverse its application, thinking it is not science which is
here the thing of air, but that unsubstantial pageant of the imagination to
which the solidity of science is opposed.
.
.
is, Not I. If you should urge that if the Builder and Maker of this universe
chose to stop the rotation of the earth, or to take the form of a burning bush,
there is nothing to prevent Him from doing so, I am not prepared to
contradict you. I neither agree with you nor differ from you, for it is a
subject of which I know nothing. But I observe that in such questions
regarding Almighty power, your enquiries relate, not to that power as it is
actually displayed in the universe, but to the power of your own
imagination. Your question is, not has the Omnipotent done so and so? or is
it in the least degree likely that the Omnipotent should do so and so? but, is
my imagination competent to picture a Being able and willing to do so and
so? I am not prepared to deny your competence. To the human mind
belongs the faculty of enlarging and diminishing, of distorting and
combining, indefinitely the objects revealed by the senses. It can imagine a
mouse as large as an elephant, an elephant as large as a mountain, and a
mountain as high as the stars. It can separate congruities and unite
incongruities. We see a fish and we see a woman we can drop one half of
each, and unite in idea the other two halves to a mermaid. We see a horse
and we see a man; we are able to drop one half of each, and unite the other
two halves to a centaur. Thus also the pictorial representations of the Deity,
the bodies and wings of cherubs and seraphs, the hoofs, horns, and tail of
the Evil One, the joys of the blessed, and the torments of the damned, have
been elaborated from materials furnished to the imagination by the senses.
It behoves you and me to take care that our notions of the Power which
rules the universe are not mere fanciful or ignorant enlargements of human
power. The capabilities of what you call your reason are not denied. By the
exercise of the faculty here adverted to, you can picture to yourself a Being
able and willing to do any and every conceivable thing. You are right in
saying that in opposition to this Power science is of no avail — that it is 'a
weapon of air.' The man of science, however, while accepting the figure,
would probably reverse its application, thinking it is not science which is
here the thing of air, but that unsubstantial pageant of the imagination to
which the solidity of science is opposed.
.
.
Page 430
.
.
.
.
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.
Prayer as a means to effect a private end is theft and meanness. —
EMERSON.
.
__________________
.
III. ON PRAYER AS A FORM OF PHYSICAL ENERGY.
THE Editor of the 'Contemporary Review' is liberal enough to grant me
space for some remarks upon a subject, which, though my relation to it was
simply that of a vehicle of transmission, has brought down upon me a
considerable amount of animadversion.
It may be interesting to some of my readers if I glance at a few cases
illustrative of the history of the human mind, in relation to this and kindred
questions. In the fourth century the belief in Antipodes was deemed
unscriptural and heretical. The pious Lactantius was as angry with the
people who held this notion as my censors are now with me, and quite as
unsparing in his denunciations of their 'Monstrosities.' Lactantius was
irritated because, in his mind, by education and habit, cosmogony and
religion were indissolubly associated, and, therefore, simultaneously
disturbed. In the early part of the seventeenth century the notion that the
earth was fixed, and that the sun and stars revolved round it daily, was
interwoven with religious feeling, the separation then attempted by Galileo
.
.
.
--------------------
.
Prayer as a means to effect a private end is theft and meanness. —
EMERSON.
.
__________________
.
III. ON PRAYER AS A FORM OF PHYSICAL ENERGY.
THE Editor of the 'Contemporary Review' is liberal enough to grant me
space for some remarks upon a subject, which, though my relation to it was
simply that of a vehicle of transmission, has brought down upon me a
considerable amount of animadversion.
It may be interesting to some of my readers if I glance at a few cases
illustrative of the history of the human mind, in relation to this and kindred
questions. In the fourth century the belief in Antipodes was deemed
unscriptural and heretical. The pious Lactantius was as angry with the
people who held this notion as my censors are now with me, and quite as
unsparing in his denunciations of their 'Monstrosities.' Lactantius was
irritated because, in his mind, by education and habit, cosmogony and
religion were indissolubly associated, and, therefore, simultaneously
disturbed. In the early part of the seventeenth century the notion that the
earth was fixed, and that the sun and stars revolved round it daily, was
interwoven with religious feeling, the separation then attempted by Galileo
Page 431
rousing the animosity and kindling the persecution of the Church. Men still
living can remember the indignation excited by the first revelations of
geology regarding the age of the earth, the association between chronology
and religion being for the time indissoluble. In our day, however, the best-
informed theologians are prepared to admit that our views of the Universe
and its Author are not impaired, but improved, by the abandonment of the
Mosaic account of the Creation. Look, finally, at the excitement caused by
the publication of the 'Origin of Species;' and compare it with the calm
attendant on the appearance of the far more outspoken, and, from the old
point of view, more impious, 'Descent of Man.'
Thus religion survives-after the removal of what had been long considered
essential to it. In our day the Antipodes are accepted; the fixity of the earth
is given up; the period of Creation and the reputed age of the world are
alike dissipated; Evolution is looked upon without terror; and other changes
have occurred in the same direction too numerous to be dwelt upon here. In
fact, from the earliest times to the present, religion has been undergoing a
process of purification, freeing itself slowly and painfully from the physical
errors which the active but uninformed intellect mingled with the
aspirations of the soul. Some of us think that a final act of purification is
needed, while others oppose this notion with the confidence and the warmth
of ancient times. The bone of contention at present is the physical value of
prayer. It is not my wish to excite surprise, much less to draw forth protest,
by the employment of this phrase. I would simply ask any intelligent person
to look the problem honestly in the face, and then to say whether, in the
estimation of the great body of those who sincerely resort to it, prayer does
not, at all events upon special occasions, invoke a Power which checks and
augments the descent of rain, which changes the force and direction of
winds, which affects the growth of corn and the health of men and cattle a
Power, in short, which, when appealed to under pressing circumstances,
produces the precise effects caused by physical energy in the ordinary
course of things. To any person who deals sincerely with the subject, and
refuses to blur his moral vision by intellectual subtleties, this, I think, will
appear a true statement of the case.
It is under this aspect alone that the scientific student, so far as I represent
him, has any wish to meddle with prayer. Forced upon his attention as a
living can remember the indignation excited by the first revelations of
geology regarding the age of the earth, the association between chronology
and religion being for the time indissoluble. In our day, however, the best-
informed theologians are prepared to admit that our views of the Universe
and its Author are not impaired, but improved, by the abandonment of the
Mosaic account of the Creation. Look, finally, at the excitement caused by
the publication of the 'Origin of Species;' and compare it with the calm
attendant on the appearance of the far more outspoken, and, from the old
point of view, more impious, 'Descent of Man.'
Thus religion survives-after the removal of what had been long considered
essential to it. In our day the Antipodes are accepted; the fixity of the earth
is given up; the period of Creation and the reputed age of the world are
alike dissipated; Evolution is looked upon without terror; and other changes
have occurred in the same direction too numerous to be dwelt upon here. In
fact, from the earliest times to the present, religion has been undergoing a
process of purification, freeing itself slowly and painfully from the physical
errors which the active but uninformed intellect mingled with the
aspirations of the soul. Some of us think that a final act of purification is
needed, while others oppose this notion with the confidence and the warmth
of ancient times. The bone of contention at present is the physical value of
prayer. It is not my wish to excite surprise, much less to draw forth protest,
by the employment of this phrase. I would simply ask any intelligent person
to look the problem honestly in the face, and then to say whether, in the
estimation of the great body of those who sincerely resort to it, prayer does
not, at all events upon special occasions, invoke a Power which checks and
augments the descent of rain, which changes the force and direction of
winds, which affects the growth of corn and the health of men and cattle a
Power, in short, which, when appealed to under pressing circumstances,
produces the precise effects caused by physical energy in the ordinary
course of things. To any person who deals sincerely with the subject, and
refuses to blur his moral vision by intellectual subtleties, this, I think, will
appear a true statement of the case.
It is under this aspect alone that the scientific student, so far as I represent
him, has any wish to meddle with prayer. Forced upon his attention as a
Page 432
form of physical energy, or as the equivalent of such energy, he claims the
right of subjecting it to those methods of examination from which all our
present knowledge of the physical universe is derived. And if his researches
lead him to a conclusion adverse to its claims — if his enquiries rivet him
still closer to the philosophy implied in the words, 'He maketh His sun to
shine on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain upon the just and upon
the unjust' — he contends only for the displacement of prayer, not for its
extinction. He simply says, physical nature is not its legitimate domain.
This conclusion, moreover, must be based on pure physical evidence, and
not on any inherent, unreasonableness in the act of prayer. The theory that
the system of nature is under the control of a Being who changes
phenomena in compliance with the prayers of men, is, in my opinion, a
perfectly legitimate one. It may of course be rendered futile by being
associated `with conceptions which contradict it; but such conceptions form
no necessary part of the theory. It is a matter of experience that an earthly
father, who is at the same time both wise and tender, listens to the requests
of his children, and, if they do not ask amiss, takes pleasure in granting their
requests. We know also that this compliance extends to the alteration,
within certain limits, of the current of events on earth. With this suggestion
offered by experience, it is no departure from scientific method to place
behind natural phenomena a Universal Father, who, in answer to the prayers
of His children, alters the currents of those phenomena. Thus far Theology
and Science go hand in hand. The conception of an aether, for example,
trembling with the waves of light, is suggested by the ordinary phenomena
of wave-motion in water and in air; and in like manner the conception of
personal volition in nature is suggested by the ordinary action of man upon
earth. I therefore urge no impossibilities, though I am constantly charged
with doing so. I do not even urge inconsistency, but, on the contrary, frankly
admit that the theologian has as good a right to place his conception at the
root of phenomena as I have to place mine.
But without verification a theoretic conception is a mere figment of the
intellect, and I am sorry to find us parting company at this point. The region
of theory, both in science and theology, lies behind the world of the senses,
but the verification of theory occurs in the sensible world. To check the
theory we have simply to compare the deductions from it with the facts of
right of subjecting it to those methods of examination from which all our
present knowledge of the physical universe is derived. And if his researches
lead him to a conclusion adverse to its claims — if his enquiries rivet him
still closer to the philosophy implied in the words, 'He maketh His sun to
shine on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain upon the just and upon
the unjust' — he contends only for the displacement of prayer, not for its
extinction. He simply says, physical nature is not its legitimate domain.
This conclusion, moreover, must be based on pure physical evidence, and
not on any inherent, unreasonableness in the act of prayer. The theory that
the system of nature is under the control of a Being who changes
phenomena in compliance with the prayers of men, is, in my opinion, a
perfectly legitimate one. It may of course be rendered futile by being
associated `with conceptions which contradict it; but such conceptions form
no necessary part of the theory. It is a matter of experience that an earthly
father, who is at the same time both wise and tender, listens to the requests
of his children, and, if they do not ask amiss, takes pleasure in granting their
requests. We know also that this compliance extends to the alteration,
within certain limits, of the current of events on earth. With this suggestion
offered by experience, it is no departure from scientific method to place
behind natural phenomena a Universal Father, who, in answer to the prayers
of His children, alters the currents of those phenomena. Thus far Theology
and Science go hand in hand. The conception of an aether, for example,
trembling with the waves of light, is suggested by the ordinary phenomena
of wave-motion in water and in air; and in like manner the conception of
personal volition in nature is suggested by the ordinary action of man upon
earth. I therefore urge no impossibilities, though I am constantly charged
with doing so. I do not even urge inconsistency, but, on the contrary, frankly
admit that the theologian has as good a right to place his conception at the
root of phenomena as I have to place mine.
But without verification a theoretic conception is a mere figment of the
intellect, and I am sorry to find us parting company at this point. The region
of theory, both in science and theology, lies behind the world of the senses,
but the verification of theory occurs in the sensible world. To check the
theory we have simply to compare the deductions from it with the facts of
Page 433
observation. If the deductions be in accordance with the facts, we accept the
theory: if in opposition, the theory is given up. A single experiment is
frequently devised, by which the theory must stand or fall. Of this character
was the determination of the velocity of light in liquids, as a crucial test of
the Emission Theory. According to it, light travelled faster in water than in
air; according to the Undulatory Theory, it travelled faster in air than in
water. An experiment suggested by Arago, and executed by Fizeau and
Foucault, was conclusive against Newton's theory.
But while science cheerfully submits to this ordeal, it seems impossible to
devise a mode of verification of their theories which does not rouse
resentment in theological minds. Is it that, while the pleasure of the
scientific man culminates in the demonstrated harmony between theory and
fact, the highest pleasure of the religious man has been already tasted in the
very act of praying, prior to verification, any further effort in this direction
being a mere disturbance of his peace? Or is it that we have before us a
residue of that mysticism of the middle ages, so admirably described by
Whewell — that 'practice of referring things and events not to clear and
distinct notions, not to general rules capable of direct verification, but to
notions vague, distant, and vast, which we cannot bring into contact with
facts; as when we connect natural events with moral and historic causes.'
'Thus,' he continues, 'the character of mysticism is that it refers particulars,
not to generalisations, homogeneous and immediate, but to such as are
heterogeneous and remote; to which we must add, that the process of this
reference is not a calm act of the intellect, but is accompanied with a glow
of enthusiastic feeling.'
Every feature here depicted, and some more questionable ones, have shown
themselves of late; most conspicuously, I regret to say, in the leaders' of a
weekly journal of considerable influence, and one, on many grounds,
entitled to the respect of thoughtful men. In the correspondence, however,
published by the same journal, are to be found two or three letters well
calculated to correct the temporary flightiness of the journal itself.
It is not my habit of mind to think otherwise than solemnly of the feeling
which prompts prayer. It is a power which I should like to see guided, not
extinguished — devoted to practicable objects instead of wasted upon air.
theory: if in opposition, the theory is given up. A single experiment is
frequently devised, by which the theory must stand or fall. Of this character
was the determination of the velocity of light in liquids, as a crucial test of
the Emission Theory. According to it, light travelled faster in water than in
air; according to the Undulatory Theory, it travelled faster in air than in
water. An experiment suggested by Arago, and executed by Fizeau and
Foucault, was conclusive against Newton's theory.
But while science cheerfully submits to this ordeal, it seems impossible to
devise a mode of verification of their theories which does not rouse
resentment in theological minds. Is it that, while the pleasure of the
scientific man culminates in the demonstrated harmony between theory and
fact, the highest pleasure of the religious man has been already tasted in the
very act of praying, prior to verification, any further effort in this direction
being a mere disturbance of his peace? Or is it that we have before us a
residue of that mysticism of the middle ages, so admirably described by
Whewell — that 'practice of referring things and events not to clear and
distinct notions, not to general rules capable of direct verification, but to
notions vague, distant, and vast, which we cannot bring into contact with
facts; as when we connect natural events with moral and historic causes.'
'Thus,' he continues, 'the character of mysticism is that it refers particulars,
not to generalisations, homogeneous and immediate, but to such as are
heterogeneous and remote; to which we must add, that the process of this
reference is not a calm act of the intellect, but is accompanied with a glow
of enthusiastic feeling.'
Every feature here depicted, and some more questionable ones, have shown
themselves of late; most conspicuously, I regret to say, in the leaders' of a
weekly journal of considerable influence, and one, on many grounds,
entitled to the respect of thoughtful men. In the correspondence, however,
published by the same journal, are to be found two or three letters well
calculated to correct the temporary flightiness of the journal itself.
It is not my habit of mind to think otherwise than solemnly of the feeling
which prompts prayer. It is a power which I should like to see guided, not
extinguished — devoted to practicable objects instead of wasted upon air.
Page 434
In some form or other, not yet evident, it may, as alleged, be necessary to
man's highest culture. Certain it is that, while I rank many persons who
resort to prayer low in the scale of being — natural foolishness, bigotry, and
intolerance being in their case intensified by the notion that they have
access to the ear of God — I regard others who employ it, as forming part
of the very cream of the earth. The faith that adds to the folly and ferocity
of the one is turned to enduring sweetness, holiness, abounding charity, and
self-sacrifice by the other. Religion, in fact, varies with the nature upon
which it falls. Often unreasonable, if not contemptible, prayer, in its purer
forms, hints at disciplines which few of us can neglect without moral loss.
But no good can come of giving it a delusive value, by claiming for it a
power in physical nature. It may strengthen the heart to meet life's losses,
and thus indirectly promote physical well-being, as the digging of Aesop's
orchard brought a treasure of fertility greater than the golden treasure
sought. Such indirect issues we all admit; but it would be simply dishonest
to affirm that it is such issues that are always in view. Here, for the present,
I must end. I ask no space to reply to those railers who make such free use
of the terms insolence, outrage, profanity, and blasphemy. They obviously
lack the sobriety of mind necessary to give accuracy to their statements, or
to render their charges worthy of serious refutation.
.
.
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.
.
.
IV. VITALITY.
THE origin, growth, and energies of living things are subjects which have
always engaged the attention of thinking men. To account for them it was
usual to assume a special agent, free to a great extent from the limitations
man's highest culture. Certain it is that, while I rank many persons who
resort to prayer low in the scale of being — natural foolishness, bigotry, and
intolerance being in their case intensified by the notion that they have
access to the ear of God — I regard others who employ it, as forming part
of the very cream of the earth. The faith that adds to the folly and ferocity
of the one is turned to enduring sweetness, holiness, abounding charity, and
self-sacrifice by the other. Religion, in fact, varies with the nature upon
which it falls. Often unreasonable, if not contemptible, prayer, in its purer
forms, hints at disciplines which few of us can neglect without moral loss.
But no good can come of giving it a delusive value, by claiming for it a
power in physical nature. It may strengthen the heart to meet life's losses,
and thus indirectly promote physical well-being, as the digging of Aesop's
orchard brought a treasure of fertility greater than the golden treasure
sought. Such indirect issues we all admit; but it would be simply dishonest
to affirm that it is such issues that are always in view. Here, for the present,
I must end. I ask no space to reply to those railers who make such free use
of the terms insolence, outrage, profanity, and blasphemy. They obviously
lack the sobriety of mind necessary to give accuracy to their statements, or
to render their charges worthy of serious refutation.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
.
IV. VITALITY.
THE origin, growth, and energies of living things are subjects which have
always engaged the attention of thinking men. To account for them it was
usual to assume a special agent, free to a great extent from the limitations
Page 435
observed among the powers of inorganic nature. This agent was called vital
force; and, under its influence, plants and animals were supposed to collect
their materials and to assume determinate forms. Within the last few years,
however, our ideas of vital processes have undergone profound
modifications; and the interest, and even disquietude, which the change has
excited are amply evidenced by the discussions and protests which are now
common, regarding the phenomena of vitality. In tracing these phenomena
through all their modifications, the most advanced philosophers of the
present day declare that they ultimately arrive at a single source of power,
from which all vital energy is derived; and the disquieting circumstance is
that this source is not the direct fiat of a supernatural agent, but a reservoir
of what, if we do not accept the creed of Zoroaster, must be regarded as
inorganic force. In short, it is considered as proved that all the energy which
we derive from plants and animals is drawn from the sun.
A few years ago, when the sun was affirmed to be the source of life, nine
out of ten of those who are alarmed by the form which this assertion has
latterly assumed would have assented, in a general way, to its correctness.
Their assent, however, was more poetic than scientific, and they were by no
means prepared to see a rigid mechanical signification attached to their
words. This, however, is the peculiarity of modern conclusions :— that
there is no creative energy whatever in the vegetable or animal organism,
but that all the power which we obtain from the muscles of man and
animals, as much as that which we develop by the combustion of wood or
coal, has been produced at the sun's expense. The sun is so much the colder
that we may have our fires; he is also so much the colder that we may have
our horse-racing and Alpine climbing. It is, for example, certain that the sun
has been chilled to an extent capable of being accurately expressed in
numbers, in order to furnish the power which lifted this year a certain
number of tourists from the vale of Chamouni to the summit of Mont Blanc.
To most minds, however, the energy of light and heat presents itself as a
thing totally distinct from ordinary mechanical energy. Either of them can
nevertheless be derived from the other. Wood can be raised by friction to
the temperature of ignition; while by properly striking a piece of iron a
skilful blacksmith can cause it to glow. Thus, by the rude agency of his
hammer, he generates light and heat. This action, if carried far enough,
force; and, under its influence, plants and animals were supposed to collect
their materials and to assume determinate forms. Within the last few years,
however, our ideas of vital processes have undergone profound
modifications; and the interest, and even disquietude, which the change has
excited are amply evidenced by the discussions and protests which are now
common, regarding the phenomena of vitality. In tracing these phenomena
through all their modifications, the most advanced philosophers of the
present day declare that they ultimately arrive at a single source of power,
from which all vital energy is derived; and the disquieting circumstance is
that this source is not the direct fiat of a supernatural agent, but a reservoir
of what, if we do not accept the creed of Zoroaster, must be regarded as
inorganic force. In short, it is considered as proved that all the energy which
we derive from plants and animals is drawn from the sun.
A few years ago, when the sun was affirmed to be the source of life, nine
out of ten of those who are alarmed by the form which this assertion has
latterly assumed would have assented, in a general way, to its correctness.
Their assent, however, was more poetic than scientific, and they were by no
means prepared to see a rigid mechanical signification attached to their
words. This, however, is the peculiarity of modern conclusions :— that
there is no creative energy whatever in the vegetable or animal organism,
but that all the power which we obtain from the muscles of man and
animals, as much as that which we develop by the combustion of wood or
coal, has been produced at the sun's expense. The sun is so much the colder
that we may have our fires; he is also so much the colder that we may have
our horse-racing and Alpine climbing. It is, for example, certain that the sun
has been chilled to an extent capable of being accurately expressed in
numbers, in order to furnish the power which lifted this year a certain
number of tourists from the vale of Chamouni to the summit of Mont Blanc.
To most minds, however, the energy of light and heat presents itself as a
thing totally distinct from ordinary mechanical energy. Either of them can
nevertheless be derived from the other. Wood can be raised by friction to
the temperature of ignition; while by properly striking a piece of iron a
skilful blacksmith can cause it to glow. Thus, by the rude agency of his
hammer, he generates light and heat. This action, if carried far enough,
Page 436
would produce the light and heat of the sun. In fact, the sun's light and heat
have actually been referred to the fall of meteoric matter upon his surface;
and whether the sun is thus supported or not, it is perfectly certain that he
might be thus supported. Whether, moreover, the whilom molten condition
of our planet was, as supposed by eminent men, due to the collision of
cosmic masses or not, it is perfectly certain that the molten condition might
be thus brought about.
If, then, solar light and heat can be produced by the impact of dead matter,
and if from the light and heat thus produced we can derive the energies
which we have been accustomed to call vital, it indubitably follows that
vital energy may have a proximately mechanical origin.
In what sense, then, is the sun to be regarded as the origin of the energy
derivable from plants and animals? Let us try to give an intelligible answer
to this question. Water may be raised from the sea-level to a high elevation,
and then permitted to descend. In descending it may be made to assume
various forms — to fall in cascades, to spurt in fountains, to boil in eddies,
or to flow tranquilly along a uniform bed. It may, moreover, be caused to set
complex machinery in motion, to turn millstones, throw shuttles, work saws
and hammers, and drive piles. But every form of power here indicated
would be derived from the original power expended in raising the water to
the height from which it fell. There is no energy generated by the
machinery: the work performed by the water in descending is merely the
parcelling out and distribution of the work expended in raising it. In
precisely this sense is all the energy of plants and animals the parcelling out
and distribution of a power originally exerted by the sun. In the case of the
water, the source of the power consists in the forcible separation of a
quantity of the liquid from a low level of the earth's surface, and its
elevation to a higher position, the power thus expended being returned by
the water in its descent. In the case of vital phenomena, the source of power
consists in the forcible separation of the atoms of compound substances by
the sun. We name the force which draws the water earthward 'gravity,' and
that which draws atoms together 'chemical affinity'; but these different
names must not mislead us regarding the qualitative identity of the two
forces. They are both attractions; and, to the intellect, the falling of carbon
have actually been referred to the fall of meteoric matter upon his surface;
and whether the sun is thus supported or not, it is perfectly certain that he
might be thus supported. Whether, moreover, the whilom molten condition
of our planet was, as supposed by eminent men, due to the collision of
cosmic masses or not, it is perfectly certain that the molten condition might
be thus brought about.
If, then, solar light and heat can be produced by the impact of dead matter,
and if from the light and heat thus produced we can derive the energies
which we have been accustomed to call vital, it indubitably follows that
vital energy may have a proximately mechanical origin.
In what sense, then, is the sun to be regarded as the origin of the energy
derivable from plants and animals? Let us try to give an intelligible answer
to this question. Water may be raised from the sea-level to a high elevation,
and then permitted to descend. In descending it may be made to assume
various forms — to fall in cascades, to spurt in fountains, to boil in eddies,
or to flow tranquilly along a uniform bed. It may, moreover, be caused to set
complex machinery in motion, to turn millstones, throw shuttles, work saws
and hammers, and drive piles. But every form of power here indicated
would be derived from the original power expended in raising the water to
the height from which it fell. There is no energy generated by the
machinery: the work performed by the water in descending is merely the
parcelling out and distribution of the work expended in raising it. In
precisely this sense is all the energy of plants and animals the parcelling out
and distribution of a power originally exerted by the sun. In the case of the
water, the source of the power consists in the forcible separation of a
quantity of the liquid from a low level of the earth's surface, and its
elevation to a higher position, the power thus expended being returned by
the water in its descent. In the case of vital phenomena, the source of power
consists in the forcible separation of the atoms of compound substances by
the sun. We name the force which draws the water earthward 'gravity,' and
that which draws atoms together 'chemical affinity'; but these different
names must not mislead us regarding the qualitative identity of the two
forces. They are both attractions; and, to the intellect, the falling of carbon
Page 437
atoms against oxygen atoms is not more difficult of conception than the
falling of water to the earth.
The building up of the vegetable, then, is effected by the sun, through the
reduction of chemical compounds. The phenomena of animal life are more
or less complicated reversals of these processes of reduction. We eat the
vegetable, and we breathe the oxygen of the air; and in our bodies the
oxygen, which had been lifted from the carbon and hydrogen by the action
of the sun, again falls towards them, producing animal heat and developing
animal forms. Through the most complicated phenomena of vitality this law
runs :— the vegetable is produced while a weight rises, the animal is
produced while a weight falls. But the question is not exhausted here. The
water employed in our first illustration generates all the motion displayed in
its descent, but the form of the motion depends on the character of the
machinery interposed in the path of the water. In a similar way, the primary
action of the sun's rays is qualified by the atoms and molecules among
which their energy is distributed. Molecular forces determine the form
which the solar energy will assume. In the separation of the carbon and
oxygen this energy may be so conditioned as to result in one case in the
formation of a cabbage, and in another case in the formation of an oak. So
also, as regards the reunion of the carbon and the oxygen, the molecular
machinery through which the combining energy acts may, in one case,
weave the texture of a frog, while in another it may weave the texture of a
man.
The matter of the animal body is that of inorganic nature. There is no
substance in the animal tissues which is not primarily derived from the
rocks, the water, and the air. Are the forces of organic matter, then, different
in kind from those of inorganic matter? The philosophy of the present day
negatives the question. It is the compounding, in the organic world, of
forces belonging equally to the inorganic, that constitutes the mystery and
the miracle of vitality. Every portion of every animal body may be reduced
to purely inorganic matter. A perfect reversal of this process of reduction
would carry us from the inorganic to the organic; and such a reversal is at
least conceivable. The tendency, indeed, of modern science is to break
down the wall of partition between organic and inorganic, and to reduce
falling of water to the earth.
The building up of the vegetable, then, is effected by the sun, through the
reduction of chemical compounds. The phenomena of animal life are more
or less complicated reversals of these processes of reduction. We eat the
vegetable, and we breathe the oxygen of the air; and in our bodies the
oxygen, which had been lifted from the carbon and hydrogen by the action
of the sun, again falls towards them, producing animal heat and developing
animal forms. Through the most complicated phenomena of vitality this law
runs :— the vegetable is produced while a weight rises, the animal is
produced while a weight falls. But the question is not exhausted here. The
water employed in our first illustration generates all the motion displayed in
its descent, but the form of the motion depends on the character of the
machinery interposed in the path of the water. In a similar way, the primary
action of the sun's rays is qualified by the atoms and molecules among
which their energy is distributed. Molecular forces determine the form
which the solar energy will assume. In the separation of the carbon and
oxygen this energy may be so conditioned as to result in one case in the
formation of a cabbage, and in another case in the formation of an oak. So
also, as regards the reunion of the carbon and the oxygen, the molecular
machinery through which the combining energy acts may, in one case,
weave the texture of a frog, while in another it may weave the texture of a
man.
The matter of the animal body is that of inorganic nature. There is no
substance in the animal tissues which is not primarily derived from the
rocks, the water, and the air. Are the forces of organic matter, then, different
in kind from those of inorganic matter? The philosophy of the present day
negatives the question. It is the compounding, in the organic world, of
forces belonging equally to the inorganic, that constitutes the mystery and
the miracle of vitality. Every portion of every animal body may be reduced
to purely inorganic matter. A perfect reversal of this process of reduction
would carry us from the inorganic to the organic; and such a reversal is at
least conceivable. The tendency, indeed, of modern science is to break
down the wall of partition between organic and inorganic, and to reduce
Page 438
both to the operation of forces which are the same in kind, but which are
differently compounded.
Consider the question of personal identity, in relation to that of molecular
form. Thirty-four years ago, Mayer of Heilbronn, with that power of genius
which breathes large meanings into scanty facts, pointed out that the blood
was 6 the oil of the lamp of life,' the combustion of which sustains muscular
action. The muscles are the machinery by which the dynamic power of the
blood is brought into play. Thus the blood is consumed. But the whole body,
though more slowly than the blood, wastes also, so that after a certain
number of years it is entirely renewed. How is the sense of personal identity
maintained across this flight of molecules? To man, as we know him, matter
is necessary to consciousness; but the matter of any period may be all
changed, while consciousness exhibits no solution of continuity. Like
changing sentinels, the oxygen, hydrogen, and carbon that depart, seem to
whisper their secret to their comrades that arrive, and thus, while the Non-
ego shifts, the Ego remains the same. Constancy of form in the grouping of
the molecules, and not constancy of the molecules themselves, is the
correlative of this constancy of perception. Life is a wave which in no two
consecutive moments of its existence is composed of the same particles.
Supposing, then, the molecules of the human body, instead of replacing
others, and thus renewing a pre-existing form, to be gathered first hand
from nature and put together in the same relative positions as those which
they occupy in the body. Supposing them to have the selfsame forces and
distribution of forces, the selfsame motions and distribution of motions —
would this organised concourse of molecules stand before us as a sentient
thinking being? There seems no valid reason to believe that it would not.
Or, supposing a planet carved from the sun, set spinning round an axis, and
revolving round the sun at a distance from him equal to that of our earth,
would one of the consequences of its refrigeration be the development of
organic forms? I lean to the affirmative. Structural forces are certainly in
the mass, whether or not those forces reach to the extent of forming a plant
or an animal. In an amorphous drop of water lie latent all the marvels of
crystalline force; and who will set limits to the possible play of molecules in
a cooling planet? If these statements startle, it is because matter has been
differently compounded.
Consider the question of personal identity, in relation to that of molecular
form. Thirty-four years ago, Mayer of Heilbronn, with that power of genius
which breathes large meanings into scanty facts, pointed out that the blood
was 6 the oil of the lamp of life,' the combustion of which sustains muscular
action. The muscles are the machinery by which the dynamic power of the
blood is brought into play. Thus the blood is consumed. But the whole body,
though more slowly than the blood, wastes also, so that after a certain
number of years it is entirely renewed. How is the sense of personal identity
maintained across this flight of molecules? To man, as we know him, matter
is necessary to consciousness; but the matter of any period may be all
changed, while consciousness exhibits no solution of continuity. Like
changing sentinels, the oxygen, hydrogen, and carbon that depart, seem to
whisper their secret to their comrades that arrive, and thus, while the Non-
ego shifts, the Ego remains the same. Constancy of form in the grouping of
the molecules, and not constancy of the molecules themselves, is the
correlative of this constancy of perception. Life is a wave which in no two
consecutive moments of its existence is composed of the same particles.
Supposing, then, the molecules of the human body, instead of replacing
others, and thus renewing a pre-existing form, to be gathered first hand
from nature and put together in the same relative positions as those which
they occupy in the body. Supposing them to have the selfsame forces and
distribution of forces, the selfsame motions and distribution of motions —
would this organised concourse of molecules stand before us as a sentient
thinking being? There seems no valid reason to believe that it would not.
Or, supposing a planet carved from the sun, set spinning round an axis, and
revolving round the sun at a distance from him equal to that of our earth,
would one of the consequences of its refrigeration be the development of
organic forms? I lean to the affirmative. Structural forces are certainly in
the mass, whether or not those forces reach to the extent of forming a plant
or an animal. In an amorphous drop of water lie latent all the marvels of
crystalline force; and who will set limits to the possible play of molecules in
a cooling planet? If these statements startle, it is because matter has been
Page 439
defined and maligned by philosophers and theologians, who were equally
unaware that it is, at bottom, essentially mystical and transcendental.
Questions such as these derive their present interest in great part from their
audacity, which is sure, in due time, to disappear. And the sooner the public
dread is abolished with reference to such questions the better for the cause
of truth. As regards knowledge, physical science is polar. In one sense it
knows, or is destined to know, everything. In another sense it knows
nothing. Science understands much of this intermediate phase of things that
we call nature, of which it is the product; but science knows nothing of the
origin or destiny of nature. Who or what made the sun, and gave his rays
their alleged power? Who or what made and bestowed upon the ultimate
particles of matter their wondrous power of varied interaction? Science
does not know: the mystery, though pushed back, remains unaltered. To
many of us who feel that there are more things in heaven and earth than are
dreamt of in the present philosophy of science, but who have been also
taught, by baffled efforts, how vain is the attempt to grapple with the
Inscrutable, the ultimate frame of mind is that of Goethe:
.
Who dares to name His name,
Or belief in Him proclaim,
Veiled in mystery as He is, the All-enfolder?
Gleams across the mind His light,
Feels the lifted soul His might,
Dare it then deny His reign, the All-upholder?
.
.
----------------------------------------
.
.
unaware that it is, at bottom, essentially mystical and transcendental.
Questions such as these derive their present interest in great part from their
audacity, which is sure, in due time, to disappear. And the sooner the public
dread is abolished with reference to such questions the better for the cause
of truth. As regards knowledge, physical science is polar. In one sense it
knows, or is destined to know, everything. In another sense it knows
nothing. Science understands much of this intermediate phase of things that
we call nature, of which it is the product; but science knows nothing of the
origin or destiny of nature. Who or what made the sun, and gave his rays
their alleged power? Who or what made and bestowed upon the ultimate
particles of matter their wondrous power of varied interaction? Science
does not know: the mystery, though pushed back, remains unaltered. To
many of us who feel that there are more things in heaven and earth than are
dreamt of in the present philosophy of science, but who have been also
taught, by baffled efforts, how vain is the attempt to grapple with the
Inscrutable, the ultimate frame of mind is that of Goethe:
.
Who dares to name His name,
Or belief in Him proclaim,
Veiled in mystery as He is, the All-enfolder?
Gleams across the mind His light,
Feels the lifted soul His might,
Dare it then deny His reign, the All-upholder?
.
.
----------------------------------------
.
.
Page 440
.
.
.
As I rode through the Schwarzwald, I said to myself: That little
fire which glows star-like across the dark-growing moor, where
the sooty smith bends over his anvil, and thou hopest to replace
thy lost horse-shoe, — is it a detached, separated speck, cut off
from the whole Universe; or indissolubly joined to the whole?
Thou fool, that smithy-fire was primarily kindled at the Sun; is
fed by air that circulates from before Noah's Deluge, from beyond
the Dogstar; therein, with Iron Force, and Coal Force, and the far
stranger Force of Man, are cunning affinities and battles and
victories of Force brought about; it is a little ganglion, or nervous
centre, in the great vital system of Immensity. Call it, if thou wilt,
an unconscious Altar, kindled on the bosom of the All…
Detached, separated! I say there is no such separation: nothing
hitherto was ever stranded, cast aside; but all, were it only a
withered leaf, works together with all; is borne forward on the
bottomless, shoreless flood of action, and lives through perpetual
metamorphoses. — CARLYLE.
.
-----
.
V. MATTER AND FORCE.
[Footnote: A Lecture delivered to the working men of Dundee, September 5,
1867, with additions.]
It is the custom of the Professors in the Royal School of Mines in London to
give courses of evening lectures every year to working men. The lecture-
room holds 600 people; and tickets to this amount are disposed of as
.
.
As I rode through the Schwarzwald, I said to myself: That little
fire which glows star-like across the dark-growing moor, where
the sooty smith bends over his anvil, and thou hopest to replace
thy lost horse-shoe, — is it a detached, separated speck, cut off
from the whole Universe; or indissolubly joined to the whole?
Thou fool, that smithy-fire was primarily kindled at the Sun; is
fed by air that circulates from before Noah's Deluge, from beyond
the Dogstar; therein, with Iron Force, and Coal Force, and the far
stranger Force of Man, are cunning affinities and battles and
victories of Force brought about; it is a little ganglion, or nervous
centre, in the great vital system of Immensity. Call it, if thou wilt,
an unconscious Altar, kindled on the bosom of the All…
Detached, separated! I say there is no such separation: nothing
hitherto was ever stranded, cast aside; but all, were it only a
withered leaf, works together with all; is borne forward on the
bottomless, shoreless flood of action, and lives through perpetual
metamorphoses. — CARLYLE.
.
-----
.
V. MATTER AND FORCE.
[Footnote: A Lecture delivered to the working men of Dundee, September 5,
1867, with additions.]
It is the custom of the Professors in the Royal School of Mines in London to
give courses of evening lectures every year to working men. The lecture-
room holds 600 people; and tickets to this amount are disposed of as
Page 441
quickly as they can be handed to those who apply for them. So desirous are
the working men of London to attend these lectures, that the persons who
fail to obtain tickets always bear a large proportion to those who succeed.
Indeed, if the lecture-room could hold 2,000 instead of 600, I do not doubt
that every one of its benches would be occupied on these occasions. It is,
moreover, worthy of remark that the lectures are but rarely of a character
which could help the working man in his daily pursuits. The information
acquired is hardly ever of a nature which admits of being turned into
money. It is, therefore, a pure desire for knowledge, as a thing good in
itself, and without regard to its practical application, which animates the
hearers of these lectures.
It is also my privilege to lecture to another audience in London, composed
in part of the aristocracy of rank, while the audience just referred to is
composed wholly of the aristocracy of labour. As regards attention and
courtesy to the lecturer, neither of these audiences has anything to learn of
the other; neither can claim superiority over the other. It would not, perhaps,
be quite correct to take those persons who flock to the School of Mines as
average samples of their class; they are probably picked men — the
aristocracy of labour, as I have just called them. At all events, their conduct
demonstrates that the essential qualities of what we in England understand
by a gentleman are confined to no class; and they have often raised in my
mind the wish that the gentlemen of all classes, artisans as well as lords,
could, by some process of selection, be sifted from the general mass of the
community, and caused to know each other better.
When pressed some months ago by the Council of the British Association to
give an evening lecture to the working men of Dundee, my experience of
the working men of London naturally rose to my mind; and, though heavily
weighted with other duties, I could not bring myself to decline the request
of the Council. Hitherto, the evening discourses of the Association have
been delivered before its members and associates alone. But after the
meeting at Nottingham, last year, where the working men, at their own
request, were addressed by our late President, Mr. Grove, and by my
excellent friend, Professor Huxley, the idea arose of incorporating with all
subsequent meetings of the Association an address to the working men of
the town in which the meeting is held. A resolution to that effect was sent to
the working men of London to attend these lectures, that the persons who
fail to obtain tickets always bear a large proportion to those who succeed.
Indeed, if the lecture-room could hold 2,000 instead of 600, I do not doubt
that every one of its benches would be occupied on these occasions. It is,
moreover, worthy of remark that the lectures are but rarely of a character
which could help the working man in his daily pursuits. The information
acquired is hardly ever of a nature which admits of being turned into
money. It is, therefore, a pure desire for knowledge, as a thing good in
itself, and without regard to its practical application, which animates the
hearers of these lectures.
It is also my privilege to lecture to another audience in London, composed
in part of the aristocracy of rank, while the audience just referred to is
composed wholly of the aristocracy of labour. As regards attention and
courtesy to the lecturer, neither of these audiences has anything to learn of
the other; neither can claim superiority over the other. It would not, perhaps,
be quite correct to take those persons who flock to the School of Mines as
average samples of their class; they are probably picked men — the
aristocracy of labour, as I have just called them. At all events, their conduct
demonstrates that the essential qualities of what we in England understand
by a gentleman are confined to no class; and they have often raised in my
mind the wish that the gentlemen of all classes, artisans as well as lords,
could, by some process of selection, be sifted from the general mass of the
community, and caused to know each other better.
When pressed some months ago by the Council of the British Association to
give an evening lecture to the working men of Dundee, my experience of
the working men of London naturally rose to my mind; and, though heavily
weighted with other duties, I could not bring myself to decline the request
of the Council. Hitherto, the evening discourses of the Association have
been delivered before its members and associates alone. But after the
meeting at Nottingham, last year, where the working men, at their own
request, were addressed by our late President, Mr. Grove, and by my
excellent friend, Professor Huxley, the idea arose of incorporating with all
subsequent meetings of the Association an address to the working men of
the town in which the meeting is held. A resolution to that effect was sent to
Page 442
the Committee of Recommendations; the Committee supported the
resolution; the Council of the Association ratified the decision of the
Committee; and here I am to carry out to the best of my ability their united
wishes.
-----
Whether it be a consequence of long-continued development, or an
endowment conferred once for all on man at his creation, we find him here
gifted with a mind curious to know the causes of things, and surrounded by
objects which excite its questionings, and raise the desire for an
explanation. It is related of a young Prince of one of the Pacific Islands, that
when he first saw himself in a looking-glass, he ran round the glass to see
who was standing at the back. And thus it is with the general human
intellect, as regards the phenomena of the external world. It wishes to get
behind and learn the causes and connections of these phenomena. What is
the sun, what is the earth, what should we see if we came to the edge of the
earth and looked over? What is the meaning of thunder and lightning, of
hail, rain, storm, and snow? Such questions presented themselves to early
men, and by and by it was discovered that this desire for knowledge was not
implanted in vain. After many trials it became evident that man's capacities
were, so to speak, the complement of nature's facts, and that, within certain
limits, the secret of the universe was open to the human understanding. It
was found that the mind of man had the power of penetrating far beyond the
boundaries of his five senses; that the things which are seen in the material
world depend for their action upon things unseen; in short, that besides the
phenomena which address the senses, there are laws and principles and
processes which do not address the senses at all, but which must be, and can
be, spiritually discerned.
To the subjects which require this discernment belong the phenomena of
molecular force. But to trace the genesis of the notions now entertained
upon this subject, we have to go a long way back. In the drawing of a bow,
the darting of a javelin, the throwing of a stone — in the lifting of burdens,
and in personal combats, even savage man became acquainted with the
operation of force. Ages of discipline, moreover, taught him foresight. He
laid by at the proper season stores of food, thus obtaining time to look about
resolution; the Council of the Association ratified the decision of the
Committee; and here I am to carry out to the best of my ability their united
wishes.
-----
Whether it be a consequence of long-continued development, or an
endowment conferred once for all on man at his creation, we find him here
gifted with a mind curious to know the causes of things, and surrounded by
objects which excite its questionings, and raise the desire for an
explanation. It is related of a young Prince of one of the Pacific Islands, that
when he first saw himself in a looking-glass, he ran round the glass to see
who was standing at the back. And thus it is with the general human
intellect, as regards the phenomena of the external world. It wishes to get
behind and learn the causes and connections of these phenomena. What is
the sun, what is the earth, what should we see if we came to the edge of the
earth and looked over? What is the meaning of thunder and lightning, of
hail, rain, storm, and snow? Such questions presented themselves to early
men, and by and by it was discovered that this desire for knowledge was not
implanted in vain. After many trials it became evident that man's capacities
were, so to speak, the complement of nature's facts, and that, within certain
limits, the secret of the universe was open to the human understanding. It
was found that the mind of man had the power of penetrating far beyond the
boundaries of his five senses; that the things which are seen in the material
world depend for their action upon things unseen; in short, that besides the
phenomena which address the senses, there are laws and principles and
processes which do not address the senses at all, but which must be, and can
be, spiritually discerned.
To the subjects which require this discernment belong the phenomena of
molecular force. But to trace the genesis of the notions now entertained
upon this subject, we have to go a long way back. In the drawing of a bow,
the darting of a javelin, the throwing of a stone — in the lifting of burdens,
and in personal combats, even savage man became acquainted with the
operation of force. Ages of discipline, moreover, taught him foresight. He
laid by at the proper season stores of food, thus obtaining time to look about
Page 443
him, and to become an observer and enquirer. Two things which he noticed
must have profoundly stirred his curiosity. He found that a kind of resin
dropped from a certain tree possessed, when rubbed, the power of drawing
light bodies to itself, and of causing them to cling to it; and he also found
that a particular stone exerted a similar power over a particular kind of
metal. I allude, of course, to electrified amber, and to the load-stone, or
natural magnet, and its power to attract particles of iron. Previous
experience of his own muscles had enabled our early enquirer to distinguish
between a push and a pull. Augmented experience showed him that in the
case of the magnet and the amber, pulls and pushes — attractions and
repulsions — were also exerted; and, by a kind of poetic transfer, be applied
to things external to himself, conceptions derived from himself. The magnet
and the rubbed amber were credited with pushing and pulling, or, in other
words, with exerting force.
In the time of the great Lord Bacon the margin of these pushes and pulls
was vastly extended by Dr. Gilbert, a man probably of firmer scientific
fibre, and of finer insight, than Bacon himself. Gilbert proved that a
multitude of other bodies, when rubbed, exerted the power which,
thousands of years previously, had been observed in amber. In this way the
notion of attraction and repulsion in external nature was rendered familiar.
It was a matter of experience that bodies, between which no visible link or
connection existed, possessed the power of acting upon each other; and the
action came to be technically called 'action at a distance.'
But out of experience in science there grows something finer than mere
experience. Experience furnishes the soil for plants of higher growth; and
this observation of action at a distance provided material for speculation
upon the largest of problems. Bodies were observed to fall to the earth.
Why should they do so? The earth was proved to revolve round the sun; and
the moon to revolve round the earth. Why should they do so? What prevents
them from flying straight off into space? Supposing it were ascertained that
from a part of the earth's rocky crust a firmly fixed and tightly stretched
chain started towards the sun, we might be inclined to conclude that the
earth is held in its orbit by the chain — that the sun twirls the earth around
him, as a boy twirls round his head a bullet at the end of a string. But why
should the chain be needed? It is a fact of experience that bodies can attract
must have profoundly stirred his curiosity. He found that a kind of resin
dropped from a certain tree possessed, when rubbed, the power of drawing
light bodies to itself, and of causing them to cling to it; and he also found
that a particular stone exerted a similar power over a particular kind of
metal. I allude, of course, to electrified amber, and to the load-stone, or
natural magnet, and its power to attract particles of iron. Previous
experience of his own muscles had enabled our early enquirer to distinguish
between a push and a pull. Augmented experience showed him that in the
case of the magnet and the amber, pulls and pushes — attractions and
repulsions — were also exerted; and, by a kind of poetic transfer, be applied
to things external to himself, conceptions derived from himself. The magnet
and the rubbed amber were credited with pushing and pulling, or, in other
words, with exerting force.
In the time of the great Lord Bacon the margin of these pushes and pulls
was vastly extended by Dr. Gilbert, a man probably of firmer scientific
fibre, and of finer insight, than Bacon himself. Gilbert proved that a
multitude of other bodies, when rubbed, exerted the power which,
thousands of years previously, had been observed in amber. In this way the
notion of attraction and repulsion in external nature was rendered familiar.
It was a matter of experience that bodies, between which no visible link or
connection existed, possessed the power of acting upon each other; and the
action came to be technically called 'action at a distance.'
But out of experience in science there grows something finer than mere
experience. Experience furnishes the soil for plants of higher growth; and
this observation of action at a distance provided material for speculation
upon the largest of problems. Bodies were observed to fall to the earth.
Why should they do so? The earth was proved to revolve round the sun; and
the moon to revolve round the earth. Why should they do so? What prevents
them from flying straight off into space? Supposing it were ascertained that
from a part of the earth's rocky crust a firmly fixed and tightly stretched
chain started towards the sun, we might be inclined to conclude that the
earth is held in its orbit by the chain — that the sun twirls the earth around
him, as a boy twirls round his head a bullet at the end of a string. But why
should the chain be needed? It is a fact of experience that bodies can attract
Page 444
each other at a distance, without the intervention of any chain. Why should
not the sun and earth so attract each other? and why should not the fall of
bodies from a height be the result of their attraction by the earth? Here then
we reach one of those higher speculations which grow out of the fruitful
soil of observation. Having started with the savage, and his sensations of
muscular force, we pass on to the observation of force exerted between a
magnet and rubbed amber and the bodies which they attract, rising, by an
unbroken growth of ideas, to a conception of the force by which sun and
planets are held together.
This idea of attraction between sun and planets had become familiar in the
time of Newton. He set himself to examine the attraction; and here, as
elsewhere, we find the speculative mind falling back for its materials upon
experience. It had been observed, in the case of magnetic and electric
bodies, that the nearer they were brought together the stronger was the force
exerted between them; while, by increasing the distance, the force
diminished until it became insensible. Hence the inference that the assumed
pull between the earth and the sun would be influenced by their distance
asunder. Guesses had been made as to the exact manner in which the force
varied with the distance; but Newton supplemented the guess by the severe
test of experiment and calculation. Comparing the pull of the earth upon a
body close to its surface, with its pull upon the moon, 240,000 miles away,
Newton rigidly established the law of variation with the distance. But on his
way to this result Newton found room for other conceptions, some of
which, indeed, constituted the necessary stepping-stones to his result. The
one which here concerns us is, that not only does the sun attract the earth,
and the earth attract the sun, as wholes, but every particle of the sun attracts
every particle of the earth, and the reverse. His conclusion was, that the
attraction of the masses was simply the sum of the attractions of their
constituent particles.
This result seems so obvious that you will perhaps wonder at my dwelling
upon it; but it really marks a turning point in our notions of force. You have
probably heard of certain philosophers of the ancient world named
Democritus, Epicurus, and Lucretius. These men adopted, developed, and
diffused the doctrine of atoms and molecules, which found its
consummation at the hands of the illustrious John Dalton. But the Greek
not the sun and earth so attract each other? and why should not the fall of
bodies from a height be the result of their attraction by the earth? Here then
we reach one of those higher speculations which grow out of the fruitful
soil of observation. Having started with the savage, and his sensations of
muscular force, we pass on to the observation of force exerted between a
magnet and rubbed amber and the bodies which they attract, rising, by an
unbroken growth of ideas, to a conception of the force by which sun and
planets are held together.
This idea of attraction between sun and planets had become familiar in the
time of Newton. He set himself to examine the attraction; and here, as
elsewhere, we find the speculative mind falling back for its materials upon
experience. It had been observed, in the case of magnetic and electric
bodies, that the nearer they were brought together the stronger was the force
exerted between them; while, by increasing the distance, the force
diminished until it became insensible. Hence the inference that the assumed
pull between the earth and the sun would be influenced by their distance
asunder. Guesses had been made as to the exact manner in which the force
varied with the distance; but Newton supplemented the guess by the severe
test of experiment and calculation. Comparing the pull of the earth upon a
body close to its surface, with its pull upon the moon, 240,000 miles away,
Newton rigidly established the law of variation with the distance. But on his
way to this result Newton found room for other conceptions, some of
which, indeed, constituted the necessary stepping-stones to his result. The
one which here concerns us is, that not only does the sun attract the earth,
and the earth attract the sun, as wholes, but every particle of the sun attracts
every particle of the earth, and the reverse. His conclusion was, that the
attraction of the masses was simply the sum of the attractions of their
constituent particles.
This result seems so obvious that you will perhaps wonder at my dwelling
upon it; but it really marks a turning point in our notions of force. You have
probably heard of certain philosophers of the ancient world named
Democritus, Epicurus, and Lucretius. These men adopted, developed, and
diffused the doctrine of atoms and molecules, which found its
consummation at the hands of the illustrious John Dalton. But the Greek
Page 445
and Roman philosophers I have named, and their followers, up to the time
of Newton, pictured their atoms as falling and flying through space, hitting
each other, and clinging together by imaginary hooks and claws. They
missed the central idea that atoms and molecules could come together, not
by being fortuitously knocked Against each other, but by their own mutual
attractions. This is one of the great steps taken by Newton. He familiarised
the world with the conception of molecular force.
Newton, you know, was preceded by a grand fellow named John Kepler —
a true working man — who, by analysing the astronomical observations of
his master, Tycho Brahe, had actually found that the planets moved as they
are now known to move. Kepler knew as much about the motion of the
planets as Newton did; in fact, Kepler taught Newton and the world
generally the facts of planetary motion. But this was not enough. The
question arose — Why should the facts be so? This was the great question
for Newton, and it was the solution of it which renders his name and fame
immortal. Starting from the principle that every particle of matter in the
solar system attracts every other particle by a force which varies as the
inverse square of the distance between the particles, he proved that the
Planetary motions must be what observation makes them to be. He showed
that the moon fell towards the earth, and that the planets fell towards the
sun, through the operation of the same force that pulls an apple from its
tree. This all-pervading force, which forms the solder of the material
universe, and the conception of which was necessary to Newton's
intellectual peace, is called the force of gravitation.
Gravitation is a purely attractive force, but in electricity and magnetism,
repulsion had been always seen to accompany attraction. Electricity and
magnetism are double or polar forces. In the case of magnetism, experience
soon pushed the mind beyond the bounds of experience, compelling it to
conclude that the polarity of the magnet was resident in its molecules. I
hold a magnetised strip of steel by its centre, and find that one half of the
strip attracts, and the other half repels, the north end of a magnetic needle. I
break the strip in the middle, find that this half, which a moment ago
attracted throughout its entire length the north pole of a magnetic needle, is
now divided into two new halves, one of which wholly attracts, and the
other of which wholly repels, the north pole of the needle. The half proves
of Newton, pictured their atoms as falling and flying through space, hitting
each other, and clinging together by imaginary hooks and claws. They
missed the central idea that atoms and molecules could come together, not
by being fortuitously knocked Against each other, but by their own mutual
attractions. This is one of the great steps taken by Newton. He familiarised
the world with the conception of molecular force.
Newton, you know, was preceded by a grand fellow named John Kepler —
a true working man — who, by analysing the astronomical observations of
his master, Tycho Brahe, had actually found that the planets moved as they
are now known to move. Kepler knew as much about the motion of the
planets as Newton did; in fact, Kepler taught Newton and the world
generally the facts of planetary motion. But this was not enough. The
question arose — Why should the facts be so? This was the great question
for Newton, and it was the solution of it which renders his name and fame
immortal. Starting from the principle that every particle of matter in the
solar system attracts every other particle by a force which varies as the
inverse square of the distance between the particles, he proved that the
Planetary motions must be what observation makes them to be. He showed
that the moon fell towards the earth, and that the planets fell towards the
sun, through the operation of the same force that pulls an apple from its
tree. This all-pervading force, which forms the solder of the material
universe, and the conception of which was necessary to Newton's
intellectual peace, is called the force of gravitation.
Gravitation is a purely attractive force, but in electricity and magnetism,
repulsion had been always seen to accompany attraction. Electricity and
magnetism are double or polar forces. In the case of magnetism, experience
soon pushed the mind beyond the bounds of experience, compelling it to
conclude that the polarity of the magnet was resident in its molecules. I
hold a magnetised strip of steel by its centre, and find that one half of the
strip attracts, and the other half repels, the north end of a magnetic needle. I
break the strip in the middle, find that this half, which a moment ago
attracted throughout its entire length the north pole of a magnetic needle, is
now divided into two new halves, one of which wholly attracts, and the
other of which wholly repels, the north pole of the needle. The half proves
Page 446
to be as perfect a magnet as the whole. You may break this half and go on
till further breaking becomes impossible through the very smallness of the
fragments; the smallest fragment is found endowed with two poles, and is,
therefore, a perfect magnet. But you cannot stop here: you imagine where
you cannot experiment; and reach the conclusion entertained by all
scientific men, that the magnet which you see and feel is an assemblage of
molecular magnets which you cannot see and feel, but which, as before
stated, must be intellectually discerned.
Magnetism then is a polar force; and experience hints that a force of this
kind may exert a certain structural power. It is known, for example, that
iron filings strewn round a magnet arrange themselves in definite lines,
called, by some, 'magnetic curves,' and, by others, 'lines of magnetic force.'
Over two magnets now before me is spread a sheet of paper. Scattering iron
filings over the paper, polar force comes into play, and every particle of the
iron responds to that force. We have a kind of architectural effort — if I
may use the term — exerted on the part of the iron filings. Here then is a
fact of experience which, as you will see immediately, furnishes further
material for the mind to operate upon, rendering it possible to attain
intellectual clearness and repose, while speculating upon apparently remote
phenomena.
The magnetic force has here acted upon particles visible to the eye. But, as
already stated, there are numerous processes in nature which entirely elude
the eye of the body, and must be figured by the eye of the mind. The
processes of chemistry are examples of these. Long thinking and
experimenting has led philosophers to conclude that matter is composed of
atoms from which, whether separate or in combination, the whole material
world is built up. The air we breathe, for example, as mainly a mechanical
mixture of the atoms of oxygen and nitrogen. The water we drink is also
composed of oxygen and hydrogen. But it differs from the air in this
particular, that in water the oxygen and hydrogen are not mechanically
mixed, but chemically combined. The atoms of oxygen and those of
hydrogen exert enormous attractions on each other, so that when brought
into sufficient proximity they rush together with an almost incredible force
to form a chemical compound. But powerful as is the force with which
these atoms lock themselves together, we have the means of tearing them
till further breaking becomes impossible through the very smallness of the
fragments; the smallest fragment is found endowed with two poles, and is,
therefore, a perfect magnet. But you cannot stop here: you imagine where
you cannot experiment; and reach the conclusion entertained by all
scientific men, that the magnet which you see and feel is an assemblage of
molecular magnets which you cannot see and feel, but which, as before
stated, must be intellectually discerned.
Magnetism then is a polar force; and experience hints that a force of this
kind may exert a certain structural power. It is known, for example, that
iron filings strewn round a magnet arrange themselves in definite lines,
called, by some, 'magnetic curves,' and, by others, 'lines of magnetic force.'
Over two magnets now before me is spread a sheet of paper. Scattering iron
filings over the paper, polar force comes into play, and every particle of the
iron responds to that force. We have a kind of architectural effort — if I
may use the term — exerted on the part of the iron filings. Here then is a
fact of experience which, as you will see immediately, furnishes further
material for the mind to operate upon, rendering it possible to attain
intellectual clearness and repose, while speculating upon apparently remote
phenomena.
The magnetic force has here acted upon particles visible to the eye. But, as
already stated, there are numerous processes in nature which entirely elude
the eye of the body, and must be figured by the eye of the mind. The
processes of chemistry are examples of these. Long thinking and
experimenting has led philosophers to conclude that matter is composed of
atoms from which, whether separate or in combination, the whole material
world is built up. The air we breathe, for example, as mainly a mechanical
mixture of the atoms of oxygen and nitrogen. The water we drink is also
composed of oxygen and hydrogen. But it differs from the air in this
particular, that in water the oxygen and hydrogen are not mechanically
mixed, but chemically combined. The atoms of oxygen and those of
hydrogen exert enormous attractions on each other, so that when brought
into sufficient proximity they rush together with an almost incredible force
to form a chemical compound. But powerful as is the force with which
these atoms lock themselves together, we have the means of tearing them
Page 447
asunder, and the agent by which we accomplish this may here receive a few
moments' attention.
Into a vessel containing acidulated water I dip two strips of metal, the one
being zinc and the other platinum, not permitting them to touch each other
in the liquid. I connect the two upper ends of the strips by a piece of copper
wire. The wire is now the channel of what, for want of a better name, we
call an 6 electric current.' What the inner change of the wire is we do not
know, but we do know that a change has occurred, by the external effects
produced by the wire. Let me show you one or two of these effects. Before
you is a series of ten vessels, each with its pair of metals, and I wish to get
the added force of all ten. The arrangement is called a voltaic battery. I
plunge a piece of copper wire among these iron filings; they refuse to cling
to it. I employ the selfsame wire to connect the two ends of the battery, and
subject it to the same test. The iron filings now crowd round the wire and
cling to it. I interrupt the current, and the filings immediately fall; the power
of attraction continues only so long as the wire connects the two ends of the
battery.
Here is a piece of similar wire, overspun with cotton, to prevent the contact
of its various parts, and formed into a coil. I make the coil part of the wire
which connects the two ends of the voltaic battery. By the attractive force
with which it has become suddenly endowed, it now empties this tool-box
of its iron nails. I twist a covered copper wire round this common poker;
connecting the wire with the two ends of the voltaic battery, the poker is
instantly transformed into a strong magnet. Two flat spirals are here
suspended facing each other, about six inches apart. Sending a current
through both spirals, they clash suddenly together; reversing what is called
the direction of the current in one of the spirals, they fly asunder. All these
effects are due to the power which we name an electric current, and which
we figure as flowing through the wire when the voltaic circuit is complete.
By the same agent we tear asunder the locked atoms of a chemical
compound. Into this small cell, containing water, dip two thin wires. A
magnified image of the cell is thrown upon the screen before you, and you
see plainly the images of the wires. From a small battery I send an electric
current from wire to wire. Bubbles of gas rise immediately from each of
moments' attention.
Into a vessel containing acidulated water I dip two strips of metal, the one
being zinc and the other platinum, not permitting them to touch each other
in the liquid. I connect the two upper ends of the strips by a piece of copper
wire. The wire is now the channel of what, for want of a better name, we
call an 6 electric current.' What the inner change of the wire is we do not
know, but we do know that a change has occurred, by the external effects
produced by the wire. Let me show you one or two of these effects. Before
you is a series of ten vessels, each with its pair of metals, and I wish to get
the added force of all ten. The arrangement is called a voltaic battery. I
plunge a piece of copper wire among these iron filings; they refuse to cling
to it. I employ the selfsame wire to connect the two ends of the battery, and
subject it to the same test. The iron filings now crowd round the wire and
cling to it. I interrupt the current, and the filings immediately fall; the power
of attraction continues only so long as the wire connects the two ends of the
battery.
Here is a piece of similar wire, overspun with cotton, to prevent the contact
of its various parts, and formed into a coil. I make the coil part of the wire
which connects the two ends of the voltaic battery. By the attractive force
with which it has become suddenly endowed, it now empties this tool-box
of its iron nails. I twist a covered copper wire round this common poker;
connecting the wire with the two ends of the voltaic battery, the poker is
instantly transformed into a strong magnet. Two flat spirals are here
suspended facing each other, about six inches apart. Sending a current
through both spirals, they clash suddenly together; reversing what is called
the direction of the current in one of the spirals, they fly asunder. All these
effects are due to the power which we name an electric current, and which
we figure as flowing through the wire when the voltaic circuit is complete.
By the same agent we tear asunder the locked atoms of a chemical
compound. Into this small cell, containing water, dip two thin wires. A
magnified image of the cell is thrown upon the screen before you, and you
see plainly the images of the wires. From a small battery I send an electric
current from wire to wire. Bubbles of gas rise immediately from each of
Page 448
them, and these are the two gases of which the water is composed. The
oxygen is always liberated on the one wire, the hydrogen on the other. The
gases may be collected either separately or mixed. I place upon my hand a
soap bubble filled with the mixture of both gases. Applying a taper to the
bubble, a loud explosion is heard. The atoms have rushed together with
detonation, and without injury to my hand, and the water from which they
were extracted is the result of their re-union.
-----
One consequence of the rushing together of the atoms is the development of
heat. What is this heat? Here are two ivory balls suspended from the same
point of support by two short strings. I draw them thus apart and then
liberate them. They clash together, but, by virtue of their elasticity, they
quickly recoil, and a sharp vibratory rattle succeeds their collision. This
experiment will enable you to figure to your mind a pair of clashing atoms.
We have in the first place, a motion of the one atom towards the other — a
motion of translation, as it is usually called — then a recoil, and afterwards
a motion of vibration. To this vibratory motion we give the name of heat.
Thus, three things are to be kept before the mind — first, the atoms
themselves; secondly, the force with which they attract each other; and
thirdly, the motion consequent upon the exertion of that force. This motion
must be figured first as a motion of translation, and then as a motion of
vibration, to which latter we give the name of heat. For some time after the
act of combination this motion is so violent as to prevent the molecules
from coming together, the water being maintained in a state of vapour. But
as the vapour cools, or in other words loses its motion, the molecules
coalesce to form a liquid.
And now we approach a new and wonderful display of force. As long as the
substance remains in a liquid or vaporous condition, the play of this force is
altogether masked and bidden. But as the heat is gradually withdrawn, the
molecules prepare for new arrangements and combinations. Solid crystals
of water are at length formed, to which we give the familiar name of ice.
Looking at these beautiful edifices and their internal structure, the
pondering mind has forced upon it the question, How are they built up? We
have obtained clear conceptions of polar force; and we infer from our
oxygen is always liberated on the one wire, the hydrogen on the other. The
gases may be collected either separately or mixed. I place upon my hand a
soap bubble filled with the mixture of both gases. Applying a taper to the
bubble, a loud explosion is heard. The atoms have rushed together with
detonation, and without injury to my hand, and the water from which they
were extracted is the result of their re-union.
-----
One consequence of the rushing together of the atoms is the development of
heat. What is this heat? Here are two ivory balls suspended from the same
point of support by two short strings. I draw them thus apart and then
liberate them. They clash together, but, by virtue of their elasticity, they
quickly recoil, and a sharp vibratory rattle succeeds their collision. This
experiment will enable you to figure to your mind a pair of clashing atoms.
We have in the first place, a motion of the one atom towards the other — a
motion of translation, as it is usually called — then a recoil, and afterwards
a motion of vibration. To this vibratory motion we give the name of heat.
Thus, three things are to be kept before the mind — first, the atoms
themselves; secondly, the force with which they attract each other; and
thirdly, the motion consequent upon the exertion of that force. This motion
must be figured first as a motion of translation, and then as a motion of
vibration, to which latter we give the name of heat. For some time after the
act of combination this motion is so violent as to prevent the molecules
from coming together, the water being maintained in a state of vapour. But
as the vapour cools, or in other words loses its motion, the molecules
coalesce to form a liquid.
And now we approach a new and wonderful display of force. As long as the
substance remains in a liquid or vaporous condition, the play of this force is
altogether masked and bidden. But as the heat is gradually withdrawn, the
molecules prepare for new arrangements and combinations. Solid crystals
of water are at length formed, to which we give the familiar name of ice.
Looking at these beautiful edifices and their internal structure, the
pondering mind has forced upon it the question, How are they built up? We
have obtained clear conceptions of polar force; and we infer from our
Page 449
broken magnet that polar force may be resident in the molecules or smallest
particles of matter, and that by the play of this force structural arrangement
is possible. What, in relation to our present question, is the natural action of
a mind furnished with this knowledge? It is compelled to transcend
experience, and endow the atoms and molecules of which crystals are built
with definite poles whence issue attractions and repulsions. In virtue of
these forces some poles are drawn together, while some retreat from each
other; atom is added to atom, and molecule to molecule, not boisterously or
fortuitously, but silently and symmetrically, and in accordance with laws
more rigid than those which guide a human builder when he places his
materials together. Imagine the bricks and stones of this town of Dundee
endowed with structural power.
Imagine them attracting and repelling, and arranging themselves into streets
and houses and Kinnaird Halls — would not that be wonderful? Hardly less
wonderful is the play of force by which the molecules of water build
themselves into the sheets of ice which every winter roof your ponds and
lakes.
If I could show you the actual progress of this molecular architecture, its
beauty would delight and astonish you. A reversal of the process of
crystallisation may be actually shown. The molecules of a piece of ice may
be taken asunder before your eyes; and from the manner in which they
separate, you may to some extent infer the manner in which they go
together. When a beam is sent from our electric lamp through a plate of
glass, a portion of the beam is intercepted, and the glass is warmed by the
portion thus retained within it. When the beam is sent through a plate of ice,
a portion of the beam is also absorbed; but instead of warming the ice, the
intercepted heat melts it internally. It is to the delicate silent action of this
beam within the ice that I now wish to direct your attention. Upon the
screen is thrown a magnified image of the slab of ice: the light of the beam
passes freely through the ice without melting it, and enables us to form the
image; but the heat is in great part intercepted, and that heat now applies
itself to the work of internal liquefaction. Selecting certain points for attack,
round about those points the beam works silently, undoing the crystalline
architecture, and reducing to the freedom of liquidity molecules which had
been previously locked in a solid embrace. The liquefied spaces are
particles of matter, and that by the play of this force structural arrangement
is possible. What, in relation to our present question, is the natural action of
a mind furnished with this knowledge? It is compelled to transcend
experience, and endow the atoms and molecules of which crystals are built
with definite poles whence issue attractions and repulsions. In virtue of
these forces some poles are drawn together, while some retreat from each
other; atom is added to atom, and molecule to molecule, not boisterously or
fortuitously, but silently and symmetrically, and in accordance with laws
more rigid than those which guide a human builder when he places his
materials together. Imagine the bricks and stones of this town of Dundee
endowed with structural power.
Imagine them attracting and repelling, and arranging themselves into streets
and houses and Kinnaird Halls — would not that be wonderful? Hardly less
wonderful is the play of force by which the molecules of water build
themselves into the sheets of ice which every winter roof your ponds and
lakes.
If I could show you the actual progress of this molecular architecture, its
beauty would delight and astonish you. A reversal of the process of
crystallisation may be actually shown. The molecules of a piece of ice may
be taken asunder before your eyes; and from the manner in which they
separate, you may to some extent infer the manner in which they go
together. When a beam is sent from our electric lamp through a plate of
glass, a portion of the beam is intercepted, and the glass is warmed by the
portion thus retained within it. When the beam is sent through a plate of ice,
a portion of the beam is also absorbed; but instead of warming the ice, the
intercepted heat melts it internally. It is to the delicate silent action of this
beam within the ice that I now wish to direct your attention. Upon the
screen is thrown a magnified image of the slab of ice: the light of the beam
passes freely through the ice without melting it, and enables us to form the
image; but the heat is in great part intercepted, and that heat now applies
itself to the work of internal liquefaction. Selecting certain points for attack,
round about those points the beam works silently, undoing the crystalline
architecture, and reducing to the freedom of liquidity molecules which had
been previously locked in a solid embrace. The liquefied spaces are
Page 450
rendered visible by strong illumination. Observe those six-petaled flowers
breaking out over the white surface, and expanding in size as the action of
the beam continues. These flowers are liquefied ice. Under the action of the
heat the molecules of the crystals fall asunder, so as to leave behind them
these exquisite forms. We have here a process of demolition which clearly
reveals the reverse process of construction. In this fashion, and in strict
accordance with this hexangular type, every ice molecule takes its place
upon our ponds and lakes during the frosts of winter. To use the language of
an American poet, 'the atoms march in tune,' moving to the music of law,
which thus renders the commonest substance in nature a miracle of beauty.
It is the function of science, not as some think to divest this universe of its
wonder and mystery, but, as in the case before us, to point out the wonder
and the mystery of common things. Those fern-like forms, which on a
frosty morning overspread your windowpanes, illustrate the action of the
same force. Breathe upon such a pane before the fires are lighted, and
reduce the solid crystalline film to the liquid condition; then watch its
subsequent resolidification. You will see it all the better if you look at it
through a common magnifying glass. After you have ceased breathing, the
film, abandoned to the action of its own forces, appears for a moment to be
alive. Lines of motion run through it; molecule closes with molecule, until
finally the whole film passes from the state of liquidity, through this state of
motion, to its final crystalline repose.
I can show you something similar. Over a piece of perfectly clean glass I
pour a little water in which certain crystals have been dissolved. A film of
the solution clings to the glass. By means of a microscope and a lamp, an
image of the plate of glass is thrown upon the screen. The beam of the
lamp, besides illuminating the glass, also heats it; evaporation sets in, and at
a certain moment, when the solution has become supersaturated, splendid
branches of crystal shoot out over the screen. A dozen square feet of surface
are now covered by those beautiful forms. With another solution we obtain
crystalline spears, feathered right and left by other spears. From distant
nuclei in the middle of the field of view the spears shoot with magical
rapidity in all directions. The film of water on a window-pane on a frosty
morning exhibits effects quite as wonderful as these. Latent in these
formless solutions, latent in every drop of water, lies this marvellous
breaking out over the white surface, and expanding in size as the action of
the beam continues. These flowers are liquefied ice. Under the action of the
heat the molecules of the crystals fall asunder, so as to leave behind them
these exquisite forms. We have here a process of demolition which clearly
reveals the reverse process of construction. In this fashion, and in strict
accordance with this hexangular type, every ice molecule takes its place
upon our ponds and lakes during the frosts of winter. To use the language of
an American poet, 'the atoms march in tune,' moving to the music of law,
which thus renders the commonest substance in nature a miracle of beauty.
It is the function of science, not as some think to divest this universe of its
wonder and mystery, but, as in the case before us, to point out the wonder
and the mystery of common things. Those fern-like forms, which on a
frosty morning overspread your windowpanes, illustrate the action of the
same force. Breathe upon such a pane before the fires are lighted, and
reduce the solid crystalline film to the liquid condition; then watch its
subsequent resolidification. You will see it all the better if you look at it
through a common magnifying glass. After you have ceased breathing, the
film, abandoned to the action of its own forces, appears for a moment to be
alive. Lines of motion run through it; molecule closes with molecule, until
finally the whole film passes from the state of liquidity, through this state of
motion, to its final crystalline repose.
I can show you something similar. Over a piece of perfectly clean glass I
pour a little water in which certain crystals have been dissolved. A film of
the solution clings to the glass. By means of a microscope and a lamp, an
image of the plate of glass is thrown upon the screen. The beam of the
lamp, besides illuminating the glass, also heats it; evaporation sets in, and at
a certain moment, when the solution has become supersaturated, splendid
branches of crystal shoot out over the screen. A dozen square feet of surface
are now covered by those beautiful forms. With another solution we obtain
crystalline spears, feathered right and left by other spears. From distant
nuclei in the middle of the field of view the spears shoot with magical
rapidity in all directions. The film of water on a window-pane on a frosty
morning exhibits effects quite as wonderful as these. Latent in these
formless solutions, latent in every drop of water, lies this marvellous
Page 451
structural power, which only requires the withdrawal of opposing forces to
bring it into action.
The clear liquid now held up before you is a solution of nitrate of silver —
a compound of silver and nitric acid. When an electric current is sent
through this liquid the silver is severed from the acid, as the hydrogen was
separated from the oxygen in a former experiment; and I would ask you to
observe how the metal behaves when its molecules are thus successively set
free. The image of the cell, and of the two wires which dip into the liquid of
the cell, are now clearly shown upon the screen. Let us close the circuit, and
send the current through the liquid. From one of the wires a beautiful silver
tree commences immediately to sprout. Branches of the metal are thrown
out, and umbrageous foliage loads the branches. You have here a growth,
apparently as wonderful as that of any vegetable, perfected in a minute
before your eyes. Substituting for the nitrate of silver acetate of lead, which
is a compound of lead and acetic acid, the electric current severs the lead
from the acid, and you see the metal slowly branching into exquisite
metallic ferns, the fronds of which, as they become too heavy, break from
their roots and fall to the bottom of the cell.
These experiments show that the common matter of our earth — 'brute
matter,' as Dr. Young, in his Night Thoughts, is pleased to call it — when its
atoms and molecules are permitted to bring their forces into free play,
arranges itself, under the operation of these forces, into forms which rival in
beauty those of the vegetable world. And what is the vegetable world itself,
but the result of the complex play of these molecular forces? Here, as
elsewhere throughout nature, if matter moves it is force that moves it, and if
a certain structure, vegetable or mineral, is produced, it is through the
operation of the forces exerted between the atoms and molecules.
The solid matter of which our lead and silver trees were formed was, in the
first instance, disguised in a transparent liquid; the solid matter of which our
woods and forests are composed is also, for the most part disguised in a
transparent gas, which is mixed in small quantities with the air of our
atmosphere. This gas is formed by the union of carbon and oxygen, and is
called carbonic acid gas. The carbonic acid of the air being subjected to an
action somewhat analogous to that of the electric current in the case of our
bring it into action.
The clear liquid now held up before you is a solution of nitrate of silver —
a compound of silver and nitric acid. When an electric current is sent
through this liquid the silver is severed from the acid, as the hydrogen was
separated from the oxygen in a former experiment; and I would ask you to
observe how the metal behaves when its molecules are thus successively set
free. The image of the cell, and of the two wires which dip into the liquid of
the cell, are now clearly shown upon the screen. Let us close the circuit, and
send the current through the liquid. From one of the wires a beautiful silver
tree commences immediately to sprout. Branches of the metal are thrown
out, and umbrageous foliage loads the branches. You have here a growth,
apparently as wonderful as that of any vegetable, perfected in a minute
before your eyes. Substituting for the nitrate of silver acetate of lead, which
is a compound of lead and acetic acid, the electric current severs the lead
from the acid, and you see the metal slowly branching into exquisite
metallic ferns, the fronds of which, as they become too heavy, break from
their roots and fall to the bottom of the cell.
These experiments show that the common matter of our earth — 'brute
matter,' as Dr. Young, in his Night Thoughts, is pleased to call it — when its
atoms and molecules are permitted to bring their forces into free play,
arranges itself, under the operation of these forces, into forms which rival in
beauty those of the vegetable world. And what is the vegetable world itself,
but the result of the complex play of these molecular forces? Here, as
elsewhere throughout nature, if matter moves it is force that moves it, and if
a certain structure, vegetable or mineral, is produced, it is through the
operation of the forces exerted between the atoms and molecules.
The solid matter of which our lead and silver trees were formed was, in the
first instance, disguised in a transparent liquid; the solid matter of which our
woods and forests are composed is also, for the most part disguised in a
transparent gas, which is mixed in small quantities with the air of our
atmosphere. This gas is formed by the union of carbon and oxygen, and is
called carbonic acid gas. The carbonic acid of the air being subjected to an
action somewhat analogous to that of the electric current in the case of our
Page 452
lead and silver solutions, has its carbon liberated and deposited as woody
fibre. The watery vapour of the air is subjected to similar action; its
hydrogen is liberated from its oxygen, and lies down side by side with the
carbon in the tissues of the tree. The oxygen in both cases is permitted to
wander away into the atmosphere. But what is it in nature that plays the part
of the electric current in our experiments, tearing asunder the locked atoms
of carbon, oxygen, and hydrogen? The rays of the sun. The leaves of plants
which absorb both the carbonic acid and the aqueous vapour of the air,
answer to the cells in which our decompositions took place. And just as the
molecular attractions of the silver and the lead found expression in those
beautiful branching forms seen in our experiments, so do the molecular
attractions of the liberated carbon and hydrogen find expression in the
architecture of grasses, plants, and trees.
In the fall of a cataract and the rush of the wind we have examples of
mechanical power. In the combinations of chemistry and in the formation of
crystals and vegetables we have examples of molecular power. You have
learned how the atoms of oxygen and hydrogen rush together to form water.
I have not thought it necessary to dwell upon the mighty mechanical energy
of their act of combination; but it may be said, in passing, that the clashing
together of 1 lb. of hydrogen and 8 lbs. of oxygen to form 9 lbs. of aqueous
vapour, is greater than the shock of a weight of 1,000 tons falling from a
height of 20 feet against the earth. Now, in order that the atoms of oxygen
and hydrogen should rise by their mutual attractions to the velocity
corresponding to this enormous mechanical effect, a certain distance must
exist between the particles. It is in rushing over this that the velocity is
attained.
-----
This idea of distance between the attracting atoms is of the highest
importance in our conception of the system of the world. For the matter of
the world may be classified under two distinct heads: atoms and molecules
which have already combined and thus satisfied their mutual attractions,
and atoms and molecules which have not yet combined, and whose mutual
attractions are, therefore, unsatisfied. Now, as regards motive power, we are
entirely dependent on atoms and molecules of the latter kind. Their
fibre. The watery vapour of the air is subjected to similar action; its
hydrogen is liberated from its oxygen, and lies down side by side with the
carbon in the tissues of the tree. The oxygen in both cases is permitted to
wander away into the atmosphere. But what is it in nature that plays the part
of the electric current in our experiments, tearing asunder the locked atoms
of carbon, oxygen, and hydrogen? The rays of the sun. The leaves of plants
which absorb both the carbonic acid and the aqueous vapour of the air,
answer to the cells in which our decompositions took place. And just as the
molecular attractions of the silver and the lead found expression in those
beautiful branching forms seen in our experiments, so do the molecular
attractions of the liberated carbon and hydrogen find expression in the
architecture of grasses, plants, and trees.
In the fall of a cataract and the rush of the wind we have examples of
mechanical power. In the combinations of chemistry and in the formation of
crystals and vegetables we have examples of molecular power. You have
learned how the atoms of oxygen and hydrogen rush together to form water.
I have not thought it necessary to dwell upon the mighty mechanical energy
of their act of combination; but it may be said, in passing, that the clashing
together of 1 lb. of hydrogen and 8 lbs. of oxygen to form 9 lbs. of aqueous
vapour, is greater than the shock of a weight of 1,000 tons falling from a
height of 20 feet against the earth. Now, in order that the atoms of oxygen
and hydrogen should rise by their mutual attractions to the velocity
corresponding to this enormous mechanical effect, a certain distance must
exist between the particles. It is in rushing over this that the velocity is
attained.
-----
This idea of distance between the attracting atoms is of the highest
importance in our conception of the system of the world. For the matter of
the world may be classified under two distinct heads: atoms and molecules
which have already combined and thus satisfied their mutual attractions,
and atoms and molecules which have not yet combined, and whose mutual
attractions are, therefore, unsatisfied. Now, as regards motive power, we are
entirely dependent on atoms and molecules of the latter kind. Their
Page 453
attractions can produce motion, because sufficient distance intervenes
between the attracting atoms, and it is this atomic motion that we utilise in
our machines. Thus we can get power out of oxygen and hydrogen by the
act of their union; but once they are combined, and once the vibratory
motion consequent on their combination has been expended, no further
power can be got out of their mutual attraction. As dynamic agents they are
dead. The materials of the earth's crust consist for the most part of
substances whose atoms have already closed in chemical union — whose
mutual attractions are satisfied. Granite, for instance, is a widely diffused
substance; but granite consists, in great part, of silicon, oxygen, potassium,
calcium, and aluminum, whose atoms united long ago, and are therefore
dead. Limestone is composed of carbon, oxygen, and a metal called
calcium, the atoms of which have already closed in chemical union, and are
therefore finally at rest. In this way we might go over nearly the whole of
the materials of the earth's crust, and satisfy ourselves that though they were
sources of power in ages past, and long before any creature appeared on the
earth capable of turning their power to account, they are sources of power
no longer. And here we might halt for a moment to remark on that tendency,
so prevalent in the world, to regard everything as made for human use.
Those who entertain this notion, hold, I think, an overweening opinion of
their own importance in the system of nature. Flowers bloomed before men
saw them, and the quantity of power wasted before man could utilise it is all
but infinite compared with what now remains. We are truly heirs of all the
ages; but as honest men it behoves us to learn the extent of our inheritance,
and as brave ones not to whimper if it should prove less than we had
supposed. The healthy attitude of mind with reference to this subject is that
of the poet, who, when asked whence came the rhodora, joyfully
acknowledged his brotherhood with the flower
Why thou wert there, O rival of the rose!
I never thought to ask, I never knew,
But in my simple ignorance supposed
The self-same power that brought me there brought you.
Emerson.
between the attracting atoms, and it is this atomic motion that we utilise in
our machines. Thus we can get power out of oxygen and hydrogen by the
act of their union; but once they are combined, and once the vibratory
motion consequent on their combination has been expended, no further
power can be got out of their mutual attraction. As dynamic agents they are
dead. The materials of the earth's crust consist for the most part of
substances whose atoms have already closed in chemical union — whose
mutual attractions are satisfied. Granite, for instance, is a widely diffused
substance; but granite consists, in great part, of silicon, oxygen, potassium,
calcium, and aluminum, whose atoms united long ago, and are therefore
dead. Limestone is composed of carbon, oxygen, and a metal called
calcium, the atoms of which have already closed in chemical union, and are
therefore finally at rest. In this way we might go over nearly the whole of
the materials of the earth's crust, and satisfy ourselves that though they were
sources of power in ages past, and long before any creature appeared on the
earth capable of turning their power to account, they are sources of power
no longer. And here we might halt for a moment to remark on that tendency,
so prevalent in the world, to regard everything as made for human use.
Those who entertain this notion, hold, I think, an overweening opinion of
their own importance in the system of nature. Flowers bloomed before men
saw them, and the quantity of power wasted before man could utilise it is all
but infinite compared with what now remains. We are truly heirs of all the
ages; but as honest men it behoves us to learn the extent of our inheritance,
and as brave ones not to whimper if it should prove less than we had
supposed. The healthy attitude of mind with reference to this subject is that
of the poet, who, when asked whence came the rhodora, joyfully
acknowledged his brotherhood with the flower
Why thou wert there, O rival of the rose!
I never thought to ask, I never knew,
But in my simple ignorance supposed
The self-same power that brought me there brought you.
Emerson.
Page 454
A few exceptions to the general state of union of the molecules of the
earth's crust — vast in relation to us, but trivial in comparison to the total
store of which they are the residue — still remain. They constitute our main
sources of motive power. By far the most important of these are our beds of
coal. Distance still intervenes between the atoms of carbon and those of
atmospheric oxygen, across which the atoms may be urged by their mutual
attractions; and we can utilise the motion thus produced. Once the carbon
and the oxygen have rushed together, so as to form carbonic acid, their
mutual attractions are satisfied; and, while they continue in this condition,
as dynamic agents they are dead. Our woods and forests are also sources of
mechanical energy, because they have the power of uniting with the
atmospheric oxygen. Passing from plants to animals, we find that the source
of motive power just referred to is also the source of muscular power. A
horse can perform work, and so can a man; but this work is at bottom the
molecular work of the transmuted food and the oxygen of the air. We inhale
this vital gas, and bring it into sufficiently close proximity with the carbon
and the hydrogen of the body. These unite in obedience to their mutual,
attractions; and their motion towards each other, properly turned to account
by the wonderful mechanism of the body, becomes muscular motion.
One fundamental thought pervades all these statements: there is one tap root
from which they all spring. This is the ancient maxim that out of nothing
nothing comes; that neither in the organic world nor in the inorganic is
power produced without the expenditure of power; that neither in the plant
nor in the animal is there a creation of force or motion. Trees grow, and so
do men and horses; and here we have new power incessantly introduced
upon the earth. But its source, as I have already stated, is the sun. It is the
sun that separates the carbon from the oxygen of the carbonic acid, and thus
enables them to recombine. Whether they recombine in the furnace of the
steam-engine or in the animal body, the origin of the power they produce is
the same. In this sense we are all 'souls of fire and children of the sun.' But,
as remarked by Helmholtz, we must be content to share our celestial
pedigree with the meanest of living things.
Some estimable persons, here present, very possibly shrink from accepting
these statements; they may be frightened by their apparent tendency
towards what is called materialism — a word which, to many minds,
earth's crust — vast in relation to us, but trivial in comparison to the total
store of which they are the residue — still remain. They constitute our main
sources of motive power. By far the most important of these are our beds of
coal. Distance still intervenes between the atoms of carbon and those of
atmospheric oxygen, across which the atoms may be urged by their mutual
attractions; and we can utilise the motion thus produced. Once the carbon
and the oxygen have rushed together, so as to form carbonic acid, their
mutual attractions are satisfied; and, while they continue in this condition,
as dynamic agents they are dead. Our woods and forests are also sources of
mechanical energy, because they have the power of uniting with the
atmospheric oxygen. Passing from plants to animals, we find that the source
of motive power just referred to is also the source of muscular power. A
horse can perform work, and so can a man; but this work is at bottom the
molecular work of the transmuted food and the oxygen of the air. We inhale
this vital gas, and bring it into sufficiently close proximity with the carbon
and the hydrogen of the body. These unite in obedience to their mutual,
attractions; and their motion towards each other, properly turned to account
by the wonderful mechanism of the body, becomes muscular motion.
One fundamental thought pervades all these statements: there is one tap root
from which they all spring. This is the ancient maxim that out of nothing
nothing comes; that neither in the organic world nor in the inorganic is
power produced without the expenditure of power; that neither in the plant
nor in the animal is there a creation of force or motion. Trees grow, and so
do men and horses; and here we have new power incessantly introduced
upon the earth. But its source, as I have already stated, is the sun. It is the
sun that separates the carbon from the oxygen of the carbonic acid, and thus
enables them to recombine. Whether they recombine in the furnace of the
steam-engine or in the animal body, the origin of the power they produce is
the same. In this sense we are all 'souls of fire and children of the sun.' But,
as remarked by Helmholtz, we must be content to share our celestial
pedigree with the meanest of living things.
Some estimable persons, here present, very possibly shrink from accepting
these statements; they may be frightened by their apparent tendency
towards what is called materialism — a word which, to many minds,
Page 455
expresses something very dreadful. But it ought to be known and avowed
that the physical philosopher, as such, must be a pure materialist. His
enquiries deal with matter and force, and with them alone. And whatever be
the forms which matter and force assume, whether in the organic world or
the inorganic, whether in the coal-beds and forests of the earth, or in the
brains and muscles of men, the physical philosopher will make good his
right to investigate them. It is perfectly vain to attempt to stop enquiry in
this direction. Depend upon it, if a chemist by bringing the proper materials
together, in a retort or crucible, could make a baby, he would do it. There is
no law, moral or physical, forbidding him to do it. At the present moment
there are, no doubt, persons experimenting on the possibility of producing
what we call life out of inorganic materials. Let them pursue their studies in
peace; it is only by such trials that they will learn the limits of their own
powers and the operation of the laws of matter and force.
But while thus making the largest demand for freedom of investigation —
while I consider science to be alike powerful as an instrument of intellectual
culture and as a ministrant to the material wants of men; if you ask me
whether it has solved, or is likely in our day to solve, the problem of this
universe, I must shake my head in doubt. You remember the first
Napoleon's question, when the savants who accompanied him to Egypt
discussed in his presence the origin of the universe, and solved it to their
own apparent satisfaction. He looked aloft to the starry heavens, and said, 'It
is all very well, gentlemen; but who made these?' That question still
remains unanswered, and science makes no attempt to answer it. As far as I
can see, there is no quality in the human intellect which is fit to be applied
to the solution of the problem. It entirely transcends us. The mind of man
may be compared to a musical instrument with a certain range of notes,
beyond which in both directions we have an infinitude of silence. The
phenomena of matter and force lie within our intellectual range, and as far
as they reach we will at all hazards push our enquiries. But behind, and
above, and around all, the real mystery of this universe lies unsolved, and,
as far as we are concerned, is incapable of solution. Fashion this mystery as
you will, with that I have nothing to do. But let your conception of it not be
an unworthy one. Invest that conception with your highest and holiest
thought, but be careful of pretending to know more about it than is given to
man to know. Be careful, above all things, of professing to see in the
that the physical philosopher, as such, must be a pure materialist. His
enquiries deal with matter and force, and with them alone. And whatever be
the forms which matter and force assume, whether in the organic world or
the inorganic, whether in the coal-beds and forests of the earth, or in the
brains and muscles of men, the physical philosopher will make good his
right to investigate them. It is perfectly vain to attempt to stop enquiry in
this direction. Depend upon it, if a chemist by bringing the proper materials
together, in a retort or crucible, could make a baby, he would do it. There is
no law, moral or physical, forbidding him to do it. At the present moment
there are, no doubt, persons experimenting on the possibility of producing
what we call life out of inorganic materials. Let them pursue their studies in
peace; it is only by such trials that they will learn the limits of their own
powers and the operation of the laws of matter and force.
But while thus making the largest demand for freedom of investigation —
while I consider science to be alike powerful as an instrument of intellectual
culture and as a ministrant to the material wants of men; if you ask me
whether it has solved, or is likely in our day to solve, the problem of this
universe, I must shake my head in doubt. You remember the first
Napoleon's question, when the savants who accompanied him to Egypt
discussed in his presence the origin of the universe, and solved it to their
own apparent satisfaction. He looked aloft to the starry heavens, and said, 'It
is all very well, gentlemen; but who made these?' That question still
remains unanswered, and science makes no attempt to answer it. As far as I
can see, there is no quality in the human intellect which is fit to be applied
to the solution of the problem. It entirely transcends us. The mind of man
may be compared to a musical instrument with a certain range of notes,
beyond which in both directions we have an infinitude of silence. The
phenomena of matter and force lie within our intellectual range, and as far
as they reach we will at all hazards push our enquiries. But behind, and
above, and around all, the real mystery of this universe lies unsolved, and,
as far as we are concerned, is incapable of solution. Fashion this mystery as
you will, with that I have nothing to do. But let your conception of it not be
an unworthy one. Invest that conception with your highest and holiest
thought, but be careful of pretending to know more about it than is given to
man to know. Be careful, above all things, of professing to see in the
Page 456
phenomena of the material world the evidences of Divine pleasure or
displeasure. Doubt those who would deduce from the fall of the tower of
Siloam the anger of the Lord against those who were crushed. Doubt
equally those who pretend to see in cholera, cattle-plague, and bad harvests,
evidences of Divine anger. Doubt those spiritual guides who in Scotland
have lately propounded the monstrous theory that the depreciation of
railway scrip is a consequence of railway travelling on Sundays. Let them
not, as far as you are concerned, libel the system of nature with their
ignorant hypotheses. Looking from the solitudes of thought into this highest
of questions, and seeing the puerile attempts often made to solve it, well
might the mightiest of living Scotchmen — that strong and earnest soul,
who has made every soul of like nature in these islands his debtor — well, I
say, might your noble old Carlyle scornfully retort on such interpreters of
the ways of God to men :—
The Builder of this universe was wise,
He formed all souls, all systems, planets, particles;
The plan he formed his worlds and Aeons by,
Was — Heavens! — was thy small nine-and-thirty articles!
.
.
-----------------------------
.
.
.
.
displeasure. Doubt those who would deduce from the fall of the tower of
Siloam the anger of the Lord against those who were crushed. Doubt
equally those who pretend to see in cholera, cattle-plague, and bad harvests,
evidences of Divine anger. Doubt those spiritual guides who in Scotland
have lately propounded the monstrous theory that the depreciation of
railway scrip is a consequence of railway travelling on Sundays. Let them
not, as far as you are concerned, libel the system of nature with their
ignorant hypotheses. Looking from the solitudes of thought into this highest
of questions, and seeing the puerile attempts often made to solve it, well
might the mightiest of living Scotchmen — that strong and earnest soul,
who has made every soul of like nature in these islands his debtor — well, I
say, might your noble old Carlyle scornfully retort on such interpreters of
the ways of God to men :—
The Builder of this universe was wise,
He formed all souls, all systems, planets, particles;
The plan he formed his worlds and Aeons by,
Was — Heavens! — was thy small nine-and-thirty articles!
.
.
-----------------------------
.
.
.
.
Page 457
Here, indeed, we arrive at the barrier which needs to be
perpetually pointed out; alike to those who seek materialistic
explanations of mental phenomena, and to those who are alarmed
lest such explanations may be found. The last class prove by their
fear almost as much as the first prove by their hope, that they
believe Mind may possibly be interpreted in terms of Matter;
whereas many whom they vituperate as materialists are
profoundly convinced that there is not the remotest possibility of
so interpreting them.
-HERBERT SPENCER.
-----
VI. SCIENTIFIC MATERIALISM.
[Footnote: President's Address to the Mathematical and Physical Section of
the British Association at Norwich.]
1868.
THE celebrated Fichte, in his lectures on the 'Vocation of the Scholar,'
insisted on a culture which should be not one-sided, but all-sided. The
scholar's intellect was to expand spherically, and not in a single direction
only. In one direction, however, Fichte required that the scholar should
apply himself directly to nature, become a creator of knowledge, and thus
repay, by original labours of his own, the immense debt he owed to the
labours of others. It was these which enabled him to supplement the
knowledge derived from his own researches, so as to render his culture
rounded and not one-sided.
As regards science, Fichte's idea is to some extent illustrated by the
constitution and labours of the British Association. We have here a body of
men engaged in the pursuit of Natural Knowledge, but variously engaged.
While sympathising with each of its departments, and supplementing his
culture by knowledge drawn from all of them, each student amongst us
selects one subject for the exercise of his own original faculty — one line,
perpetually pointed out; alike to those who seek materialistic
explanations of mental phenomena, and to those who are alarmed
lest such explanations may be found. The last class prove by their
fear almost as much as the first prove by their hope, that they
believe Mind may possibly be interpreted in terms of Matter;
whereas many whom they vituperate as materialists are
profoundly convinced that there is not the remotest possibility of
so interpreting them.
-HERBERT SPENCER.
-----
VI. SCIENTIFIC MATERIALISM.
[Footnote: President's Address to the Mathematical and Physical Section of
the British Association at Norwich.]
1868.
THE celebrated Fichte, in his lectures on the 'Vocation of the Scholar,'
insisted on a culture which should be not one-sided, but all-sided. The
scholar's intellect was to expand spherically, and not in a single direction
only. In one direction, however, Fichte required that the scholar should
apply himself directly to nature, become a creator of knowledge, and thus
repay, by original labours of his own, the immense debt he owed to the
labours of others. It was these which enabled him to supplement the
knowledge derived from his own researches, so as to render his culture
rounded and not one-sided.
As regards science, Fichte's idea is to some extent illustrated by the
constitution and labours of the British Association. We have here a body of
men engaged in the pursuit of Natural Knowledge, but variously engaged.
While sympathising with each of its departments, and supplementing his
culture by knowledge drawn from all of them, each student amongst us
selects one subject for the exercise of his own original faculty — one line,
Page 458
along which he may carry the light of his private intelligence a little way
into the darkness by which all knowledge is surrounded. Thus, the geologist
deals with the rocks; the biologist with the conditions and phenomena of
life; the astronomer with stellar masses and motions; the mathematician
with the relations of space and number; the chemist pursues his atoms;
while the physical investigator has his own large field in optical, thermal,
electrical, acoustical, and other phenomena. The British Association then, as
a whole, faces physical nature on all sides, and pushes knowledge
centrifugally outwards, the sum of its labours constituting what Fichte
might call the sphere of natural knowledge. In the meetings of the
Association it is found necessary to resolve this sphere into its component
parts, which take concrete form under the respective letters of our Sections.
Mathematics and Physics have been long accustomed to coalesce, and here
they form a single section. No matter how subtle a natural phenomenon
may be, whether we observe it in the region of sense, or follow it into that
of imagination, it is in the long run reducible to mechanical laws. But the
mechanical data once guessed or given, mathematics are all-powerful as an
instrument of deduction. The command of Geometry over the relations of
space, and the far-reaching power which Analysis confers, are potent both
As means of physical discovery, and of reaping the entire fruits of
discovery. Indeed, without mathematics, expressed or implied, our
knowledge of physical science would be both friable and incomplete.
Side by side with the mathematical method we have the method of
experiment. Here from a starting-point furnished by his own researches or
those of others, the investigator proceeds by combining intuition and
verication. He ponders the knowledge he possesses, and tries to push it
further; he guesses, and checks his guess; he conjectures, and confirms or
explodes his conjecture. These guesses and conjectures are by no means
leaps in the dark; for knowledge once gained casts a faint light beyond its
own immediate boundaries. There is no discovery so limited as not to
illuminate something beyond itself. The force of intellectual penetration
into this penumbral region which surrounds actual knowledge is not, as
some seem to think, dependent upon method, but upon the genius of the
investigator. There is, however, no genius so gifted as not to need control
and verification. The profoundest minds know best that Nature's ways are
into the darkness by which all knowledge is surrounded. Thus, the geologist
deals with the rocks; the biologist with the conditions and phenomena of
life; the astronomer with stellar masses and motions; the mathematician
with the relations of space and number; the chemist pursues his atoms;
while the physical investigator has his own large field in optical, thermal,
electrical, acoustical, and other phenomena. The British Association then, as
a whole, faces physical nature on all sides, and pushes knowledge
centrifugally outwards, the sum of its labours constituting what Fichte
might call the sphere of natural knowledge. In the meetings of the
Association it is found necessary to resolve this sphere into its component
parts, which take concrete form under the respective letters of our Sections.
Mathematics and Physics have been long accustomed to coalesce, and here
they form a single section. No matter how subtle a natural phenomenon
may be, whether we observe it in the region of sense, or follow it into that
of imagination, it is in the long run reducible to mechanical laws. But the
mechanical data once guessed or given, mathematics are all-powerful as an
instrument of deduction. The command of Geometry over the relations of
space, and the far-reaching power which Analysis confers, are potent both
As means of physical discovery, and of reaping the entire fruits of
discovery. Indeed, without mathematics, expressed or implied, our
knowledge of physical science would be both friable and incomplete.
Side by side with the mathematical method we have the method of
experiment. Here from a starting-point furnished by his own researches or
those of others, the investigator proceeds by combining intuition and
verication. He ponders the knowledge he possesses, and tries to push it
further; he guesses, and checks his guess; he conjectures, and confirms or
explodes his conjecture. These guesses and conjectures are by no means
leaps in the dark; for knowledge once gained casts a faint light beyond its
own immediate boundaries. There is no discovery so limited as not to
illuminate something beyond itself. The force of intellectual penetration
into this penumbral region which surrounds actual knowledge is not, as
some seem to think, dependent upon method, but upon the genius of the
investigator. There is, however, no genius so gifted as not to need control
and verification. The profoundest minds know best that Nature's ways are
Page 459
not at all times their ways, and that the brightest flashes in the world of
thought are incomplete until they have been proved to have their
counterparts in the world of fact. Thus the vocation of the true
experimentalist may be defined as the continued exercise of spiritual
insight, and its incessant correction and realisation. His experiments
constitute a body, of which his purified intuitions are, as it were, the soul.
Partly through mathematical and partly through experimental research,
physical science has, of late years, assumed a momentous position in the
world. Both in a material and in an intellectual point of view it has
produced, and it is destined to produce, immense changes — vast social
ameliorations, and vast alterations in the popular conception of the origin,
rule, and governance of natural things. By science, in the physical world,
miracles are wrought, while philosophy is forsaking its ancient
metaphysical channels, and pursuing others which have been opened, or
indicated by, scientific research. This must become more and more the case
as philosophical writers become more deeply imbued with the methods of
science, better acquainted with the facts which scientific men have
established, and with the great theories which they have elaborated.
If you look at the face of a watch, you see the hour and minute-hands, and
possibly also a second-hand, moving over the graduated dial. Why do these
hands move? and why are their relative motions such as they are observed
to be? These questions cannot be answered without opening the watch,
mastering its various parts, and ascertaining their relationship to each other.
When this is done, we find that the observed motion of the hands follows of
necessity from the inner mechanism of the watch when acted upon by the
force invested in the spring. The motion of the hands may be called a
phenomenon of art, but the case is similar with the phenomena of nature.
These also have their inner mechanism and their store of force to set that
mechanism going. The ultimate problem of physical science is to reveal this
mechanism, to discern this store, and to show that from the combined action
of both, the phenomena of which they constitute the basis, must, of
necessity, flow.
I thought an attempt to give you even a brief and sketchy illustration of the
manner in which scientific thinkers regard this problem, would not be
thought are incomplete until they have been proved to have their
counterparts in the world of fact. Thus the vocation of the true
experimentalist may be defined as the continued exercise of spiritual
insight, and its incessant correction and realisation. His experiments
constitute a body, of which his purified intuitions are, as it were, the soul.
Partly through mathematical and partly through experimental research,
physical science has, of late years, assumed a momentous position in the
world. Both in a material and in an intellectual point of view it has
produced, and it is destined to produce, immense changes — vast social
ameliorations, and vast alterations in the popular conception of the origin,
rule, and governance of natural things. By science, in the physical world,
miracles are wrought, while philosophy is forsaking its ancient
metaphysical channels, and pursuing others which have been opened, or
indicated by, scientific research. This must become more and more the case
as philosophical writers become more deeply imbued with the methods of
science, better acquainted with the facts which scientific men have
established, and with the great theories which they have elaborated.
If you look at the face of a watch, you see the hour and minute-hands, and
possibly also a second-hand, moving over the graduated dial. Why do these
hands move? and why are their relative motions such as they are observed
to be? These questions cannot be answered without opening the watch,
mastering its various parts, and ascertaining their relationship to each other.
When this is done, we find that the observed motion of the hands follows of
necessity from the inner mechanism of the watch when acted upon by the
force invested in the spring. The motion of the hands may be called a
phenomenon of art, but the case is similar with the phenomena of nature.
These also have their inner mechanism and their store of force to set that
mechanism going. The ultimate problem of physical science is to reveal this
mechanism, to discern this store, and to show that from the combined action
of both, the phenomena of which they constitute the basis, must, of
necessity, flow.
I thought an attempt to give you even a brief and sketchy illustration of the
manner in which scientific thinkers regard this problem, would not be
Page 460
uninteresting to you on the present occasion; more especially as it will give
me occasion to say a word or two on the tendencies and limits of modern
science; to point out the region which men of science claim as their own,
and where it is futile to oppose their advance; and also to define, if possible,
the bourne between this and that other region, to which the questionings and
yearnings of the scientific intellect are directed in vain.
But here your tolerance will be needed. It was the American Emerson, I
think, who said that it is hardly possible to state any truth strongly, without
apparent injustice to some other truth. Truth is often of a dual character,
taking the form of a magnet with two poles; and many of the differences
which agitate the thinking part of mankind are to be traced to the
exclusiveness with which partisan reasoners dwell upon one half of the
duality, in forgetfulness of the other. The proper course appears to be to
state both halves strongly, and allow each its fair share in the formation of
the resultant conviction. But this waiting for the statement of the two sides
of a question implies patience. It implies a resolution to suppress
indignation, if the statement of the one half should clash with our
convictions; and to repress equally undue elation, if the half-statement
should happen to chime in with our views. It implies a determination to
wait calmly for the statement of the whole, before we pronounce judgment
in the form of either acquiescence or dissent.
This premised, and I trust accepted, let us enter upon our task. There have
been writers who affirmed that the Pyramids of Egypt were natural
productions; and in his early youth Alexander von Humboldt wrote a
learned essay with the express object of refuting this notion. We now regard
the pyramids as the work of men's hands, aided probably by machinery of
which no record remains. We picture to ourselves the swarming workers
toiling at those vast erections, lifting the inert stones, and, guided by the
volition, the skill, and possibly at times by the whip of the architect, placing
them in their proper positions. The blocks, in this case, were moved and
posited by a power external to themselves, and the final form of the
pyramid expressed the thought of its human builder.
Let us pass from this illustration of constructive power to another of a
different kind. When a solution of common salt is slowly evaporated, the
me occasion to say a word or two on the tendencies and limits of modern
science; to point out the region which men of science claim as their own,
and where it is futile to oppose their advance; and also to define, if possible,
the bourne between this and that other region, to which the questionings and
yearnings of the scientific intellect are directed in vain.
But here your tolerance will be needed. It was the American Emerson, I
think, who said that it is hardly possible to state any truth strongly, without
apparent injustice to some other truth. Truth is often of a dual character,
taking the form of a magnet with two poles; and many of the differences
which agitate the thinking part of mankind are to be traced to the
exclusiveness with which partisan reasoners dwell upon one half of the
duality, in forgetfulness of the other. The proper course appears to be to
state both halves strongly, and allow each its fair share in the formation of
the resultant conviction. But this waiting for the statement of the two sides
of a question implies patience. It implies a resolution to suppress
indignation, if the statement of the one half should clash with our
convictions; and to repress equally undue elation, if the half-statement
should happen to chime in with our views. It implies a determination to
wait calmly for the statement of the whole, before we pronounce judgment
in the form of either acquiescence or dissent.
This premised, and I trust accepted, let us enter upon our task. There have
been writers who affirmed that the Pyramids of Egypt were natural
productions; and in his early youth Alexander von Humboldt wrote a
learned essay with the express object of refuting this notion. We now regard
the pyramids as the work of men's hands, aided probably by machinery of
which no record remains. We picture to ourselves the swarming workers
toiling at those vast erections, lifting the inert stones, and, guided by the
volition, the skill, and possibly at times by the whip of the architect, placing
them in their proper positions. The blocks, in this case, were moved and
posited by a power external to themselves, and the final form of the
pyramid expressed the thought of its human builder.
Let us pass from this illustration of constructive power to another of a
different kind. When a solution of common salt is slowly evaporated, the
Page 461
water which holds the salt in solution disappears, but the salt itself remains
behind. At a certain stage of concentration the salt can no longer retain the
liquid form; its particles, or molecules, as they are called, begin to deposit
themselves as minute solids — so minute, indeed, as to defy all microscopic
power. As evaporation continues, solidification goes on, and we finally
obtain, through the clustering together of innumerable molecules, a finite
crystalline mass of a definite form. What is this form? It sometimes seems a
mimicry of the architecture of Egypt. We have little pyramids built by the
salt, terrace above terrace from base to apex, forming a series of steps
resembling those up which the traveller in Egypt is dragged by his guides.
The human mind is as little disposed to look without questioning at these
pyramidal salt-crystals, as to look at the pyramids of Egypt, without
enquiring whence they came. How, then, are those salt-pyramids built up?
Guided by analogy, you may, if you like, suppose that, swarming among the
constituent molecules of the salt, there is an invisible population, controlled
and coerced by some invisible master, placing the atomic blocks in their
positions. This, however, is not the scientific idea, nor do I think your good
sense will accept it as a likely one. The scientific idea is, that the molecules
act upon each other without the intervention of slave labour; that they
attract each other, and repel each other, at certain definite points, or poles,
and in certain definite directions; and that the pyramidal form is the result
of this play of attraction and repulsion. While, then, the blocks of Egypt
were laid down by a power external to themselves, these molecular blocks
of salt are self-posited, being fixed in their places by the inherent forces
with which they act upon each other.
I take common salt as an illustration, because it is so familiar to us all; but
any other crystalline substance would answer my purpose equally well.
Everywhere, in fact, throughout inorganic nature, we have this formative
power, as Fichte would call it — this structural energy ready to come into
play, and build the ultimate particles of matter into definite shapes. The ice
of our winters, and of our polar regions, is its handiwork, and so also are the
quartz, felspar, and mica of our rocks. Our chalk-beds are for the most part
composed of minute shells, which are also the product of structural energy;
but behind the shell, as a
behind. At a certain stage of concentration the salt can no longer retain the
liquid form; its particles, or molecules, as they are called, begin to deposit
themselves as minute solids — so minute, indeed, as to defy all microscopic
power. As evaporation continues, solidification goes on, and we finally
obtain, through the clustering together of innumerable molecules, a finite
crystalline mass of a definite form. What is this form? It sometimes seems a
mimicry of the architecture of Egypt. We have little pyramids built by the
salt, terrace above terrace from base to apex, forming a series of steps
resembling those up which the traveller in Egypt is dragged by his guides.
The human mind is as little disposed to look without questioning at these
pyramidal salt-crystals, as to look at the pyramids of Egypt, without
enquiring whence they came. How, then, are those salt-pyramids built up?
Guided by analogy, you may, if you like, suppose that, swarming among the
constituent molecules of the salt, there is an invisible population, controlled
and coerced by some invisible master, placing the atomic blocks in their
positions. This, however, is not the scientific idea, nor do I think your good
sense will accept it as a likely one. The scientific idea is, that the molecules
act upon each other without the intervention of slave labour; that they
attract each other, and repel each other, at certain definite points, or poles,
and in certain definite directions; and that the pyramidal form is the result
of this play of attraction and repulsion. While, then, the blocks of Egypt
were laid down by a power external to themselves, these molecular blocks
of salt are self-posited, being fixed in their places by the inherent forces
with which they act upon each other.
I take common salt as an illustration, because it is so familiar to us all; but
any other crystalline substance would answer my purpose equally well.
Everywhere, in fact, throughout inorganic nature, we have this formative
power, as Fichte would call it — this structural energy ready to come into
play, and build the ultimate particles of matter into definite shapes. The ice
of our winters, and of our polar regions, is its handiwork, and so also are the
quartz, felspar, and mica of our rocks. Our chalk-beds are for the most part
composed of minute shells, which are also the product of structural energy;
but behind the shell, as a
Page 462
whole, lies a more remote and subtle formative act. These shells are built up
of little crystals of talc-spar, and, to form these crystals, the structural force
had to deal with the intangible molecules of carbonate of lime. This
tendency on the part of matter to organise itself, to grow into shape, to
assume definite forms in obedience to the definite action of force, is, as I
have said, all-pervading. It is in the ground on which you tread, in the water
you drink, in the air you breathe. Incipient life, as it were, manifests itself
throughout the whole of what we call inorganic nature.
The forms of the minerals resulting from this play of polar forces are
various, and exhibit different degrees of complexity. Men of science avail
themselves of all possible means of exploring their molecular architecture.
For this purpose they employ in turn, as agents of exploration, light, heat,
magnetism, electricity, and sound. Polarised light is especially useful and
powerful here. A beam of such light, when sent in among the molecules of a
crystal, is acted on by them, and from this action we infer with more or less
clearness the manner in which the molecules are arranged. That differences,
for example, exist between the inner structure of rocksalt and that of
crystallised sugar or sugar-candy, is thus strikingly revealed. These actions
often display themselves in chromatic phenomena of great splendour, the
play of molecular force being so regulated as to cause the removal of some
of the coloured constituents of white light, while others are left with
increased intensity behind.
And now let us pass from what we are accustomed to regard as a dead
mineral, to a living grain of corn. When this is examined by polarised light,
chromatic phenomena similar to those noticed in crystals are observed. And
why? Because the architecture of the grain resembles that of the crystal. In
the grain also the molecules are set in definite positions, and in accordance
with their arrangement they act upon the light. But what has built together
the molecules of the corn? Regarding crystalline architecture, I have already
said that you may, if you please, consider the atoms and molecules to be
placed in position by a Power external to themselves. The same hypothesis
is open to you now. But if in the case of crystals you have rejected this
notion of an external architect, I think you are bound to reject it in the case
of the grain, and to conclude that the molecules of the corn, also, are posited
by the forces with which they act upon each other. It would be poor
of little crystals of talc-spar, and, to form these crystals, the structural force
had to deal with the intangible molecules of carbonate of lime. This
tendency on the part of matter to organise itself, to grow into shape, to
assume definite forms in obedience to the definite action of force, is, as I
have said, all-pervading. It is in the ground on which you tread, in the water
you drink, in the air you breathe. Incipient life, as it were, manifests itself
throughout the whole of what we call inorganic nature.
The forms of the minerals resulting from this play of polar forces are
various, and exhibit different degrees of complexity. Men of science avail
themselves of all possible means of exploring their molecular architecture.
For this purpose they employ in turn, as agents of exploration, light, heat,
magnetism, electricity, and sound. Polarised light is especially useful and
powerful here. A beam of such light, when sent in among the molecules of a
crystal, is acted on by them, and from this action we infer with more or less
clearness the manner in which the molecules are arranged. That differences,
for example, exist between the inner structure of rocksalt and that of
crystallised sugar or sugar-candy, is thus strikingly revealed. These actions
often display themselves in chromatic phenomena of great splendour, the
play of molecular force being so regulated as to cause the removal of some
of the coloured constituents of white light, while others are left with
increased intensity behind.
And now let us pass from what we are accustomed to regard as a dead
mineral, to a living grain of corn. When this is examined by polarised light,
chromatic phenomena similar to those noticed in crystals are observed. And
why? Because the architecture of the grain resembles that of the crystal. In
the grain also the molecules are set in definite positions, and in accordance
with their arrangement they act upon the light. But what has built together
the molecules of the corn? Regarding crystalline architecture, I have already
said that you may, if you please, consider the atoms and molecules to be
placed in position by a Power external to themselves. The same hypothesis
is open to you now. But if in the case of crystals you have rejected this
notion of an external architect, I think you are bound to reject it in the case
of the grain, and to conclude that the molecules of the corn, also, are posited
by the forces with which they act upon each other. It would be poor
Page 463
philosophy to invoke an external agent in the one case, and to reject it in the
other.
Instead of cutting our grain of corn into slices and subjecting it to the action
of polarised light, let us place it in the earth, and subject it to a certain
degree of warmth. In other words, let the molecules, both of the corn and of
the surrounding earth, be kept in that state of agitation which we call heat.
Under these circumstances, the grain and the substances which surround it
interact, and a definite molecular architecture is the result. A bud is formed;
this bud reaches the surface, where it is exposed to the sun's rays, which are
also to be regarded as a kind of vibratory motion. And as the motion of
common heat, with which the grain and the substances surrounding it were
first endowed, enabled the grain and these substances to exercise their
mutual attractions and repulsions, and thus to coalesce in definite forms, so
the specific motion of the sun's rays now enables the green bud to feed upon
the carbonic acid and the aqueous vapour of the air. The bud appropriates
those constituents of both for which it has an elective attraction, and permits
the other constituent to return to the atmosphere. Thus the architecture is
carried on. Forces are active at the root, forces are active in the blade, the
matter of the air and the matter of the atmosphere are drawn upon, and the
plant augments in size. We have in succession the stalk, the ear, the full
corn in the ear; the cycle of molecular action being completed by the
production of grains, similar to that with which the process began.
Now there is nothing in this process which necessarily eludes the
conceptive or imagining power of the human mind. An intellect the same in
kind as our own would, if only sufficiently expanded, be able to follow the
whole process from beginning to end. It would see every molecule placed in
its position by the specific attractions and repulsions exerted between it and
other molecules, the whole process, and its consummation, being an
instance of the play of molecular force. Given the grain and its
environment, with their respective forces, the purely human intellect might,
if sufficiently expanded, trace out à priori every step of the process of
growth, and, by the application of purely mechanical principles,
demonstrate that the cycle must end, as it is seen to end, in the reproduction
of forms like that with which it began. A necessity rules here, similar to that
which rules the planets in their circuits round the sun.
other.
Instead of cutting our grain of corn into slices and subjecting it to the action
of polarised light, let us place it in the earth, and subject it to a certain
degree of warmth. In other words, let the molecules, both of the corn and of
the surrounding earth, be kept in that state of agitation which we call heat.
Under these circumstances, the grain and the substances which surround it
interact, and a definite molecular architecture is the result. A bud is formed;
this bud reaches the surface, where it is exposed to the sun's rays, which are
also to be regarded as a kind of vibratory motion. And as the motion of
common heat, with which the grain and the substances surrounding it were
first endowed, enabled the grain and these substances to exercise their
mutual attractions and repulsions, and thus to coalesce in definite forms, so
the specific motion of the sun's rays now enables the green bud to feed upon
the carbonic acid and the aqueous vapour of the air. The bud appropriates
those constituents of both for which it has an elective attraction, and permits
the other constituent to return to the atmosphere. Thus the architecture is
carried on. Forces are active at the root, forces are active in the blade, the
matter of the air and the matter of the atmosphere are drawn upon, and the
plant augments in size. We have in succession the stalk, the ear, the full
corn in the ear; the cycle of molecular action being completed by the
production of grains, similar to that with which the process began.
Now there is nothing in this process which necessarily eludes the
conceptive or imagining power of the human mind. An intellect the same in
kind as our own would, if only sufficiently expanded, be able to follow the
whole process from beginning to end. It would see every molecule placed in
its position by the specific attractions and repulsions exerted between it and
other molecules, the whole process, and its consummation, being an
instance of the play of molecular force. Given the grain and its
environment, with their respective forces, the purely human intellect might,
if sufficiently expanded, trace out à priori every step of the process of
growth, and, by the application of purely mechanical principles,
demonstrate that the cycle must end, as it is seen to end, in the reproduction
of forms like that with which it began. A necessity rules here, similar to that
which rules the planets in their circuits round the sun.
Page 464
You will notice that I am stating the truth strongly, as at the beginning we
agreed it should be stated. But I must go still further, and affirm that in the
eye of science the animal body is just as much the product of molecular
force as the chalk and the ear of corn, or as the crystal of salt or sugar.
Many of the parts of the body are obviously mechanical. Take the human
heart, for example, with its system of valves, or take the exquisite
mechanism of the eye or hand. Animal heat, moreover, is the same in kind
as the heat of a fire, being produced by the same chemical process. Animal
motion, too, is as certainly derived from the food of the animal, as the
motion of Trevethyck's walking-engine from the fuel in its furnace. As
regards matter, the animal body creates nothing; as regards force, it creates
nothing. Which of you by taking thought can add one cubit to his stature?
All that has been said, then, regarding the plant, may be restated with regard
to the animal. Every particle that enters into the composition of a nerve, a
muscle, or a bone, has been placed in its position by molecular force. And
unless the existence of law in these matters be denied, and the element of
caprice introduced, we must conclude that, given the relation of any
molecule of the body to its environment, its position in the body might be
determined mathematically. Our difficulty is not with the quality of the
problem, but with its complexity; and this difficulty might be met by the
simple expansion of the faculties we now possess. Given this expansion,
with the necessary molecular data, and the chick might be deduced as
rigorously and as logically from the egg, as the existence of Neptune from
the disturbances of Uranus, or as conical refraction from the undulatory
theory of light.
You see I am not mincing matters, but avowing nakedly what many
scientific thinkers more or less distinctly believe. The formation of a
crystal, a plant, or an animal, is, in their eyes, a purely mechanical problem,
which differs from the problems of ordinary mechanics, in the smallness of
the masses, and the complexity of the processes involved. Here you have
one half of our dual truth; let us now glance at the other half. Associated
with this wonderful mechanism of the animal body we have phenomena no
less certain than those of physics, but between which and the mechanism
we discern no necessary connection. A man, for example, can say 'I feel,' 'I
think,' 'I love;' but how does consciousness infuse itself into the problem?
The human brain is said to be the organ of thought and feeling: when we are
agreed it should be stated. But I must go still further, and affirm that in the
eye of science the animal body is just as much the product of molecular
force as the chalk and the ear of corn, or as the crystal of salt or sugar.
Many of the parts of the body are obviously mechanical. Take the human
heart, for example, with its system of valves, or take the exquisite
mechanism of the eye or hand. Animal heat, moreover, is the same in kind
as the heat of a fire, being produced by the same chemical process. Animal
motion, too, is as certainly derived from the food of the animal, as the
motion of Trevethyck's walking-engine from the fuel in its furnace. As
regards matter, the animal body creates nothing; as regards force, it creates
nothing. Which of you by taking thought can add one cubit to his stature?
All that has been said, then, regarding the plant, may be restated with regard
to the animal. Every particle that enters into the composition of a nerve, a
muscle, or a bone, has been placed in its position by molecular force. And
unless the existence of law in these matters be denied, and the element of
caprice introduced, we must conclude that, given the relation of any
molecule of the body to its environment, its position in the body might be
determined mathematically. Our difficulty is not with the quality of the
problem, but with its complexity; and this difficulty might be met by the
simple expansion of the faculties we now possess. Given this expansion,
with the necessary molecular data, and the chick might be deduced as
rigorously and as logically from the egg, as the existence of Neptune from
the disturbances of Uranus, or as conical refraction from the undulatory
theory of light.
You see I am not mincing matters, but avowing nakedly what many
scientific thinkers more or less distinctly believe. The formation of a
crystal, a plant, or an animal, is, in their eyes, a purely mechanical problem,
which differs from the problems of ordinary mechanics, in the smallness of
the masses, and the complexity of the processes involved. Here you have
one half of our dual truth; let us now glance at the other half. Associated
with this wonderful mechanism of the animal body we have phenomena no
less certain than those of physics, but between which and the mechanism
we discern no necessary connection. A man, for example, can say 'I feel,' 'I
think,' 'I love;' but how does consciousness infuse itself into the problem?
The human brain is said to be the organ of thought and feeling: when we are
Page 465
hurt, the brain feels it; when we ponder, or when our passions or affections
are excited, it is through the instrumentality of the brain. Let us endeavour
to be a little more precise here. I hardly imagine there exists a profound
scientific thinker, who has reflected upon the subject, unwilling to admit the
extreme probability of the hypothesis, that for every fact of consciousness,
whether in the domain of sense, thought, or emotion, a definite molecular
condition, of motion or structure, is set up in the brain; or who would be
disposed even to deny that if the motion, or structure, be induced by internal
causes instead of external, the effect on consciousness will be the same? Let
any nerve, for example, be thrown by morbid action into the precise state of
motion which would be communicated to it by the pulses of a heated body,
surely that nerve will declare itself hot — the mind will accept the
subjective intimation exactly as if it were objective. The retina may be
excited by purely mechanical means. A blow on the eye causes a luminous
flash, and the mere pressure of the finger on the external ball produces a
star of light, which Newton compared to the circles on a peacock's tail.
Disease makes people see visions and dream dreams; but, in all such cases,
could we examine the organs implicated, we should, on philosophical
grounds, expect to find them in that precise molecular condition which the
real objects, if present, would superinduce.
The relation of physics to consciousness being thus invariable, it follows
that, given the state of the brain, the corresponding thought or feeling might
be inferred: or, given the thought or feeling, the corresponding state of the
brain might be inferred. But how inferred? It would be at bottom not a case
of logical inference at all, but of empirical association. You may reply, that
many of the inferences of science are of this character — the inference, for
example, that an electric current, of a given direction, will deflect a
magnetic needle in a definite way. But the cases differ in this, that the
passage from the current to the needle, if not demonstrable, is conceivable,
and that we entertain no doubt as to the final mechanical solution of the
problem. But the passage from the physics of the brain to the corresponding
facts of consciousness is inconceivable as a result of mechanics. Granted
that a definite thought, and a definite molecular action in the brain, occur
simultaneously; we do not possess the intellectual organ, nor apparently any
rudiment of the organ, which would enable us to pass, by a process of
reasoning, from the one to the other. They appear together, but we do not
are excited, it is through the instrumentality of the brain. Let us endeavour
to be a little more precise here. I hardly imagine there exists a profound
scientific thinker, who has reflected upon the subject, unwilling to admit the
extreme probability of the hypothesis, that for every fact of consciousness,
whether in the domain of sense, thought, or emotion, a definite molecular
condition, of motion or structure, is set up in the brain; or who would be
disposed even to deny that if the motion, or structure, be induced by internal
causes instead of external, the effect on consciousness will be the same? Let
any nerve, for example, be thrown by morbid action into the precise state of
motion which would be communicated to it by the pulses of a heated body,
surely that nerve will declare itself hot — the mind will accept the
subjective intimation exactly as if it were objective. The retina may be
excited by purely mechanical means. A blow on the eye causes a luminous
flash, and the mere pressure of the finger on the external ball produces a
star of light, which Newton compared to the circles on a peacock's tail.
Disease makes people see visions and dream dreams; but, in all such cases,
could we examine the organs implicated, we should, on philosophical
grounds, expect to find them in that precise molecular condition which the
real objects, if present, would superinduce.
The relation of physics to consciousness being thus invariable, it follows
that, given the state of the brain, the corresponding thought or feeling might
be inferred: or, given the thought or feeling, the corresponding state of the
brain might be inferred. But how inferred? It would be at bottom not a case
of logical inference at all, but of empirical association. You may reply, that
many of the inferences of science are of this character — the inference, for
example, that an electric current, of a given direction, will deflect a
magnetic needle in a definite way. But the cases differ in this, that the
passage from the current to the needle, if not demonstrable, is conceivable,
and that we entertain no doubt as to the final mechanical solution of the
problem. But the passage from the physics of the brain to the corresponding
facts of consciousness is inconceivable as a result of mechanics. Granted
that a definite thought, and a definite molecular action in the brain, occur
simultaneously; we do not possess the intellectual organ, nor apparently any
rudiment of the organ, which would enable us to pass, by a process of
reasoning, from the one to the other. They appear together, but we do not
Page 466
know why. Were our minds and senses so expanded, strengthened, and
illuminated, as to enable us to see and feel the very molecules of the brain;
were we capable of following all their motions, all their groupings, all their
electric discharges, if such there be; and were we intimately acquainted with
the corresponding states of thought and feeling, we should be as far as ever
from the solution of the problem, 'How are these physical processes
connected with the facts of consciousness?' The chasm between the two
classes of phenomena would still remain intellectually impassable. Let the
consciousness of love, for example, be associated with a right-handed spiral
motion of the molecules of the brain, and the consciousness of hate with a
left-handed spiral motion. We should then know, when we love, that the
motion is in one direction, and, when we hate, that the motion is in the
other; but the WHY?' would remain as unanswerable as before.
In affirming that the growth of the body is mechanical, and that thought, as
exercised by us, has its correlative in the physics of the brain, I think the
position of the 'Materialist' is stated, as far as that position is a tenable one. I
think the materialist will be able finally to maintain this position against all
attacks; but I do not think, in the present condition of the human mind, that
he can pass beyond this position. I do not think he is entitled to say that his
molecular groupings, and motions, explain everything.
In reality they explain nothing. The utmost he can affirm is the association
of two classes of phenomena, of whose real bond of union he is in absolute
ignorance. The problem of the connection of body and soul is as insoluble,
in its modern form, as it was in the prescientific ages. Phosphorus is known
to enter into the composition of the human brain, and a trenchant German
writer has exclaimed, 'Ohne Phosphor, kein Gedanke!' That may or may not
be the case; but even if we knew it to be the case, the knowledge would not
lighten our darkness. On both sides of the zone here assigned to the
materialist he is equally helpless. If you ask him whence is this 'Matter' of
which we have been discoursing — who or what divided it into molecules,
who or what impressed upon them this necessity of running into organic
forms — he has no answer. Science is mute in reply to these questions. But
if the materialist is confounded and science rendered dumb, who else is
prepared with a solution? To whom has this arm of the Lord been revealed?
illuminated, as to enable us to see and feel the very molecules of the brain;
were we capable of following all their motions, all their groupings, all their
electric discharges, if such there be; and were we intimately acquainted with
the corresponding states of thought and feeling, we should be as far as ever
from the solution of the problem, 'How are these physical processes
connected with the facts of consciousness?' The chasm between the two
classes of phenomena would still remain intellectually impassable. Let the
consciousness of love, for example, be associated with a right-handed spiral
motion of the molecules of the brain, and the consciousness of hate with a
left-handed spiral motion. We should then know, when we love, that the
motion is in one direction, and, when we hate, that the motion is in the
other; but the WHY?' would remain as unanswerable as before.
In affirming that the growth of the body is mechanical, and that thought, as
exercised by us, has its correlative in the physics of the brain, I think the
position of the 'Materialist' is stated, as far as that position is a tenable one. I
think the materialist will be able finally to maintain this position against all
attacks; but I do not think, in the present condition of the human mind, that
he can pass beyond this position. I do not think he is entitled to say that his
molecular groupings, and motions, explain everything.
In reality they explain nothing. The utmost he can affirm is the association
of two classes of phenomena, of whose real bond of union he is in absolute
ignorance. The problem of the connection of body and soul is as insoluble,
in its modern form, as it was in the prescientific ages. Phosphorus is known
to enter into the composition of the human brain, and a trenchant German
writer has exclaimed, 'Ohne Phosphor, kein Gedanke!' That may or may not
be the case; but even if we knew it to be the case, the knowledge would not
lighten our darkness. On both sides of the zone here assigned to the
materialist he is equally helpless. If you ask him whence is this 'Matter' of
which we have been discoursing — who or what divided it into molecules,
who or what impressed upon them this necessity of running into organic
forms — he has no answer. Science is mute in reply to these questions. But
if the materialist is confounded and science rendered dumb, who else is
prepared with a solution? To whom has this arm of the Lord been revealed?
Page 467
Let us lower our heads, and acknowledge our ignorance, priest and
philosopher, one and all.
Perhaps the mystery may resolve itself into knowledge at some future day.
The process of things upon this earth has been one of amelioration. It is a
long way from the Iguanodon and his contemporaries, to the President and
Members of the British Association. And whether we regard the
improvement from the scientific or from the theological point of view — as
the result of progressive development, or of successive exhibitions of
creative energy — neither view entitles us to assume that man's present
faculties end the series, that the process of amelioration ends with him. A
time may therefore come when this ultra-scientific region, by which we are
now enfolded, may offer itself to terrestrial, if not to human, investigation.
Two-thirds of the rays emitted by the sun fail to arouse the sense of vision.
The rays exist, but the visual organ requisite for their translation into light
does not exist. And so from this region of darkness and mystery which
surrounds us, rays may now be darting, which require but the development
of the proper intellectual organs to translate them into knowledge as far
surpassing Ours, as ours surpasses that of the wallowing reptiles which
once held possession of this planet. Meanwhile the mystery is not without
its uses. It certainly may made a power in the human soul; but it is a power
which has feeling, not knowledge, for its base. It may be, will be, and I
hope is turned to account, both in steadying and strengthening the intellect,
and in; rescuing man from that littleness to which, in the struggle for
existence, or for precedence in the world, he is continually prone.
_______________
.
Musings on the Matterhorn, July 27, 1868.
Hacked and hurt by time, the aspect of the mountain from its higher crags
saddened me. Hitherto the impression it made was that of savage strength;
here we had inexorable decay. But this notion of decay implied a reference
to a period when the Matterhorn was in the full strength of mountainhood.
Thought naturally ran back to its remoter origin and sculpture. Nor did
thought halt there, but wandered on through molten worlds to that nebulous
philosopher, one and all.
Perhaps the mystery may resolve itself into knowledge at some future day.
The process of things upon this earth has been one of amelioration. It is a
long way from the Iguanodon and his contemporaries, to the President and
Members of the British Association. And whether we regard the
improvement from the scientific or from the theological point of view — as
the result of progressive development, or of successive exhibitions of
creative energy — neither view entitles us to assume that man's present
faculties end the series, that the process of amelioration ends with him. A
time may therefore come when this ultra-scientific region, by which we are
now enfolded, may offer itself to terrestrial, if not to human, investigation.
Two-thirds of the rays emitted by the sun fail to arouse the sense of vision.
The rays exist, but the visual organ requisite for their translation into light
does not exist. And so from this region of darkness and mystery which
surrounds us, rays may now be darting, which require but the development
of the proper intellectual organs to translate them into knowledge as far
surpassing Ours, as ours surpasses that of the wallowing reptiles which
once held possession of this planet. Meanwhile the mystery is not without
its uses. It certainly may made a power in the human soul; but it is a power
which has feeling, not knowledge, for its base. It may be, will be, and I
hope is turned to account, both in steadying and strengthening the intellect,
and in; rescuing man from that littleness to which, in the struggle for
existence, or for precedence in the world, he is continually prone.
_______________
.
Musings on the Matterhorn, July 27, 1868.
Hacked and hurt by time, the aspect of the mountain from its higher crags
saddened me. Hitherto the impression it made was that of savage strength;
here we had inexorable decay. But this notion of decay implied a reference
to a period when the Matterhorn was in the full strength of mountainhood.
Thought naturally ran back to its remoter origin and sculpture. Nor did
thought halt there, but wandered on through molten worlds to that nebulous
Page 468
haze which philosophers have regarded, and with good reason, as the
proximate source of all material things. I tried to look at this universal
cloud, containing within itself the prediction of all that has since occurred; I
tried to imagine it as the seat of those forces whose action was to issue in
solar and stellar systems, and all that they involve. Did that formless fog
contain potentially the sadness with which I regarded the Matterhorn? Did
the thought which now ran back to it simply return to its primeval home? If
so, had we not better recast our definitions of matter and force; for, if life
and thought be the very flower of both, any definition which omits life and
thought must be inadequate, if not untrue. Are questions like these
warranted? Why not? If the final goal of man has not been yet attained; if
his development has not been yet arrested, who can say that such yearnings
and questionings are not necessary to the opening of a finer vision, to the
budding and the growth of diviner powers? When I look at the heavens and
the earth, at my own body, at my strength and weakness, even at these
ponderings, and ask myself, Is there no being or thing in the universe that
knows more about these matters than I do; what is my answer? Supposing
our theologic schemes of creation, condemnation, and redemption to be
dissipated; and the warmth of denial which they excite, and which, as a
motive force, can match the warmth of affirmation, dissipated at the same
time; would the undeflected human mind return to the meridian of absolute
neutrality as regards these ultra-physical questions? Is such a position one
of stable equilibrium? The channels of thought being already formed, such
are the questions, without replies, which could run athwart consciousness
during a ten minutes' halt upon the weathered crest of the Matterhorn.
.
.
.
.
-------------------------
.
proximate source of all material things. I tried to look at this universal
cloud, containing within itself the prediction of all that has since occurred; I
tried to imagine it as the seat of those forces whose action was to issue in
solar and stellar systems, and all that they involve. Did that formless fog
contain potentially the sadness with which I regarded the Matterhorn? Did
the thought which now ran back to it simply return to its primeval home? If
so, had we not better recast our definitions of matter and force; for, if life
and thought be the very flower of both, any definition which omits life and
thought must be inadequate, if not untrue. Are questions like these
warranted? Why not? If the final goal of man has not been yet attained; if
his development has not been yet arrested, who can say that such yearnings
and questionings are not necessary to the opening of a finer vision, to the
budding and the growth of diviner powers? When I look at the heavens and
the earth, at my own body, at my strength and weakness, even at these
ponderings, and ask myself, Is there no being or thing in the universe that
knows more about these matters than I do; what is my answer? Supposing
our theologic schemes of creation, condemnation, and redemption to be
dissipated; and the warmth of denial which they excite, and which, as a
motive force, can match the warmth of affirmation, dissipated at the same
time; would the undeflected human mind return to the meridian of absolute
neutrality as regards these ultra-physical questions? Is such a position one
of stable equilibrium? The channels of thought being already formed, such
are the questions, without replies, which could run athwart consciousness
during a ten minutes' halt upon the weathered crest of the Matterhorn.
.
.
.
.
-------------------------
.
Page 469
Self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control,
These three alone lead life to sovereign power.
Yet not for power (power of herself
Would come uncalled for), but to live by law,
Acting the law we live by without fear;
And, because right is right, to follow right
Were wisdom in the scorn of consequence.
TENNYSON.
.
-----
.
VII. AN ADDRESS TO STUDENTS.
[Footnote: Delivered at University College, London, Session 1968-69.]
THERE is an idea regarding the nature of man which modern philosophy
has sought, and is still seeking, to raise into clearness; the idea, namely, of
secular growth. Man is not a thing of yesterday; nor do I imagine that the
slightest controversial tinge is imported into this address when I say that he
is not a thing of 6,000 years ago. Whether he came originally from stocks or
stones, from nebulous gas or solar fire, I know not; if he had any such
origin the process of his transformation is as inscrutable to you and me as
that of the grand old legend, according to which 'the Lord God formed man
of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life;
and man became a living soul.' But however obscure man's origin may be,
his growth is not to be denied. Here a little and there a little added through
the ages have slowly transformed him from what he was into what he is.
The doctrine has been held that the mind of the child is like a sheet of white
paper, on which by education we can write what characters we please. This
doctrine assuredly needs qualification and correction. In physics, when an
external force is applied to a body with a view of affecting its inner texture,
if we wish to predict the result, we must know whether the external force
conspires with or opposes the internal forces of the body itself; and in
These three alone lead life to sovereign power.
Yet not for power (power of herself
Would come uncalled for), but to live by law,
Acting the law we live by without fear;
And, because right is right, to follow right
Were wisdom in the scorn of consequence.
TENNYSON.
.
-----
.
VII. AN ADDRESS TO STUDENTS.
[Footnote: Delivered at University College, London, Session 1968-69.]
THERE is an idea regarding the nature of man which modern philosophy
has sought, and is still seeking, to raise into clearness; the idea, namely, of
secular growth. Man is not a thing of yesterday; nor do I imagine that the
slightest controversial tinge is imported into this address when I say that he
is not a thing of 6,000 years ago. Whether he came originally from stocks or
stones, from nebulous gas or solar fire, I know not; if he had any such
origin the process of his transformation is as inscrutable to you and me as
that of the grand old legend, according to which 'the Lord God formed man
of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life;
and man became a living soul.' But however obscure man's origin may be,
his growth is not to be denied. Here a little and there a little added through
the ages have slowly transformed him from what he was into what he is.
The doctrine has been held that the mind of the child is like a sheet of white
paper, on which by education we can write what characters we please. This
doctrine assuredly needs qualification and correction. In physics, when an
external force is applied to a body with a view of affecting its inner texture,
if we wish to predict the result, we must know whether the external force
conspires with or opposes the internal forces of the body itself; and in
Page 470
bringing the influence of education to bear upon the new-born man his
inner powers also must be taken into account. He comes to us as a bundle of
inherited capacities and tendencies, labelled 'from the indefinite past to the
indefinite future;' and he makes his transit from the one to the other through
the education of the present time. The object of that education is, or ought
to be, to provide wise exercise for his capacities, wise direction for his
tendencies, and through this exercise and this direction to furnish his mind
with such knowledge as may contribute to the usefulness, the beauty, and
the nobleness of his life.
How is this discipline to be secured, this knowledge imparted? Two rival
methods now solicit attention, — the one organised and equipped, the
labour of centuries having been expended in bringing it to its present state
of perfection; the other, more or less chaotic, but becoming daily less so,
and giving signs of enormous power, both as a source of knowledge and as
a means of discipline. These two methods are the classical and the scientific
method. I wish they were not rivals; it is only bigotry and short-sightedness
that make them so; for assuredly it is possible to give both of them fair play.
Though hardly authorised to express an opinion upon the subject, I
nevertheless hold the opinion that the proper study of a language is an
intellectual discipline of the highest kind. If I except discussions on the
comparative merits of Popery and Protestantism, English grammar was the
most important discipline of my boyhood. The piercing through the
involved and inverted sentences of 'Paradise Lost'; the linking of the verb to
its often distant nominative, of the relative to its distant antecedent, of the
agent to the object of the transitive verb, of the preposition to the noun or
pronoun which it governed, the study of variations in mood and tense, the
transpositions often necessary to bring out the true grammatical structure of
a sentence — all this was to my young mind a discipline of the highest
value, and a source of unflagging delight. How I rejoiced when I found a
great author tripping, and was fairly able to pin him to a corner from which
there was no escape! As I speak, some of the sentences which exercised me
when a boy rise to my recollection. For instance, 'He that hath ears to hear,
let him hear;' where the 'He' is left, as it were, floating in mid air without
any verb to support it. I speak thus of English because it was of real value to
me. I do not speak of other languages because their educational value for
me was almost insensible. But knowing the value of English so well, I
inner powers also must be taken into account. He comes to us as a bundle of
inherited capacities and tendencies, labelled 'from the indefinite past to the
indefinite future;' and he makes his transit from the one to the other through
the education of the present time. The object of that education is, or ought
to be, to provide wise exercise for his capacities, wise direction for his
tendencies, and through this exercise and this direction to furnish his mind
with such knowledge as may contribute to the usefulness, the beauty, and
the nobleness of his life.
How is this discipline to be secured, this knowledge imparted? Two rival
methods now solicit attention, — the one organised and equipped, the
labour of centuries having been expended in bringing it to its present state
of perfection; the other, more or less chaotic, but becoming daily less so,
and giving signs of enormous power, both as a source of knowledge and as
a means of discipline. These two methods are the classical and the scientific
method. I wish they were not rivals; it is only bigotry and short-sightedness
that make them so; for assuredly it is possible to give both of them fair play.
Though hardly authorised to express an opinion upon the subject, I
nevertheless hold the opinion that the proper study of a language is an
intellectual discipline of the highest kind. If I except discussions on the
comparative merits of Popery and Protestantism, English grammar was the
most important discipline of my boyhood. The piercing through the
involved and inverted sentences of 'Paradise Lost'; the linking of the verb to
its often distant nominative, of the relative to its distant antecedent, of the
agent to the object of the transitive verb, of the preposition to the noun or
pronoun which it governed, the study of variations in mood and tense, the
transpositions often necessary to bring out the true grammatical structure of
a sentence — all this was to my young mind a discipline of the highest
value, and a source of unflagging delight. How I rejoiced when I found a
great author tripping, and was fairly able to pin him to a corner from which
there was no escape! As I speak, some of the sentences which exercised me
when a boy rise to my recollection. For instance, 'He that hath ears to hear,
let him hear;' where the 'He' is left, as it were, floating in mid air without
any verb to support it. I speak thus of English because it was of real value to
me. I do not speak of other languages because their educational value for
me was almost insensible. But knowing the value of English so well, I
Page 471
should be the last to deny, or even to doubt, the high discipline involved in
the proper study of Latin and Greek.
That study, moreover, has other merits and recommendations. It is, as I have
said, organised and systematised by long-continued use. It is an instrument
wielded by some of our best intellects in the education of youth; and it can
point to results in the achievements of our foremost men. What, then, has
science to offer which is in the least degree likely to compete with such a
system? I cannot better reply than by recurring to the grand old story from
which I have already quoted. Speaking of the world and all that therein is,
of the sky and the stars around it, the ancient writer says, 'And God saw all
that he had made, and behold it was very good.' It is the body of things thus
described which science offers to the study of man. There is a very
renowned argument much prized and much quoted by theologians, in which
the universe is compared to a watch. Let us deal practically with this
comparison. Supposing a watchmaker, having completed his instrument, to
be so satisfied with his work as to call it very good, what would you
understand him to mean? You would not suppose that he referred to the
dial-plate in front and the chasing of the case behind, so much as to the
wheels and pinions, the springs and jewelled pivots of the works within —
to those qualities and powers, in short, which enable the watch to perform
its work as a keeper of time. With regard to the knowledge of such a watch
he would be a mere ignoramus who would content himself with outward
inspection. I do not wish to say one severe word here to-day, but I fear that
many of those who are very loud in their praise of the works of the Lord
know them only in this outside and superficial way. It is the inner works of
the universe which science reverently uncovers; it is the study of these that
she recommends as a discipline worthy of all acceptation.
The ultimate problem of physics is to reduce matter by analysis to its lowest
condition of divisibility, and force to its simplest manifestations, and then
by synthesis to construct from these elements the world as it stands. We are
still a long way from the final solution of this problem; and when the
solution comes, it will be more one of spiritual insight than of actual
observation. But though we are still a long way from this complete
intellectual mastery of nature, we have conquered vast regions of it, have
learned their polities and the play of their powers. We live upon a ball of
the proper study of Latin and Greek.
That study, moreover, has other merits and recommendations. It is, as I have
said, organised and systematised by long-continued use. It is an instrument
wielded by some of our best intellects in the education of youth; and it can
point to results in the achievements of our foremost men. What, then, has
science to offer which is in the least degree likely to compete with such a
system? I cannot better reply than by recurring to the grand old story from
which I have already quoted. Speaking of the world and all that therein is,
of the sky and the stars around it, the ancient writer says, 'And God saw all
that he had made, and behold it was very good.' It is the body of things thus
described which science offers to the study of man. There is a very
renowned argument much prized and much quoted by theologians, in which
the universe is compared to a watch. Let us deal practically with this
comparison. Supposing a watchmaker, having completed his instrument, to
be so satisfied with his work as to call it very good, what would you
understand him to mean? You would not suppose that he referred to the
dial-plate in front and the chasing of the case behind, so much as to the
wheels and pinions, the springs and jewelled pivots of the works within —
to those qualities and powers, in short, which enable the watch to perform
its work as a keeper of time. With regard to the knowledge of such a watch
he would be a mere ignoramus who would content himself with outward
inspection. I do not wish to say one severe word here to-day, but I fear that
many of those who are very loud in their praise of the works of the Lord
know them only in this outside and superficial way. It is the inner works of
the universe which science reverently uncovers; it is the study of these that
she recommends as a discipline worthy of all acceptation.
The ultimate problem of physics is to reduce matter by analysis to its lowest
condition of divisibility, and force to its simplest manifestations, and then
by synthesis to construct from these elements the world as it stands. We are
still a long way from the final solution of this problem; and when the
solution comes, it will be more one of spiritual insight than of actual
observation. But though we are still a long way from this complete
intellectual mastery of nature, we have conquered vast regions of it, have
learned their polities and the play of their powers. We live upon a ball of
Page 472
8,000 miles in diameter, swathed by an atmosphere of unknown height.
This ball has been molten by heat, chilled to a solid, and sculptured by
water. It is made up of substances possessing distinctive properties and
modes of action, which offer problems to the intellect, some profitable to
the child, others taxing the highest powers of the philosopher. Our native
sphere turns on its axis, and revolves in space. It is one of a band which all
do the same. It is illuminated by a sun which, though nearly a hundred
millions of miles distant, can be brought virtually into our closets and there
subjected to examination. It has its winds and clouds, its rain and frost, its
light, heat, sound, electricity, and magnetism. And it has its vast kingdoms
of animals and vegetables. To a most amazing extent the human mind has
conquered these things, and revealed the logic which runs through them.
Were they facts only, without logical relationship, science might, as a means
of discipline, suffer in comparison with language. But the whole body of
phenomena is instinct with law; the facts are hung on principles, and the
value of physical science as a means of discipline consists in the motion of
the intellect, both inductively and deductively, along the lines of law
marked out by phenomena. As regards the discipline to which I have
already referred as derivable from the study of languages, — that, and
more, is involved in the study of physical science. Indeed, I believe it would
be possible so to limit and arrange the study of a portion of physics as to
render the mental exercise involved in it almost qualitatively the same as
that involved in the unravelling of a language.
I have thus far confined myself to the purely intellectual side of this
question. But man is not all intellect. If he were so, science would, I
believe, be his proper nutriment. But he feels as well as thinks; he is
receptive of the sublime and beautiful as well as of the true. Indeed, I
believe that even the intellectual action of a complete man is, consciously or
unconsciously, sustained by an undercurrent of the emotions. It is vain to
attempt to separate the moral and emotional from the intellectual. Let a man
but observe himself, and he will, if I mistake not, find that in nine cases out
of ten, the emotions constitute the motive force which pushes his intellect
into action. The reading of the works of two men, neither of them imbued
with the spirit of modern science — neither of them, indeed, friendly to that
spirit — has placed me here to-day. These men are the English Carlyle and
the American Emerson. I must ever gratefully remember that through three
This ball has been molten by heat, chilled to a solid, and sculptured by
water. It is made up of substances possessing distinctive properties and
modes of action, which offer problems to the intellect, some profitable to
the child, others taxing the highest powers of the philosopher. Our native
sphere turns on its axis, and revolves in space. It is one of a band which all
do the same. It is illuminated by a sun which, though nearly a hundred
millions of miles distant, can be brought virtually into our closets and there
subjected to examination. It has its winds and clouds, its rain and frost, its
light, heat, sound, electricity, and magnetism. And it has its vast kingdoms
of animals and vegetables. To a most amazing extent the human mind has
conquered these things, and revealed the logic which runs through them.
Were they facts only, without logical relationship, science might, as a means
of discipline, suffer in comparison with language. But the whole body of
phenomena is instinct with law; the facts are hung on principles, and the
value of physical science as a means of discipline consists in the motion of
the intellect, both inductively and deductively, along the lines of law
marked out by phenomena. As regards the discipline to which I have
already referred as derivable from the study of languages, — that, and
more, is involved in the study of physical science. Indeed, I believe it would
be possible so to limit and arrange the study of a portion of physics as to
render the mental exercise involved in it almost qualitatively the same as
that involved in the unravelling of a language.
I have thus far confined myself to the purely intellectual side of this
question. But man is not all intellect. If he were so, science would, I
believe, be his proper nutriment. But he feels as well as thinks; he is
receptive of the sublime and beautiful as well as of the true. Indeed, I
believe that even the intellectual action of a complete man is, consciously or
unconsciously, sustained by an undercurrent of the emotions. It is vain to
attempt to separate the moral and emotional from the intellectual. Let a man
but observe himself, and he will, if I mistake not, find that in nine cases out
of ten, the emotions constitute the motive force which pushes his intellect
into action. The reading of the works of two men, neither of them imbued
with the spirit of modern science — neither of them, indeed, friendly to that
spirit — has placed me here to-day. These men are the English Carlyle and
the American Emerson. I must ever gratefully remember that through three
Page 473
long cold German winters Carlyle placed me in my tub, even when ice was
on its surface, at five o'clock every morning — not slavishly, but cheerfully,
meeting each day's studies with a resolute will, determined whether victor
or vanquished not to shrink from difficulty. I never should have gone
through Analytical Geometry and the Calculus had it not been for those
men. I never should have become a physical investigator, and hence without
them I should not have been here to-day. They told me what I ought to do in
a way that caused me to do it, and all my consequent intellectual action is to
be traced to this purely moral source. To Carlyle and Emerson I ought to
add Fichte, the greatest representative of pure idealism. These three
unscientific men made me a practical scientific worker. They called out
'Act!' I hearkened to the summons, taking the liberty, however, of
determining for myself the direction which effort was to take.
And I may now cry 'Act!' but the potency of action must be yours. I may
pull the trigger, but if the gun be not charged there is no result. We are
creators in the intellectual world as little as in the physical. We may remove
obstacles, and render latent capacities active, but we cannot suddenly
change the nature of man. The 'new birth' itself implies the pre-existence of
a character which requires not to be created but brought forth. You cannot
by any amount of missionary labour suddenly transform the savage into the
civilised Christian. The improvement of man is secular — not the work of
an hour or of a day. But though indubitably bound by our organisations, no
man knows what the potentialities of any human mind may be, requiring
only release to be brought into action. There are in the mineral world certain
crystals — certain forms, for instance, of fluor-spar, which have lain darkly
in the earth for ages, but which nevertheless have a potency of light locked
up within them. In their case the potential has never become actual — the
light is in fact held back by a molecular detent. When these crystals are
warmed, the detent is lifted, and an outflow of light immediately begins. I
know not how many of you may be in the condition of this fluor-spar. For
aught I know, every one of you may be in this condition, requiring but the
proper agent to be applied — the proper word to be spoken — to remove a
detent, and to render you conscious of light and warmth within yourselves
and sources of both to others.
on its surface, at five o'clock every morning — not slavishly, but cheerfully,
meeting each day's studies with a resolute will, determined whether victor
or vanquished not to shrink from difficulty. I never should have gone
through Analytical Geometry and the Calculus had it not been for those
men. I never should have become a physical investigator, and hence without
them I should not have been here to-day. They told me what I ought to do in
a way that caused me to do it, and all my consequent intellectual action is to
be traced to this purely moral source. To Carlyle and Emerson I ought to
add Fichte, the greatest representative of pure idealism. These three
unscientific men made me a practical scientific worker. They called out
'Act!' I hearkened to the summons, taking the liberty, however, of
determining for myself the direction which effort was to take.
And I may now cry 'Act!' but the potency of action must be yours. I may
pull the trigger, but if the gun be not charged there is no result. We are
creators in the intellectual world as little as in the physical. We may remove
obstacles, and render latent capacities active, but we cannot suddenly
change the nature of man. The 'new birth' itself implies the pre-existence of
a character which requires not to be created but brought forth. You cannot
by any amount of missionary labour suddenly transform the savage into the
civilised Christian. The improvement of man is secular — not the work of
an hour or of a day. But though indubitably bound by our organisations, no
man knows what the potentialities of any human mind may be, requiring
only release to be brought into action. There are in the mineral world certain
crystals — certain forms, for instance, of fluor-spar, which have lain darkly
in the earth for ages, but which nevertheless have a potency of light locked
up within them. In their case the potential has never become actual — the
light is in fact held back by a molecular detent. When these crystals are
warmed, the detent is lifted, and an outflow of light immediately begins. I
know not how many of you may be in the condition of this fluor-spar. For
aught I know, every one of you may be in this condition, requiring but the
proper agent to be applied — the proper word to be spoken — to remove a
detent, and to render you conscious of light and warmth within yourselves
and sources of both to others.
Page 474
The circle of human nature, then, is not complete without the arc of the
emotions. The lilies of the field have a value for us beyond their botanical
ones — a certain lightening of the heart accompanies the declaration that
'Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these.' The sound of
the village bell has a value beyond its acoustical one. The setting sun has a
value beyond its optical one. The starry heavens, as you know, had for
Immanuel Kant a value beyond their astronomical one. I think it very
desirable to keep this horizon of the emotions open, and not to permit either
priest or philosopher to draw down his shutters between you and it. Here
the dead languages, which are sure to be beaten by science in the purely
intellectual fight, have an irresistible claim. They supplement the work of
science by exalting and refining the aesthetic faculty, and must on this
account be cherished by all who desire to see human culture complete.
There must be a reason for the fascination which these languages have so
long exercised upon powerful and elevated minds — a fascination which
will probably continue for men of Greek and Roman mould to the end of
time.
In connection with this question one very obvious danger besets many of
the more earnest spirits of our day — the danger of haste in endeavouring
to give the feelings repose. We are distracted by systems of theology and
philosophy which were taught to us when young, and which now excite in
us a hunger and a thirst for knowledge not proved to be attainable. There
are periods when the judgment ought to remain in suspense, the data on
which a decision might be based being absent. This discipline of suspending
the judgment is a common one in science, but not so common as it ought to
be elsewhere. I walked down Regent Street some time ago with a man of
great gifts and acquirements, discussing with him various theological
questions. I could not accept his views of the origin and destiny of the
universe, nor was I prepared to enunciate any definite views of my own. He
turned to me at length and said, 'You surely must have a theory of the
universe.' That I should in one way or another have solved this mystery of
mysteries seemed, to my friend a matter of course. 'I have not even a theory
of magnetism' was my reply. We ought to learn to wait. We ought assuredly
to pause before closing with the advances of those expounders of the ways
of God to men, who offer us intellectual peace at the modest cost of
intellectual life.
emotions. The lilies of the field have a value for us beyond their botanical
ones — a certain lightening of the heart accompanies the declaration that
'Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these.' The sound of
the village bell has a value beyond its acoustical one. The setting sun has a
value beyond its optical one. The starry heavens, as you know, had for
Immanuel Kant a value beyond their astronomical one. I think it very
desirable to keep this horizon of the emotions open, and not to permit either
priest or philosopher to draw down his shutters between you and it. Here
the dead languages, which are sure to be beaten by science in the purely
intellectual fight, have an irresistible claim. They supplement the work of
science by exalting and refining the aesthetic faculty, and must on this
account be cherished by all who desire to see human culture complete.
There must be a reason for the fascination which these languages have so
long exercised upon powerful and elevated minds — a fascination which
will probably continue for men of Greek and Roman mould to the end of
time.
In connection with this question one very obvious danger besets many of
the more earnest spirits of our day — the danger of haste in endeavouring
to give the feelings repose. We are distracted by systems of theology and
philosophy which were taught to us when young, and which now excite in
us a hunger and a thirst for knowledge not proved to be attainable. There
are periods when the judgment ought to remain in suspense, the data on
which a decision might be based being absent. This discipline of suspending
the judgment is a common one in science, but not so common as it ought to
be elsewhere. I walked down Regent Street some time ago with a man of
great gifts and acquirements, discussing with him various theological
questions. I could not accept his views of the origin and destiny of the
universe, nor was I prepared to enunciate any definite views of my own. He
turned to me at length and said, 'You surely must have a theory of the
universe.' That I should in one way or another have solved this mystery of
mysteries seemed, to my friend a matter of course. 'I have not even a theory
of magnetism' was my reply. We ought to learn to wait. We ought assuredly
to pause before closing with the advances of those expounders of the ways
of God to men, who offer us intellectual peace at the modest cost of
intellectual life.
Page 475
The teachers of the world ought to be its best men, and for the present at all
events such men must learn self-trust. By the fullness and freshness of their
own Jives and utterances they must awaken life in others. The hopes and
terrors which influenced our fathers are passing away, and our trust
henceforth must rest on the innate strength of man's moral nature. And here,
I think, the poet will have a great part to play in the future culture of the
world. To him, when he rightly understands his mission, and does not flinch
from the tonic discipline which it assuredly demands, we have a right to
look for that heightening and brightening of life which so many of us need.
To him it is given for a long time to come to fill those shores which the
recession of the theologic tide has left exposed. Void of offence to science,
he may freely deal with conceptions which science shuns, and become the
illustrator and interpreter of that Power which as
'Jehovah, Jove, or Lord,'
has hitherto filled and strengthened the human heart.
Let me utter one practical word in conclusion — take care of your health.
There have been men who by wise attention to this point might have risen
to any eminence — might have made great discoveries, written great
poems, commanded armies, or ruled states, but who by unwise neglect of
this point have come to nothing. Imagine Hercules as oarsman in a rotten
boat; what can he do there but by the very force of his stroke expedite the
ruin of his craft? Take care then of the timbers of your boat, and avoid all
practices likely to introduce either wet or dry rot amongst them. And this is
not to be accomplished by desultory or intermittent efforts of the will, but
by the formation of habits. The will no doubt has sometimes to put forth its
strength in order to crush the special temptation. But the formation of right
habits is essential to your permanent security. They diminish your chance of
falling when assailed, and they augment your chance of recovery when
overthrown.
.
.
.
events such men must learn self-trust. By the fullness and freshness of their
own Jives and utterances they must awaken life in others. The hopes and
terrors which influenced our fathers are passing away, and our trust
henceforth must rest on the innate strength of man's moral nature. And here,
I think, the poet will have a great part to play in the future culture of the
world. To him, when he rightly understands his mission, and does not flinch
from the tonic discipline which it assuredly demands, we have a right to
look for that heightening and brightening of life which so many of us need.
To him it is given for a long time to come to fill those shores which the
recession of the theologic tide has left exposed. Void of offence to science,
he may freely deal with conceptions which science shuns, and become the
illustrator and interpreter of that Power which as
'Jehovah, Jove, or Lord,'
has hitherto filled and strengthened the human heart.
Let me utter one practical word in conclusion — take care of your health.
There have been men who by wise attention to this point might have risen
to any eminence — might have made great discoveries, written great
poems, commanded armies, or ruled states, but who by unwise neglect of
this point have come to nothing. Imagine Hercules as oarsman in a rotten
boat; what can he do there but by the very force of his stroke expedite the
ruin of his craft? Take care then of the timbers of your boat, and avoid all
practices likely to introduce either wet or dry rot amongst them. And this is
not to be accomplished by desultory or intermittent efforts of the will, but
by the formation of habits. The will no doubt has sometimes to put forth its
strength in order to crush the special temptation. But the formation of right
habits is essential to your permanent security. They diminish your chance of
falling when assailed, and they augment your chance of recovery when
overthrown.
.
.
.
Page 476
.
--------------------
.
If thou would'st know the mystic song
Chaunted when the sphere was young,
Aloft, abroad, the paean swells,
O wise man, hear'st thou half it tells?
To the open ear it sings
The early genesis of things;
Of tendency through endless ages
Of star-dust and star-pilgrimages,
Of rounded worlds, of space and time,
Of the old floods' subsiding slime,
Of chemic matter, force and form,
Of poles and powers, cold, wet, and warm.
The rushing metamorphosis
Dissolving all that fixture is,
Melts things that be to things that seem,
And solid nature to a dream.'
EMERSON.
.
Was waer' ein Gott der nur von aussen stiesse,
Im Kreis das All am Finger laufen liesse
Ihm ziemt's, die Welt im Innern zu bewegen,
Natur in Sich, Sich in Natur zu hegen.'
GOETHE.
.
.
--------------------
.
If thou would'st know the mystic song
Chaunted when the sphere was young,
Aloft, abroad, the paean swells,
O wise man, hear'st thou half it tells?
To the open ear it sings
The early genesis of things;
Of tendency through endless ages
Of star-dust and star-pilgrimages,
Of rounded worlds, of space and time,
Of the old floods' subsiding slime,
Of chemic matter, force and form,
Of poles and powers, cold, wet, and warm.
The rushing metamorphosis
Dissolving all that fixture is,
Melts things that be to things that seem,
And solid nature to a dream.'
EMERSON.
.
Was waer' ein Gott der nur von aussen stiesse,
Im Kreis das All am Finger laufen liesse
Ihm ziemt's, die Welt im Innern zu bewegen,
Natur in Sich, Sich in Natur zu hegen.'
GOETHE.
.
.
Page 477
-----
.
.
VIII. SCIENTIFIC USE OF THE IMAGINATION.
[Footnote: Discourse delivered before the British Association at Liverpool,
September 16, 1870.]
'Lastly, physical investigation, more than anything besides, helps to teach us
the actual value and right use of the Imagination — of that wondrous
faculty, which, left to ramble uncontrolled, leads us astray into a wilderness
of perplexities and errors, a land of mists and shadows; but which, properly
controlled by experience and reflection, becomes the noblest attribute of
man; the source of poetic genius, the instrument of discovery in Science,
without the aid of which Newton would never have invented fluxions, nor
Davy have decomposed the earths and alkalies, nor would Columbus have
found another Continent.' — Address to the Royal Society by its President
Sir Benjamin Brodie, November 30, 1859.
.
I CARRIED with me to the Alps this year the burden of this evening's
work. Save from memory I had no direct aid upon the mountains; but to
spur up the emotions, on which so much depends, as well as to nourish
indirectly the intellect and will, I took with me four works, comprising two
volumes of poetry, Goethe's 'Farbenlehre,' and the work on 'Logic' recently
published by Mr. Alexander Bain. In Goethe, so noble otherwise, I chiefly
noticed the self-inflicted hurts of genius, as it broke itself in vain against the
philosophy of Newton. Mr. Bain I found, for the most part, learned and
practical, shining generally with a dry light, but exhibiting at times a flush
of emotional strength, which proved that even logicians share the common
fire of humanity. He interested me most when he became the mirror of my
own condition. Neither intellectually nor socially is it good for man to be
alone, and the sorrows of thought are more patiently borne when we find
that they have been experienced by another. From certain passages in his
.
.
VIII. SCIENTIFIC USE OF THE IMAGINATION.
[Footnote: Discourse delivered before the British Association at Liverpool,
September 16, 1870.]
'Lastly, physical investigation, more than anything besides, helps to teach us
the actual value and right use of the Imagination — of that wondrous
faculty, which, left to ramble uncontrolled, leads us astray into a wilderness
of perplexities and errors, a land of mists and shadows; but which, properly
controlled by experience and reflection, becomes the noblest attribute of
man; the source of poetic genius, the instrument of discovery in Science,
without the aid of which Newton would never have invented fluxions, nor
Davy have decomposed the earths and alkalies, nor would Columbus have
found another Continent.' — Address to the Royal Society by its President
Sir Benjamin Brodie, November 30, 1859.
.
I CARRIED with me to the Alps this year the burden of this evening's
work. Save from memory I had no direct aid upon the mountains; but to
spur up the emotions, on which so much depends, as well as to nourish
indirectly the intellect and will, I took with me four works, comprising two
volumes of poetry, Goethe's 'Farbenlehre,' and the work on 'Logic' recently
published by Mr. Alexander Bain. In Goethe, so noble otherwise, I chiefly
noticed the self-inflicted hurts of genius, as it broke itself in vain against the
philosophy of Newton. Mr. Bain I found, for the most part, learned and
practical, shining generally with a dry light, but exhibiting at times a flush
of emotional strength, which proved that even logicians share the common
fire of humanity. He interested me most when he became the mirror of my
own condition. Neither intellectually nor socially is it good for man to be
alone, and the sorrows of thought are more patiently borne when we find
that they have been experienced by another. From certain passages in his
Page 478
book I could infer that Mr. Bain was no stranger to such sorrows. Speaking
for example of the ebb of intellectual force, which we all from time to time
experience, Mr. Bain says: 'The uncertainty where to look for the next
opening of discovery brings the pain of conflict and the debility of
indecision.' These words have in them the true ring of personal experience.
The action of the investigator is periodic. He grapples with a subject of
enquiry, wrestles with it, and exhausts, it may be, both himself and it for the
time being. He breathes a space, and then renews the struggle in another
field. Now this period of halting between two investigations is not always
one of pure repose. It is often a period of doubt and discomfort — of gloom
and ennui. 'The uncertainty where to look for the next opening of discovery
brings the pain of conflict and the debility of indecision.' It was under such
conditions that I had to equip myself for the hour and the ordeal that are
now come.
-----
The disciplines of common life are, in great part, exercises in the relations
of space, or in the mental grouping of bodies in space; and, by such
exercises, the public mind is, to some extent, prepared for the reception of
physical conceptions. Assuming this preparation on your part, the wish
gradually grew within me to trace, and to enable you to trace, some of the
more occult features and operations of Light and Colour. I wished, if
possible, to take you beyond the boundary of mere observation, into a
region where things are intellectually discerned, and to show you there the
hidden mechanism of optical action.
But how are those hidden things to be revealed? Philosophers may be right
in affirming that we cannot transcend experience: we can, at all events,
carry it a long way from its origin. We can magnify, diminish, qualify, and
combine experiences, so as to render them fit for purposes entirely new. In
explaining sensible phenomena, we habitually form mental images of the
ultra-sensible. There are Tories even in science who regard Imagination as a
faculty to be feared and avoided rather than employed. They have observed
its action in weak vessels, and are unduly impressed by its disasters. But
they might with equal justice point to exploded boilers as an argument
against the use of steam. With accurate experiment and observation to work
for example of the ebb of intellectual force, which we all from time to time
experience, Mr. Bain says: 'The uncertainty where to look for the next
opening of discovery brings the pain of conflict and the debility of
indecision.' These words have in them the true ring of personal experience.
The action of the investigator is periodic. He grapples with a subject of
enquiry, wrestles with it, and exhausts, it may be, both himself and it for the
time being. He breathes a space, and then renews the struggle in another
field. Now this period of halting between two investigations is not always
one of pure repose. It is often a period of doubt and discomfort — of gloom
and ennui. 'The uncertainty where to look for the next opening of discovery
brings the pain of conflict and the debility of indecision.' It was under such
conditions that I had to equip myself for the hour and the ordeal that are
now come.
-----
The disciplines of common life are, in great part, exercises in the relations
of space, or in the mental grouping of bodies in space; and, by such
exercises, the public mind is, to some extent, prepared for the reception of
physical conceptions. Assuming this preparation on your part, the wish
gradually grew within me to trace, and to enable you to trace, some of the
more occult features and operations of Light and Colour. I wished, if
possible, to take you beyond the boundary of mere observation, into a
region where things are intellectually discerned, and to show you there the
hidden mechanism of optical action.
But how are those hidden things to be revealed? Philosophers may be right
in affirming that we cannot transcend experience: we can, at all events,
carry it a long way from its origin. We can magnify, diminish, qualify, and
combine experiences, so as to render them fit for purposes entirely new. In
explaining sensible phenomena, we habitually form mental images of the
ultra-sensible. There are Tories even in science who regard Imagination as a
faculty to be feared and avoided rather than employed. They have observed
its action in weak vessels, and are unduly impressed by its disasters. But
they might with equal justice point to exploded boilers as an argument
against the use of steam. With accurate experiment and observation to work
Page 479
upon, Imagination becomes the architect of physical theory. Newton's
passage from a falling apple to a falling moon was an act of the prepared
imagination, without which the 'laws of Kepler' could never have been
traced to their foundations. Out of the facts of chemistry the constructive
imagination of Dalton formed the atomic theory. Davy was richly endowed
with the imaginative faculty, while with Faraday its exercise was incessant,
preceding, accompanying and guiding all his experiments. His strength and
fertility as a discoverer is to be referred in great part to the stimulus of his
imagination. Scientific men fight shy of the word because of its ultra-
scientific connotations; but the fact is that without the exercise of this
power, our knowledge of nature would be a mere tabulation of co-
existences and sequences. We should still believe in the succession of day
and night, of summer and winter; but the conception of Force would vanish
from our universe; causal relations would disappear, and with them that
science which is now binding the parts of nature to an organic whole.
I should like to illustrate by a few simple instances the use that scientific
men have already made of this power of imagination, and to indicate
afterwards some of the further uses that they are likely to make of it. Let us
begin with the rudimentary experiences. Observe the falling of heavy rain-
drops into a tranquil pond. Each drop as it strikes the water becomes a
centre of disturbance, from which a series of ring-ripples expand outwards.
Gravity and inertia are the agents by which this wave-motion is produced,
and a rough experiment will suffice to show that the rate of propagation
does not amount to a foot a second. A series of slight mechanical shocks is
experienced by a body plunged in the water, as the wavelets reach it in
succession. But a finer motion is at the same time set up and propagated. If
the head and ears be immersed in the water, as in an experiment of
Franklin's, the tick of the drop is heard. Now, this sonorous impulse is
propagated, not at the rate of a foot, but at the rate of 4,700 feet a second. In
this case it is not the gravity but the elasticity of the water that comes into
play. Every liquid particle pushed against its neighbour delivers up its
motion with extreme rapidity, and the pulse is propagated as a thrill. The
incompressibility of water, as illustrated by the famous Florentine
experiment, is a measure of its elasticity; and to the possession of this
property, in so high a degree, the rapid transmission of a sound-pulse
through water is to be ascribed.
passage from a falling apple to a falling moon was an act of the prepared
imagination, without which the 'laws of Kepler' could never have been
traced to their foundations. Out of the facts of chemistry the constructive
imagination of Dalton formed the atomic theory. Davy was richly endowed
with the imaginative faculty, while with Faraday its exercise was incessant,
preceding, accompanying and guiding all his experiments. His strength and
fertility as a discoverer is to be referred in great part to the stimulus of his
imagination. Scientific men fight shy of the word because of its ultra-
scientific connotations; but the fact is that without the exercise of this
power, our knowledge of nature would be a mere tabulation of co-
existences and sequences. We should still believe in the succession of day
and night, of summer and winter; but the conception of Force would vanish
from our universe; causal relations would disappear, and with them that
science which is now binding the parts of nature to an organic whole.
I should like to illustrate by a few simple instances the use that scientific
men have already made of this power of imagination, and to indicate
afterwards some of the further uses that they are likely to make of it. Let us
begin with the rudimentary experiences. Observe the falling of heavy rain-
drops into a tranquil pond. Each drop as it strikes the water becomes a
centre of disturbance, from which a series of ring-ripples expand outwards.
Gravity and inertia are the agents by which this wave-motion is produced,
and a rough experiment will suffice to show that the rate of propagation
does not amount to a foot a second. A series of slight mechanical shocks is
experienced by a body plunged in the water, as the wavelets reach it in
succession. But a finer motion is at the same time set up and propagated. If
the head and ears be immersed in the water, as in an experiment of
Franklin's, the tick of the drop is heard. Now, this sonorous impulse is
propagated, not at the rate of a foot, but at the rate of 4,700 feet a second. In
this case it is not the gravity but the elasticity of the water that comes into
play. Every liquid particle pushed against its neighbour delivers up its
motion with extreme rapidity, and the pulse is propagated as a thrill. The
incompressibility of water, as illustrated by the famous Florentine
experiment, is a measure of its elasticity; and to the possession of this
property, in so high a degree, the rapid transmission of a sound-pulse
through water is to be ascribed.
Page 480
But water, as you know, is not necessary to the conduction of sound; air is
its most common vehicle. And you know that when the air possesses the
particular density and elasticity corresponding to the temperature of
freezing water, the velocity of sound in it is 1,090 feet a second. It is almost
exactly one-fourth of the velocity in water; the reason being that though the
greater weight of the water tends to diminish the velocity, the enormous
molecular elasticity of the liquid far more than atones for the disadvantage
due to weight. By various contrivances we can compel the vibrations of the
air to declare themselves we know the length and frequency of the sonorous
waves, and we have also obtained great mastery over the various methods
by which the air is thrown into vibration. We know the phenomena and laws
of vibrating rods, of organ-pipes, strings, membranes, plates, and bells. We
can abolish one sound by another. We know the physical meaning of music
and noise, of harmony and discord. In short, as regards sound in general, we
have a very clear notion of the external physical processes which
correspond to our sensations.
In the phenomena of sound, we travel a very little way from downright
sensible experience. Still the imagination is to some extent exercised. The
bodily eye, for example, cannot see the condensations and rarefactions of
the waves of sound. We construct them in thought, and we believe as firmly
in their existence as in that of the air itself. But now our experience is to be
carried into a new region, where a new use is to be made of it. Having
mastered the cause and mechanism of sound, we desire to know the cause
and mechanism of light. We wish to extend our enquiries from the auditory
to the optic nerve. There is in the human intellect a power of expansion — I
might almost call it a power of creation — which is brought into play by the
simple brooding upon facts. The legend of the spirit brooding over chaos
may have originated in experience of this power. In the case now before us
it has manifested itself by transplanting into space, for the purposes of light,
an adequately modified form of the mechanism of sound. We know
intimately whereon the velocity of sound depends. When we lessen the
density of the aerial medium, and preserve its elasticity constant, we
augment the velocity. When we heighten the elasticity, and keep the density
constant, we also augment the velocity. A small density, therefore, and a
great elasticity, are the two things necessary to rapid propagation. Now light
is known to move with the astounding velocity of 186,000 miles a second.
its most common vehicle. And you know that when the air possesses the
particular density and elasticity corresponding to the temperature of
freezing water, the velocity of sound in it is 1,090 feet a second. It is almost
exactly one-fourth of the velocity in water; the reason being that though the
greater weight of the water tends to diminish the velocity, the enormous
molecular elasticity of the liquid far more than atones for the disadvantage
due to weight. By various contrivances we can compel the vibrations of the
air to declare themselves we know the length and frequency of the sonorous
waves, and we have also obtained great mastery over the various methods
by which the air is thrown into vibration. We know the phenomena and laws
of vibrating rods, of organ-pipes, strings, membranes, plates, and bells. We
can abolish one sound by another. We know the physical meaning of music
and noise, of harmony and discord. In short, as regards sound in general, we
have a very clear notion of the external physical processes which
correspond to our sensations.
In the phenomena of sound, we travel a very little way from downright
sensible experience. Still the imagination is to some extent exercised. The
bodily eye, for example, cannot see the condensations and rarefactions of
the waves of sound. We construct them in thought, and we believe as firmly
in their existence as in that of the air itself. But now our experience is to be
carried into a new region, where a new use is to be made of it. Having
mastered the cause and mechanism of sound, we desire to know the cause
and mechanism of light. We wish to extend our enquiries from the auditory
to the optic nerve. There is in the human intellect a power of expansion — I
might almost call it a power of creation — which is brought into play by the
simple brooding upon facts. The legend of the spirit brooding over chaos
may have originated in experience of this power. In the case now before us
it has manifested itself by transplanting into space, for the purposes of light,
an adequately modified form of the mechanism of sound. We know
intimately whereon the velocity of sound depends. When we lessen the
density of the aerial medium, and preserve its elasticity constant, we
augment the velocity. When we heighten the elasticity, and keep the density
constant, we also augment the velocity. A small density, therefore, and a
great elasticity, are the two things necessary to rapid propagation. Now light
is known to move with the astounding velocity of 186,000 miles a second.
Page 481
How is such a velocity to be obtained? By boldly diffusing in space a
medium of the requisite tenuity and elasticity.
Let us make such a medium our starting-point, and, endowing it with one or
two other necessary qualities, let us handle it in accordance with strict
mechanical laws. Let us then carry our results from the world of theory into
the world of sense, and see whether our deductions do not issue in the very
phenomena of light which ordinary knowledge and skilled experiment
reveal. If in all the multiplied varieties of these phenomena, including those
of the most remote and entangled description, this fundamental conception
always brings us face to face with the truth; if no contradiction to our
deductions from it be found in external nature, but on all sides agreement
and verification; if, moreover, as in the case of Conical Refraction and in
other cases, it actually forces upon our attention phenomena which no eye
had previously seen, and which no mind had previously imagined — such a
conception, must, we think, be something more than a mere figment of the
scientific fancy. In forming it, that composite and creative power, in which
reason and imagination are united, has, we believe, led us into a world not
less real than that of the senses, and of which the world of sense itself is the
suggestion and, to a great extent, the outcome.
Far be it from me, however, to wish to fix you immovably in this or in any
other theoretic conception. With all our belief of it, it will be well to keep
the theory of a luminiferous aether plastic and capable of change. You may,
moreover, urge that, although the phenomena occur as if the medium
existed, the absolute demonstration of its existence is still wanting. Far be it
from me to deny to this reasoning such validity as it may fairly claim. Let
us endeavour by means of analogy to form a fair estimate of its force. You
believe that in society you are surrounded by reasonable beings like
yourself. You are, perhaps, as firmly convinced of this as of anything. What
is your warrant for this conviction? Simply and solely this: your fellow-
creatures behave as if they were reasonable; the hypothesis, for it is nothing
more, accounts for the facts. To take an eminent example: you believe that
our President is a reasonable being. Why? There is no known method of
superposition by which any one of us can apply himself intellectually to any
other, so as to demonstrate coincidence as regards the possession of reason.
If, therefore, you hold our President to be reasonable, it is because he
medium of the requisite tenuity and elasticity.
Let us make such a medium our starting-point, and, endowing it with one or
two other necessary qualities, let us handle it in accordance with strict
mechanical laws. Let us then carry our results from the world of theory into
the world of sense, and see whether our deductions do not issue in the very
phenomena of light which ordinary knowledge and skilled experiment
reveal. If in all the multiplied varieties of these phenomena, including those
of the most remote and entangled description, this fundamental conception
always brings us face to face with the truth; if no contradiction to our
deductions from it be found in external nature, but on all sides agreement
and verification; if, moreover, as in the case of Conical Refraction and in
other cases, it actually forces upon our attention phenomena which no eye
had previously seen, and which no mind had previously imagined — such a
conception, must, we think, be something more than a mere figment of the
scientific fancy. In forming it, that composite and creative power, in which
reason and imagination are united, has, we believe, led us into a world not
less real than that of the senses, and of which the world of sense itself is the
suggestion and, to a great extent, the outcome.
Far be it from me, however, to wish to fix you immovably in this or in any
other theoretic conception. With all our belief of it, it will be well to keep
the theory of a luminiferous aether plastic and capable of change. You may,
moreover, urge that, although the phenomena occur as if the medium
existed, the absolute demonstration of its existence is still wanting. Far be it
from me to deny to this reasoning such validity as it may fairly claim. Let
us endeavour by means of analogy to form a fair estimate of its force. You
believe that in society you are surrounded by reasonable beings like
yourself. You are, perhaps, as firmly convinced of this as of anything. What
is your warrant for this conviction? Simply and solely this: your fellow-
creatures behave as if they were reasonable; the hypothesis, for it is nothing
more, accounts for the facts. To take an eminent example: you believe that
our President is a reasonable being. Why? There is no known method of
superposition by which any one of us can apply himself intellectually to any
other, so as to demonstrate coincidence as regards the possession of reason.
If, therefore, you hold our President to be reasonable, it is because he
Page 482
behaves as if he were reasonable. As in the case of the aether, beyond the
'as if' you cannot go. Nay, I should not wonder if a close comparison of the
data on which both inferences rest, caused many respectable persons to
conclude that the aether had the best of it.
This universal medium, this light-aether as it is called, is the vehicle, not the
origin, of wave-motion. It receives and transmits, but it does not create.
Whence does it derive the motions it conveys? For the most part from
luminous bodies. By the motion of a luminous body I do not mean its
sensible motion, such as the flicker of a candle, or the shooting out of red
prominences from the limb of the sun. I mean an intestine motion of the
atoms or molecules of the luminous body. But here a certain reserve is
necessary. Many chemists of the present day refuse to speak of atoms and
molecules as real things. Their caution leads them to stop short of the clear,
sharp, mechanically intelligible atomic theory enunciated by Dalton, or any
form of that theory, and to make the doctrine of 'multiple proportions' their
intellectual bourne. I respect the caution, though I think it is here misplaced.
The chemists who recoil from these notions of atoms and molecules accept,
without hesitation, the Undulatory Theory of Light. Like you and me they
one and all believe in an aether and its light-producing waves. Let us
consider what this belief involves. Bring your imaginations once more into
play, and figure a series of sound-waves passing through air. Follow them
up to their origin, and what do you there find? A definite, tangible, vibrating
body. It may be the vocal chords of a human being, it may be an organ-pipe,
or it may be a stretched string. Follow in the same manner a train of aether-
waves to their source; remembering at the same time that your aether is
matter, dense, elastic, and capable of motions subject to, and determined by,
mechanical laws. What then do you expect to find as the source of a series
of aether-waves? Ask your imagination if it will accept a vibrating multiple
proportion — a numerical ratio in a state of oscillation? I do not think it
will. You cannot crown the edifice with this abstraction. The scientific
imagination, which is here authoritative, demands, as the origin and cause
of a series of aether-waves, a particle of vibrating matter quite as definite,
though it may be excessively minute, as that which gives origin to a musical
sound. Such a particle we name an atom or a molecule. I think the intellect,
when focussed so as to give definition without penumbral haze, is sure to
realise this image at the last.
'as if' you cannot go. Nay, I should not wonder if a close comparison of the
data on which both inferences rest, caused many respectable persons to
conclude that the aether had the best of it.
This universal medium, this light-aether as it is called, is the vehicle, not the
origin, of wave-motion. It receives and transmits, but it does not create.
Whence does it derive the motions it conveys? For the most part from
luminous bodies. By the motion of a luminous body I do not mean its
sensible motion, such as the flicker of a candle, or the shooting out of red
prominences from the limb of the sun. I mean an intestine motion of the
atoms or molecules of the luminous body. But here a certain reserve is
necessary. Many chemists of the present day refuse to speak of atoms and
molecules as real things. Their caution leads them to stop short of the clear,
sharp, mechanically intelligible atomic theory enunciated by Dalton, or any
form of that theory, and to make the doctrine of 'multiple proportions' their
intellectual bourne. I respect the caution, though I think it is here misplaced.
The chemists who recoil from these notions of atoms and molecules accept,
without hesitation, the Undulatory Theory of Light. Like you and me they
one and all believe in an aether and its light-producing waves. Let us
consider what this belief involves. Bring your imaginations once more into
play, and figure a series of sound-waves passing through air. Follow them
up to their origin, and what do you there find? A definite, tangible, vibrating
body. It may be the vocal chords of a human being, it may be an organ-pipe,
or it may be a stretched string. Follow in the same manner a train of aether-
waves to their source; remembering at the same time that your aether is
matter, dense, elastic, and capable of motions subject to, and determined by,
mechanical laws. What then do you expect to find as the source of a series
of aether-waves? Ask your imagination if it will accept a vibrating multiple
proportion — a numerical ratio in a state of oscillation? I do not think it
will. You cannot crown the edifice with this abstraction. The scientific
imagination, which is here authoritative, demands, as the origin and cause
of a series of aether-waves, a particle of vibrating matter quite as definite,
though it may be excessively minute, as that which gives origin to a musical
sound. Such a particle we name an atom or a molecule. I think the intellect,
when focussed so as to give definition without penumbral haze, is sure to
realise this image at the last.
Page 483
-----
With the view of preserving thought continuous throughout this discourse,
and of preventing either failure of knowledge or of memory, from causing
any rent in our picture, I here propose to run rapidly over a bit of ground
which is probably familiar to most of you, but which I am anxious to make
familiar to you all. The waves generated in the aether by the swinging
atoms of luminous bodies are of different lengths and amplitudes. The
amplitude is the width of swing of the individual particles of the waves. In
water-waves it is the vertical height of the crest above the trough, while the
length of the wave is the horizontal distance between two consecutive
crests. The aggregate of waves emitted by the sun may be broadly divided
into two classes: the one class competent, the other incompetent, to excite
vision. But the light-producing waves differ markedly among themselves in
size, form, and force. The length of the largest of these waves is about twice
that of the smallest, but the amplitude of the largest is probably a hundred
times that of the smallest. Now the force or energy of the wave, which,
expressed with reference to sensation, means the intensity of the light, is
proportional to the square of the amplitude. Hence the amplitude being one-
hundredfold, the energy of the largest light-giving waves would be ten-
thousandfold that of the smallest. This is not improbable. I use these figures
not with a view to numerical accuracy, but to give you definite ideas of the
differences that probably exist among the light-giving waves. And if we
take the whole range of solar radiation into account — its non-visual as well
as its visual waves — I think it probable that the force, or energy, of the
largest wave is more than a million times that of the smallest.
Turned into their equivalents of sensation, the different light-waves produce
different colours. Red, for example, is produced by the largest waves, violet
by the smallest, while green is produced by a wave of intermediate length
and amplitude. On entering from air into a more highly refracting
substance, such as glass or water, or the sulphide of carbon, all the waves
are retarded, but the smallest ones most. This furnishes a means of
separating the different classes of waves from each other; in other words, of
analysing the light.
With the view of preserving thought continuous throughout this discourse,
and of preventing either failure of knowledge or of memory, from causing
any rent in our picture, I here propose to run rapidly over a bit of ground
which is probably familiar to most of you, but which I am anxious to make
familiar to you all. The waves generated in the aether by the swinging
atoms of luminous bodies are of different lengths and amplitudes. The
amplitude is the width of swing of the individual particles of the waves. In
water-waves it is the vertical height of the crest above the trough, while the
length of the wave is the horizontal distance between two consecutive
crests. The aggregate of waves emitted by the sun may be broadly divided
into two classes: the one class competent, the other incompetent, to excite
vision. But the light-producing waves differ markedly among themselves in
size, form, and force. The length of the largest of these waves is about twice
that of the smallest, but the amplitude of the largest is probably a hundred
times that of the smallest. Now the force or energy of the wave, which,
expressed with reference to sensation, means the intensity of the light, is
proportional to the square of the amplitude. Hence the amplitude being one-
hundredfold, the energy of the largest light-giving waves would be ten-
thousandfold that of the smallest. This is not improbable. I use these figures
not with a view to numerical accuracy, but to give you definite ideas of the
differences that probably exist among the light-giving waves. And if we
take the whole range of solar radiation into account — its non-visual as well
as its visual waves — I think it probable that the force, or energy, of the
largest wave is more than a million times that of the smallest.
Turned into their equivalents of sensation, the different light-waves produce
different colours. Red, for example, is produced by the largest waves, violet
by the smallest, while green is produced by a wave of intermediate length
and amplitude. On entering from air into a more highly refracting
substance, such as glass or water, or the sulphide of carbon, all the waves
are retarded, but the smallest ones most. This furnishes a means of
separating the different classes of waves from each other; in other words, of
analysing the light.
Page 484
Sent through a refracting prism, the waves of the sun are turned aside in
different degrees from their direct course, the red least, the violet most.
They are virtually pulled asunder, and they paint upon a white screen placed
to receive them 'the solar spectrum.' Strictly speaking, the spectrum
embraces an infinity of colours; but the limits of language, and of our
powers of distinction, cause it to be divided into seven segments: red,
orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, violet. These are the seven primary or
prismatic colours.
Separately, or mixed in various proportions, the solar waves yield all the
colours observed in nature and employed in art. Collectively, they give us
the impression of whiteness. Pure unsifted solar light is white; and, if all the
wave-constituents of such light be reduced in the same proportion, the light,
though diminished in intensity, will still be white. The whiteness of snow
with the sun shining upon it, is barely tolerable to the eye. The same snow
under an overcast firmament is still white. Such a firmament enfeebles the
light by reflecting it upwards; and when we stand above a cloud-field — on
an Alpine summit, for instance, or on the top of Snowdon — and see, in the
proper direction, the sun shining on the clouds below us, they appear
dazzlingly white. Ordinary clouds, in fact, divide the solar light impinging
on them into two parts — a reflected part and a transmitted part, in each of
which the proportions of wave-motion which produce the impression of
whiteness are sensibly preserved.
It will be understood that the condition of whiteness would fail if all the
waves were diminished equally, or by the same absolute quantity. They
must be reduced proportionately, instead of equally. If by the act of
reflection the waves of red light are split into exact halves, then, to preserve
the light white, the waves of yellow, orange, green, and blue, must also be
split into exact halves. In short, the reduction must take place, not by
absolutely equal quantities, but by equal fractional parts. In white light the
preponderance, as regards energy, of the larger over the smaller waves must
always be immense. Were the case otherwise, the visual correlative, blue, of
the smaller waves would have the upper hand in our sensations.
Not only are the waves of aether reflected by clouds, by solids, and by
liquids, but when they pass from light air to dense, or from dense air to
different degrees from their direct course, the red least, the violet most.
They are virtually pulled asunder, and they paint upon a white screen placed
to receive them 'the solar spectrum.' Strictly speaking, the spectrum
embraces an infinity of colours; but the limits of language, and of our
powers of distinction, cause it to be divided into seven segments: red,
orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, violet. These are the seven primary or
prismatic colours.
Separately, or mixed in various proportions, the solar waves yield all the
colours observed in nature and employed in art. Collectively, they give us
the impression of whiteness. Pure unsifted solar light is white; and, if all the
wave-constituents of such light be reduced in the same proportion, the light,
though diminished in intensity, will still be white. The whiteness of snow
with the sun shining upon it, is barely tolerable to the eye. The same snow
under an overcast firmament is still white. Such a firmament enfeebles the
light by reflecting it upwards; and when we stand above a cloud-field — on
an Alpine summit, for instance, or on the top of Snowdon — and see, in the
proper direction, the sun shining on the clouds below us, they appear
dazzlingly white. Ordinary clouds, in fact, divide the solar light impinging
on them into two parts — a reflected part and a transmitted part, in each of
which the proportions of wave-motion which produce the impression of
whiteness are sensibly preserved.
It will be understood that the condition of whiteness would fail if all the
waves were diminished equally, or by the same absolute quantity. They
must be reduced proportionately, instead of equally. If by the act of
reflection the waves of red light are split into exact halves, then, to preserve
the light white, the waves of yellow, orange, green, and blue, must also be
split into exact halves. In short, the reduction must take place, not by
absolutely equal quantities, but by equal fractional parts. In white light the
preponderance, as regards energy, of the larger over the smaller waves must
always be immense. Were the case otherwise, the visual correlative, blue, of
the smaller waves would have the upper hand in our sensations.
Not only are the waves of aether reflected by clouds, by solids, and by
liquids, but when they pass from light air to dense, or from dense air to
Page 485
light, a portion of the wave-motion is always reflected. Now our
atmosphere changes continually in density from top to bottom. It will help
our conceptions if we regard it as made up of a series of thin concentric
layers, or shells of air, each shell being of the same density throughout, a
small and sudden change of density occurring in passing from shell to shell.
Light would be reflected at the limiting surfaces of all these shells, and their
action would be practically the same as that of the real atmosphere. And
now I would ask your imagination to picture this act of reflection. What
must become of the reflected light? The atmospheric layers turn their
convex surfaces towards the sun; they are so many convex mirrors of feeble
power; and you will immediately perceive that the light regularly reflected
from these surfaces cannot reach the earth at all, but is dispersed in space.
Light thus reflected cannot, therefore, be the light of the sky.
But, though the sun's light is not reflected in this fashion from the aerial
layers to the earth, there is indubitable evidence to show that the light of our
firmament is scattered light. Proofs of the most cogent description could be
here adduced; but we need only consider that we receive light at the same
time from all parts of the hemisphere of heaven. The light .of the firmament
comes to us across the direction of the solar rays, and even against the
direction of the solar rays; and this lateral and opposing rush of wave-
motion can only be due to the rebound of the waves from the air itself, or
from something suspended in the air. It is also evident that, unlike the action
of clouds, the solar light is not reflected by the sky in the proportions which
produce white. The sky is blue, which indicates an excess of the shorter
waves. In accounting for the colour of the sky, the first question suggested
by analogy would undoubtedly be, Is not the air blue? The blueness of the
air has, in fact, been given as a solution of the blueness of the sky. But how,
if the air be blue, can the light of sunrise and sunset, which travels through
vast distances of air, be yellow, orange, or even red? The passage of white
solar light through a blue medium could by no possibility redden the light.
The hypothesis of a blue air is therefore untenable. In fact the agent,
whatever it is, which sends us the light of the sky, exercises in so doing a
dichroitic action. The light reflected is blue, the light transmitted is orange
or red. A marked distinction is thus exhibited between the matter of the sky,
and that of an ordinary cloud, which exercises no such dichroitic action.
atmosphere changes continually in density from top to bottom. It will help
our conceptions if we regard it as made up of a series of thin concentric
layers, or shells of air, each shell being of the same density throughout, a
small and sudden change of density occurring in passing from shell to shell.
Light would be reflected at the limiting surfaces of all these shells, and their
action would be practically the same as that of the real atmosphere. And
now I would ask your imagination to picture this act of reflection. What
must become of the reflected light? The atmospheric layers turn their
convex surfaces towards the sun; they are so many convex mirrors of feeble
power; and you will immediately perceive that the light regularly reflected
from these surfaces cannot reach the earth at all, but is dispersed in space.
Light thus reflected cannot, therefore, be the light of the sky.
But, though the sun's light is not reflected in this fashion from the aerial
layers to the earth, there is indubitable evidence to show that the light of our
firmament is scattered light. Proofs of the most cogent description could be
here adduced; but we need only consider that we receive light at the same
time from all parts of the hemisphere of heaven. The light .of the firmament
comes to us across the direction of the solar rays, and even against the
direction of the solar rays; and this lateral and opposing rush of wave-
motion can only be due to the rebound of the waves from the air itself, or
from something suspended in the air. It is also evident that, unlike the action
of clouds, the solar light is not reflected by the sky in the proportions which
produce white. The sky is blue, which indicates an excess of the shorter
waves. In accounting for the colour of the sky, the first question suggested
by analogy would undoubtedly be, Is not the air blue? The blueness of the
air has, in fact, been given as a solution of the blueness of the sky. But how,
if the air be blue, can the light of sunrise and sunset, which travels through
vast distances of air, be yellow, orange, or even red? The passage of white
solar light through a blue medium could by no possibility redden the light.
The hypothesis of a blue air is therefore untenable. In fact the agent,
whatever it is, which sends us the light of the sky, exercises in so doing a
dichroitic action. The light reflected is blue, the light transmitted is orange
or red. A marked distinction is thus exhibited between the matter of the sky,
and that of an ordinary cloud, which exercises no such dichroitic action.
Page 486
By the scientific use of the imagination we may hope to penetrate this
mystery. The cloud takes no note of size on the part of the waves of aether,
but reflects them all alike. It exercises no selective action. Now the cause of
this may be that the cloud particles are so large, in comparison with the
waves of aether, as to reflect them all indifferently. A broad cliff reflects an
Atlantic roller as easily as a ripple produced by a seabird's wing; and in the
presence of large reflecting surfaces, the existing differences of magnitude
among the waves of aether may disappear. But supposing the reflecting
particles, instead of being very large, to be very small in comparison with
the size of the waves. In this case, instead of the whole wave being fronted
and thrown back, a small portion only is shivered off. The great mass of the
wave passes over such a particle without reflection. Scatter, then, a handful
of such minute foreign particles in our atmosphere, and set imagination to
watch their action upon the solar waves. Waves of all sizes impinge upon
the particles, and you see at every collision a portion of the impinging wave
struck off; all the waves of the spectrum, from the extreme red to the
extreme violet, being thus acted upon.
Remembering that the red waves stand to the blue much in the relation of
billows to ripples, we have to consider whether those extremely small
particles are competent to scatter all the waves in the same proportion. If
they be not — and a little reflection will make it clear that they are not —
the production of colour must be an incident of the scattering. Largeness is
a thing of relation; and the smaller the wave, the greater is the relative size
of any particle on which the wave impinges, and the greater also the ratio of
the portion scattered to the total wave A pebble, placed in the way of the
ring-ripples produced by heavy raindrops on a tranquil pond, will scatter a
large fraction of each ripple, while the fractional part of a larger wave
thrown back by the same pebble might be infinitesimal. Now we have
already made it clear to our minds that to preserve the solar light white, its
constituent proportions must not be altered; but in the act of division
performed by these very small particles the proportions are altered; an
undue fraction of the smaller waves is scattered by the particles, and, as a
consequence, in the scattered light, blue will be the predominant colour. The
other colours of the spectrum must, to some extent, be associated with the
blue. They are not absent, but deficient. We ought, in fact, to have them all,
but in diminishing proportions, from the violet to the red.
mystery. The cloud takes no note of size on the part of the waves of aether,
but reflects them all alike. It exercises no selective action. Now the cause of
this may be that the cloud particles are so large, in comparison with the
waves of aether, as to reflect them all indifferently. A broad cliff reflects an
Atlantic roller as easily as a ripple produced by a seabird's wing; and in the
presence of large reflecting surfaces, the existing differences of magnitude
among the waves of aether may disappear. But supposing the reflecting
particles, instead of being very large, to be very small in comparison with
the size of the waves. In this case, instead of the whole wave being fronted
and thrown back, a small portion only is shivered off. The great mass of the
wave passes over such a particle without reflection. Scatter, then, a handful
of such minute foreign particles in our atmosphere, and set imagination to
watch their action upon the solar waves. Waves of all sizes impinge upon
the particles, and you see at every collision a portion of the impinging wave
struck off; all the waves of the spectrum, from the extreme red to the
extreme violet, being thus acted upon.
Remembering that the red waves stand to the blue much in the relation of
billows to ripples, we have to consider whether those extremely small
particles are competent to scatter all the waves in the same proportion. If
they be not — and a little reflection will make it clear that they are not —
the production of colour must be an incident of the scattering. Largeness is
a thing of relation; and the smaller the wave, the greater is the relative size
of any particle on which the wave impinges, and the greater also the ratio of
the portion scattered to the total wave A pebble, placed in the way of the
ring-ripples produced by heavy raindrops on a tranquil pond, will scatter a
large fraction of each ripple, while the fractional part of a larger wave
thrown back by the same pebble might be infinitesimal. Now we have
already made it clear to our minds that to preserve the solar light white, its
constituent proportions must not be altered; but in the act of division
performed by these very small particles the proportions are altered; an
undue fraction of the smaller waves is scattered by the particles, and, as a
consequence, in the scattered light, blue will be the predominant colour. The
other colours of the spectrum must, to some extent, be associated with the
blue. They are not absent, but deficient. We ought, in fact, to have them all,
but in diminishing proportions, from the violet to the red.
Page 487
We have here presented a case to the imagination, pad, assuming the
undulatory theory to be a reality, we have, I think, fairly reasoned our way
to the conclusion, that were particles, small in comparison to the sizes of the
aether waves, sown in our atmosphere, the light scattered by those particles
would be exactly such as we observe in our azure skies. When this light is
analysed, all the colours of the spectrum are found, and they are found in
the proportions indicated by our conclusion. Blue is not the sole, but it is
the predominant colour.
Let us now turn our attention to the light which passes unscattered among
the particles. How must it be finally affected? By its successive collisions
with the particles the white light is more and more robbed of its shorter
waves; it therefore loses more and more of its due proportion of blue. The
result may be anticipated. The transmitted light, where short distances are
involved, will appear yellowish. But as the sun sinks towards the horizon
the atmospheric distances increase, and consequently the number of the
scattering particles. They abstract in succession the violet, the indigo, the
blue, and even disturb the proportions of green. The transmitted light under
such circumstances must pass from yellow through orange to red. This also
is exactly what we find in nature. Thus, while the reflected light gives us at
noon the deep azure of the Alpine skies, the transmitted light gives us at
sunset the warm crimson of the Alpine snows. The phenomena certainly
occur as if our atmosphere were a medium rendered slightly turbid by the
mechanical suspension of exceedingly small foreign particles.
Here, as before, we encounter our sceptical 'as if.' It is one of the parasites
of science, ever at hand, and ready to plant itself and sprout, if it can, on the
weak points of our philosophy. But a strong constitution defies the parasite,
and in our case, as we question the phenomena, probability grows like
growing health, until in the end the malady of doubt is completely
extirpated. The first question that naturally arises is this: Can small particles
be really proved to act in the manner indicated? No doubt of it. Each one of
you can submit the question to an experimental test. Water will not dissolve
resin, but spirit will dissolve it; and when spirit holding resin in solution is
dropped into water, the resin immediately separates in solid particles, which
render the water milky. The coarseness of this precipitate depends on the
quantity of the dissolved resin. You can cause it to separate either in thick
undulatory theory to be a reality, we have, I think, fairly reasoned our way
to the conclusion, that were particles, small in comparison to the sizes of the
aether waves, sown in our atmosphere, the light scattered by those particles
would be exactly such as we observe in our azure skies. When this light is
analysed, all the colours of the spectrum are found, and they are found in
the proportions indicated by our conclusion. Blue is not the sole, but it is
the predominant colour.
Let us now turn our attention to the light which passes unscattered among
the particles. How must it be finally affected? By its successive collisions
with the particles the white light is more and more robbed of its shorter
waves; it therefore loses more and more of its due proportion of blue. The
result may be anticipated. The transmitted light, where short distances are
involved, will appear yellowish. But as the sun sinks towards the horizon
the atmospheric distances increase, and consequently the number of the
scattering particles. They abstract in succession the violet, the indigo, the
blue, and even disturb the proportions of green. The transmitted light under
such circumstances must pass from yellow through orange to red. This also
is exactly what we find in nature. Thus, while the reflected light gives us at
noon the deep azure of the Alpine skies, the transmitted light gives us at
sunset the warm crimson of the Alpine snows. The phenomena certainly
occur as if our atmosphere were a medium rendered slightly turbid by the
mechanical suspension of exceedingly small foreign particles.
Here, as before, we encounter our sceptical 'as if.' It is one of the parasites
of science, ever at hand, and ready to plant itself and sprout, if it can, on the
weak points of our philosophy. But a strong constitution defies the parasite,
and in our case, as we question the phenomena, probability grows like
growing health, until in the end the malady of doubt is completely
extirpated. The first question that naturally arises is this: Can small particles
be really proved to act in the manner indicated? No doubt of it. Each one of
you can submit the question to an experimental test. Water will not dissolve
resin, but spirit will dissolve it; and when spirit holding resin in solution is
dropped into water, the resin immediately separates in solid particles, which
render the water milky. The coarseness of this precipitate depends on the
quantity of the dissolved resin. You can cause it to separate either in thick
Page 488
clots or in exceedingly fine particles. Professor Bruecke has given us the
proportions which produce particles particularly suited to our present
purpose. One gramme of clean mastic is dissolved in eighty-seven grammes
of absolute alcohol, and the transparent solution is allowed to drop into a
beaker containing clear water, kept briskly stirred. An exceedingly fine
precipitate is thus formed, which declares its presence by its action upon
light. Placing a dark surface behind the beaker, and permitting the light to
fall into it from the top or front, the medium is seen to be distinctly blue. It
is not perhaps so perfect a blue as may be seen on exceptional days among
the Alps, but it is a very fair sky-blue. A trace of soap in water gives a tint
of blue. London, and I fear Liverpool, milk makes an approximation to the
same colour, through the operation of the same cause; and Helmholtz has
irreverently disclosed the fact that the deepest blue eye is simply a turbid
medium.
-----
The action of turbid media upon light was illustrated by Goethe, who,
though unacquainted with the undulatory theory, was led by his experiments
to regard the firmament as an illuminated turbid medium, with the darkness
of space behind it. He describes glasses showing a bright yellow by
transmitted, and a beautiful blue by reflected, light. Professor Stokes, who
was probably the first to discern the real nature of the action of small
particles on the waves of aether, [Footnote: This is inferred from
conversation. I am not aware that Professor Stokes has published anything
upon the subject.] describes a glass of a similar kind. [Footnote: This glass,
by reflected light, had a colour 'strongly resembling that of a decoction of
horse-chestnut bark.' Curiously enough, Goethe refers to this very
decoction: 'Man nehme einen Streifen frischer Rinds von der Rosskastanie,
man stecke denselben in ein Glas Wasser, und in der kuerzesten Zeit werden
wir das vollkommenste Himmelblau entstehen sehen.' — Goethe's Werke, B.
xxix. p. 24.]
Capital specimens of such glass are to be found at Salviati's, in St. James's
Street. What artists call 'chill' is no doubt an effect of this description.
Through the action of minute particles, the browns of a picture often present
the appearance of the bloom of a plum. By rubbing the varnish with a silk
proportions which produce particles particularly suited to our present
purpose. One gramme of clean mastic is dissolved in eighty-seven grammes
of absolute alcohol, and the transparent solution is allowed to drop into a
beaker containing clear water, kept briskly stirred. An exceedingly fine
precipitate is thus formed, which declares its presence by its action upon
light. Placing a dark surface behind the beaker, and permitting the light to
fall into it from the top or front, the medium is seen to be distinctly blue. It
is not perhaps so perfect a blue as may be seen on exceptional days among
the Alps, but it is a very fair sky-blue. A trace of soap in water gives a tint
of blue. London, and I fear Liverpool, milk makes an approximation to the
same colour, through the operation of the same cause; and Helmholtz has
irreverently disclosed the fact that the deepest blue eye is simply a turbid
medium.
-----
The action of turbid media upon light was illustrated by Goethe, who,
though unacquainted with the undulatory theory, was led by his experiments
to regard the firmament as an illuminated turbid medium, with the darkness
of space behind it. He describes glasses showing a bright yellow by
transmitted, and a beautiful blue by reflected, light. Professor Stokes, who
was probably the first to discern the real nature of the action of small
particles on the waves of aether, [Footnote: This is inferred from
conversation. I am not aware that Professor Stokes has published anything
upon the subject.] describes a glass of a similar kind. [Footnote: This glass,
by reflected light, had a colour 'strongly resembling that of a decoction of
horse-chestnut bark.' Curiously enough, Goethe refers to this very
decoction: 'Man nehme einen Streifen frischer Rinds von der Rosskastanie,
man stecke denselben in ein Glas Wasser, und in der kuerzesten Zeit werden
wir das vollkommenste Himmelblau entstehen sehen.' — Goethe's Werke, B.
xxix. p. 24.]
Capital specimens of such glass are to be found at Salviati's, in St. James's
Street. What artists call 'chill' is no doubt an effect of this description.
Through the action of minute particles, the browns of a picture often present
the appearance of the bloom of a plum. By rubbing the varnish with a silk
Page 489
handkerchief optical continuity is established and the chill disappears.
Some years ago I witnessed Mr. Hirst experimenting at Zermatt on the
turbid water of the Visp. When kept still for a day or so, the grosser matter
sank, but the finer particles remained suspended, and gave a distinctly blue
tinge to the water. The blueness of certain Alpine lakes has been shown to
be in part due to this cause. Professor Roscoe has noticed several striking
cases of a similar kind. In a very remarkable paper the late Principal Forbes
showed that steam issuing from the safety-valve of a locomotive, when
favourably observed, exhibits at a certain stage of its condensation the
colours of the sky. It is blue by reflected light, and orange or red by
transmitted light. The same effect, as pointed out by Goethe, is to some
extent exhibited by peat-smoke. More than ten years ago, I amused myself
by observing, on a calm day at Killarney, the straight smoke-columns rising
from the cabin-chimneys. It was easy to project the lower portion of a
column against a dark pine, and its upper portion against a bright cloud. The
smoke in the former case was blue, being seen mainly by reflected light; in
the latter case it was reddish, being seen mainly by transmitted light. Such
smoke was not in exactly the condition to give us the glow of the Alps, but
it was a step in this direction. Bruecke's fine precipitate above referred to
looks yellowish by transmitted light; but, by duly strengthening the
precipitate, you may render the white light of noon as ruby-coloured as the
sun, when seen through Liverpool smoke, or upon Alpine horizons. I do
not, however, point to the gross smoke arising from coal as an illustration of
the action of small particles, because such smoke soon absorbs and destroys
the waves of blue, instead of sending them to the eyes of the observer.
These multifarious facts, and numberless others which cannot now be
referred to, are explained by reference to the single principle, that, where
the scattering particles are small in comparison to the aethereal waves, we
have in the reflected light a greater proportion of the smaller waves, and in
the transmitted light a greater proportion of the larger waves, than existed in
the original white light. The consequence, as regards sensation, is that in the
one ease blue is predominant, and in the other orange or red. Our best
microscopes can readily reveal objects not more than 1/50000th of an inch
in diameter. This is less than the length of a wave of red light. Indeed a first-
rate microscope would enable us to discern objects not exceeding in
diameter the length of the smallest waves of the visible spectrum.
Some years ago I witnessed Mr. Hirst experimenting at Zermatt on the
turbid water of the Visp. When kept still for a day or so, the grosser matter
sank, but the finer particles remained suspended, and gave a distinctly blue
tinge to the water. The blueness of certain Alpine lakes has been shown to
be in part due to this cause. Professor Roscoe has noticed several striking
cases of a similar kind. In a very remarkable paper the late Principal Forbes
showed that steam issuing from the safety-valve of a locomotive, when
favourably observed, exhibits at a certain stage of its condensation the
colours of the sky. It is blue by reflected light, and orange or red by
transmitted light. The same effect, as pointed out by Goethe, is to some
extent exhibited by peat-smoke. More than ten years ago, I amused myself
by observing, on a calm day at Killarney, the straight smoke-columns rising
from the cabin-chimneys. It was easy to project the lower portion of a
column against a dark pine, and its upper portion against a bright cloud. The
smoke in the former case was blue, being seen mainly by reflected light; in
the latter case it was reddish, being seen mainly by transmitted light. Such
smoke was not in exactly the condition to give us the glow of the Alps, but
it was a step in this direction. Bruecke's fine precipitate above referred to
looks yellowish by transmitted light; but, by duly strengthening the
precipitate, you may render the white light of noon as ruby-coloured as the
sun, when seen through Liverpool smoke, or upon Alpine horizons. I do
not, however, point to the gross smoke arising from coal as an illustration of
the action of small particles, because such smoke soon absorbs and destroys
the waves of blue, instead of sending them to the eyes of the observer.
These multifarious facts, and numberless others which cannot now be
referred to, are explained by reference to the single principle, that, where
the scattering particles are small in comparison to the aethereal waves, we
have in the reflected light a greater proportion of the smaller waves, and in
the transmitted light a greater proportion of the larger waves, than existed in
the original white light. The consequence, as regards sensation, is that in the
one ease blue is predominant, and in the other orange or red. Our best
microscopes can readily reveal objects not more than 1/50000th of an inch
in diameter. This is less than the length of a wave of red light. Indeed a first-
rate microscope would enable us to discern objects not exceeding in
diameter the length of the smallest waves of the visible spectrum.
Page 490
[Footnote: Dallinger and Drysdale have recently measured cilia
1/200000th of an inch in diameter. 1878.] By the microscope, therefore, we
can test our particles. If they be as large as the light-waves they will
infallibly be seen; and if they be not so seen, it is because they are smaller.
Some months ago I placed in the hands of our President a liquid containing
Bruecke's precipitate. The liquid was milky blue, and Mr. Huxley applied to
it his highest microscopic power. He satisfied me that had particles of even
1/100000th of an inch in diameter existed in the liquid, they could not have
escaped detection. But no particles were seen. Under the microscope the
turbid liquid was not to be distinguished from distilled water. [Footnote:
Like Dr. Burdon Sanderson's 'pyrogen,' the particles of mastic passed,
without sensible hindrance, through filtering-paper. By such filtering no
freedom from suspended particles is secured. The application of a
condensed beam to the filtrate renders this at once evident.]
But we have it in our power to imitate, far more closely than we have
hitherto done, the natural conditions of this problem. We can generate, in
air, artificial skies, and prove their perfect identity with the natural one, as
regards the exhibition of a number of wholly unexpected phenomena. By a
continuous process of growth, moreover, we are able to connect sky-matter,
if I may use the term, with molecular matter on the one side, and with molar
matter, or matter in sensible masses, on the other. In illustration of this, I
will take an experiment suggested by some of my own researches, and
described by M. Morren of Marseilles at the Exeter meeting of the British
Association. Sulphur and oxygen combine to form sulphurous acid gas, two
atoms of oxygen and one of sulphur constituting the molecule of sulphurous
acid. It has been recently shown that waves of aether issuing from a strong
source, such as the sun or the electric light, are competent to shake asunder
the atoms of gaseous molecules. [Footnote: See 'New Chemical Reactions
produced by Light,' vol. i.p.] A chemist would call this, 'decomposition' by
light; but it behoves us, who are examining the power and function of the
imagination, to keep constantly before us the physical images which
underlie our terms. Therefore I say, sharply and definitely, that the
components of the molecules of sulphurous acid are shaken asunder by the
aether-waves. Enclosing sulphurous acid in a suitable vessel, placing it in a
dark room, and sending through it a powerful beam of light, we at first see
nothing: the vessel containing the gas seems as empty as a vacuum. Soon,
1/200000th of an inch in diameter. 1878.] By the microscope, therefore, we
can test our particles. If they be as large as the light-waves they will
infallibly be seen; and if they be not so seen, it is because they are smaller.
Some months ago I placed in the hands of our President a liquid containing
Bruecke's precipitate. The liquid was milky blue, and Mr. Huxley applied to
it his highest microscopic power. He satisfied me that had particles of even
1/100000th of an inch in diameter existed in the liquid, they could not have
escaped detection. But no particles were seen. Under the microscope the
turbid liquid was not to be distinguished from distilled water. [Footnote:
Like Dr. Burdon Sanderson's 'pyrogen,' the particles of mastic passed,
without sensible hindrance, through filtering-paper. By such filtering no
freedom from suspended particles is secured. The application of a
condensed beam to the filtrate renders this at once evident.]
But we have it in our power to imitate, far more closely than we have
hitherto done, the natural conditions of this problem. We can generate, in
air, artificial skies, and prove their perfect identity with the natural one, as
regards the exhibition of a number of wholly unexpected phenomena. By a
continuous process of growth, moreover, we are able to connect sky-matter,
if I may use the term, with molecular matter on the one side, and with molar
matter, or matter in sensible masses, on the other. In illustration of this, I
will take an experiment suggested by some of my own researches, and
described by M. Morren of Marseilles at the Exeter meeting of the British
Association. Sulphur and oxygen combine to form sulphurous acid gas, two
atoms of oxygen and one of sulphur constituting the molecule of sulphurous
acid. It has been recently shown that waves of aether issuing from a strong
source, such as the sun or the electric light, are competent to shake asunder
the atoms of gaseous molecules. [Footnote: See 'New Chemical Reactions
produced by Light,' vol. i.p.] A chemist would call this, 'decomposition' by
light; but it behoves us, who are examining the power and function of the
imagination, to keep constantly before us the physical images which
underlie our terms. Therefore I say, sharply and definitely, that the
components of the molecules of sulphurous acid are shaken asunder by the
aether-waves. Enclosing sulphurous acid in a suitable vessel, placing it in a
dark room, and sending through it a powerful beam of light, we at first see
nothing: the vessel containing the gas seems as empty as a vacuum. Soon,
Page 491
however, along the track of the beam a beautiful sky-blue colour is
observed, which is due to light scattered by the liberated particles of
sulphur. For a time the blue grows more intense; it then becomes whitish;
and ends in a more or less perfect white. When the action is continued long
enough, the tube is filled with a dense cloud of sulphur particles, which by
the application of proper means may be rendered individually visible.
[Footnote: M. Morren was mistaken in supposing that a modicum of
sulphurous acid, in the drying tubes, had any share in the production of the
'actinic clouds' described by me. A beautiful case of molecular instability in
the presence of light is furnished by peroxide of chlorine as proved by
Professor Dewar. 1878.]
Here, then, our aether-waves untie the bond of chemical affinity, and
liberate a body — sulphur — which at ordinary temperatures is a solid, and
which therefore soon becomes an object of the senses. We have first of all
the free atoms of sulphur, which are incompetent to stir the retina sensibly
with scattered light. But these atoms gradually coalesce and form particles,
which grow larger by continual accretion, until after a minute or two they
appear as sky-matter. In this condition they are individually invisible; but
collectively they send an amount of wave-motion to the retina, sufficient to
produce the firmamental blue. The particles continue, or may be caused to
continue, in this condition for a considerable time, during which no
microscope can cope with them. But they grow slowly larger, and pass by
insensible gradations into the state of cloud, when they can no longer elude
the armed eye. Thus, without solution of continuity, we start with matter in
the atom, and end with matter in the mass; sky-matter being the middle
term of the series of transformations. Instead of sulphurous acid, we might
choose a dozen other substances, and produce the same effect with all of
them. In the case of some — probably in the case of all — it is possible to
preserve matter in the firmamental condition for fifteen or twenty minutes
under the continual operation of the light. During these fifteen or twenty
minutes the particles constantly grow larger, without ever exceeding the
size requisite to the production of the celestial blue.
Now when two vessels are placed before us, each containing sky-matter, it
is possible to state with great distinctness which vessel contains the largest
particles. The eye is very sensitive to differences of light, when, as in our
observed, which is due to light scattered by the liberated particles of
sulphur. For a time the blue grows more intense; it then becomes whitish;
and ends in a more or less perfect white. When the action is continued long
enough, the tube is filled with a dense cloud of sulphur particles, which by
the application of proper means may be rendered individually visible.
[Footnote: M. Morren was mistaken in supposing that a modicum of
sulphurous acid, in the drying tubes, had any share in the production of the
'actinic clouds' described by me. A beautiful case of molecular instability in
the presence of light is furnished by peroxide of chlorine as proved by
Professor Dewar. 1878.]
Here, then, our aether-waves untie the bond of chemical affinity, and
liberate a body — sulphur — which at ordinary temperatures is a solid, and
which therefore soon becomes an object of the senses. We have first of all
the free atoms of sulphur, which are incompetent to stir the retina sensibly
with scattered light. But these atoms gradually coalesce and form particles,
which grow larger by continual accretion, until after a minute or two they
appear as sky-matter. In this condition they are individually invisible; but
collectively they send an amount of wave-motion to the retina, sufficient to
produce the firmamental blue. The particles continue, or may be caused to
continue, in this condition for a considerable time, during which no
microscope can cope with them. But they grow slowly larger, and pass by
insensible gradations into the state of cloud, when they can no longer elude
the armed eye. Thus, without solution of continuity, we start with matter in
the atom, and end with matter in the mass; sky-matter being the middle
term of the series of transformations. Instead of sulphurous acid, we might
choose a dozen other substances, and produce the same effect with all of
them. In the case of some — probably in the case of all — it is possible to
preserve matter in the firmamental condition for fifteen or twenty minutes
under the continual operation of the light. During these fifteen or twenty
minutes the particles constantly grow larger, without ever exceeding the
size requisite to the production of the celestial blue.
Now when two vessels are placed before us, each containing sky-matter, it
is possible to state with great distinctness which vessel contains the largest
particles. The eye is very sensitive to differences of light, when, as in our
Page 492
experiments, it is placed in comparative darkness, and the wave-motion
thrown against the retina is small. The larger particles declare themselves
by the greater whiteness of their scattered light. Call now to mind the
observation, or effort at observation, made by our President, when he failed
to distinguish the particles of mastic in Bruecke's medium, and when you
have done this, please follow me.
A beam of light is permitted to act upon a certain vapour. In two minutes
the azure appears, but at the end of fifteen minutes it has not ceased to be
azure. After fifteen minutes its colour, and some other phenomena,
pronounce it to be a blue of distinctly smaller particles than those sought for
in vain by Mr. Huxley. These particles, as already stated, must have been
less than 1/100000th of an inch in diameter.
And now I want you to consider the following question: Here are particles
which have been growing continually for fifteen minutes, and at the end of
that time are demonstrably smaller than those which defied the microscope
of Mr. Huxley — What must have been the size of these particles at the
beginning of their growth? What notion can you form of the magnitude of
such particles? The distances of stellar space give us simply a bewildering
sense of vastness, without leaving any distinct impression on the mind; and
the magnitudes with which we have here to do, bewilder us equally in the
opposite direction. We are dealing with infinitesimals, compared with which
the test objects of the microscope are literally immense.
From their perviousness to stellar light, and other considerations, Sir John
Herschel drew some startling conclusions regarding the density and weight
of comets. You know that these extraordinary and mysterious bodies
sometimes throw out tails 100,000,000 miles in length, and 50,000 miles in
diameter. The diameter of our earth is 8,000 miles. Both it and the sky, and
a good portion of space beyond the sky, would certainly be included in a
sphere 10,000 miles across. Let us fill a hollow sphere of this diameter with
cometary matter, and make it our unit of measure. To produce a comet's tail
of the size just mentioned, about 300,000 such measures would have to be
emptied into space. Now suppose the whole of this stuff to be swept
together, and suitably compressed, what do you suppose its volume would
be? Sir John Herschel would probably tell you that the whole mass might be
thrown against the retina is small. The larger particles declare themselves
by the greater whiteness of their scattered light. Call now to mind the
observation, or effort at observation, made by our President, when he failed
to distinguish the particles of mastic in Bruecke's medium, and when you
have done this, please follow me.
A beam of light is permitted to act upon a certain vapour. In two minutes
the azure appears, but at the end of fifteen minutes it has not ceased to be
azure. After fifteen minutes its colour, and some other phenomena,
pronounce it to be a blue of distinctly smaller particles than those sought for
in vain by Mr. Huxley. These particles, as already stated, must have been
less than 1/100000th of an inch in diameter.
And now I want you to consider the following question: Here are particles
which have been growing continually for fifteen minutes, and at the end of
that time are demonstrably smaller than those which defied the microscope
of Mr. Huxley — What must have been the size of these particles at the
beginning of their growth? What notion can you form of the magnitude of
such particles? The distances of stellar space give us simply a bewildering
sense of vastness, without leaving any distinct impression on the mind; and
the magnitudes with which we have here to do, bewilder us equally in the
opposite direction. We are dealing with infinitesimals, compared with which
the test objects of the microscope are literally immense.
From their perviousness to stellar light, and other considerations, Sir John
Herschel drew some startling conclusions regarding the density and weight
of comets. You know that these extraordinary and mysterious bodies
sometimes throw out tails 100,000,000 miles in length, and 50,000 miles in
diameter. The diameter of our earth is 8,000 miles. Both it and the sky, and
a good portion of space beyond the sky, would certainly be included in a
sphere 10,000 miles across. Let us fill a hollow sphere of this diameter with
cometary matter, and make it our unit of measure. To produce a comet's tail
of the size just mentioned, about 300,000 such measures would have to be
emptied into space. Now suppose the whole of this stuff to be swept
together, and suitably compressed, what do you suppose its volume would
be? Sir John Herschel would probably tell you that the whole mass might be
Page 493
carted away, at a single effort, by one of your dray-horses. In fact, I do not
know that he would require more than a small fraction of a horse-power to
remove the cometary dust. After this, you will hardly regard as monstrous a
notion I have sometimes entertained, concerning the quantity, of matter in
our sky. Suppose a shell to surround the earth at a distance which would
place it beyond the grosser matter that hangs in the lower regions of the air
— say at the height of the Matterhorn or Mont Blanc. Outside this shell we
should have the deep blue firmament. Let the atmospheric space beyond the
shell be swept clean, and the sky-matter properly gathered up. What would
be its probable amount? I have sometimes thought that a lady's portmanteau
would contain it all. I have thought that even a gentleman's portmanteau —
possibly his snuff-box — might take it in. And, whether the actual sky be
capable of this amount of condensation or not, I entertain no doubt that a
sky quite as vast as ours, and as good in appearance, could be formed from
a quantity of matter which might be held in the hollow of the hand.
Small in mass, the vastness in point of number of the particles of our sky
may be inferred from the continuity of its light. It is not in broken patches,
nor at scattered points, that the heavenly azure is revealed. To the observer
on the summit of Mont Blanc, the blue is as uniform and coherent as if it
formed the surface of the most close-grained solid. A marble dome would
not exhibit a stricter continuity. And Mr. Glaisher will inform you, that if
our hypothetical shell were lifted to twice the height of Mont Blanc above
the earth's surface, we should still have the azure overhead. Everywhere
through the atmosphere those sky-particles are strewn. They fill the Alpine
valleys, spreading like a delicate gauze in front of the slopes of pine. They
sometimes so swathe the peaks with light as to abolish their definition. This
year I have seen the Weisshorn thus dissolved in opalescent air. By proper
instruments the glare thrown from the sky-particles against the retina may
be quenched, and then the mountain which it obliterated starts into sudden
definition. [Footnote: See the 'Sky of the Alps,' Art. iv. sec. 3, vol. i] Its
extinction in front of a dark mountain resembles exactly the withdrawal of a
veil. It is then the light taking possession of the eye, not the particles acting
as opaque bodies, that interferes with the definition. By day this light
quenches the stars; even by moonlight it is able to exclude from vision all
stars between the fifth and the eleventh magnitude. It may be likened to a
noise, and the feebler stellar radiance to a whisper drowned by the noise.
know that he would require more than a small fraction of a horse-power to
remove the cometary dust. After this, you will hardly regard as monstrous a
notion I have sometimes entertained, concerning the quantity, of matter in
our sky. Suppose a shell to surround the earth at a distance which would
place it beyond the grosser matter that hangs in the lower regions of the air
— say at the height of the Matterhorn or Mont Blanc. Outside this shell we
should have the deep blue firmament. Let the atmospheric space beyond the
shell be swept clean, and the sky-matter properly gathered up. What would
be its probable amount? I have sometimes thought that a lady's portmanteau
would contain it all. I have thought that even a gentleman's portmanteau —
possibly his snuff-box — might take it in. And, whether the actual sky be
capable of this amount of condensation or not, I entertain no doubt that a
sky quite as vast as ours, and as good in appearance, could be formed from
a quantity of matter which might be held in the hollow of the hand.
Small in mass, the vastness in point of number of the particles of our sky
may be inferred from the continuity of its light. It is not in broken patches,
nor at scattered points, that the heavenly azure is revealed. To the observer
on the summit of Mont Blanc, the blue is as uniform and coherent as if it
formed the surface of the most close-grained solid. A marble dome would
not exhibit a stricter continuity. And Mr. Glaisher will inform you, that if
our hypothetical shell were lifted to twice the height of Mont Blanc above
the earth's surface, we should still have the azure overhead. Everywhere
through the atmosphere those sky-particles are strewn. They fill the Alpine
valleys, spreading like a delicate gauze in front of the slopes of pine. They
sometimes so swathe the peaks with light as to abolish their definition. This
year I have seen the Weisshorn thus dissolved in opalescent air. By proper
instruments the glare thrown from the sky-particles against the retina may
be quenched, and then the mountain which it obliterated starts into sudden
definition. [Footnote: See the 'Sky of the Alps,' Art. iv. sec. 3, vol. i] Its
extinction in front of a dark mountain resembles exactly the withdrawal of a
veil. It is then the light taking possession of the eye, not the particles acting
as opaque bodies, that interferes with the definition. By day this light
quenches the stars; even by moonlight it is able to exclude from vision all
stars between the fifth and the eleventh magnitude. It may be likened to a
noise, and the feebler stellar radiance to a whisper drowned by the noise.
Page 494
What is the nature of the particles which shed this light? The celebrated De
la Rive ascribes the haze of the Alps in fine weather to floating organic
germs. Now the possible existence of germs in such profusion has been held
up as an absurdity. It has been affirmed that they would darken the air, and
on the assumed impossibility of their existence in the requisite numbers,
without invasion of the solar light, an apparently powerful argument has
been based by believers in spontaneous generation. Similar arguments have
been used by the opponents of the germ theory of epidemic disease, who
have triumphantly challenged an appeal to the microscope and the chemist's
balance to decide the question. Such arguments, however, are founded on a
defective acquaintance with the powers and properties of matter. Without
committing myself in the least to De la Rive's notion, to the doctrine of
spontaneous generation, or to the germ theory of disease, I would simply
draw attention to the demonstrable fact, that, in the atmosphere, we have
particles which defy both the microscope and the balance, which do not
darken the air, and which exist, nevertheless, in multitudes sufficient to
reduce to insignificance the Israelitish hyperbole regarding the sands upon
the sea-shore.
-----
The varying judgments of men on these and other questions may perhaps
be, to some extent, accounted for by that doctrine of Relativity which plays
so important a part in philosophy. This doctrine affirms that the impressions
made upon us by any circumstance, or combination of circumstances,
depend upon our previous state. Two travellers upon the same height, the
one having ascended to it from the plain, the other having descended to it
from a higher elevation, will be differently affected by the scene around
them. To the one nature is expanding, to the other it is contracting, and
impressions which have two such different antecedent states are sure to
differ. In our scientific judgments the law of relativity may also play an
important part. To two men, one educated in the school of the senses,
having mainly occupied himself with observation; the other educated in the
school of imagination as well, and exercised in the conceptions of atoms
and molecules to which we have so frequently referred, a bit of matter, say
1/50000th of an inch in diameter, will present itself differently. The one
descends to it from his molar heights, the other climbs to it from his
la Rive ascribes the haze of the Alps in fine weather to floating organic
germs. Now the possible existence of germs in such profusion has been held
up as an absurdity. It has been affirmed that they would darken the air, and
on the assumed impossibility of their existence in the requisite numbers,
without invasion of the solar light, an apparently powerful argument has
been based by believers in spontaneous generation. Similar arguments have
been used by the opponents of the germ theory of epidemic disease, who
have triumphantly challenged an appeal to the microscope and the chemist's
balance to decide the question. Such arguments, however, are founded on a
defective acquaintance with the powers and properties of matter. Without
committing myself in the least to De la Rive's notion, to the doctrine of
spontaneous generation, or to the germ theory of disease, I would simply
draw attention to the demonstrable fact, that, in the atmosphere, we have
particles which defy both the microscope and the balance, which do not
darken the air, and which exist, nevertheless, in multitudes sufficient to
reduce to insignificance the Israelitish hyperbole regarding the sands upon
the sea-shore.
-----
The varying judgments of men on these and other questions may perhaps
be, to some extent, accounted for by that doctrine of Relativity which plays
so important a part in philosophy. This doctrine affirms that the impressions
made upon us by any circumstance, or combination of circumstances,
depend upon our previous state. Two travellers upon the same height, the
one having ascended to it from the plain, the other having descended to it
from a higher elevation, will be differently affected by the scene around
them. To the one nature is expanding, to the other it is contracting, and
impressions which have two such different antecedent states are sure to
differ. In our scientific judgments the law of relativity may also play an
important part. To two men, one educated in the school of the senses,
having mainly occupied himself with observation; the other educated in the
school of imagination as well, and exercised in the conceptions of atoms
and molecules to which we have so frequently referred, a bit of matter, say
1/50000th of an inch in diameter, will present itself differently. The one
descends to it from his molar heights, the other climbs to it from his
Page 495
molecular lowlands. To the one it appears small, to the other large. So, also,
as regards the appreciation of the most minute forms of life revealed by the
microscope. To one of the men these naturally appear conterminous with
the ultimate particles of matter; there is but a step from the atom to the
organism. The other discerns numberless organic gradations between both.
Compared with his atoms, the smallest vibrios and bacteria of the
microscopic field are as behemoth and leviathan. The law of relativity may
to some extent explain the different attitudes of two such persons with
regard to the question of spontaneous generation. An amount of evidence
which satisfies the one entirely fails to satisfy the other; and while to the
one the last bold defence and startling expansion of the doctrine by Dr.
Bastian will appear perfectly conclusive, to the other it will present itself as
merely imposing a labour of demolition on subsequent investigators.
[Footnote: When these words were uttered I did not imagine that the chief
labour of demolition would fall upon myself. 1878.]
Let me say here that many of our physiological observers appear to form a
very inadequate estimate of the distance which separates the microscopic
from the molecular limit, and that, as a consequence, they sometimes
employ a phraseology calculated to mislead. When, for example, the
contents of a cell are described as perfectly homogeneous or as absolutely
structureless, because the microscope fails to discover any structure; or
when two structures are pronounced to be without difference, because the
microscope can discover none, then, I think the microscope begins to play a
mischievous part. A little consideration will make it plain that the
microscope can have no voice in the question of germ structure. Distilled
water is more perfectly homogeneous than any possible organic germ. What
is it that causes the liquid to cease contracting at 39 degrees Fahr., and to
expand until it freezes? We have here a structural process of which the
microscope can take no note, nor is it likely to do so by any conceivable
extension of its powers. Place distilled water in the field of an electro-
magnet, and bring a microscope to bear upon it. Will any change be
observed when the magnet is excited? Absolutely none; and still profound
and complex changes have occurred. First of all, the particles of water have
been rendered diamagnetically polar; and secondly, in virtue of the structure
impressed upon it by the magnetic whirl of its molecules, the liquid twists a
as regards the appreciation of the most minute forms of life revealed by the
microscope. To one of the men these naturally appear conterminous with
the ultimate particles of matter; there is but a step from the atom to the
organism. The other discerns numberless organic gradations between both.
Compared with his atoms, the smallest vibrios and bacteria of the
microscopic field are as behemoth and leviathan. The law of relativity may
to some extent explain the different attitudes of two such persons with
regard to the question of spontaneous generation. An amount of evidence
which satisfies the one entirely fails to satisfy the other; and while to the
one the last bold defence and startling expansion of the doctrine by Dr.
Bastian will appear perfectly conclusive, to the other it will present itself as
merely imposing a labour of demolition on subsequent investigators.
[Footnote: When these words were uttered I did not imagine that the chief
labour of demolition would fall upon myself. 1878.]
Let me say here that many of our physiological observers appear to form a
very inadequate estimate of the distance which separates the microscopic
from the molecular limit, and that, as a consequence, they sometimes
employ a phraseology calculated to mislead. When, for example, the
contents of a cell are described as perfectly homogeneous or as absolutely
structureless, because the microscope fails to discover any structure; or
when two structures are pronounced to be without difference, because the
microscope can discover none, then, I think the microscope begins to play a
mischievous part. A little consideration will make it plain that the
microscope can have no voice in the question of germ structure. Distilled
water is more perfectly homogeneous than any possible organic germ. What
is it that causes the liquid to cease contracting at 39 degrees Fahr., and to
expand until it freezes? We have here a structural process of which the
microscope can take no note, nor is it likely to do so by any conceivable
extension of its powers. Place distilled water in the field of an electro-
magnet, and bring a microscope to bear upon it. Will any change be
observed when the magnet is excited? Absolutely none; and still profound
and complex changes have occurred. First of all, the particles of water have
been rendered diamagnetically polar; and secondly, in virtue of the structure
impressed upon it by the magnetic whirl of its molecules, the liquid twists a
Page 496
ray of light in a fashion perfectly determinate both as to quantity and
direction.
Have the diamond, the amethyst, and the countless other crystals formed in
the laboratories of nature and of man no structure? Assuredly they have; but
what can the microscope make of it? Nothing. It cannot be too distinctly
borne in mind that between the microscopic limit, and the true molecular
limit, there is room for infinite permutations and combinations. It is in this
region that the poles of the atoms are arranged, that tendency is given to
their powers; so that when these poles and powers have free action, proper
stimulus, and a suitable environment, they determine, first the germ, and
afterwards the complete organism. This first marshalling of the atoms, on
which all subsequent action depends, baffles a keener power than that of the
microscope. When duly pondered, the complexity of the problem raises the
doubt, not of the power of our instrument, for that is nil, but whether we
ourselves possess the intellectual elements which will ever enable us to
grapple with the ultimate structural energies of nature. [Footnote: 'In using
the expression "one sort of living substance" I must guard against being
supposed to mean that any kind of living protoplasm is homogeneous.
Hyaline though it may appear, we are not at present able to assign any limit
to its complexity of structure.' — Burdon Sanderson, in the 'British Medical
Journal,' January 16, 1875. We have here scientific insight, and its
correlative caution. In fact Dr. Sanderson' s important researches are a
continued illustration of the position laid down above.]
In more senses than one Mr. Darwin has drawn heavily upon the scientific
tolerance of his age. He has drawn heavily upon time in his development of
species, and he has drawn adventurously upon matter in his theory of
pangenesis. According to this theory, a germ, already microscopic, is a
world of minor germs. Not only is the organism as a whole wrapped up in
the germ, but every organ of the organism has there its special seed. This, I
say, is an adventurous draft on the power of matter to divide itself and
distribute its forces. But, unless we are perfectly sure that he is overstepping
the bounds of reason, that he is unwittingly sinning against observed fact or
demonstrated law — for a mind like that of Darwin can never sin wittingly
against either fact or law — we ought, I think, to be cautious in limiting his
intellectual horizon. If there be the least doubt in the matter, it ought to be
direction.
Have the diamond, the amethyst, and the countless other crystals formed in
the laboratories of nature and of man no structure? Assuredly they have; but
what can the microscope make of it? Nothing. It cannot be too distinctly
borne in mind that between the microscopic limit, and the true molecular
limit, there is room for infinite permutations and combinations. It is in this
region that the poles of the atoms are arranged, that tendency is given to
their powers; so that when these poles and powers have free action, proper
stimulus, and a suitable environment, they determine, first the germ, and
afterwards the complete organism. This first marshalling of the atoms, on
which all subsequent action depends, baffles a keener power than that of the
microscope. When duly pondered, the complexity of the problem raises the
doubt, not of the power of our instrument, for that is nil, but whether we
ourselves possess the intellectual elements which will ever enable us to
grapple with the ultimate structural energies of nature. [Footnote: 'In using
the expression "one sort of living substance" I must guard against being
supposed to mean that any kind of living protoplasm is homogeneous.
Hyaline though it may appear, we are not at present able to assign any limit
to its complexity of structure.' — Burdon Sanderson, in the 'British Medical
Journal,' January 16, 1875. We have here scientific insight, and its
correlative caution. In fact Dr. Sanderson' s important researches are a
continued illustration of the position laid down above.]
In more senses than one Mr. Darwin has drawn heavily upon the scientific
tolerance of his age. He has drawn heavily upon time in his development of
species, and he has drawn adventurously upon matter in his theory of
pangenesis. According to this theory, a germ, already microscopic, is a
world of minor germs. Not only is the organism as a whole wrapped up in
the germ, but every organ of the organism has there its special seed. This, I
say, is an adventurous draft on the power of matter to divide itself and
distribute its forces. But, unless we are perfectly sure that he is overstepping
the bounds of reason, that he is unwittingly sinning against observed fact or
demonstrated law — for a mind like that of Darwin can never sin wittingly
against either fact or law — we ought, I think, to be cautious in limiting his
intellectual horizon. If there be the least doubt in the matter, it ought to be
Page 497
given in favour of the freedom of such a mind. To it a vast possibility is in
itself a dynamic power, though the possibility may never be drawn upon. It
gives me pleasure to think that the facts and reasonings of this discourse
tend rather towards the justification of Mr. Darwin, than towards his
condemnation; for they seem to show the perfect competence of matter and
force, as regards divisibility and distribution, to bear the heaviest strain that
he has hitherto imposed upon them.
In the case of Mr. Darwin, observation, imagination, and reason combined
have run back with wonderful sagacity and success over a certain length of
the line of biological succession. Guided by analogy, in his 'Origin of
Species' he placed at the root of life a primordial germ, from which he
conceived the amazing variety of the organisms now upon the earth's
surface might be deduced. If this hypothesis were even true, it would not be
final. The human mind would infallibly look behind the germ, and however
hopeless the attempt, would enquire into the history of its genesis. In this
dim twilight of conjecture the searcher welcomes every gleam, and seeks to
augment his light by indirect incidences. He studies the methods of nature
in the ages and the worlds within his reach, in order to shape the course of
speculation in antecedent ages and worlds. And though the certainty
possessed by experimental enquiry is here shut out, we are not left entirely
without guidance. From the examination of the solar system, Kant and
Laplace came to the conclusion that its various bodies once formed parts of
the same undislocated mass; that matter in a nebulous form preceded matter
in its present form; that as the ages rolled away, heat was wasted,
condensation followed, planets were detached; and that finally the chief
portion of the hot cloud reached, by self-compression, the magnitude and
density of our sun. The earth itself offers evidence of a fiery origin; and in
our day the hypothesis of Kant and Laplace receives the independent
countenance of spectrum analysis, which proves the same substances to be
common to the earth and sun.
Accepting some such view of the construction of our system as probable, a
desire immediately arises to connect the present life of our planet with the
past. We wish to know something of our remotest ancestry. On its first
detachment from the central mass, life, as we understand it, could not have
been present on the earth. How, then, did it come there? The thing to be
itself a dynamic power, though the possibility may never be drawn upon. It
gives me pleasure to think that the facts and reasonings of this discourse
tend rather towards the justification of Mr. Darwin, than towards his
condemnation; for they seem to show the perfect competence of matter and
force, as regards divisibility and distribution, to bear the heaviest strain that
he has hitherto imposed upon them.
In the case of Mr. Darwin, observation, imagination, and reason combined
have run back with wonderful sagacity and success over a certain length of
the line of biological succession. Guided by analogy, in his 'Origin of
Species' he placed at the root of life a primordial germ, from which he
conceived the amazing variety of the organisms now upon the earth's
surface might be deduced. If this hypothesis were even true, it would not be
final. The human mind would infallibly look behind the germ, and however
hopeless the attempt, would enquire into the history of its genesis. In this
dim twilight of conjecture the searcher welcomes every gleam, and seeks to
augment his light by indirect incidences. He studies the methods of nature
in the ages and the worlds within his reach, in order to shape the course of
speculation in antecedent ages and worlds. And though the certainty
possessed by experimental enquiry is here shut out, we are not left entirely
without guidance. From the examination of the solar system, Kant and
Laplace came to the conclusion that its various bodies once formed parts of
the same undislocated mass; that matter in a nebulous form preceded matter
in its present form; that as the ages rolled away, heat was wasted,
condensation followed, planets were detached; and that finally the chief
portion of the hot cloud reached, by self-compression, the magnitude and
density of our sun. The earth itself offers evidence of a fiery origin; and in
our day the hypothesis of Kant and Laplace receives the independent
countenance of spectrum analysis, which proves the same substances to be
common to the earth and sun.
Accepting some such view of the construction of our system as probable, a
desire immediately arises to connect the present life of our planet with the
past. We wish to know something of our remotest ancestry. On its first
detachment from the central mass, life, as we understand it, could not have
been present on the earth. How, then, did it come there? The thing to be
Page 498
encouraged here is a reverent freedom — a freedom preceded by the hard
discipline which checks licentiousness in speculation — while the thing to
be repressed, both in science and out of it, is dogmatism. And here I am in
the hands of the meeting — willing to end, but ready to go on. I have no
right to intrude upon you, unasked, the unformed notions which are floating
like clouds, or gathering to more solid consistency, in the modern
speculative scientific mind. But if you wish me to speak plainly, honestly,
and undisputatiously, I am willing to do so. On the present occasion —
You are ordained to call, and I to come.
Well, your answer is given, and I obey your call.
Two or three years ago, in an ancient London College, I listened to a
discussion at the end of a lecture by a very remarkable man. Three or four
hundred clergymen were present at the lecture. The orator began with the
civilisation of Egypt in the time of 'Joseph; pointing out the very perfect
organisation of the kingdom, and the possession of chariots, in one of which
Joseph rode, as proving a long antecedent period of civilisation. He then
passed on to the mud of the Nile, its rate of augmentation, its present
thickness, and the remains of human handiwork found therein: thence to the
rocks which bound the Nile valley, and which teem with organic remains.
Thus in his own clear way he caused the idea of the world's age to expand
itself indefinitely before the minds of his audience, and he contrasted this
with the age usually assigned to the world. During his discourse he seemed
to be swimming against a stream, he manifestly thought that he was
opposing a general conviction. He expected resistance in the subsequent
discussion; so did I. But it was all a mistake; there was no adverse current,
no opposing conviction, no resistance; merely here and there a half-
humorous, but unsuccessful attempt to entangle him in his talk. The
meeting agreed with all that had been said regarding the antiquity of the
earth and of its life. They had, indeed, known it all long ago, and they
rallied the lecturer for coming amongst them with so stale a story. It was
quite plain that this large body of clergymen, who were, I should say, to be
ranked amongst the finest samples of their class, had entirely given up the
ancient landmarks, and transported the conception of life's origin to an
indefinitely distant past.
discipline which checks licentiousness in speculation — while the thing to
be repressed, both in science and out of it, is dogmatism. And here I am in
the hands of the meeting — willing to end, but ready to go on. I have no
right to intrude upon you, unasked, the unformed notions which are floating
like clouds, or gathering to more solid consistency, in the modern
speculative scientific mind. But if you wish me to speak plainly, honestly,
and undisputatiously, I am willing to do so. On the present occasion —
You are ordained to call, and I to come.
Well, your answer is given, and I obey your call.
Two or three years ago, in an ancient London College, I listened to a
discussion at the end of a lecture by a very remarkable man. Three or four
hundred clergymen were present at the lecture. The orator began with the
civilisation of Egypt in the time of 'Joseph; pointing out the very perfect
organisation of the kingdom, and the possession of chariots, in one of which
Joseph rode, as proving a long antecedent period of civilisation. He then
passed on to the mud of the Nile, its rate of augmentation, its present
thickness, and the remains of human handiwork found therein: thence to the
rocks which bound the Nile valley, and which teem with organic remains.
Thus in his own clear way he caused the idea of the world's age to expand
itself indefinitely before the minds of his audience, and he contrasted this
with the age usually assigned to the world. During his discourse he seemed
to be swimming against a stream, he manifestly thought that he was
opposing a general conviction. He expected resistance in the subsequent
discussion; so did I. But it was all a mistake; there was no adverse current,
no opposing conviction, no resistance; merely here and there a half-
humorous, but unsuccessful attempt to entangle him in his talk. The
meeting agreed with all that had been said regarding the antiquity of the
earth and of its life. They had, indeed, known it all long ago, and they
rallied the lecturer for coming amongst them with so stale a story. It was
quite plain that this large body of clergymen, who were, I should say, to be
ranked amongst the finest samples of their class, had entirely given up the
ancient landmarks, and transported the conception of life's origin to an
indefinitely distant past.
Page 499
This leads us to the gist of our present enquiry, which is this: Does life
belong to what we call matter, or is it an independent principle inserted into
matter at some suitable epoch — say when the physical conditions became
such as to permit of the development of life? Let us put the question with
the reverence due to a faith and culture in which we all were cradled, and
which are the undeniable historic antecedents of our present enlightenment.
I say, let us put the question reverently, but let us also put it clearly and
definitely. There are the strongest grounds for believing that during a certain
period of its history the earth was not, nor was it fit to be, the theatre of life.
Whether this was ever a nebulous period, or merely a molten period, does
not signify much; and if we revert to the nebulous condition, it is because
the probabilities are really on its side. Our question is this: Did creative
energy pause until the nebulous matter had condensed, until the earth had
been detached, until the solar fire had so far withdrawn from the earth's
vicinity as to permit a crust to gather round the planet? Did it wait until the
air was isolated; until the seas were formed; until evaporation,
condensation, and the descent of rain had begun; until the eroding forces of
the atmosphere had weathered and decomposed the molten rocks so as to
form soils; until the sun's rays had become so tempered by distance, and by
waste, as to be chemically fit for the decompositions necessary to vegetable
life? Having waited through these aeons until the proper conditions had set
in, did it send the flat forth, 'Let there be Life!'? These questions define a
hypothesis not without its difficulties, but the dignity of which in relation to
the world's knowledge was demonstrated by the nobleness of the men
whom it sustained.
Modern scientific thought is called upon to decide between this hypothesis
and another; and public thought generally will afterwards be called upon to
do the same. But, however the convictions of individuals here and there
may be influenced, the process must be slow and secular which commends
the hypothesis of Natural Evolution to the public mind. For what are the
core and essence of this hypothesis? Strip it naked, and you stand face to
face with the notion that not alone the more ignoble forms of animalcular or
animal life, not alone the nobler forms of the horse and lion, not alone the
exquisite and wonderful mechanism of the human body, but that the human
mind itself — emotion, intellect, will, and all their phenomena — were
once latent in a fiery cloud. Surely the mere statement of such a notion is
belong to what we call matter, or is it an independent principle inserted into
matter at some suitable epoch — say when the physical conditions became
such as to permit of the development of life? Let us put the question with
the reverence due to a faith and culture in which we all were cradled, and
which are the undeniable historic antecedents of our present enlightenment.
I say, let us put the question reverently, but let us also put it clearly and
definitely. There are the strongest grounds for believing that during a certain
period of its history the earth was not, nor was it fit to be, the theatre of life.
Whether this was ever a nebulous period, or merely a molten period, does
not signify much; and if we revert to the nebulous condition, it is because
the probabilities are really on its side. Our question is this: Did creative
energy pause until the nebulous matter had condensed, until the earth had
been detached, until the solar fire had so far withdrawn from the earth's
vicinity as to permit a crust to gather round the planet? Did it wait until the
air was isolated; until the seas were formed; until evaporation,
condensation, and the descent of rain had begun; until the eroding forces of
the atmosphere had weathered and decomposed the molten rocks so as to
form soils; until the sun's rays had become so tempered by distance, and by
waste, as to be chemically fit for the decompositions necessary to vegetable
life? Having waited through these aeons until the proper conditions had set
in, did it send the flat forth, 'Let there be Life!'? These questions define a
hypothesis not without its difficulties, but the dignity of which in relation to
the world's knowledge was demonstrated by the nobleness of the men
whom it sustained.
Modern scientific thought is called upon to decide between this hypothesis
and another; and public thought generally will afterwards be called upon to
do the same. But, however the convictions of individuals here and there
may be influenced, the process must be slow and secular which commends
the hypothesis of Natural Evolution to the public mind. For what are the
core and essence of this hypothesis? Strip it naked, and you stand face to
face with the notion that not alone the more ignoble forms of animalcular or
animal life, not alone the nobler forms of the horse and lion, not alone the
exquisite and wonderful mechanism of the human body, but that the human
mind itself — emotion, intellect, will, and all their phenomena — were
once latent in a fiery cloud. Surely the mere statement of such a notion is
Page 500
more than a refutation. But the hypothesis would probably go even farther
than this. Many who hold it would probably assent to the position that, at
the present moment, all our philosophy, all our poetry, all our science, and
all our art — Plato, Shakspeare, Newton, and Raphael — are potential in
the fires of the sun. We long to learn something of our origin. If the
Evolution hypothesis be correct, even this unsatisfied yearning must have
come to us across the ages which separate the primeval mist from the
consciousness of to-day. I do not think that any holder of the Evolution
hypothesis would say that I overstate or overstrain it in any way. I merely
strip it of all vagueness, and bring before you, unclothed and unvarnished,
the notions by which it must stand or fall.
Surely these notions represent an absurdity too monstrous to be entertained
by any sane mind. But why are such notions absurd, and why should sanity
reject them? The law of Relativity, of which we have previously spoken,
may find its application here. These Evolution notions are absurd,
monstrous, and fit only for the intellectual gibbet, in relation to the ideas
concerning matter which were drilled into us when young. Spirit and matter
have ever been presented to us in the rudest contrast, the one as all-noble,
the other as all-vile. But is this correct? Upon the answer to this question all
depends. Supposing that, instead of having the foregoing antithesis of spirit
and matter presented to our youthful minds, we had been taught to regard
them as equally worthy, and equally wonderful; to consider them, in fact, as
two opposite faces of the self-same mystery. Supposing that in youth we
had been impregnated with the notion of the poet Goethe, instead of the
notion of the poet Young, and taught to look upon matter, not as 'brute
matter,' but as the 'living garment of God;' do you not think that under these
altered circumstances the law of Relativity might have had an outcome
different from its present one? Is it not probable that our repugnance to the
idea of primeval union between spirit and matter might be considerably
abated? Without this total revolution of the notions now prevalent, the
Evolution hypothesis must stand condemned; but in many profoundly
thoughtful minds such a revolution has already taken place. They degrade
neither member of the mysterious duality referred to; but they exalt one of
them from its abasement, and repeal the divorce hitherto existing between
them. In substance, if not in words, their position as regards the relation of
than this. Many who hold it would probably assent to the position that, at
the present moment, all our philosophy, all our poetry, all our science, and
all our art — Plato, Shakspeare, Newton, and Raphael — are potential in
the fires of the sun. We long to learn something of our origin. If the
Evolution hypothesis be correct, even this unsatisfied yearning must have
come to us across the ages which separate the primeval mist from the
consciousness of to-day. I do not think that any holder of the Evolution
hypothesis would say that I overstate or overstrain it in any way. I merely
strip it of all vagueness, and bring before you, unclothed and unvarnished,
the notions by which it must stand or fall.
Surely these notions represent an absurdity too monstrous to be entertained
by any sane mind. But why are such notions absurd, and why should sanity
reject them? The law of Relativity, of which we have previously spoken,
may find its application here. These Evolution notions are absurd,
monstrous, and fit only for the intellectual gibbet, in relation to the ideas
concerning matter which were drilled into us when young. Spirit and matter
have ever been presented to us in the rudest contrast, the one as all-noble,
the other as all-vile. But is this correct? Upon the answer to this question all
depends. Supposing that, instead of having the foregoing antithesis of spirit
and matter presented to our youthful minds, we had been taught to regard
them as equally worthy, and equally wonderful; to consider them, in fact, as
two opposite faces of the self-same mystery. Supposing that in youth we
had been impregnated with the notion of the poet Goethe, instead of the
notion of the poet Young, and taught to look upon matter, not as 'brute
matter,' but as the 'living garment of God;' do you not think that under these
altered circumstances the law of Relativity might have had an outcome
different from its present one? Is it not probable that our repugnance to the
idea of primeval union between spirit and matter might be considerably
abated? Without this total revolution of the notions now prevalent, the
Evolution hypothesis must stand condemned; but in many profoundly
thoughtful minds such a revolution has already taken place. They degrade
neither member of the mysterious duality referred to; but they exalt one of
them from its abasement, and repeal the divorce hitherto existing between
them. In substance, if not in words, their position as regards the relation of
Page 501
spirit and matter is: 'What God hath joined together, let not man put
asunder.'
You have been thus led to the outer rim of speculative science, for beyond
the nebulae scientific thought has never hitherto ventured. I have tried to
state that which I considered ought, in fairness, to be outspoken. I neither
think this Evolution hypothesis is to be flouted away contemptuously, nor
that it ought to be denounced as wicked. It is to be brought before the bar of
disciplined reason, and there justified or condemned. Let us hearken to
those who wisely support it, and to those who wisely oppose it; and let us
tolerate those, whose name is legion, who try foolishly to do either of these
things. The only thing out of place in the discussion is dogmatism on either
side. Fear not the Evolution hypothesis. Steady yourselves, in its presence,
upon that faith in the ultimate triumph of truth which was expressed by old
Gamaliel when he said: 'If it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it; if it be of
man, it will come to nought.' Under the fierce light of scientific enquiry, it is
sure to be dissipated if it possess not a core of truth. Trust me, its existence
as a hypothesis is quite compatible with the simultaneous existence of all
those virtues to which the term 'Christian' has been applied. It does not
solve — it does not profess to solve — the ultimate mystery of this
universe. It leaves, in fact, that mystery untouched. For, granting the nebula
and its potential life, the question, whence they came, would still remain to
baffle and bewilder us. At bottom, the hypothesis does nothing more than
'transport the conception of life's origin to an indefinitely distant past.'
Those who hold the doctrine of Evolution are by no means ignorant of the
uncertainty of their data, and they only yield to it a provisional assent. They
regard the nebular hypothesis as probable, and, in the utter absence of any
evidence to prove the act illegal, they extend the method of nature from the
present into the past. Here the observed uniformity of nature is their only
guide. Within the long range of physical enquiry, they have never discerned
in nature the insertion of caprice. Throughout this range, the laws of
physical and intellectual continuity have run side by side. Having thus
determined the elements of their curve in a world of observation and
experiment, they prolong that curve into an antecedent world, and accept as
probable the unbroken sequence of development from the nebula to the
present time. You never hear the really philosophical defenders of the
asunder.'
You have been thus led to the outer rim of speculative science, for beyond
the nebulae scientific thought has never hitherto ventured. I have tried to
state that which I considered ought, in fairness, to be outspoken. I neither
think this Evolution hypothesis is to be flouted away contemptuously, nor
that it ought to be denounced as wicked. It is to be brought before the bar of
disciplined reason, and there justified or condemned. Let us hearken to
those who wisely support it, and to those who wisely oppose it; and let us
tolerate those, whose name is legion, who try foolishly to do either of these
things. The only thing out of place in the discussion is dogmatism on either
side. Fear not the Evolution hypothesis. Steady yourselves, in its presence,
upon that faith in the ultimate triumph of truth which was expressed by old
Gamaliel when he said: 'If it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it; if it be of
man, it will come to nought.' Under the fierce light of scientific enquiry, it is
sure to be dissipated if it possess not a core of truth. Trust me, its existence
as a hypothesis is quite compatible with the simultaneous existence of all
those virtues to which the term 'Christian' has been applied. It does not
solve — it does not profess to solve — the ultimate mystery of this
universe. It leaves, in fact, that mystery untouched. For, granting the nebula
and its potential life, the question, whence they came, would still remain to
baffle and bewilder us. At bottom, the hypothesis does nothing more than
'transport the conception of life's origin to an indefinitely distant past.'
Those who hold the doctrine of Evolution are by no means ignorant of the
uncertainty of their data, and they only yield to it a provisional assent. They
regard the nebular hypothesis as probable, and, in the utter absence of any
evidence to prove the act illegal, they extend the method of nature from the
present into the past. Here the observed uniformity of nature is their only
guide. Within the long range of physical enquiry, they have never discerned
in nature the insertion of caprice. Throughout this range, the laws of
physical and intellectual continuity have run side by side. Having thus
determined the elements of their curve in a world of observation and
experiment, they prolong that curve into an antecedent world, and accept as
probable the unbroken sequence of development from the nebula to the
present time. You never hear the really philosophical defenders of the
Page 502
doctrine of Uniformity speaking of impossibilities in nature. They never
say, what they are constantly charged with saying, that it is impossible for
the Builder of the universe to alter His work. Their business is not with the
possible, but the actual — not with a world which might be, but with a
world that is. This they explore with a courage not unmixed with reverence,
and according to methods which, like the quality of a tree, are tested by
their fruits. They have but one desire — to know the truth. They have but
one fear — to believe a lie. And if they know the strength of science, and
rely upon it with unswerving trust, they also know the limits beyond which
science ceases to be strong. They best know that questions offer themselves
to thought, which science, as now prosecuted, has not even the tendency to
solve. They have as little fellowship with the atheist who says there is no
God, as with the theist who professes to know the mind of God. 'Two
things,' said Immanuel Kant, 'fill me with awe: the starry heavens, and the
sense of moral responsibility in man.' And in his hours of health and
strength and sanity, when the stroke of action has ceased, and the pause of
reflection has set in, the scientific investigator finds himself overshadowed
by the same awe. Breaking contact with the hampering details of earth, it
associates him with a Power which gives fulness and tone to his existence,
but which he can neither analyse nor comprehend.
.
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
There is one God supreme over all gods, diviner than mortals,
Whose form is not like unto man's, and as unlike his nature;
But vain mortals imagine that gods like themselves are begotten,
say, what they are constantly charged with saying, that it is impossible for
the Builder of the universe to alter His work. Their business is not with the
possible, but the actual — not with a world which might be, but with a
world that is. This they explore with a courage not unmixed with reverence,
and according to methods which, like the quality of a tree, are tested by
their fruits. They have but one desire — to know the truth. They have but
one fear — to believe a lie. And if they know the strength of science, and
rely upon it with unswerving trust, they also know the limits beyond which
science ceases to be strong. They best know that questions offer themselves
to thought, which science, as now prosecuted, has not even the tendency to
solve. They have as little fellowship with the atheist who says there is no
God, as with the theist who professes to know the mind of God. 'Two
things,' said Immanuel Kant, 'fill me with awe: the starry heavens, and the
sense of moral responsibility in man.' And in his hours of health and
strength and sanity, when the stroke of action has ceased, and the pause of
reflection has set in, the scientific investigator finds himself overshadowed
by the same awe. Breaking contact with the hampering details of earth, it
associates him with a Power which gives fulness and tone to his existence,
but which he can neither analyse nor comprehend.
.
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
There is one God supreme over all gods, diviner than mortals,
Whose form is not like unto man's, and as unlike his nature;
But vain mortals imagine that gods like themselves are begotten,
Page 503
With human sensations and voice and corporeal members;
So, if oxen or lions had hands and could work in man's fashion,
And trace out with chisel or brush their conception of Godhead,
Then would horses depict gods like horses, and oxen like oxen,
Each kind the divine with its own form and nature endowing.
.
XENOPHANES Of COLOPHON (six centuries B.C.),
Supernatural Religion, vol. 1. p. 76.
.
-----
.
IX. THE BELFAST ADDRESS.
[Footnote: Delivered before the British Association on Wednesday evening,
August 19, 1874.]
.
§1
AN impulse inherent in primeval man turned his thoughts and questionings
betimes towards the sources of natural phenomena. The same impulse,
inherited and intensified, is the spur of scientific action to-day. Determined
by it, by a process of abstraction from experience we form physical theories
which lie beyond the pale of experience, but which satisfy the desire of the
mind to see every natural occurrence resting upon a cause. In forming their
notions of the origin of things, our earliest historic (and doubtless, we might
add, our prehistoric) ancestors pursued, as far as their intelligence
permitted, the same course. They also fell back upon experience; but with
this difference — that the particular experiences which furnished the warp
and woof of their theories were drawn, not from the study of nature, but
from what lay much closer to them — the observation of men. Their
So, if oxen or lions had hands and could work in man's fashion,
And trace out with chisel or brush their conception of Godhead,
Then would horses depict gods like horses, and oxen like oxen,
Each kind the divine with its own form and nature endowing.
.
XENOPHANES Of COLOPHON (six centuries B.C.),
Supernatural Religion, vol. 1. p. 76.
.
-----
.
IX. THE BELFAST ADDRESS.
[Footnote: Delivered before the British Association on Wednesday evening,
August 19, 1874.]
.
§1
AN impulse inherent in primeval man turned his thoughts and questionings
betimes towards the sources of natural phenomena. The same impulse,
inherited and intensified, is the spur of scientific action to-day. Determined
by it, by a process of abstraction from experience we form physical theories
which lie beyond the pale of experience, but which satisfy the desire of the
mind to see every natural occurrence resting upon a cause. In forming their
notions of the origin of things, our earliest historic (and doubtless, we might
add, our prehistoric) ancestors pursued, as far as their intelligence
permitted, the same course. They also fell back upon experience; but with
this difference — that the particular experiences which furnished the warp
and woof of their theories were drawn, not from the study of nature, but
from what lay much closer to them — the observation of men. Their
Page 504
theories accordingly took an anthropomorphic form. To super-sensual
beings, which, 'however potent and invisible, were nothing but a species of
human creatures, perhaps raised from among mankind, and retaining all
human passions and appetites,' [Footnote: Hume, 'Natural History of
Religion.] were handed over the rule and governance of natural phenomena.
Tested by observation and reflection, these early notions failed in the long
run to satisfy the more penetrating intellects of our race. Far in the depths of
history we find men of exceptional power differentiating themselves from
the crowd, rejecting these anthropomorphic notions, and seeking to connect
natural phenomena with their physical principles. But, long prior to these
purer efforts of the understanding, the merchant had been abroad, and
rendered the philosopher possible; commerce had been developed, wealth
amassed, leisure for travel and speculation secured, while races educated
under different conditions, and therefore differently informed and endowed,
had been stimulated and sharpened by mutual contact. In those regions
where the commercial aristocracy of ancient Greece mingled with their
eastern neighbours, the sciences were born, being nurtured and developed
by free-thinking and courageous men. The state of things to be displaced
may be gathered from a passage of Euripides quoted by Hume. 'There is
nothing in the world; no glory, no prosperity. The gods toss all into
confusion; mix everything with its reverse, that all of us, from our
ignorance and uncertainty, may pay them the more worship and reverence.'
Now as science demands the radical extirpation of caprice, and the absolute
reliance upon law in nature, there grew, with the growth of scientific
notions, a desire and determination to sweep from the field of theory this
mob of gods and demons, and to place natural phenomena on a basis more
congruent with themselves.
The problem which had been previously approached from above, was now
attacked from below; theoretic effort passed from the super- to the sub-
sensible. It was felt that to construct the universe in idea, it was necessary to
have some notion of its constituent parts — of what Lucretius subsequently
called the 'First Beginnings.' Abstracting again from experience, the leaders
of scientific speculation reached at length the pregnant doctrine of atoms
and molecules, the latest developments of which were set forth with such
power and clearness at the last meeting of the British Association. Thought,
beings, which, 'however potent and invisible, were nothing but a species of
human creatures, perhaps raised from among mankind, and retaining all
human passions and appetites,' [Footnote: Hume, 'Natural History of
Religion.] were handed over the rule and governance of natural phenomena.
Tested by observation and reflection, these early notions failed in the long
run to satisfy the more penetrating intellects of our race. Far in the depths of
history we find men of exceptional power differentiating themselves from
the crowd, rejecting these anthropomorphic notions, and seeking to connect
natural phenomena with their physical principles. But, long prior to these
purer efforts of the understanding, the merchant had been abroad, and
rendered the philosopher possible; commerce had been developed, wealth
amassed, leisure for travel and speculation secured, while races educated
under different conditions, and therefore differently informed and endowed,
had been stimulated and sharpened by mutual contact. In those regions
where the commercial aristocracy of ancient Greece mingled with their
eastern neighbours, the sciences were born, being nurtured and developed
by free-thinking and courageous men. The state of things to be displaced
may be gathered from a passage of Euripides quoted by Hume. 'There is
nothing in the world; no glory, no prosperity. The gods toss all into
confusion; mix everything with its reverse, that all of us, from our
ignorance and uncertainty, may pay them the more worship and reverence.'
Now as science demands the radical extirpation of caprice, and the absolute
reliance upon law in nature, there grew, with the growth of scientific
notions, a desire and determination to sweep from the field of theory this
mob of gods and demons, and to place natural phenomena on a basis more
congruent with themselves.
The problem which had been previously approached from above, was now
attacked from below; theoretic effort passed from the super- to the sub-
sensible. It was felt that to construct the universe in idea, it was necessary to
have some notion of its constituent parts — of what Lucretius subsequently
called the 'First Beginnings.' Abstracting again from experience, the leaders
of scientific speculation reached at length the pregnant doctrine of atoms
and molecules, the latest developments of which were set forth with such
power and clearness at the last meeting of the British Association. Thought,
Page 505
no doubt, had long hovered about this doctrine before it attained the
precision and completeness which it assumed in the mind of Democritus,
[Footnote: Born 460 B.C.] a philosopher who may well for a moment arrest
our attention. 'Few great men,' says Lange, a non-materialist, in his
excellent 'History of Materialism,' to the spirit and to the letter of which I
am equally indebted, 'have been so despitefully used by history as
Democritus. In the distorted images sent down to us through unscientific
traditions, there remains of him almost nothing but the name of "the
laughing philosopher," while figures of immeasurably smaller significance
spread themselves out at full length before us.' Lange speaks of Bacon's
high appreciation of Democritus — for ample illustrations of which I am
indebted to my excellent friend Mr. Spedding, the learned editor and
biographer of Bacon. It is evident, indeed, that Bacon considered
Democritus to be a man of weightier metal than either Plato or Aristotle,
though their philosophy 'was noised and celebrated in the schools, amid the
din and pomp of professors.' It was not they, but Genseric and Attila and the
barbarians, who destroyed the atomic philosophy. 'For, at a time when all
human learning had suffered shipwreck, these planks of Aristotelian and
Platonic philosophy, as being of a lighter and more inflated substance, were
preserved and came down to us, while things more solid sank and almost
passed into oblivion.'
The son of a wealthy father, Democritus devoted the whole of his inherited
fortune to the culture of his mind. He travelled everywhere; visited Athens
when Socrates and Plato were there, but quitted the city without making
himself known. Indeed, the dialectic strife in which Socrates so much
delighted, had no charm for Democritus, who held that 'the man who
readily contradicts, and uses many words, is unfit to learn anything truly
right.' He is said to have discovered and educated Protagoras the Sophist,
being struck as much by the manner in which he, being a hewer of wood,
tied up his faggots, as by the sagacity of his conversation. Democritus
returned poor from his travels, was supported by his brother, and at length
wrote his great work entitled 'Diakosmos,' which he read publicly before the
people of his native town. He was honoured by his countrymen in various
ways, and died serenely at a great age.
precision and completeness which it assumed in the mind of Democritus,
[Footnote: Born 460 B.C.] a philosopher who may well for a moment arrest
our attention. 'Few great men,' says Lange, a non-materialist, in his
excellent 'History of Materialism,' to the spirit and to the letter of which I
am equally indebted, 'have been so despitefully used by history as
Democritus. In the distorted images sent down to us through unscientific
traditions, there remains of him almost nothing but the name of "the
laughing philosopher," while figures of immeasurably smaller significance
spread themselves out at full length before us.' Lange speaks of Bacon's
high appreciation of Democritus — for ample illustrations of which I am
indebted to my excellent friend Mr. Spedding, the learned editor and
biographer of Bacon. It is evident, indeed, that Bacon considered
Democritus to be a man of weightier metal than either Plato or Aristotle,
though their philosophy 'was noised and celebrated in the schools, amid the
din and pomp of professors.' It was not they, but Genseric and Attila and the
barbarians, who destroyed the atomic philosophy. 'For, at a time when all
human learning had suffered shipwreck, these planks of Aristotelian and
Platonic philosophy, as being of a lighter and more inflated substance, were
preserved and came down to us, while things more solid sank and almost
passed into oblivion.'
The son of a wealthy father, Democritus devoted the whole of his inherited
fortune to the culture of his mind. He travelled everywhere; visited Athens
when Socrates and Plato were there, but quitted the city without making
himself known. Indeed, the dialectic strife in which Socrates so much
delighted, had no charm for Democritus, who held that 'the man who
readily contradicts, and uses many words, is unfit to learn anything truly
right.' He is said to have discovered and educated Protagoras the Sophist,
being struck as much by the manner in which he, being a hewer of wood,
tied up his faggots, as by the sagacity of his conversation. Democritus
returned poor from his travels, was supported by his brother, and at length
wrote his great work entitled 'Diakosmos,' which he read publicly before the
people of his native town. He was honoured by his countrymen in various
ways, and died serenely at a great age.
Page 506
The principles enunciated by Democritus reveal his uncompromising
antagonism to those who deduced the phenomena of nature from the
caprices of the gods. They are briefly these:
1. From nothing comes nothing. Nothing that exists can be destroyed. All
changes are due to the combination and separation of molecules.
2. Nothing happens by chance; every occurrence has its cause, from
which it follows by necessity.
3. The only existing things are the atoms and empty space; all else is
mere opinion.
4. The atoms are infinite in number and infinitely various in form; they
strike together, and the lateral motions and whirlings which thus arise
are the beginnings of worlds.
5. The varieties of all things depend upon the varieties of their atoms, in
number, size, and aggregation.
6. The soul consists of fine, smooth, round atoms, like those of fire.
These are the most mobile of all: they interpenetrate the whole body,
and in their motions the phenomena of life arise.
The first five propositions are a fair general statement of the atomic
philosophy, as now held. As regards the sixth, Democritus made his finer
atoms do duty for the nervous system, whose functions were then unknown.
The atoms of Democritus are individually without sensation; they combine
in obedience to mechanical laws; and not only organic forms, but the
phenomena of sensation and thought, are the result of their combination.
That great enigma, 'the exquisite adaptation of one part of an organism to
another part, and to the conditions of life,' more especially the construction
of the human body, Democritus made no attempt to solve. Empedocles, a
man of more fiery and poetic nature, introduced the notion of love and hate
among the atoms, to account for their combination and separation; and
bolder than Democritus, he struck in with the penetrating thought, linked,
however, with some wild speculation, that it lay in the very nature of those
combinations which were suited to their ends (in other words, in harmony
with their environment) to maintain themselves, while unfit combinations,
having no proper habitat, must rapidly disappear. Thus, more than 2,000
years ago, the doctrine of the 'survival of the fittest,' which in our day, not
antagonism to those who deduced the phenomena of nature from the
caprices of the gods. They are briefly these:
1. From nothing comes nothing. Nothing that exists can be destroyed. All
changes are due to the combination and separation of molecules.
2. Nothing happens by chance; every occurrence has its cause, from
which it follows by necessity.
3. The only existing things are the atoms and empty space; all else is
mere opinion.
4. The atoms are infinite in number and infinitely various in form; they
strike together, and the lateral motions and whirlings which thus arise
are the beginnings of worlds.
5. The varieties of all things depend upon the varieties of their atoms, in
number, size, and aggregation.
6. The soul consists of fine, smooth, round atoms, like those of fire.
These are the most mobile of all: they interpenetrate the whole body,
and in their motions the phenomena of life arise.
The first five propositions are a fair general statement of the atomic
philosophy, as now held. As regards the sixth, Democritus made his finer
atoms do duty for the nervous system, whose functions were then unknown.
The atoms of Democritus are individually without sensation; they combine
in obedience to mechanical laws; and not only organic forms, but the
phenomena of sensation and thought, are the result of their combination.
That great enigma, 'the exquisite adaptation of one part of an organism to
another part, and to the conditions of life,' more especially the construction
of the human body, Democritus made no attempt to solve. Empedocles, a
man of more fiery and poetic nature, introduced the notion of love and hate
among the atoms, to account for their combination and separation; and
bolder than Democritus, he struck in with the penetrating thought, linked,
however, with some wild speculation, that it lay in the very nature of those
combinations which were suited to their ends (in other words, in harmony
with their environment) to maintain themselves, while unfit combinations,
having no proper habitat, must rapidly disappear. Thus, more than 2,000
years ago, the doctrine of the 'survival of the fittest,' which in our day, not
Page 507
on the basis of vague conjecture, but of positive knowledge, has been raised
to such extraordinary significance, had received at all events partial
enunciation. [Footnote: See 'Lange,' 2nd edit., p. 23.]
Epicurus, [Footnote: Born 342 B.C.] said to be the son of a poor
schoolmaster at Samos, is the next dominant figure in the history of the
atomic philosophy. He mastered the writings of Democritus, heard lectures
in Athens, went back to Samos, and subsequently wandered through various
countries. He finally returned to Athens, where he bought a garden, and
surrounded himself by pupils, in the midst of whom he lived a pure and
serene life, and died a peaceful death. Democritus looked to the soul as the
ennobling part of man; even beauty, without understanding, partook of
animalism. Epicurus also rated the spirit above the body; the pleasure of the
body being that of the moment, while the spirit could draw upon the future
and the past. His philosophy was almost identical with that of Democritus;
but he never quoted either friend or foe. One main object of Epicurus was to
free the world from superstition and the fear of death. Death be treated with
indifference. It merely robs us of sensation. As long as we are, death is not;
and when death is, we are not. Life has no more evil for him who has made
up his mind that it is no evil not to live. He adored the gods, but not in the
ordinary fashion. The idea of Divine power, properly purified, he thought
an elevating one. Still he taught, 'Not he is godless who rejects the gods of
the crowd, but rather he who accepts them.' The gods were to him eternal
and immortal beings, whose blessedness excluded every thought of care or
occupation of any kind. Nature pursues her course in accordance with
everlasting laws, the gods never interfering. They haunt
The lucid interspace Of world and world
Where never creeps a cloud or moves a wind,
Nor ever falls the least white star of snow,
Nor ever lowest roll of thunder moans,
Nor sound of human sorrow mounts to mar
Their sacred everlasting calm.
Tennyson's 'Lucretius'.
Lange considers the relation of Epicurus to the gods subjective; the
indication, probably, of an ethical requirement of his own nature. We cannot
to such extraordinary significance, had received at all events partial
enunciation. [Footnote: See 'Lange,' 2nd edit., p. 23.]
Epicurus, [Footnote: Born 342 B.C.] said to be the son of a poor
schoolmaster at Samos, is the next dominant figure in the history of the
atomic philosophy. He mastered the writings of Democritus, heard lectures
in Athens, went back to Samos, and subsequently wandered through various
countries. He finally returned to Athens, where he bought a garden, and
surrounded himself by pupils, in the midst of whom he lived a pure and
serene life, and died a peaceful death. Democritus looked to the soul as the
ennobling part of man; even beauty, without understanding, partook of
animalism. Epicurus also rated the spirit above the body; the pleasure of the
body being that of the moment, while the spirit could draw upon the future
and the past. His philosophy was almost identical with that of Democritus;
but he never quoted either friend or foe. One main object of Epicurus was to
free the world from superstition and the fear of death. Death be treated with
indifference. It merely robs us of sensation. As long as we are, death is not;
and when death is, we are not. Life has no more evil for him who has made
up his mind that it is no evil not to live. He adored the gods, but not in the
ordinary fashion. The idea of Divine power, properly purified, he thought
an elevating one. Still he taught, 'Not he is godless who rejects the gods of
the crowd, but rather he who accepts them.' The gods were to him eternal
and immortal beings, whose blessedness excluded every thought of care or
occupation of any kind. Nature pursues her course in accordance with
everlasting laws, the gods never interfering. They haunt
The lucid interspace Of world and world
Where never creeps a cloud or moves a wind,
Nor ever falls the least white star of snow,
Nor ever lowest roll of thunder moans,
Nor sound of human sorrow mounts to mar
Their sacred everlasting calm.
Tennyson's 'Lucretius'.
Lange considers the relation of Epicurus to the gods subjective; the
indication, probably, of an ethical requirement of his own nature. We cannot
Page 508
read history with open eyes, or study human nature to its depths, and fail to
discern such a requirement. Man never has been, and he never will be,
satisfied with the operations and products of the Understanding alone;
hence physical science cannot cover all the demands of his nature. But the
history of the efforts made to satisfy these demands might be broadly
described as a history of errors — the error, in great part, consisting in
ascribing fixity to that which is fluent, which varies as we vary, being gross
when we are gross, and becoming, as our capacities widen, more abstract
and sublime. On one great point the mind of Epicurus was at peace. He
neither sought nor expected, here or hereafter, any personal profit from his
relation to the gods. And it is assuredly a fact, that loftiness and serenity of
thought may be promoted by conceptions which involve no idea of profit of
this kind. 'Did I not believe,' said a great man. [Footnote: Carlyle.] to me
once, 'that an Intelligence is at the heart of things, my life on earth would be
intolerable.' The utterer of these words is not, in my opinion, rendered less
but more noble by the fact, that it was the need of ethical harmony here, and
not the thought of personal happiness hereafter, that prompted his
observation.
There are persons, not belonging to the highest intellectual zone, nor yet to
the lowest, to whom perfect clearness of exposition suggests want of depth.
They find comfort and edification in an abstract and learned phraseology.
To such people Epicurus, who spared no pains to rid his style of every trace
of haze and turbidity, appeared, on this very account, superficial. He had,
however, a disciple who thought it no unworthy occupation to spend his
days and nights in the effort to reach the clearness of his master, and to
whom the Greek philosopher is mainly indebted for the extension and
perpetuation of his fame. Some two centuries after the death of Epicurus,
Lucretius [Footnote: Born 99 B.C.] wrote his great poem, 'On the Nature of
Things,' in which he, a Roman, developed with extraordinary ardour the
philosophy of his Greek predecessor. He wishes to win over his friend
Memnius to the school of Epicurus; and although he has no rewards in a
future life to offer, although his object appears to be a purely negative one,
he addresses his friend with the heat of an apostle. His object, like that of
his great forerunner, is the destruction of superstition; and considering that
men in his day trembled before every natural event as a direct monition
from the gods, and that everlasting torture was also in prospect, the freedom
discern such a requirement. Man never has been, and he never will be,
satisfied with the operations and products of the Understanding alone;
hence physical science cannot cover all the demands of his nature. But the
history of the efforts made to satisfy these demands might be broadly
described as a history of errors — the error, in great part, consisting in
ascribing fixity to that which is fluent, which varies as we vary, being gross
when we are gross, and becoming, as our capacities widen, more abstract
and sublime. On one great point the mind of Epicurus was at peace. He
neither sought nor expected, here or hereafter, any personal profit from his
relation to the gods. And it is assuredly a fact, that loftiness and serenity of
thought may be promoted by conceptions which involve no idea of profit of
this kind. 'Did I not believe,' said a great man. [Footnote: Carlyle.] to me
once, 'that an Intelligence is at the heart of things, my life on earth would be
intolerable.' The utterer of these words is not, in my opinion, rendered less
but more noble by the fact, that it was the need of ethical harmony here, and
not the thought of personal happiness hereafter, that prompted his
observation.
There are persons, not belonging to the highest intellectual zone, nor yet to
the lowest, to whom perfect clearness of exposition suggests want of depth.
They find comfort and edification in an abstract and learned phraseology.
To such people Epicurus, who spared no pains to rid his style of every trace
of haze and turbidity, appeared, on this very account, superficial. He had,
however, a disciple who thought it no unworthy occupation to spend his
days and nights in the effort to reach the clearness of his master, and to
whom the Greek philosopher is mainly indebted for the extension and
perpetuation of his fame. Some two centuries after the death of Epicurus,
Lucretius [Footnote: Born 99 B.C.] wrote his great poem, 'On the Nature of
Things,' in which he, a Roman, developed with extraordinary ardour the
philosophy of his Greek predecessor. He wishes to win over his friend
Memnius to the school of Epicurus; and although he has no rewards in a
future life to offer, although his object appears to be a purely negative one,
he addresses his friend with the heat of an apostle. His object, like that of
his great forerunner, is the destruction of superstition; and considering that
men in his day trembled before every natural event as a direct monition
from the gods, and that everlasting torture was also in prospect, the freedom
Page 509
aimed at by Lucretius might be deemed a positive good. 'This terror,' he
says, 'and darkness of mind, must be dispelled, not by the rays of the sun
and glittering shafts of day, but by the aspect and the law of nature.' He
refutes the notion that anything can come out of nothing, or that what is
once begotten can be recalled to nothing. The first beginnings, the atoms,
are indestructible, and into them all things can be resolved at last. Bodies
are partly atoms; and partly combinations of atoms; but the atoms nothing
can quench. They are strong in solid singleness, and, by their denser
combination, all things can be closely packed and exhibit enduring strength.
He denies that matter is infinitely divisible. We come at length to the atoms,
without which, as an imperishable substratum, all order in the generation
and development of things would be destroyed.
The mechanical shock of the atoms being, in his view, the all-sufficient
cause of things, he combats the notion that the constitution of nature has
been in any way determined by intelligent design. The interaction of the
atoms throughout infinite time rendered all manner of combinations
possible. Of these, the fit ones persisted, while the unfit ones disappeared.
Not after sage deliberation did the atoms station themselves in their right
places, nor did they bargain what motions they should assume. From all
eternity they have been driven together, and, after trying motions and
unions of every kind, they fell at length into the arrangements out of which
this system of things has been evolved.
'If you will apprehend and keep in mind these things, Nature, free at once,
and rid of her haughty lords, is seen to do all things spontaneously of
herself, without the meddling of the gods.' [Footnote: Monro's translation.
In his criticism of this work ('Contemporary Review' 1867) Dr. Hayman
does not appear to be aware of the really sound and subtile observations on
which the reasoning of Lucretius, though erroneous, sometimes rests]
To meet the objection that his atoms cannot be seen, Lucretius describes a
violent storm, and shows that the invisible particles of air act in the same
way as the visible particles of water. We perceive, moreover, the different
smells of things, yet never see them coming to our nostrils. Again, clothes
hung up on a shore which waves break upon, become moist, and then get
dry if spread out in the sun, though no eye can see either the approach or the
says, 'and darkness of mind, must be dispelled, not by the rays of the sun
and glittering shafts of day, but by the aspect and the law of nature.' He
refutes the notion that anything can come out of nothing, or that what is
once begotten can be recalled to nothing. The first beginnings, the atoms,
are indestructible, and into them all things can be resolved at last. Bodies
are partly atoms; and partly combinations of atoms; but the atoms nothing
can quench. They are strong in solid singleness, and, by their denser
combination, all things can be closely packed and exhibit enduring strength.
He denies that matter is infinitely divisible. We come at length to the atoms,
without which, as an imperishable substratum, all order in the generation
and development of things would be destroyed.
The mechanical shock of the atoms being, in his view, the all-sufficient
cause of things, he combats the notion that the constitution of nature has
been in any way determined by intelligent design. The interaction of the
atoms throughout infinite time rendered all manner of combinations
possible. Of these, the fit ones persisted, while the unfit ones disappeared.
Not after sage deliberation did the atoms station themselves in their right
places, nor did they bargain what motions they should assume. From all
eternity they have been driven together, and, after trying motions and
unions of every kind, they fell at length into the arrangements out of which
this system of things has been evolved.
'If you will apprehend and keep in mind these things, Nature, free at once,
and rid of her haughty lords, is seen to do all things spontaneously of
herself, without the meddling of the gods.' [Footnote: Monro's translation.
In his criticism of this work ('Contemporary Review' 1867) Dr. Hayman
does not appear to be aware of the really sound and subtile observations on
which the reasoning of Lucretius, though erroneous, sometimes rests]
To meet the objection that his atoms cannot be seen, Lucretius describes a
violent storm, and shows that the invisible particles of air act in the same
way as the visible particles of water. We perceive, moreover, the different
smells of things, yet never see them coming to our nostrils. Again, clothes
hung up on a shore which waves break upon, become moist, and then get
dry if spread out in the sun, though no eye can see either the approach or the
Page 510
escape of the water-particles. A ring, worn long on the finger, becomes
thinner; a water-drop hollows out a stone; the ploughshare is rubbed away
in the field; the street-pavement is worn by the feet; but the particles that
disappear at any moment we cannot see. Nature acts through invisible
particles. That Lucretius had a strong scientific imagination the foregoing
references prove. A fine illustration of his power in this respect, is his
explanation of the apparent rest of bodies whose atoms are in motion. He
employs the image of a flock of sheep with skipping lambs, which, seen
from a distance, presents simply a white patch upon the green hill, the
jumping of the individual lambs being quite invisible.
His vaguely grand conception of the atoms falling eternally through space,
suggested the nebular hypothesis to Kant, its first propounder. Far beyond
the limits of our visible world are to be found atoms innumerable, which
have never been united to form bodies, or which, if once united, have been
again dispersed — falling silently through immeasurable intervals of time
and space. As everywhere throughout the All the same conditions are
repeated, so must the phenomena be repeated also. Above us, below us,
beside us, therefore, are worlds without end; and this, when considered,
must dissipate every thought of a deflection of the universe by the gods.
The worlds come and go, attracting new atoms out of limitless space, or
dispersing their own particles. The reputed death of Lucretius, which forms
the basis of Mr. Tennyson's noble poem, is in strict accordance with his
philosophy, which was severe and pure.
§ 2.
Still earlier than these three philosophers, and during the centuries between
the first of them and the last, the human intellect was active in other fields
than theirs. Pythagoras had founded a school of mathematics, and made his
experiments on the harmonic intervals. The Sophists had run through their
career. At Athens had appeared Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, who ruined
the Sophists, and whose yoke remains to some extent unbroken to the
present hour. Within this period also the School of Alexandria was founded,
Euclid wrote his 'Elements' and made some advance in optics. Archimedes
had propounded the theory of the lever, and the principles of hydrostatics.
Astronomy was immensely enriched by the discoveries of Hipparchus, who
thinner; a water-drop hollows out a stone; the ploughshare is rubbed away
in the field; the street-pavement is worn by the feet; but the particles that
disappear at any moment we cannot see. Nature acts through invisible
particles. That Lucretius had a strong scientific imagination the foregoing
references prove. A fine illustration of his power in this respect, is his
explanation of the apparent rest of bodies whose atoms are in motion. He
employs the image of a flock of sheep with skipping lambs, which, seen
from a distance, presents simply a white patch upon the green hill, the
jumping of the individual lambs being quite invisible.
His vaguely grand conception of the atoms falling eternally through space,
suggested the nebular hypothesis to Kant, its first propounder. Far beyond
the limits of our visible world are to be found atoms innumerable, which
have never been united to form bodies, or which, if once united, have been
again dispersed — falling silently through immeasurable intervals of time
and space. As everywhere throughout the All the same conditions are
repeated, so must the phenomena be repeated also. Above us, below us,
beside us, therefore, are worlds without end; and this, when considered,
must dissipate every thought of a deflection of the universe by the gods.
The worlds come and go, attracting new atoms out of limitless space, or
dispersing their own particles. The reputed death of Lucretius, which forms
the basis of Mr. Tennyson's noble poem, is in strict accordance with his
philosophy, which was severe and pure.
§ 2.
Still earlier than these three philosophers, and during the centuries between
the first of them and the last, the human intellect was active in other fields
than theirs. Pythagoras had founded a school of mathematics, and made his
experiments on the harmonic intervals. The Sophists had run through their
career. At Athens had appeared Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, who ruined
the Sophists, and whose yoke remains to some extent unbroken to the
present hour. Within this period also the School of Alexandria was founded,
Euclid wrote his 'Elements' and made some advance in optics. Archimedes
had propounded the theory of the lever, and the principles of hydrostatics.
Astronomy was immensely enriched by the discoveries of Hipparchus, who
Page 511
was followed by the historically more celebrated Ptolemy. Anatomy had
been made the basis of scientific medicine; and it is said by Draper
[Footnote: 'History History of the Intellectual Development of Europe,' p.
295] that vivisection had begun. In fact, the science of ancient Greece had
already cleared the world of the fantastic images of divinities operating
capriciously through natural phenomena. It had shaken itself free from that
fruitless scrutiny 'by the internal light of the mind alone,' which had vainly
sought to transcend experience, and to reach a knowledge of ultimate
causes. Instead of accidental observation, it had introduced observation with
a purpose; instruments were employed to aid the senses; and scientific
method was rendered in a great measure complete by the union of Induction
and Experiment.
What, then, stopped its victorious advance? Why was the scientific intellect
compelled, like an exhausted soil, to lie fallow for nearly two millenniums,
before it could regather the elements necessary to its fertility and strength?
Bacon has already let us know one cause; Whewell ascribes this stationary
period to four causes — obscurity of thought, servility, intolerance of
disposition, enthusiasm of temper; and he gives striking examples of each.
[Footnote: 'History of the Inductive Sciences,' vol. i.] But these
characteristics must have had their antecedents in the circumstances of the
time. Rome, and the other cities of the Empire, had fallen into moral
putrefaction. Christianity had appeared, offering the Gospel to the poor, and
by moderation, if not asceticism of life, practically protesting against the
profligacy of the age. The sufferings of the early Christians, and the
extraordinary exaltation of mind which enabled them to triumph over the
diabolical tortures to which they were subjected, [Footnote: Described with
terrible vividness in Renan's 'Antichrist.'] must have left traces not easily
effaced. They scorned the earth, in view of that 'building of God, that house
not made with hands, eternal in the heavens.' The Scriptures which
ministered to their spiritual needs were also the measure of their Science.
When, for example, the celebrated question of Antipodes came to be
discussed, the Bible was with many the ultimate court of appeal. Augustine,
who flourished A.D. 400, would not deny the rotundity of the earth; but he
would deny the possible existence of inhabitants at the other side, 'because
no such race is recorded in Scripture among the descendants of Adam.'
Archbishop Boniface was shocked at the assumption of a 'world of human
been made the basis of scientific medicine; and it is said by Draper
[Footnote: 'History History of the Intellectual Development of Europe,' p.
295] that vivisection had begun. In fact, the science of ancient Greece had
already cleared the world of the fantastic images of divinities operating
capriciously through natural phenomena. It had shaken itself free from that
fruitless scrutiny 'by the internal light of the mind alone,' which had vainly
sought to transcend experience, and to reach a knowledge of ultimate
causes. Instead of accidental observation, it had introduced observation with
a purpose; instruments were employed to aid the senses; and scientific
method was rendered in a great measure complete by the union of Induction
and Experiment.
What, then, stopped its victorious advance? Why was the scientific intellect
compelled, like an exhausted soil, to lie fallow for nearly two millenniums,
before it could regather the elements necessary to its fertility and strength?
Bacon has already let us know one cause; Whewell ascribes this stationary
period to four causes — obscurity of thought, servility, intolerance of
disposition, enthusiasm of temper; and he gives striking examples of each.
[Footnote: 'History of the Inductive Sciences,' vol. i.] But these
characteristics must have had their antecedents in the circumstances of the
time. Rome, and the other cities of the Empire, had fallen into moral
putrefaction. Christianity had appeared, offering the Gospel to the poor, and
by moderation, if not asceticism of life, practically protesting against the
profligacy of the age. The sufferings of the early Christians, and the
extraordinary exaltation of mind which enabled them to triumph over the
diabolical tortures to which they were subjected, [Footnote: Described with
terrible vividness in Renan's 'Antichrist.'] must have left traces not easily
effaced. They scorned the earth, in view of that 'building of God, that house
not made with hands, eternal in the heavens.' The Scriptures which
ministered to their spiritual needs were also the measure of their Science.
When, for example, the celebrated question of Antipodes came to be
discussed, the Bible was with many the ultimate court of appeal. Augustine,
who flourished A.D. 400, would not deny the rotundity of the earth; but he
would deny the possible existence of inhabitants at the other side, 'because
no such race is recorded in Scripture among the descendants of Adam.'
Archbishop Boniface was shocked at the assumption of a 'world of human
Page 512
beings out of the reach of the means of salvation.' Thus reined in, Science
was not likely to make much progress. Later on, the political and
theological strife between the Church and civil governments, so powerfully
depicted by Draper, must have done much to stifle investigation.
Whewell makes many wise and brave remarks regarding the spirit of the
Middle Ages. It was a menial spirit. The seekers after natural knowledge
had forsaken the fountain of living waters, the direct appeal to nature by
observation and experiment, and given themselves up to the remanipulation
of the notions of their predecessors. It was a time when thought had become
abject, and when the acceptance of mere authority led, as it always does in
science, to intellectual death. Natural events, instead of being traced to
physical, were referred to moral, causes; while an exercise of the phantasy,
almost as degrading as the spiritualism of the present day, took the place of
scientific speculation. Then came the mysticism of the Middle Ages, Magic,
Alchemy, the Neoplatonic philosophy, with its visionary though sublime
abstractions, which caused men to look with shame upon their own bodies,
as hindrances to the absorption of the creature in the blessedness of the
Creator. Finally came the scholastic philosophy, a fusion, according to
Lange, of the least mature notions of Aristotle with the Christianity of the
West. Intellectual immobility was the result. As a traveller without a
compass in a fog may wander long, imagining he is making way, and find
himself after hours of toil at his starting-point, so the schoolmen, having
'tied and untied the same knots, and formed and dissipated the same clouds,'
[Footnote: Whewell.] found themselves at the end of centuries in their old
position.
With regard to the influence wielded by Aristotle in the Middle Ages, and
which, to a less extent, he still wields, I would ask permission to make one
remark.
When the human mind has achieved greatness and given evidence of
extraordinary power in one domain, there is a tendency to credit it with
similar power in all other domains. Thus theologians have found comfort
and assurance in the thought that Newton dealt with the question of
revelation — forgetful of the fact that the very devotion of his powers,
through all the best years of his life, to a totally different class of ideas, not
was not likely to make much progress. Later on, the political and
theological strife between the Church and civil governments, so powerfully
depicted by Draper, must have done much to stifle investigation.
Whewell makes many wise and brave remarks regarding the spirit of the
Middle Ages. It was a menial spirit. The seekers after natural knowledge
had forsaken the fountain of living waters, the direct appeal to nature by
observation and experiment, and given themselves up to the remanipulation
of the notions of their predecessors. It was a time when thought had become
abject, and when the acceptance of mere authority led, as it always does in
science, to intellectual death. Natural events, instead of being traced to
physical, were referred to moral, causes; while an exercise of the phantasy,
almost as degrading as the spiritualism of the present day, took the place of
scientific speculation. Then came the mysticism of the Middle Ages, Magic,
Alchemy, the Neoplatonic philosophy, with its visionary though sublime
abstractions, which caused men to look with shame upon their own bodies,
as hindrances to the absorption of the creature in the blessedness of the
Creator. Finally came the scholastic philosophy, a fusion, according to
Lange, of the least mature notions of Aristotle with the Christianity of the
West. Intellectual immobility was the result. As a traveller without a
compass in a fog may wander long, imagining he is making way, and find
himself after hours of toil at his starting-point, so the schoolmen, having
'tied and untied the same knots, and formed and dissipated the same clouds,'
[Footnote: Whewell.] found themselves at the end of centuries in their old
position.
With regard to the influence wielded by Aristotle in the Middle Ages, and
which, to a less extent, he still wields, I would ask permission to make one
remark.
When the human mind has achieved greatness and given evidence of
extraordinary power in one domain, there is a tendency to credit it with
similar power in all other domains. Thus theologians have found comfort
and assurance in the thought that Newton dealt with the question of
revelation — forgetful of the fact that the very devotion of his powers,
through all the best years of his life, to a totally different class of ideas, not
Page 513
to speak of any natural disqualification, tended to render him less, instead
of more competent to deal with theological and historic questions. Goethe,
starting from his established greatness as a poet, and indeed from his
positive discoveries in Natural History, produced a profound impression
among the painters of Germany, when he published his 'Farbenlehre,' in
which he endeavoured to overthrow Newton's theory of colours. This theory
he deemed so obviously absurd, that he considered its author a charlatan,
and attacked him with a corresponding vehemence of language.
In the domain of Natural History, Goethe had made really considerable
discoveries; and we have high authority for assuming that, had he devoted
himself wholly to that side of science, he might have reached an eminence
comparable with that which he attained as a poet. In sharpness of
observation, in the detection of analogies apparently remote, in the
classification and organisation of facts according to the analogies discerned,
Goethe possessed extraordinary powers. These elements of scientific
enquiry fall in with the disciplines of the poet. But, on the other hand, a
mind thus richly endowed in the direction of natural history, may be almost
shorn of endowment as regards the physical and mechanical sciences.
Goethe was in this condition. He could not formulate distinct mechanical
conceptions; he could not see the force of mechanical reasoning; and, in
regions where such reasoning reigns supreme, he became a mere ignis
fatuus to those who followed him.
I have sometimes permitted myself to compare Aristotle with Goethe — to
credit the Stagirite with an almost superhuman power of amassing and
systematising facts, but to consider him fatally defective on that side of the
mind, in respect to which incompleteness has been just ascribed to Goethe.
Whewell refers the errors of Aristotle not to a neglect of facts, but to 'a
neglect of the idea appropriate to the facts: the idea of Mechanical cause,
which is Force, and the substitution of vague or inapplicable notions,
involving only relations of space or emotions of wonder.' This is doubtless
true; but the word 'neglect' implies mere intellectual misdirection, whereas
in Aristotle, as in Goethe, it was not, I believe, misdirection, but sheer
natural incapacity which lay at the root of his mistakes. As a physicist,
Aristotle displayed what we should consider some of the worst of attributes
in a modern physical investigator — indistinctness of ideas, confusion of
of more competent to deal with theological and historic questions. Goethe,
starting from his established greatness as a poet, and indeed from his
positive discoveries in Natural History, produced a profound impression
among the painters of Germany, when he published his 'Farbenlehre,' in
which he endeavoured to overthrow Newton's theory of colours. This theory
he deemed so obviously absurd, that he considered its author a charlatan,
and attacked him with a corresponding vehemence of language.
In the domain of Natural History, Goethe had made really considerable
discoveries; and we have high authority for assuming that, had he devoted
himself wholly to that side of science, he might have reached an eminence
comparable with that which he attained as a poet. In sharpness of
observation, in the detection of analogies apparently remote, in the
classification and organisation of facts according to the analogies discerned,
Goethe possessed extraordinary powers. These elements of scientific
enquiry fall in with the disciplines of the poet. But, on the other hand, a
mind thus richly endowed in the direction of natural history, may be almost
shorn of endowment as regards the physical and mechanical sciences.
Goethe was in this condition. He could not formulate distinct mechanical
conceptions; he could not see the force of mechanical reasoning; and, in
regions where such reasoning reigns supreme, he became a mere ignis
fatuus to those who followed him.
I have sometimes permitted myself to compare Aristotle with Goethe — to
credit the Stagirite with an almost superhuman power of amassing and
systematising facts, but to consider him fatally defective on that side of the
mind, in respect to which incompleteness has been just ascribed to Goethe.
Whewell refers the errors of Aristotle not to a neglect of facts, but to 'a
neglect of the idea appropriate to the facts: the idea of Mechanical cause,
which is Force, and the substitution of vague or inapplicable notions,
involving only relations of space or emotions of wonder.' This is doubtless
true; but the word 'neglect' implies mere intellectual misdirection, whereas
in Aristotle, as in Goethe, it was not, I believe, misdirection, but sheer
natural incapacity which lay at the root of his mistakes. As a physicist,
Aristotle displayed what we should consider some of the worst of attributes
in a modern physical investigator — indistinctness of ideas, confusion of
Page 514
mind, and a confident use of language which led to the delusive notion that
he had really mastered his subject, while he had, as yet, failed to grasp even
the elements of it. He put words in the place of things, subject in the place
of object. He preached Induction without practising it, inverting the true
order of enquiry, by passing from the general to the particular, instead of
from the particular to the general. He made of the universe a closed sphere,
in the centre of which he fixed the earth, proving from general principles, to
his own satisfaction and to that of the world for near 2,000 years, that no
other universe was possible. His notions of motion were entirely
unphysical. It was natural or unnatural, better or worse, calm or violent —
no real mechanical conception regarding it lying at the bottom of his mind.
He affirmed that a vacuum could not exist, and proved that if it did motion
in it would be impossible. He determined à priori how many species of
animals must exist, and showed on general principles why animals must
have such and such parts. When an eminent contemporary philosopher, who
is far removed from errors of this kind, remembers these abuses of the à
priori method, he will be able to make allowance for the jealousy of
physicists as to the acceptance of so-called à priori truths. Aristotle's errors
of detail, as shown by Eucken and Lange, were grave and numerous. He
affirmed that only in man we had the beating of the heart, that the left side
of the body was colder than the right, that men have more teeth than
women, and that there is an empty space at the back of every man's head.
There is one essential quality in physical conceptions, which was entirely
wanting in those of Aristotle and his followers — a capability of being
placed as coherent pictures before the mind. The Germans express the act of
picturing by the word vorstellen, and the picture they call a Vorstellung. We
have no word in English which comes nearer to our requirements than
Imagination; and, taken with its proper limitations, the word answers very
well. But it is tainted by its associations, and therefore objectionable to
some minds. Compare, with reference to this capacity of mental
presentation, the case of the Aristotelian, who refers the ascent of water in a
pump to Nature's abhorrence of a vacuum, with that of Pascal when he
proposed to solve the question of atmospheric pressure by the ascent of the
Puy de Dôme. In the one case the terms of the explanation refuse to fall into
place as a physical image; in the other the image is distinct, the descent and
he had really mastered his subject, while he had, as yet, failed to grasp even
the elements of it. He put words in the place of things, subject in the place
of object. He preached Induction without practising it, inverting the true
order of enquiry, by passing from the general to the particular, instead of
from the particular to the general. He made of the universe a closed sphere,
in the centre of which he fixed the earth, proving from general principles, to
his own satisfaction and to that of the world for near 2,000 years, that no
other universe was possible. His notions of motion were entirely
unphysical. It was natural or unnatural, better or worse, calm or violent —
no real mechanical conception regarding it lying at the bottom of his mind.
He affirmed that a vacuum could not exist, and proved that if it did motion
in it would be impossible. He determined à priori how many species of
animals must exist, and showed on general principles why animals must
have such and such parts. When an eminent contemporary philosopher, who
is far removed from errors of this kind, remembers these abuses of the à
priori method, he will be able to make allowance for the jealousy of
physicists as to the acceptance of so-called à priori truths. Aristotle's errors
of detail, as shown by Eucken and Lange, were grave and numerous. He
affirmed that only in man we had the beating of the heart, that the left side
of the body was colder than the right, that men have more teeth than
women, and that there is an empty space at the back of every man's head.
There is one essential quality in physical conceptions, which was entirely
wanting in those of Aristotle and his followers — a capability of being
placed as coherent pictures before the mind. The Germans express the act of
picturing by the word vorstellen, and the picture they call a Vorstellung. We
have no word in English which comes nearer to our requirements than
Imagination; and, taken with its proper limitations, the word answers very
well. But it is tainted by its associations, and therefore objectionable to
some minds. Compare, with reference to this capacity of mental
presentation, the case of the Aristotelian, who refers the ascent of water in a
pump to Nature's abhorrence of a vacuum, with that of Pascal when he
proposed to solve the question of atmospheric pressure by the ascent of the
Puy de Dôme. In the one case the terms of the explanation refuse to fall into
place as a physical image; in the other the image is distinct, the descent and
Page 515
rise of the barometer being clearly figured beforehand as the balancing of
two varying and opposing pressures.
§ 3.
During the drought of the Middle Ages in Christendom, the Arabian
intellect, as forcibly shown by Draper, was active. With the intrusion of the
Moors into Spain, order, learning, and refinement took the place of their
opposites. When smitten with disease, the Christian peasant resorted to a
shrine, the Moorish one to an instructed physician. The Arabs encouraged
translations from the Greek philosophers, but not from the Greek poets.
They turned in disgust 'from the lewdness of our classical mythology, and
denounced as an unpardonable blasphemy all connection between the
impure Olympian Jove and the Most High God.' Draper traces still farther
than Whewell the Arab elements in our scientific terms. He gives examples
of what Arabian men of science accomplished, dwelling particularly on
Alhazen, who was the first to correct the Platonic notion that rays of light
are emitted by the eye. Alhazen discovered atmospheric refraction, and
showed that we see the sun and the moon after they have set. He explained
the enlargement of the sun and moon, and the shortening of the vertical
diameters of both these bodies when near the horizon. He was aware that
the atmosphere decreases in density with increase of elevation, and actually
fixed its height at 58.5 miles. In the 'Book of the Balance of Wisdom,' he
sets forth the connection between the weight of the atmosphere and its
increasing density. He shows that a body will weigh differently in a rare and
dense atmosphere, and he considers the force with which plunged bodies
rise through heavier media. He understood the doctrine of the centre of
gravity, and applied it to the investigation of balances and steelyards. He
recognised gravity as a. force, though he fell into the error of assuming it to
diminish simply as the distance, and of making it purely terrestrial. He
knew the relation between the velocities, spaces, and times of falling
bodies, and had distinct ideas of capillary attraction. He improved the
hydrometer. The determinations of the densities- of bodies, as given by
Alhazen, approach very closely to our own. 'I join,' says Draper, 'in the
pious prayer of Alhazen, that in the day of judgment the All-Merciful will
take pity on the soul of Abur-Raihân, because he was the first of the race of
men to construct a table of specific gravities.' If all this be historic truth
two varying and opposing pressures.
§ 3.
During the drought of the Middle Ages in Christendom, the Arabian
intellect, as forcibly shown by Draper, was active. With the intrusion of the
Moors into Spain, order, learning, and refinement took the place of their
opposites. When smitten with disease, the Christian peasant resorted to a
shrine, the Moorish one to an instructed physician. The Arabs encouraged
translations from the Greek philosophers, but not from the Greek poets.
They turned in disgust 'from the lewdness of our classical mythology, and
denounced as an unpardonable blasphemy all connection between the
impure Olympian Jove and the Most High God.' Draper traces still farther
than Whewell the Arab elements in our scientific terms. He gives examples
of what Arabian men of science accomplished, dwelling particularly on
Alhazen, who was the first to correct the Platonic notion that rays of light
are emitted by the eye. Alhazen discovered atmospheric refraction, and
showed that we see the sun and the moon after they have set. He explained
the enlargement of the sun and moon, and the shortening of the vertical
diameters of both these bodies when near the horizon. He was aware that
the atmosphere decreases in density with increase of elevation, and actually
fixed its height at 58.5 miles. In the 'Book of the Balance of Wisdom,' he
sets forth the connection between the weight of the atmosphere and its
increasing density. He shows that a body will weigh differently in a rare and
dense atmosphere, and he considers the force with which plunged bodies
rise through heavier media. He understood the doctrine of the centre of
gravity, and applied it to the investigation of balances and steelyards. He
recognised gravity as a. force, though he fell into the error of assuming it to
diminish simply as the distance, and of making it purely terrestrial. He
knew the relation between the velocities, spaces, and times of falling
bodies, and had distinct ideas of capillary attraction. He improved the
hydrometer. The determinations of the densities- of bodies, as given by
Alhazen, approach very closely to our own. 'I join,' says Draper, 'in the
pious prayer of Alhazen, that in the day of judgment the All-Merciful will
take pity on the soul of Abur-Raihân, because he was the first of the race of
men to construct a table of specific gravities.' If all this be historic truth
Page 516
(and I have entire confidence in Dr. Draper), well may he 'deplore the
systematic manner in which the literature of Europe has, contrived to put
out of sight our scientific obligations to the Mahommedans.' [Footnote:
Intellectual Development of Europe,' p. 359.]
The strain upon the mind during the stationary period towards ultra-
terrestrial things, to the neglect of problems close at hand, was sure to
provoke reaction. But the reaction was gradual; for the ground was
dangerous, and a power was at hand competent to crush the critic who went
too far. To elude this power, and still allow opportunity for the expression of
opinion, the doctrine of 'two-fold truth' was invented, according to which an
opinion might be held 'theologically,' and the opposite opinion
'philosophically.' [Footnote: 'Lange,' 2nd edit. pp. 181, 182.] Thus, in the
thirteenth century, the creation of the world in six days, and the
unchangeableness of the individual soul, which had been so distinctly
affirmed by St. Thomas Aquinas, were both denied philosophically, but
admitted to be true as articles of the Catholic faith. When Protagoras uttered
the maxim which brought upon him so much vituperation, that 'opposite
assertions are equally true,' he simply meant to affirm men's differences to
be so great, that what was subjectively true to the one might be subjectively
untrue to the other. The great Sophist never meant to play fast and loose
with the truth by saying that one of two opposite assertions, made by the
same individual, could possibly escape being a lie. It was not 'sophistry,' but
the dread of theologic vengeance, that generated this double dealing with
conviction; and it is astonishing to notice what lengths were allowed to men
who were adroit in the use of artifices of this kind.
Towards the close of the stationary period a word-weariness, if I may so
express it, took more and more possession of men's minds. Christendom
had become sick of the School Philosophy and its verbal wastes, which led
to no issue, but left the intellect in everlasting haze. Here and there was
heard the voice of one impatiently crying in the wilderness, 'Not unto
Aristotle, not unto subtle hypothesis, not unto church, Bible, or blind
tradition, must we turn for a knowledge of the universe, but to the direct
investigation of nature by observation and experiment.' In 1543 the epoch-
marking work of Copernicus on the paths of the heavenly bodies appeared.
The total crash of Aristotle's closed universe, with the earth at its centre,
systematic manner in which the literature of Europe has, contrived to put
out of sight our scientific obligations to the Mahommedans.' [Footnote:
Intellectual Development of Europe,' p. 359.]
The strain upon the mind during the stationary period towards ultra-
terrestrial things, to the neglect of problems close at hand, was sure to
provoke reaction. But the reaction was gradual; for the ground was
dangerous, and a power was at hand competent to crush the critic who went
too far. To elude this power, and still allow opportunity for the expression of
opinion, the doctrine of 'two-fold truth' was invented, according to which an
opinion might be held 'theologically,' and the opposite opinion
'philosophically.' [Footnote: 'Lange,' 2nd edit. pp. 181, 182.] Thus, in the
thirteenth century, the creation of the world in six days, and the
unchangeableness of the individual soul, which had been so distinctly
affirmed by St. Thomas Aquinas, were both denied philosophically, but
admitted to be true as articles of the Catholic faith. When Protagoras uttered
the maxim which brought upon him so much vituperation, that 'opposite
assertions are equally true,' he simply meant to affirm men's differences to
be so great, that what was subjectively true to the one might be subjectively
untrue to the other. The great Sophist never meant to play fast and loose
with the truth by saying that one of two opposite assertions, made by the
same individual, could possibly escape being a lie. It was not 'sophistry,' but
the dread of theologic vengeance, that generated this double dealing with
conviction; and it is astonishing to notice what lengths were allowed to men
who were adroit in the use of artifices of this kind.
Towards the close of the stationary period a word-weariness, if I may so
express it, took more and more possession of men's minds. Christendom
had become sick of the School Philosophy and its verbal wastes, which led
to no issue, but left the intellect in everlasting haze. Here and there was
heard the voice of one impatiently crying in the wilderness, 'Not unto
Aristotle, not unto subtle hypothesis, not unto church, Bible, or blind
tradition, must we turn for a knowledge of the universe, but to the direct
investigation of nature by observation and experiment.' In 1543 the epoch-
marking work of Copernicus on the paths of the heavenly bodies appeared.
The total crash of Aristotle's closed universe, with the earth at its centre,
Page 517
followed as a consequence, and 'The earth moves!' became a kind of
watchword among intellectual freemen. Copernicus was Canon of the
church of Frauenburg in the diocese of Ermeland. For three-and-thirty years
he had withdrawn himself from the world, and devoted himself to the
consolidation of his great scheme of the solar system. He made its blocks
eternal; and even to those who feared it, and desired its overthrow, it was so
obviously strong, that they refrained for a time from meddling with it. In the
last year of the life of Copernicus his book appeared: it is said that the old
man received a copy of it a few days before his death, and then departed in
peace.
The Italian philosopher, Giordano Bruno, was one of the earliest converts to
the new astronomy. Taking Lucretius as his exemplar, he revived the notion
of the infinity of worlds; and, combining with it the doctrine of Copernicus,
reached the sublime generalisation that the fixed stars are suns, scattered
numberless through space, and accompanied by satellites, which bear the
same relation to them that our earth does to our sun, or our moon to our
earth. This was an expansion of transcendent import; but Bruno came closer
than this to our present line of thought. Struck with the problem of the
generation and maintenance of organisms, and duly pondering it, he came
to the conclusion that Nature, in her productions, does not imitate the
technic of man. Her process is one of unravelling and unfolding. The
infinity of forms under which matter appears was not imposed upon it by an
external artificer; by its own intrinsic force and virtue it brings these forms
forth. Matter is not the mere naked, empty capacity which philosophers
have pictured her to be, but the universal mother, who brings forth all things
as the fruit of her own womb.
This outspoken man was originally a Dominican monk. He was accused of
heresy and had to fly, seeking refuge in Geneva, Paris, England, and
Germany. In 1592 be fell into the hands of the Inquisition at Venice. He was
imprisoned for many years, tried, degraded, excommunicated, and handed
over to the Civil power, with the request that he should be treated gently,
and 'without the shedding of blood.' This meant that he was to be burnt; and
burnt accordingly he was, on February 16, 1600. To escape a similar fate
Galileo, thirty-three years afterwards, abjured upon his knees, with his
hands upon the holy Gospels, the heliocentric doctrine, which he knew to
watchword among intellectual freemen. Copernicus was Canon of the
church of Frauenburg in the diocese of Ermeland. For three-and-thirty years
he had withdrawn himself from the world, and devoted himself to the
consolidation of his great scheme of the solar system. He made its blocks
eternal; and even to those who feared it, and desired its overthrow, it was so
obviously strong, that they refrained for a time from meddling with it. In the
last year of the life of Copernicus his book appeared: it is said that the old
man received a copy of it a few days before his death, and then departed in
peace.
The Italian philosopher, Giordano Bruno, was one of the earliest converts to
the new astronomy. Taking Lucretius as his exemplar, he revived the notion
of the infinity of worlds; and, combining with it the doctrine of Copernicus,
reached the sublime generalisation that the fixed stars are suns, scattered
numberless through space, and accompanied by satellites, which bear the
same relation to them that our earth does to our sun, or our moon to our
earth. This was an expansion of transcendent import; but Bruno came closer
than this to our present line of thought. Struck with the problem of the
generation and maintenance of organisms, and duly pondering it, he came
to the conclusion that Nature, in her productions, does not imitate the
technic of man. Her process is one of unravelling and unfolding. The
infinity of forms under which matter appears was not imposed upon it by an
external artificer; by its own intrinsic force and virtue it brings these forms
forth. Matter is not the mere naked, empty capacity which philosophers
have pictured her to be, but the universal mother, who brings forth all things
as the fruit of her own womb.
This outspoken man was originally a Dominican monk. He was accused of
heresy and had to fly, seeking refuge in Geneva, Paris, England, and
Germany. In 1592 be fell into the hands of the Inquisition at Venice. He was
imprisoned for many years, tried, degraded, excommunicated, and handed
over to the Civil power, with the request that he should be treated gently,
and 'without the shedding of blood.' This meant that he was to be burnt; and
burnt accordingly he was, on February 16, 1600. To escape a similar fate
Galileo, thirty-three years afterwards, abjured upon his knees, with his
hands upon the holy Gospels, the heliocentric doctrine, which he knew to
Page 518
be true. After Galileo came Kepler, who from his German home defied the
ultramontane power. He traced out from pre-existing observations the laws
of planetary motion. Materials were thus prepared for Newton, who bound
those empirical laws together by the principle of gravitation.
§ 4.
In the seventeenth century Bacon and Descartes, the restorers of
philosophy, appeared in succession. Differently educated and endowed,
their philosophic tendencies were different. Bacon held fast to Induction,
believing firmly in the existence of an external world, and making collected
experiences the basis of all knowledge. The mathematical studies of
Descartes gave him a bias towards Deduction; and his fundamental
principle was much the same as that of Protagoras, who 'made the
individual man the measure of all things. I think, therefore I am,' said
Descartes. Only his own identity was sure to him; and the full development
of this system would have led to an idealism, in which the outer world
would have been resolved into a mere phenomenon of consciousness.
Gassendi, one of Descartes's contemporaries, of whom we shall hear more
presently, quickly pointed out that the fact of personal existence would be
proved as well by reference to any other act, as to the act of thinking. I eat,
therefore I am, or I love, therefore I am, would be quite as conclusive.
Lichtenberg, indeed, showed that the very thing to be proved was inevitably
postulated in the first two words, 'I think;' and it is plain that no inference
from the postulate could, by any possibility, be stronger than the postulate
itself.
But Descartes deviated strangely from the idealism implied in his
fundamental principle. He was the first to reduce, in a manner eminently
capable of bearing the test of mental presentation, vital phenomena to
purely mechanical principles. Through fear or love, Descartes was a good
churchman; he accordingly rejected the notion of an atom, because it was
absurd to suppose that God, if He so pleased, could not divide an atom; he
puts in the place-of the atoms small round particles, and light splinters, out
of which he builds the organism. He sketches with marvellous physical
insight a machine, with water for its motive power, which shall illustrate
vital actions. He has made clear to his mind that such a machine would be
ultramontane power. He traced out from pre-existing observations the laws
of planetary motion. Materials were thus prepared for Newton, who bound
those empirical laws together by the principle of gravitation.
§ 4.
In the seventeenth century Bacon and Descartes, the restorers of
philosophy, appeared in succession. Differently educated and endowed,
their philosophic tendencies were different. Bacon held fast to Induction,
believing firmly in the existence of an external world, and making collected
experiences the basis of all knowledge. The mathematical studies of
Descartes gave him a bias towards Deduction; and his fundamental
principle was much the same as that of Protagoras, who 'made the
individual man the measure of all things. I think, therefore I am,' said
Descartes. Only his own identity was sure to him; and the full development
of this system would have led to an idealism, in which the outer world
would have been resolved into a mere phenomenon of consciousness.
Gassendi, one of Descartes's contemporaries, of whom we shall hear more
presently, quickly pointed out that the fact of personal existence would be
proved as well by reference to any other act, as to the act of thinking. I eat,
therefore I am, or I love, therefore I am, would be quite as conclusive.
Lichtenberg, indeed, showed that the very thing to be proved was inevitably
postulated in the first two words, 'I think;' and it is plain that no inference
from the postulate could, by any possibility, be stronger than the postulate
itself.
But Descartes deviated strangely from the idealism implied in his
fundamental principle. He was the first to reduce, in a manner eminently
capable of bearing the test of mental presentation, vital phenomena to
purely mechanical principles. Through fear or love, Descartes was a good
churchman; he accordingly rejected the notion of an atom, because it was
absurd to suppose that God, if He so pleased, could not divide an atom; he
puts in the place-of the atoms small round particles, and light splinters, out
of which he builds the organism. He sketches with marvellous physical
insight a machine, with water for its motive power, which shall illustrate
vital actions. He has made clear to his mind that such a machine would be
Page 519
competent to carry on the processes of digestion, nutrition, growth,
respiration, and the beating of the heart. It would be competent to accept -
impressions from the external sense, to store them up in imagination and
memory, to go through the internal movements of the appetites and
passions, and the external movements of the limbs. He deduces these
functions of his machine from the mere arrangements of its organs, as the
movement of a clock, or other automaton, is deduced from its weights and
wheels. As far as these functions are concerned,' he says, 'it is not necessary
to conceive any other vegetative or sensitive soul, nor any other principle of
motion or of life, than the blood and the spirits agitated by the fire which
burns continually in the heart, and which is in nowise different from the
fires existing in inanimate bodies.' Had Descartes been acquainted with the
steam-engine, he would have taken it, instead of a fall of water, as his
motive power. He would have shown the perfect analogy which exists
between the oxidation of the food in the body, and that of the coal in the
furnace. He would assuredly have anticipated Mayer in calling the blood
which the heart diffuses, 'the oil of the lamp of life,' deducing all animal
motions from the combustion of this oil, as the motions of a steam-engine
are deduced from the combustion of its coal. As the matter stands, however,
and considering the circumstances of the time, the boldness, clearness, and
precision, with which Descartes grasped the problem of vital dynamics
constitute a marvellous illustration of intellectual power. [Footnote: See
Huxley's admirable 'Essay on Descartes.' 'Lay Sermons, pp. 364, 365.]
During the Middle Ages the doctrine of atoms had to all appearance
vanished from discussion. It probably held its ground among sober-minded
and thoughtful men, though neither the church nor the world was prepared
to hear of it with tolerance. Once, in the year 1348, it received distinct
expression. But retractation by compulsion immediately followed; and, thus
discouraged, it slumbered till the seventeenth century, when it was revived
by a contemporary and friend of Hobbes of Malmesbury, the orthodox
Catholic provost of Digne, Gassendi. But, before stating his relation to the
Epicurean doctrine, it will be well to say a few words on the effect, as
regards science, of the general introduction of monotheism among
European nations.
respiration, and the beating of the heart. It would be competent to accept -
impressions from the external sense, to store them up in imagination and
memory, to go through the internal movements of the appetites and
passions, and the external movements of the limbs. He deduces these
functions of his machine from the mere arrangements of its organs, as the
movement of a clock, or other automaton, is deduced from its weights and
wheels. As far as these functions are concerned,' he says, 'it is not necessary
to conceive any other vegetative or sensitive soul, nor any other principle of
motion or of life, than the blood and the spirits agitated by the fire which
burns continually in the heart, and which is in nowise different from the
fires existing in inanimate bodies.' Had Descartes been acquainted with the
steam-engine, he would have taken it, instead of a fall of water, as his
motive power. He would have shown the perfect analogy which exists
between the oxidation of the food in the body, and that of the coal in the
furnace. He would assuredly have anticipated Mayer in calling the blood
which the heart diffuses, 'the oil of the lamp of life,' deducing all animal
motions from the combustion of this oil, as the motions of a steam-engine
are deduced from the combustion of its coal. As the matter stands, however,
and considering the circumstances of the time, the boldness, clearness, and
precision, with which Descartes grasped the problem of vital dynamics
constitute a marvellous illustration of intellectual power. [Footnote: See
Huxley's admirable 'Essay on Descartes.' 'Lay Sermons, pp. 364, 365.]
During the Middle Ages the doctrine of atoms had to all appearance
vanished from discussion. It probably held its ground among sober-minded
and thoughtful men, though neither the church nor the world was prepared
to hear of it with tolerance. Once, in the year 1348, it received distinct
expression. But retractation by compulsion immediately followed; and, thus
discouraged, it slumbered till the seventeenth century, when it was revived
by a contemporary and friend of Hobbes of Malmesbury, the orthodox
Catholic provost of Digne, Gassendi. But, before stating his relation to the
Epicurean doctrine, it will be well to say a few words on the effect, as
regards science, of the general introduction of monotheism among
European nations.
Page 520
'Were men,' says Hume, 'led into the apprehension of invisible intelligent
power by contemplation of the works of Nature, they could never possibly
entertain any conception but of one single Being, who bestowed existence
and order on this vast machine, and adjusted all its parts to one regular
system.' Referring to the condition of the heathen, who sees a god behind
every natural event, thus peopling the world with thousands of beings
whose caprices are incalculable, Lange shows the impossibility of any
compromise between such notions and those of science, which proceeds on
the assumption of never-changing law and causality. 'But,' he continues,
with characteristic penetration, 'when the great thought of one God, acting
as a unit upon the universe, has been seized, the connection of things in
accordance with the law of cause and effect is not only thinkable, but it is a
necessary consequence of the assumption. For when I see ten thousand
wheels in motion, and know, or believe, that they are all driven by one
motive power, then I know that I have before me a mechanism, the action of
every part of which is determined by the plan of the whole. So much being
assumed, it follows that I may investigate the structure of that machine, and
the various motions of its parts. For the time being, therefore, this
conception renders scientific action free.' In other words, were a capricious
God at the circumference of every wheel and at the end of every lever, the
action of the machine would be incalculable by the methods of science. But
the actions of all its parts being rigidly determined by their connections and
relations, and these being brought into play by a single motive power, then
though this last prime mover may elude me, I am still able to comprehend
the machinery which it sets in motion. We have here a conception of the
relation of Nature to its Author, which seems perfectly acceptable to some
minds, but perfectly intolerable to others. Newton and Boyle lived and
worked happily under the influence of this conception; Goethe rejected it
with vehemence, and the same repugnance to accepting it is manifest in
Carlyle.
[Footnote: Boyle's model of the universe was the Strasburg clock with an
outside Artificer. Goethe, on the other hand, sang-
power by contemplation of the works of Nature, they could never possibly
entertain any conception but of one single Being, who bestowed existence
and order on this vast machine, and adjusted all its parts to one regular
system.' Referring to the condition of the heathen, who sees a god behind
every natural event, thus peopling the world with thousands of beings
whose caprices are incalculable, Lange shows the impossibility of any
compromise between such notions and those of science, which proceeds on
the assumption of never-changing law and causality. 'But,' he continues,
with characteristic penetration, 'when the great thought of one God, acting
as a unit upon the universe, has been seized, the connection of things in
accordance with the law of cause and effect is not only thinkable, but it is a
necessary consequence of the assumption. For when I see ten thousand
wheels in motion, and know, or believe, that they are all driven by one
motive power, then I know that I have before me a mechanism, the action of
every part of which is determined by the plan of the whole. So much being
assumed, it follows that I may investigate the structure of that machine, and
the various motions of its parts. For the time being, therefore, this
conception renders scientific action free.' In other words, were a capricious
God at the circumference of every wheel and at the end of every lever, the
action of the machine would be incalculable by the methods of science. But
the actions of all its parts being rigidly determined by their connections and
relations, and these being brought into play by a single motive power, then
though this last prime mover may elude me, I am still able to comprehend
the machinery which it sets in motion. We have here a conception of the
relation of Nature to its Author, which seems perfectly acceptable to some
minds, but perfectly intolerable to others. Newton and Boyle lived and
worked happily under the influence of this conception; Goethe rejected it
with vehemence, and the same repugnance to accepting it is manifest in
Carlyle.
[Footnote: Boyle's model of the universe was the Strasburg clock with an
outside Artificer. Goethe, on the other hand, sang-
Page 521
'Ihm ziemt's die Welt im Innern zu bewegen,
Natur in sich, sich in Natur zu hegen.'
See also Carlyle, 'Past and Present,' chap. v.]
The analytic and synthetic tendencies of the human mind are traceable
throughout history, great writers ranging themselves sometimes on the one
side, sometimes on the other. Men of warm feelings, and minds open to the
elevating impressions produced by nature as a whole, whose satisfaction,
therefore, is rather ethical than logical, lean to the synthetic side; while the
analytic harmonises best with the more precise and more mechanical bias
which seeks the satisfaction of the understanding. Some form of pantheism
was usually adopted by the one, while a detached Creator, working more or
less after the manner of men, was often assumed by the other. Gassendi, as
sketched by Lange, is hardly to be ranked with either. Having formally
acknowledged God as the great first cause, he immediately dropped the
idea, applied the known laws of mechanics to the atoms, and deduced from
them all vital phenomena. He defended Epicurus, and dwelt upon his purity,
both of doctrine and of life. True he was a heathen, but so was Aristotle.
Epicurus assailed superstition and religion, and rightly, because he did not
know the true religion. He thought that the gods neither rewarded nor
punished, and he adored them purely in consequence of their completeness:
here we see, says Gassendi, the reverence of the child, instead of the fear of
the slave. The errors of Epicurus shall be corrected, and the body of his
truth retained. Gassendi then proceeds, as any heathen might have done, to
build up the world, and all that therein is, of atoms and molecules. God,
who created earth and water, plants and animals, produced in the first place
a definite number of atoms, which constituted the seed of all things. Then
began that series of combinations and decompositions which now goes on,
and which will continue in future. The principle of every change resides in
matter. In artificial productions the moving principle is different from the
material worked upon; but in nature the agent works within, being the most
active and mobile part of the material itself. Thus this bold ecclesiastic,
without incurring the censure of the church or the world, contrives to
outstrip Mr. Darwin. The same cast of mind which caused him to detach the
Creator from his universe, led him also to detach the soul from the body,
Natur in sich, sich in Natur zu hegen.'
See also Carlyle, 'Past and Present,' chap. v.]
The analytic and synthetic tendencies of the human mind are traceable
throughout history, great writers ranging themselves sometimes on the one
side, sometimes on the other. Men of warm feelings, and minds open to the
elevating impressions produced by nature as a whole, whose satisfaction,
therefore, is rather ethical than logical, lean to the synthetic side; while the
analytic harmonises best with the more precise and more mechanical bias
which seeks the satisfaction of the understanding. Some form of pantheism
was usually adopted by the one, while a detached Creator, working more or
less after the manner of men, was often assumed by the other. Gassendi, as
sketched by Lange, is hardly to be ranked with either. Having formally
acknowledged God as the great first cause, he immediately dropped the
idea, applied the known laws of mechanics to the atoms, and deduced from
them all vital phenomena. He defended Epicurus, and dwelt upon his purity,
both of doctrine and of life. True he was a heathen, but so was Aristotle.
Epicurus assailed superstition and religion, and rightly, because he did not
know the true religion. He thought that the gods neither rewarded nor
punished, and he adored them purely in consequence of their completeness:
here we see, says Gassendi, the reverence of the child, instead of the fear of
the slave. The errors of Epicurus shall be corrected, and the body of his
truth retained. Gassendi then proceeds, as any heathen might have done, to
build up the world, and all that therein is, of atoms and molecules. God,
who created earth and water, plants and animals, produced in the first place
a definite number of atoms, which constituted the seed of all things. Then
began that series of combinations and decompositions which now goes on,
and which will continue in future. The principle of every change resides in
matter. In artificial productions the moving principle is different from the
material worked upon; but in nature the agent works within, being the most
active and mobile part of the material itself. Thus this bold ecclesiastic,
without incurring the censure of the church or the world, contrives to
outstrip Mr. Darwin. The same cast of mind which caused him to detach the
Creator from his universe, led him also to detach the soul from the body,
Page 522
though to the body he ascribes an influence so large as to render the soul
almost unnecessary. The aberrations of reason were, in his view, an affair of
the material brain. Mental disease is brain disease; but then the immortal
reason sits apart, and cannot be touched by the disease. The errors of
madness are those of the instrument, not of the performer.
It may be more than a mere result of education, connecting itself, probably,
with the deeper mental structure of the two men, that the idea of Gassendi,
above enunciated, is substantially the same as that expressed by Professor
Clerk Maxwell, at the close of the very able lecture delivered by him at
Bradford in 1873. According to both philosophers, the atoms, if I
understand aright, are prepared materials, which, formed once for all by the
Eternal, produce by their subsequent interaction all the phenomena of the
material world. There seems to be this difference, however, between
Gassendi and Maxwell. The one postulates, the other infers his first cause.
In his 'manufactured articles,' as he calls the atoms, Professor Maxwell
finds the basis of an induction, which enables him to scale philosophic
heights considered inaccessible by Kant, and to take the logical step from
the atoms to their Maker.
Accepting here the leadership of Kant, I doubt the legitimacy of Maxwell's
logic; but it is impossible not to feel the ethic glow with which his lecture
concludes. There is, moreover, a very noble strain of eloquence in his
description of the steadfastness of the atoms:
Natural causes, as we know, are at work, which tend to modify, if they do
not at length destroy, all the arrangements and dimensions of the earth and
the whole solar system. But though in the course of ages catastrophes have
occurred and may yet occur in the heavens, though ancient systems may be
dissolved and new systems evolved out of their ruins, the molecules out of
which these systems are built — the foundation stones of the material
universe — remain unbroken and unworn.'
The atomic doctrine, in whole or in part, was entertained by Bacon,
Descartes, Hobbes, Locke, Newton, Boyle, and their successors, until the
chemical law of multiple proportions enabled Dalton to confer upon it an
entirely new significance. In our day there are secessions from the theory,
but it still stands firm. Loschmidt, Stoney, and Sir William Thomson have
almost unnecessary. The aberrations of reason were, in his view, an affair of
the material brain. Mental disease is brain disease; but then the immortal
reason sits apart, and cannot be touched by the disease. The errors of
madness are those of the instrument, not of the performer.
It may be more than a mere result of education, connecting itself, probably,
with the deeper mental structure of the two men, that the idea of Gassendi,
above enunciated, is substantially the same as that expressed by Professor
Clerk Maxwell, at the close of the very able lecture delivered by him at
Bradford in 1873. According to both philosophers, the atoms, if I
understand aright, are prepared materials, which, formed once for all by the
Eternal, produce by their subsequent interaction all the phenomena of the
material world. There seems to be this difference, however, between
Gassendi and Maxwell. The one postulates, the other infers his first cause.
In his 'manufactured articles,' as he calls the atoms, Professor Maxwell
finds the basis of an induction, which enables him to scale philosophic
heights considered inaccessible by Kant, and to take the logical step from
the atoms to their Maker.
Accepting here the leadership of Kant, I doubt the legitimacy of Maxwell's
logic; but it is impossible not to feel the ethic glow with which his lecture
concludes. There is, moreover, a very noble strain of eloquence in his
description of the steadfastness of the atoms:
Natural causes, as we know, are at work, which tend to modify, if they do
not at length destroy, all the arrangements and dimensions of the earth and
the whole solar system. But though in the course of ages catastrophes have
occurred and may yet occur in the heavens, though ancient systems may be
dissolved and new systems evolved out of their ruins, the molecules out of
which these systems are built — the foundation stones of the material
universe — remain unbroken and unworn.'
The atomic doctrine, in whole or in part, was entertained by Bacon,
Descartes, Hobbes, Locke, Newton, Boyle, and their successors, until the
chemical law of multiple proportions enabled Dalton to confer upon it an
entirely new significance. In our day there are secessions from the theory,
but it still stands firm. Loschmidt, Stoney, and Sir William Thomson have
Page 523
sought to determine the sizes of the atoms, or rather to fix the limits
between which their sizes lie; while the discourses of Williamson and
Maxwell delivered in Bradford in 1873 illustrate the present hold of the
doctrine upon the foremost scientific minds. In fact, it may be doubted
whether, wanting this fundamental conception, a theory of the material
universe is capable of scientific statement.
§ 5.
Ninety years subsequent to Gassendi the doctrine of bodily instruments, as
it may be called, assumed immense importance in the hands of Bishop
Butler, who, in his famous 'Analogy of Religion,' developed, from his own
point of view, and with consummate sagacity, a similar idea. The Bishop
still influences many superior minds; and it will repay us to dwell for a
moment on his views. He draws the sharpest distinction between our real
selves and our bodily instruments. He does not, as far as I remember, use
the word soul, possibly because the term was so hackneyed in his day, as it
had been for many generations previously. But he speaks of 'living powers,'
'perceiving or percipient powers,' 'moving agents,' 'ourselves,' in the same
sense as we should employ the term soul. He dwells upon the fact that limbs
may be removed, and mortal diseases assail the body, the mind, almost up
to the moment of death, remaining clear. He refers to sleep and to swoon,
where the 'living powers' are suspended but not destroyed. He considers it
quite as easy to conceive of existence out of our bodies as in them; that we
may animate a succession of bodies, the dissolution of all of them having
no more tendency to dissolve our real selves, or 'deprive us of living
faculties — the faculties of perception and action — than the dissolution of
any foreign matter which we are capable of receiving impressions from, or
making use of for the common occasions of life.' This is the key of the
Bishop's position: 'our organised bodies are no more a part of ourselves than
any other matter around us.' In proof of this he calls attention to the use of
glasses, which 'prepare objects' for the 'percipient power' exactly as the eye
does. The eye itself is no more percipient than the glass; is quite as much
the instrument of the true self, and also as foreign to the true self, as the
glass is. 'And if we see with our eyes only in the same manner as we do
with glasses, the like may justly be concluded from analogy of all our
senses.'
between which their sizes lie; while the discourses of Williamson and
Maxwell delivered in Bradford in 1873 illustrate the present hold of the
doctrine upon the foremost scientific minds. In fact, it may be doubted
whether, wanting this fundamental conception, a theory of the material
universe is capable of scientific statement.
§ 5.
Ninety years subsequent to Gassendi the doctrine of bodily instruments, as
it may be called, assumed immense importance in the hands of Bishop
Butler, who, in his famous 'Analogy of Religion,' developed, from his own
point of view, and with consummate sagacity, a similar idea. The Bishop
still influences many superior minds; and it will repay us to dwell for a
moment on his views. He draws the sharpest distinction between our real
selves and our bodily instruments. He does not, as far as I remember, use
the word soul, possibly because the term was so hackneyed in his day, as it
had been for many generations previously. But he speaks of 'living powers,'
'perceiving or percipient powers,' 'moving agents,' 'ourselves,' in the same
sense as we should employ the term soul. He dwells upon the fact that limbs
may be removed, and mortal diseases assail the body, the mind, almost up
to the moment of death, remaining clear. He refers to sleep and to swoon,
where the 'living powers' are suspended but not destroyed. He considers it
quite as easy to conceive of existence out of our bodies as in them; that we
may animate a succession of bodies, the dissolution of all of them having
no more tendency to dissolve our real selves, or 'deprive us of living
faculties — the faculties of perception and action — than the dissolution of
any foreign matter which we are capable of receiving impressions from, or
making use of for the common occasions of life.' This is the key of the
Bishop's position: 'our organised bodies are no more a part of ourselves than
any other matter around us.' In proof of this he calls attention to the use of
glasses, which 'prepare objects' for the 'percipient power' exactly as the eye
does. The eye itself is no more percipient than the glass; is quite as much
the instrument of the true self, and also as foreign to the true self, as the
glass is. 'And if we see with our eyes only in the same manner as we do
with glasses, the like may justly be concluded from analogy of all our
senses.'
Page 524
Lucretius, as you are aware, reached a precisely opposite conclusion: and it
certainly would be interesting, if not profitable, to us all, to hear what he
would or could urge in opposition to the reasoning of the Bishop. As a brief
discussion of the point will enable us to see the bearings of an important
question, I will here permit a disciple of Lucretius to try the strength of the
Bishop's position, and then allow the Bishop to retaliate, with the view of
rolling back, if he can, the difficulty upon Lucretius.
The argument might proceed in this fashion :—
'Subjected to the test of mental presentation (Vorstellung), your views, most
honoured prelate, would offer to many minds a great, if not an insuperable,
difficulty. You speak of "living powers," "percipient or perceiving powers,"
and "ourselves;" but can you form a mental picture of any of these, apart
from the organism through which it is supposed to act? Test yourself
honestly, and see whether you possess any faculty that would enable you to
form such a conception. The true self has a local habitation in each of us;
thus localised, must it not possess a form? If so, what form? Have you ever
for a moment realised it? When a leg is amputated the body is divided into
two parts; is the true self in both of them or in one? Thomas Aquinas might
say in both; but not you, for you appeal to the consciousness associated
with one of the two parts, to prove that the other is foreign matter. Is
consciousness, then, a necessary element of the true self? If so, what do you
say to the case of the whole body being deprived of consciousness? If not,
then on what grounds do you deny any portion of the true self to the severed
limb? It seems very singular that from the beginning to the end of your
admirable book (and no one admires its sober strength more than I do), you
never once mention the brain or nervous system. You begin at one end of
the body, and show that its parts may be removed without prejudice to the
perceiving power. What if you begin at the other end, and remove, instead
of the leg, the brain? The body, as before, is divided into two parts; but both
are now in the same predicament, and neither can be appealed to to prove
that the other is foreign matter. Or, instead of going so far as to remove the
brain itself, let a certain portion of its bony covering be removed, and let a
rhythmic series of pressures and relaxations of pressure be applied to the
soft substance. At every pressure "the faculties of perception and of action"
vanish; at every relaxation of pressure they are restored. Where, during the
certainly would be interesting, if not profitable, to us all, to hear what he
would or could urge in opposition to the reasoning of the Bishop. As a brief
discussion of the point will enable us to see the bearings of an important
question, I will here permit a disciple of Lucretius to try the strength of the
Bishop's position, and then allow the Bishop to retaliate, with the view of
rolling back, if he can, the difficulty upon Lucretius.
The argument might proceed in this fashion :—
'Subjected to the test of mental presentation (Vorstellung), your views, most
honoured prelate, would offer to many minds a great, if not an insuperable,
difficulty. You speak of "living powers," "percipient or perceiving powers,"
and "ourselves;" but can you form a mental picture of any of these, apart
from the organism through which it is supposed to act? Test yourself
honestly, and see whether you possess any faculty that would enable you to
form such a conception. The true self has a local habitation in each of us;
thus localised, must it not possess a form? If so, what form? Have you ever
for a moment realised it? When a leg is amputated the body is divided into
two parts; is the true self in both of them or in one? Thomas Aquinas might
say in both; but not you, for you appeal to the consciousness associated
with one of the two parts, to prove that the other is foreign matter. Is
consciousness, then, a necessary element of the true self? If so, what do you
say to the case of the whole body being deprived of consciousness? If not,
then on what grounds do you deny any portion of the true self to the severed
limb? It seems very singular that from the beginning to the end of your
admirable book (and no one admires its sober strength more than I do), you
never once mention the brain or nervous system. You begin at one end of
the body, and show that its parts may be removed without prejudice to the
perceiving power. What if you begin at the other end, and remove, instead
of the leg, the brain? The body, as before, is divided into two parts; but both
are now in the same predicament, and neither can be appealed to to prove
that the other is foreign matter. Or, instead of going so far as to remove the
brain itself, let a certain portion of its bony covering be removed, and let a
rhythmic series of pressures and relaxations of pressure be applied to the
soft substance. At every pressure "the faculties of perception and of action"
vanish; at every relaxation of pressure they are restored. Where, during the
Page 525
intervals of pressure, is the perceiving power? I once had the discharge of a
large Leyden battery passed unexpectedly through me: I felt nothing, but
was simply blotted out of conscious existence for a sensible interval. Where
was my true self during that interval? Men who have recovered from
lightning-stroke have been much longer in the same state; and indeed in
cases of ordinary concussion of the brain, days may elapse during which no
experience is registered in consciousness. Where is the man himself during
the period of insensibility? You may say that I beg the question when I
assume the man to have been unconscious, that he was really conscious all
the time, and has simply forgotten what had occurred to him. In reply to
this, I can only say that no one need shrink from the worst tortures that
superstition ever invented, if only so felt and so remembered. I do not think
your theory of instruments goes at all to the bottom of the matter. A
telegraph-operator has his instruments, by means of which he converses
with the world; our bodies possess a nervous system, which plays a similar
part between the perceiving power and external things. Cut the wires of the
operator, break his battery, demagnetise his needle; by this means you
certainly sever his connection with the world; but, inasmuch as these are
real instruments, their destruction does not touch the man who uses them.
The operator survives, and he knows that he survives. What is there, I
would ask, in the human system that answers to this conscious survival of
the operator when the battery of the brain is so disturbed as to produce
insensibility, or when it is destroyed altogether?
'Another consideration, which you may regard as slight, presses upon me
with some force. The brain may change from health to disease, and through
such a change the most exemplary man may be converted into a debauchee
or a murderer. My very noble and approved good master had, as you know,
threatenings of lewdness introduced into his brain by his jealous wife's
philter; and sooner than permit himself to run even the risk of yielding to
these base promptings he slew himself. How could the hand of Lucretius
have been thus turned against himself if the real Lucretius remained as
before? Can the brain or can it not act in this distempered way without the
intervention of the immortal reason? If it can, then it is a prime mover
which requires only healthy regulation to render it reasonably self-acting,
and there is no apparent need of your immortal reason at all. If it cannot,
then the immortal reason, by its mischievous activity in operating upon a
large Leyden battery passed unexpectedly through me: I felt nothing, but
was simply blotted out of conscious existence for a sensible interval. Where
was my true self during that interval? Men who have recovered from
lightning-stroke have been much longer in the same state; and indeed in
cases of ordinary concussion of the brain, days may elapse during which no
experience is registered in consciousness. Where is the man himself during
the period of insensibility? You may say that I beg the question when I
assume the man to have been unconscious, that he was really conscious all
the time, and has simply forgotten what had occurred to him. In reply to
this, I can only say that no one need shrink from the worst tortures that
superstition ever invented, if only so felt and so remembered. I do not think
your theory of instruments goes at all to the bottom of the matter. A
telegraph-operator has his instruments, by means of which he converses
with the world; our bodies possess a nervous system, which plays a similar
part between the perceiving power and external things. Cut the wires of the
operator, break his battery, demagnetise his needle; by this means you
certainly sever his connection with the world; but, inasmuch as these are
real instruments, their destruction does not touch the man who uses them.
The operator survives, and he knows that he survives. What is there, I
would ask, in the human system that answers to this conscious survival of
the operator when the battery of the brain is so disturbed as to produce
insensibility, or when it is destroyed altogether?
'Another consideration, which you may regard as slight, presses upon me
with some force. The brain may change from health to disease, and through
such a change the most exemplary man may be converted into a debauchee
or a murderer. My very noble and approved good master had, as you know,
threatenings of lewdness introduced into his brain by his jealous wife's
philter; and sooner than permit himself to run even the risk of yielding to
these base promptings he slew himself. How could the hand of Lucretius
have been thus turned against himself if the real Lucretius remained as
before? Can the brain or can it not act in this distempered way without the
intervention of the immortal reason? If it can, then it is a prime mover
which requires only healthy regulation to render it reasonably self-acting,
and there is no apparent need of your immortal reason at all. If it cannot,
then the immortal reason, by its mischievous activity in operating upon a
Page 526
broken instrument, must have the credit of committing every imaginable
extravagance and crime.
I think, if you will allow me to say so, that the gravest consequences are
likely to flow from your estimate of the body. To regard the brain as you
would a staff or an eyeglass — to shut your eyes to all its mystery, to the
perfect correlation of its condition and our consciousness, to the fact that a
slight excess or defect of blood in it produces the very swoon to which you
refer, and that in relation to it our meat, and drink, and air, and exercise,
have a perfectly transcendental value and significance — to forget all this
does, I think, open a way to innumerable errors in our habits of life, and
may possibly, in some cases, initiate and foster that very disease, and
consequent mental ruin, which a wiser appreciation of this mysterious organ
would have avoided.'
I can imagine the Bishop thoughtful after hearing this argument. He was not
the man to allow anger to mingle with the consideration of a point of this
kind. After due reflection, and having strengthened himself by that honest
contemplation of the facts which was habitual with him, and which includes
the desire to give even adverse reasonings their due weight, I can suppose
the Bishop to proceed thus: 'You will remember that in the "Analogy of
Religion," of which you have so kindly spoken, I did not profess to prove
anything absolutely, and that I over and over again acknowledged and
insisted on the smallness of our knowledge, or rather the depth of our
ignorance, as regards the whole system of the universe. My object was to
show my deistical friends, who set forth so eloquently the beauty and
beneficence of Nature and the Ruler thereof, while they had nothing but
scorn for the so-called absurdities of the Christian scheme, that they were in
no better condition than we were, and that, for every difficulty found upon
our side, quite as great a difficulty was to be found upon theirs. I will now,
with your permission, adopt a similar line of argument. You are a Lucretian,
and from the combination and separation of insensate atoms deduce all
terrestrial things, including organic forms and their phenomena. Let me tell
you in the first instance how far I am prepared to go with you. I admit that
you can build crystalline forms out of this play of molecular force; that the
diamond, amethyst, and snow-star are truly wonderful structures which are
thus produced. I will go farther and acknowledge that even a tree or flower
extravagance and crime.
I think, if you will allow me to say so, that the gravest consequences are
likely to flow from your estimate of the body. To regard the brain as you
would a staff or an eyeglass — to shut your eyes to all its mystery, to the
perfect correlation of its condition and our consciousness, to the fact that a
slight excess or defect of blood in it produces the very swoon to which you
refer, and that in relation to it our meat, and drink, and air, and exercise,
have a perfectly transcendental value and significance — to forget all this
does, I think, open a way to innumerable errors in our habits of life, and
may possibly, in some cases, initiate and foster that very disease, and
consequent mental ruin, which a wiser appreciation of this mysterious organ
would have avoided.'
I can imagine the Bishop thoughtful after hearing this argument. He was not
the man to allow anger to mingle with the consideration of a point of this
kind. After due reflection, and having strengthened himself by that honest
contemplation of the facts which was habitual with him, and which includes
the desire to give even adverse reasonings their due weight, I can suppose
the Bishop to proceed thus: 'You will remember that in the "Analogy of
Religion," of which you have so kindly spoken, I did not profess to prove
anything absolutely, and that I over and over again acknowledged and
insisted on the smallness of our knowledge, or rather the depth of our
ignorance, as regards the whole system of the universe. My object was to
show my deistical friends, who set forth so eloquently the beauty and
beneficence of Nature and the Ruler thereof, while they had nothing but
scorn for the so-called absurdities of the Christian scheme, that they were in
no better condition than we were, and that, for every difficulty found upon
our side, quite as great a difficulty was to be found upon theirs. I will now,
with your permission, adopt a similar line of argument. You are a Lucretian,
and from the combination and separation of insensate atoms deduce all
terrestrial things, including organic forms and their phenomena. Let me tell
you in the first instance how far I am prepared to go with you. I admit that
you can build crystalline forms out of this play of molecular force; that the
diamond, amethyst, and snow-star are truly wonderful structures which are
thus produced. I will go farther and acknowledge that even a tree or flower
Page 527
might in this way be organised. Nay, if you can show me an animal without
sensation, I will concede to you that it also might be put together by the
suitable play of molecular force.
'Thus far our way is clear, but now comes my difficulty. Your atoms are
individually without sensation, much more are they without intelligence.
May I ask you, then, to try your hand upon this problem. Take your dead
hydrogen atoms, your dead oxygen atoms, your dead carbon atoms, your
dead nitrogen atoms, your dead phosphorus atoms, and all the other atoms,
dead as grains of shot, of which the brain is formed. Imagine them separate
and sensationless; observe them running together and forming all
imaginable combinations. This, as a purely mechanical process, is seeable
by the mind. But can you see, or dream, or in any way imagine, how out of
that mechanical act, and from these individually dead atoms, sensation,
thought, and emotion are to rise? Are you likely to extract Homer out of the
rattling of dice, or the Differential Calculus out of the clash of billiard-
balls? I am not all bereft of this Vorstellungs-Kraft of which you speak, nor
am I, like so many of my brethren, a mere vacuum as regards scientific
knowledge. I can follow a particle of musk until it reaches the olfactory
nerve; I can follow the waves of sound until their tremors reach the water of
the labyrinth, and set the otoliths and Corti's fibres in motion; I can also
visualise the waves of aether as they cross the eye and hit the retina. Nay
more, I am able to pursue to the central organ the motion thus imparted at
the periphery, and to see in idea the very molecules of the brain thrown into
tremors. My insight is not baffled by these physical processes. What baffles
and bewilders me is the notion that from those physical tremors things so
utterly incongruous with them as sensation, thought, and emotion can be
derived. You may say, or think, that this issue of consciousness from the
clash of atoms is not more incongruous than the flash of light from the
union of oxygen and hydrogen. But I beg to say that it is. For such
incongruity as the flash possesses is that which I now force upon your
attention. The 'flash' is an affair of consciousness, the objective counterpart
of which is a vibration. It is a flash only by your interpretation. You are the
cause of the apparent incongruity; and you are the thing that puzzles me. I
need not remind you that the great Leibnitz felt the difficulty which I feel;
and that to get rid of this monstrous deduction of life from death he
displaced your atoms by his monads, which were more or less perfect
sensation, I will concede to you that it also might be put together by the
suitable play of molecular force.
'Thus far our way is clear, but now comes my difficulty. Your atoms are
individually without sensation, much more are they without intelligence.
May I ask you, then, to try your hand upon this problem. Take your dead
hydrogen atoms, your dead oxygen atoms, your dead carbon atoms, your
dead nitrogen atoms, your dead phosphorus atoms, and all the other atoms,
dead as grains of shot, of which the brain is formed. Imagine them separate
and sensationless; observe them running together and forming all
imaginable combinations. This, as a purely mechanical process, is seeable
by the mind. But can you see, or dream, or in any way imagine, how out of
that mechanical act, and from these individually dead atoms, sensation,
thought, and emotion are to rise? Are you likely to extract Homer out of the
rattling of dice, or the Differential Calculus out of the clash of billiard-
balls? I am not all bereft of this Vorstellungs-Kraft of which you speak, nor
am I, like so many of my brethren, a mere vacuum as regards scientific
knowledge. I can follow a particle of musk until it reaches the olfactory
nerve; I can follow the waves of sound until their tremors reach the water of
the labyrinth, and set the otoliths and Corti's fibres in motion; I can also
visualise the waves of aether as they cross the eye and hit the retina. Nay
more, I am able to pursue to the central organ the motion thus imparted at
the periphery, and to see in idea the very molecules of the brain thrown into
tremors. My insight is not baffled by these physical processes. What baffles
and bewilders me is the notion that from those physical tremors things so
utterly incongruous with them as sensation, thought, and emotion can be
derived. You may say, or think, that this issue of consciousness from the
clash of atoms is not more incongruous than the flash of light from the
union of oxygen and hydrogen. But I beg to say that it is. For such
incongruity as the flash possesses is that which I now force upon your
attention. The 'flash' is an affair of consciousness, the objective counterpart
of which is a vibration. It is a flash only by your interpretation. You are the
cause of the apparent incongruity; and you are the thing that puzzles me. I
need not remind you that the great Leibnitz felt the difficulty which I feel;
and that to get rid of this monstrous deduction of life from death he
displaced your atoms by his monads, which were more or less perfect
Page 528
mirrors of the universe, and out of the summation and integration of which
he supposed all the phenomena of life — sentient, intellectual, and
emotional — to arise.
'Your difficulty, then, as I see you are ready to admit, is quite as great as
mine. You cannot satisfy the human understanding in its demand for logical
continuity between molecular processes and the phenomena of
consciousness. This is a rock on which Materialism must inevitably split
whenever it pretends to be a complete philosophy of life. What is the moral,
my Lucretian? You and I are not likely to indulge in ill-temper in the
discussion of these great topics, where we see so much room for honest
differences of opinion. But there are people of less wit or more bigotry (I
say it with humility), on both sides, who are ever ready to mingle anger and
vituperation with such discussions. There are, for example, writers of note
and influence at the present day, who are not ashamed publicly to assume
the "deep personal sin" of a great logician to be the cause of his unbelief in
a theologic dogma. [Footnote: This is the aspect under which the late
Editor of the 'Dublin Review' presented to his readers the memory of John
Stuart Mill. I can only say, that I would as soon take my chance in the other
world, in the company of the 'unbeliever,' as in that of his Jesuit detractor.
In Dr. Ward we have an example of a wholesome and vigorous nature,
soured and perverted by a poisonous creed.] 'And there are others who hold
that we, who cherish our noble Bible, wrought as it has been into the
constitution of our forefathers, and by inheritance into us, must necessarily
be hypocritical and insincere. Let us disavow and discountenance such
people, cherishing the unswerving faith that what is good and true in both
our arguments will be preserved for the benefit of humanity, while all that is
bad or false will disappear.'
I hold the Bishop's reasoning to be unanswerable, and his liberality to be
worthy of imitation.
It is worth remarking that in one respect the Bishop was a product of his
age. Long previous to his day the nature of the soul had been so favourite
and general a topic of discussion, that, when the students of the Italian
Universities wished to know the leanings of a new Professor, they at once
requested him to lecture upon the soul. About the time of Bishop Butler the
he supposed all the phenomena of life — sentient, intellectual, and
emotional — to arise.
'Your difficulty, then, as I see you are ready to admit, is quite as great as
mine. You cannot satisfy the human understanding in its demand for logical
continuity between molecular processes and the phenomena of
consciousness. This is a rock on which Materialism must inevitably split
whenever it pretends to be a complete philosophy of life. What is the moral,
my Lucretian? You and I are not likely to indulge in ill-temper in the
discussion of these great topics, where we see so much room for honest
differences of opinion. But there are people of less wit or more bigotry (I
say it with humility), on both sides, who are ever ready to mingle anger and
vituperation with such discussions. There are, for example, writers of note
and influence at the present day, who are not ashamed publicly to assume
the "deep personal sin" of a great logician to be the cause of his unbelief in
a theologic dogma. [Footnote: This is the aspect under which the late
Editor of the 'Dublin Review' presented to his readers the memory of John
Stuart Mill. I can only say, that I would as soon take my chance in the other
world, in the company of the 'unbeliever,' as in that of his Jesuit detractor.
In Dr. Ward we have an example of a wholesome and vigorous nature,
soured and perverted by a poisonous creed.] 'And there are others who hold
that we, who cherish our noble Bible, wrought as it has been into the
constitution of our forefathers, and by inheritance into us, must necessarily
be hypocritical and insincere. Let us disavow and discountenance such
people, cherishing the unswerving faith that what is good and true in both
our arguments will be preserved for the benefit of humanity, while all that is
bad or false will disappear.'
I hold the Bishop's reasoning to be unanswerable, and his liberality to be
worthy of imitation.
It is worth remarking that in one respect the Bishop was a product of his
age. Long previous to his day the nature of the soul had been so favourite
and general a topic of discussion, that, when the students of the Italian
Universities wished to know the leanings of a new Professor, they at once
requested him to lecture upon the soul. About the time of Bishop Butler the
Page 529
question was not only agitated but extended. It was seen by the clear-witted
men who entered this arena, that many of their best arguments applied
equally to brutes and men. The Bishop's arguments were of this character.
He saw it, admitted it, took the consequence, and boldly embraced the
whole animal world in his scheme of immortality.
§ 6.
Bishop Butler accepted with unwavering trust the chronology of the Old
Testament, describing it as confirmed by the natural and civil history of the
world, collected from common historians, from the state of the earth, and
from the late inventions of arts and sciences.' These words mark progress;
and they must seem somewhat hoary to the Bishop's successors of today. It
is hardly necessary to inform you that since his time the domain of the
naturalist has been immensely extended — the whole science of geology,
with its astounding revelations regarding the life of the ancient earth,
having been created. The rigidity of old conceptions has been relaxed, the
public mind being rendered gradually tolerant of the idea that not for six
thousand, nor for sixty thousand, nor for six thousand thousand, but for
aeons embracing untold millions of years, this earth has been the theatre of
life and death. The riddle of the rocks has been read by the geologist and
palaeontologist, from sub-Cambrian depths to the deposits thickening over
the sea-bottoms of today. And upon the leaves of that stone book are, as you
know, stamped the characters, plainer and surer than those formed by the
ink of history, which carry the mind back into abysses of past time,
compared with which the periods which satisfied Bishop Butler cease to
have a visual angle.
The lode of discovery once struck, those petrified forms in which life was at
one time active, increased to multitudes and demanded classification. They
were grouped in genera, species, and varieties, according to the degree of
similarity subsisting between them. Thus confusion was avoided, each
object being found in the pigeon-hole appropriated to it and to its fellows of
similar morphological or physiological character. The general fact soon
became evident that none but the simplest forms of life lie lowest down;
that, as we climb higher among the superimposed strata, more perfect forms
appear. The change, however, from form to form was not continuous, but by
men who entered this arena, that many of their best arguments applied
equally to brutes and men. The Bishop's arguments were of this character.
He saw it, admitted it, took the consequence, and boldly embraced the
whole animal world in his scheme of immortality.
§ 6.
Bishop Butler accepted with unwavering trust the chronology of the Old
Testament, describing it as confirmed by the natural and civil history of the
world, collected from common historians, from the state of the earth, and
from the late inventions of arts and sciences.' These words mark progress;
and they must seem somewhat hoary to the Bishop's successors of today. It
is hardly necessary to inform you that since his time the domain of the
naturalist has been immensely extended — the whole science of geology,
with its astounding revelations regarding the life of the ancient earth,
having been created. The rigidity of old conceptions has been relaxed, the
public mind being rendered gradually tolerant of the idea that not for six
thousand, nor for sixty thousand, nor for six thousand thousand, but for
aeons embracing untold millions of years, this earth has been the theatre of
life and death. The riddle of the rocks has been read by the geologist and
palaeontologist, from sub-Cambrian depths to the deposits thickening over
the sea-bottoms of today. And upon the leaves of that stone book are, as you
know, stamped the characters, plainer and surer than those formed by the
ink of history, which carry the mind back into abysses of past time,
compared with which the periods which satisfied Bishop Butler cease to
have a visual angle.
The lode of discovery once struck, those petrified forms in which life was at
one time active, increased to multitudes and demanded classification. They
were grouped in genera, species, and varieties, according to the degree of
similarity subsisting between them. Thus confusion was avoided, each
object being found in the pigeon-hole appropriated to it and to its fellows of
similar morphological or physiological character. The general fact soon
became evident that none but the simplest forms of life lie lowest down;
that, as we climb higher among the superimposed strata, more perfect forms
appear. The change, however, from form to form was not continuous, but by
Page 530
steps — some small, some great. 'A section,' says Mr. Huxley, 'a hundred
feet thick will exhibit at different heights a dozen species of Ammonite,
none of which passes beyond the particular zone of limestone, or clay, into
the zone below it, or into that above it.' In the presence of such facts it was
not possible to avoid the question: Have these forms, showing, though in
broken stages, and with many irregularities, this unmistakable general
advance, being subjected to no continuous law of growth or variation? Had
our education been purely scientific, or had it been sufficiently detached
from influences which, however ennobling in another domain, have always
proved hindrances and delusions when introduced as factors into the
domain of physics, the scientific mind never could have swerved from the
search for a law of growth, or allowed itself to accept the
anthropomorphism which regarded each successive stratum as a kind of
mechanic's bench for the manufacture of new species out of all relation to
the old.
Biassed, however, by their previous education, the great majority of
naturalists invoked a special creative act to account for the appearance of
each new group of organisms. Doubtless numbers of them were clearheaded
enough to see that this was no explanation at all — that, in point of fact, it
was an attempt, by the introduction of a greater difficulty, to account for a
less. But, having nothing to offer in the way of explanation, they for the
most part held their peace. Still the thoughts of reflecting men naturally and
necessarily simmered round the question. De Maillet, a contemporary of
Newton, has been brought into notice by Professor Huxley as one who 'had
a notion of the modifiability of living forms.' The late Sir Benjamin Brodie,
a man of highly philosophic mind, often drew my attention to the fact that,
as early as 1794, Charles Darwin's grandfather was the pioneer of Charles
Darwin. [Footnote: Zoonomia,' vol. i. pp. 500-510.] In 1801, and in
subsequent years, the celebrated Lamarck, who, through the vigorous
exposition of his views by the author of the 'Vestiges of Creation,' rendered
the public mind perfectly familiar with the idea of evolution, endeavoured
to show the development of species out of changes of habit and external
condition. In 1813 Dr. Wells, the founder of our present theory of Dew, read
before the Royal Society a paper in which, to use the words of Mr. Darwin,
'he distinctly recognises the principle of natural selection; and this is the
first recognition that has been indicated.' The thoroughness and skill with
feet thick will exhibit at different heights a dozen species of Ammonite,
none of which passes beyond the particular zone of limestone, or clay, into
the zone below it, or into that above it.' In the presence of such facts it was
not possible to avoid the question: Have these forms, showing, though in
broken stages, and with many irregularities, this unmistakable general
advance, being subjected to no continuous law of growth or variation? Had
our education been purely scientific, or had it been sufficiently detached
from influences which, however ennobling in another domain, have always
proved hindrances and delusions when introduced as factors into the
domain of physics, the scientific mind never could have swerved from the
search for a law of growth, or allowed itself to accept the
anthropomorphism which regarded each successive stratum as a kind of
mechanic's bench for the manufacture of new species out of all relation to
the old.
Biassed, however, by their previous education, the great majority of
naturalists invoked a special creative act to account for the appearance of
each new group of organisms. Doubtless numbers of them were clearheaded
enough to see that this was no explanation at all — that, in point of fact, it
was an attempt, by the introduction of a greater difficulty, to account for a
less. But, having nothing to offer in the way of explanation, they for the
most part held their peace. Still the thoughts of reflecting men naturally and
necessarily simmered round the question. De Maillet, a contemporary of
Newton, has been brought into notice by Professor Huxley as one who 'had
a notion of the modifiability of living forms.' The late Sir Benjamin Brodie,
a man of highly philosophic mind, often drew my attention to the fact that,
as early as 1794, Charles Darwin's grandfather was the pioneer of Charles
Darwin. [Footnote: Zoonomia,' vol. i. pp. 500-510.] In 1801, and in
subsequent years, the celebrated Lamarck, who, through the vigorous
exposition of his views by the author of the 'Vestiges of Creation,' rendered
the public mind perfectly familiar with the idea of evolution, endeavoured
to show the development of species out of changes of habit and external
condition. In 1813 Dr. Wells, the founder of our present theory of Dew, read
before the Royal Society a paper in which, to use the words of Mr. Darwin,
'he distinctly recognises the principle of natural selection; and this is the
first recognition that has been indicated.' The thoroughness and skill with
Page 531
which Wells pursued his work, and the obvious independence of his
character, rendered him long ago a favourite with me; and it gave me the
liveliest pleasure to alight upon this additional testimony to his penetration.
Professor Grant, Mr. Patrick Matthew, von Buch, the author of the
'Vestiges,' D'Halloy, and others, by the enunciation of opinions more or less
clear and correct, showed that the question had been fermenting long prior
to the year 1858, when Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace simultaneously, but
independently, placed their closely concurrent views before the Linnean
Society. [Footnote: In 1855 Mr. Herbert Spencer ('Principles of
Psychology,' 2nd edit. vol. i. p. 465) expressed 'the belief that life under all
its forms has arisen by an unbroken evolution, and through the
instrumentality of what are called natural causes.' This was my belief also
at that time.]
These papers were followed in 1859 by the publication of the first edition of
the 'Origin of Species.' All great things come slowly to the birth.
Copernicus, as I informed you, pondered his great work for thirty-three
years. Newton for nearly twenty years kept the idea of Gravitation before
his mind; for twenty years also he dwelt upon his discovery of Fluxions,
and doubtless would have continued to make it the object of his private
thought, had he not found Leibnitz upon his track. Darwin for two-and-
twenty years pondered the problem of the origin of species, and doubtless
he would have continued to do so had he not found Wallace upon his track.
[Footnote: The behaviour of Mr. Wallace in relation to this subject has been
dignified in the highest degree.] A concentrated, but full and powerful,
epitome of his labours was the consequence. The book was by no means an
easy one; and probably not one in every score of those who then attacked it,
had read its pages through, or were competent to grasp their significance if
they had. I do not say this merely to discredit them: for there were in those
days some really eminent scientific men, entirely raised above the heat of
popular prejudice, and willing to accept any conclusion that science had to
offer, provided it was duly backed by fact and argument, who entirely
mistook Mr. Darwin's views. In fact, the work needed an expounder, and it
found one in Mr. Huxley. I know nothing more admirable in the way of
scientific exposition than those early articles of his on the origin of species.
He swept the curve of discussion through the really significant points of the
subject, enriched his exposition with profound original remarks and
character, rendered him long ago a favourite with me; and it gave me the
liveliest pleasure to alight upon this additional testimony to his penetration.
Professor Grant, Mr. Patrick Matthew, von Buch, the author of the
'Vestiges,' D'Halloy, and others, by the enunciation of opinions more or less
clear and correct, showed that the question had been fermenting long prior
to the year 1858, when Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace simultaneously, but
independently, placed their closely concurrent views before the Linnean
Society. [Footnote: In 1855 Mr. Herbert Spencer ('Principles of
Psychology,' 2nd edit. vol. i. p. 465) expressed 'the belief that life under all
its forms has arisen by an unbroken evolution, and through the
instrumentality of what are called natural causes.' This was my belief also
at that time.]
These papers were followed in 1859 by the publication of the first edition of
the 'Origin of Species.' All great things come slowly to the birth.
Copernicus, as I informed you, pondered his great work for thirty-three
years. Newton for nearly twenty years kept the idea of Gravitation before
his mind; for twenty years also he dwelt upon his discovery of Fluxions,
and doubtless would have continued to make it the object of his private
thought, had he not found Leibnitz upon his track. Darwin for two-and-
twenty years pondered the problem of the origin of species, and doubtless
he would have continued to do so had he not found Wallace upon his track.
[Footnote: The behaviour of Mr. Wallace in relation to this subject has been
dignified in the highest degree.] A concentrated, but full and powerful,
epitome of his labours was the consequence. The book was by no means an
easy one; and probably not one in every score of those who then attacked it,
had read its pages through, or were competent to grasp their significance if
they had. I do not say this merely to discredit them: for there were in those
days some really eminent scientific men, entirely raised above the heat of
popular prejudice, and willing to accept any conclusion that science had to
offer, provided it was duly backed by fact and argument, who entirely
mistook Mr. Darwin's views. In fact, the work needed an expounder, and it
found one in Mr. Huxley. I know nothing more admirable in the way of
scientific exposition than those early articles of his on the origin of species.
He swept the curve of discussion through the really significant points of the
subject, enriched his exposition with profound original remarks and
Page 532
reflections, often summing up in a single pithy sentence an argument which
a less compact mind would have spread over pages. But there is one
impression made by the book itself which no exposition of it, however
luminous, can convey; and that is the impression of the vast amount of
labour, both of observation and of thought, implied in its production. Let us
glance at its principles.
It is conceded on all hands that what are called varieties' are continually
produced. The rule is probably without exception. No chick, or child, is in
all respects and particulars the counterpart of its brother and sister; and in
such differences we have 'variety' incipient. No naturalist could tell how far
this variation could be carried; but the great mass of them held that never,
by any amount of internal or external change, nor by the mixture of both,
could the offspring of the same progenitor so far deviate from each other as
to constitute different species. The function of the experimental philosopher
is to combine the conditions of Nature and to produce her results; and this
was the method of Darwin. [Footnote: The first step only towards
experimental demonstration has been taken. Experiments now begun might,
a couple of centuries hence, furnish data of incalculable value, which ought
to be supplied to the science of the future.] He made himself acquainted
with what could, without any manner of doubt, be done in the way of
producing variation. He associated himself with pigeon-fanciers — bought,
begged, kept, and observed every breed that he could obtain. Though
derived from a common stock, the diversities of these pigeons were such
that 'a score of them might be chosen which, if shown to an ornithologist,
and he were told that they were wild birds, would certainly be ranked by
him as well-defined species.' The simple principle which guides the pigeon-
fancier, as it does the cattle-breeder, is the selection of some variety that
strikes his fancy, and the propagation of this variety by inheritance. With his
eye still directed to the particular appearance which he wishes to
exaggerate, he selects it as it reappears in successive broods, and thus adds
increment to increment until an astonishing amount of divergence from the
parent type is effected. The breeder in this case does not produce the
elements of the variation. He simply observes them, and by selection adds
them together until the required result has been obtained. 'No man,' says Mr.
Darwin, 'would ever try to make a fantail till he saw a pigeon with a tail
developed in some slight degree in an unusual manner, or a pouter until he
a less compact mind would have spread over pages. But there is one
impression made by the book itself which no exposition of it, however
luminous, can convey; and that is the impression of the vast amount of
labour, both of observation and of thought, implied in its production. Let us
glance at its principles.
It is conceded on all hands that what are called varieties' are continually
produced. The rule is probably without exception. No chick, or child, is in
all respects and particulars the counterpart of its brother and sister; and in
such differences we have 'variety' incipient. No naturalist could tell how far
this variation could be carried; but the great mass of them held that never,
by any amount of internal or external change, nor by the mixture of both,
could the offspring of the same progenitor so far deviate from each other as
to constitute different species. The function of the experimental philosopher
is to combine the conditions of Nature and to produce her results; and this
was the method of Darwin. [Footnote: The first step only towards
experimental demonstration has been taken. Experiments now begun might,
a couple of centuries hence, furnish data of incalculable value, which ought
to be supplied to the science of the future.] He made himself acquainted
with what could, without any manner of doubt, be done in the way of
producing variation. He associated himself with pigeon-fanciers — bought,
begged, kept, and observed every breed that he could obtain. Though
derived from a common stock, the diversities of these pigeons were such
that 'a score of them might be chosen which, if shown to an ornithologist,
and he were told that they were wild birds, would certainly be ranked by
him as well-defined species.' The simple principle which guides the pigeon-
fancier, as it does the cattle-breeder, is the selection of some variety that
strikes his fancy, and the propagation of this variety by inheritance. With his
eye still directed to the particular appearance which he wishes to
exaggerate, he selects it as it reappears in successive broods, and thus adds
increment to increment until an astonishing amount of divergence from the
parent type is effected. The breeder in this case does not produce the
elements of the variation. He simply observes them, and by selection adds
them together until the required result has been obtained. 'No man,' says Mr.
Darwin, 'would ever try to make a fantail till he saw a pigeon with a tail
developed in some slight degree in an unusual manner, or a pouter until he
Page 533
saw a pigeon with a crop of unusual size.' Thus nature gives the hint, man
acts upon it, and by the law of inheritance exaggerates the deviation.
Having thus satisfied himself by indubitable facts that the organisation of an
animal or of a plant (for precisely the same treatment applies to plants). is to
some extent plastic, he passes from variation under domestication to
variation under nature. Hitherto we have dealt with the adding together of
small changes by the conscious selection of man. Can Nature thus select?
Mr. Darwin's answer is, 'Assuredly she can.' The number of living things
produced is far in excess of the number that can be supported; hence at
some period or other of their lives there must be a struggle for existence.
And what is the infallible result? If one organism were a perfect copy of the
other in regard to strength, skill, and agility, external conditions would
decide. But this is not the case. Here we have the fact of variety offering
itself to nature, as in the former instance it offered itself to man; and those
varieties which are least competent to cope with surrounding conditions
will infallibly give way to those that are most competent. To use a familiar
proverb, the weakest goes to the wall. But the triumphant fraction again
breeds to over-production, transmitting the qualities which secured its
maintenance, but transmitting them in different degrees. The struggle for
food again supervenes, and those to whom the favourable quality has been
transmitted in excess, will triumph as before.
It is easy to see that we have here the addition of increments favourable to
the individual, still more rigorously carried out than in the case of
domestication; for not only are unfavourable specimens not selected by
nature, but they are destroyed. This is what Mr. Darwin calls 'Natural
Selection,' which acts by the preservation and accumulation of small
inherited modifications, each profitable to the preserved being. With this
idea he interpenetrates and leavens the vast store of facts that he and others
have collected. We cannot, without shutting our eyes through fear or
prejudice, fail to see that Darwin is here dealing, not with imaginary, but
with true causes; nor can we fail to discern what vast modifications may be
produced by natural selection in periods sufficiently long. Each individual
increment may resemble what mathematicians call a 'differential' (a quantity
indefinitely small); but definite and great changes may obviously be
acts upon it, and by the law of inheritance exaggerates the deviation.
Having thus satisfied himself by indubitable facts that the organisation of an
animal or of a plant (for precisely the same treatment applies to plants). is to
some extent plastic, he passes from variation under domestication to
variation under nature. Hitherto we have dealt with the adding together of
small changes by the conscious selection of man. Can Nature thus select?
Mr. Darwin's answer is, 'Assuredly she can.' The number of living things
produced is far in excess of the number that can be supported; hence at
some period or other of their lives there must be a struggle for existence.
And what is the infallible result? If one organism were a perfect copy of the
other in regard to strength, skill, and agility, external conditions would
decide. But this is not the case. Here we have the fact of variety offering
itself to nature, as in the former instance it offered itself to man; and those
varieties which are least competent to cope with surrounding conditions
will infallibly give way to those that are most competent. To use a familiar
proverb, the weakest goes to the wall. But the triumphant fraction again
breeds to over-production, transmitting the qualities which secured its
maintenance, but transmitting them in different degrees. The struggle for
food again supervenes, and those to whom the favourable quality has been
transmitted in excess, will triumph as before.
It is easy to see that we have here the addition of increments favourable to
the individual, still more rigorously carried out than in the case of
domestication; for not only are unfavourable specimens not selected by
nature, but they are destroyed. This is what Mr. Darwin calls 'Natural
Selection,' which acts by the preservation and accumulation of small
inherited modifications, each profitable to the preserved being. With this
idea he interpenetrates and leavens the vast store of facts that he and others
have collected. We cannot, without shutting our eyes through fear or
prejudice, fail to see that Darwin is here dealing, not with imaginary, but
with true causes; nor can we fail to discern what vast modifications may be
produced by natural selection in periods sufficiently long. Each individual
increment may resemble what mathematicians call a 'differential' (a quantity
indefinitely small); but definite and great changes may obviously be
Page 534
produced by the integration of these infinitesimal quantities, through
practically infinite time.
If Darwin, like Bruno, rejects the notion of creative power, acting after
human fashion, it certainly is not because he is unacquainted with the
numberless exquisite adaptations, on which this notion of a supernatural
Artificer has been founded. His book is a repository of the most startling
facts of this description. Take the marvellous observation which he cites
from Dr. Krueger, where a bucket, with an aperture serving as a spout, is
formed in an orchid. Bees visit the flower: in eager search of material for
their combs, they push each other into the bucket, the drenched ones
escaping from their involuntary bath by the spout. Here they rub their backs
against the viscid stigma of the flower and obtain glue; then against the
pollen masses, which are thus stuck to the back of the bee and carried away.
'When the bee, so provided, flies to another flower, or to the same flower a
second time, and is pushed by its comrades into the bucket, and then crawls
out by the passage, the pollen-mass upon its back necessarily comes first
into contact with the viscid stigma,' which takes up the pollen; and this is
how that orchid is fertilised. Or take this other case of the Catasetum 'Bees
visit these flowers in order to gnaw the labellum; in doing this they
inevitably touch a long, tapering, sensitive projection. This, when touched,
transmits a sensation or vibration to a certain membrane, which is instantly
ruptured, setting free a spring, by which the pollen-mass is shot forth like an
arrow in the right direction, and adheres by its viscid extremity to the back
of the bee.' In this way the fertilising pollen is spread abroad.
It is the mind thus stored with the choicest materials of the teleologist that
rejects teleology, seeking to refer these wonders to natural causes. They
illustrate, according to him, the method of nature, not the 'technic' of a
manlike Artificer. The beauty of flowers is due to natural selection. Those
that distinguish themselves by vividly contrasting colours from the
surrounding green leaves are most readily seen, most frequently visited by
insects, most often fertilised, and hence most favoured by natural selection.
Coloured berries also readily attract the attention of birds and beasts, which
feed upon them, spread their manured seeds abroad, thus giving trees and
shrubs possessing such berries a greater chance in the struggle for
existence.
practically infinite time.
If Darwin, like Bruno, rejects the notion of creative power, acting after
human fashion, it certainly is not because he is unacquainted with the
numberless exquisite adaptations, on which this notion of a supernatural
Artificer has been founded. His book is a repository of the most startling
facts of this description. Take the marvellous observation which he cites
from Dr. Krueger, where a bucket, with an aperture serving as a spout, is
formed in an orchid. Bees visit the flower: in eager search of material for
their combs, they push each other into the bucket, the drenched ones
escaping from their involuntary bath by the spout. Here they rub their backs
against the viscid stigma of the flower and obtain glue; then against the
pollen masses, which are thus stuck to the back of the bee and carried away.
'When the bee, so provided, flies to another flower, or to the same flower a
second time, and is pushed by its comrades into the bucket, and then crawls
out by the passage, the pollen-mass upon its back necessarily comes first
into contact with the viscid stigma,' which takes up the pollen; and this is
how that orchid is fertilised. Or take this other case of the Catasetum 'Bees
visit these flowers in order to gnaw the labellum; in doing this they
inevitably touch a long, tapering, sensitive projection. This, when touched,
transmits a sensation or vibration to a certain membrane, which is instantly
ruptured, setting free a spring, by which the pollen-mass is shot forth like an
arrow in the right direction, and adheres by its viscid extremity to the back
of the bee.' In this way the fertilising pollen is spread abroad.
It is the mind thus stored with the choicest materials of the teleologist that
rejects teleology, seeking to refer these wonders to natural causes. They
illustrate, according to him, the method of nature, not the 'technic' of a
manlike Artificer. The beauty of flowers is due to natural selection. Those
that distinguish themselves by vividly contrasting colours from the
surrounding green leaves are most readily seen, most frequently visited by
insects, most often fertilised, and hence most favoured by natural selection.
Coloured berries also readily attract the attention of birds and beasts, which
feed upon them, spread their manured seeds abroad, thus giving trees and
shrubs possessing such berries a greater chance in the struggle for
existence.
Page 535
With profound analytic and synthetic skill, Mr. Darwin investigates the cell-
making instinct of the hive-bee. His method of dealing with it is
representative. He falls back from the more perfectly to the less perfectly
developed instinct — from the hive-bee to the humble bee, which uses its
own cocoon as a comb, and to classes of bees of intermediate skill,
endeavouring to show how the passage might be gradually made from the
lowest to the highest. The saving of wax is the most important point in the
economy of bees. Twelve to fifteen pounds of dry sugar are said to be
needed for the secretion of a single pound of wax. The quantities of nectar
necessary for the wax must therefore be vast; and every improvement of
constructive instinct which results in the saving of wax is a direct profit to
the insect's life. The time that would otherwise be devoted to the making of
wax, is devoted to the gathering and storing of honey for winter food. Mr.
Darwin passes from the humble bee with its rude cells, through the
Melipona with its more artistic cells, to the hive-bee with its astonishing
architecture. The bees place themselves at equal distances apart upon the
wax, sweep and excavate equal spheres round the selected points. The
spheres intersect, and the planes of intersection are built up with thin
laminae. Hexagonal cells are thus formed. This mode of treating such
questions is, as I have said, representative. The expositor habitually retires
from the more perfect and complex, to the less perfect and simple, and
carries you with him through stages of perfecting — adds increment to
increment of infinitesimal change, and in this way gradually breaks down
your reluctance to admit that the exquisite climax of the whole could be a
result of natural selection.
Mr. Darwin shirks no difficulty; and, saturated as the subject was with his
own thought, he must have known, better than his critics, the weakness as
well as the strength of his theory. This of course would be of little avail
were his object a temporary dialectic victory, instead of the establishment of
a truth which he means to be everlasting. But he takes no pains to disguise
the weakness he has discerned; nay, he takes every pains to bring it into the
strongest light. His vast resources enable him to cope with objections
started by himself and others, so as to leave the final impression upon the
reader's mind that, if they be not completely answered, they certainly are
not fatal. Their negative force being thus destroyed, you are free to be
influenced by the vast positive mass of evidence he is able to bring before
making instinct of the hive-bee. His method of dealing with it is
representative. He falls back from the more perfectly to the less perfectly
developed instinct — from the hive-bee to the humble bee, which uses its
own cocoon as a comb, and to classes of bees of intermediate skill,
endeavouring to show how the passage might be gradually made from the
lowest to the highest. The saving of wax is the most important point in the
economy of bees. Twelve to fifteen pounds of dry sugar are said to be
needed for the secretion of a single pound of wax. The quantities of nectar
necessary for the wax must therefore be vast; and every improvement of
constructive instinct which results in the saving of wax is a direct profit to
the insect's life. The time that would otherwise be devoted to the making of
wax, is devoted to the gathering and storing of honey for winter food. Mr.
Darwin passes from the humble bee with its rude cells, through the
Melipona with its more artistic cells, to the hive-bee with its astonishing
architecture. The bees place themselves at equal distances apart upon the
wax, sweep and excavate equal spheres round the selected points. The
spheres intersect, and the planes of intersection are built up with thin
laminae. Hexagonal cells are thus formed. This mode of treating such
questions is, as I have said, representative. The expositor habitually retires
from the more perfect and complex, to the less perfect and simple, and
carries you with him through stages of perfecting — adds increment to
increment of infinitesimal change, and in this way gradually breaks down
your reluctance to admit that the exquisite climax of the whole could be a
result of natural selection.
Mr. Darwin shirks no difficulty; and, saturated as the subject was with his
own thought, he must have known, better than his critics, the weakness as
well as the strength of his theory. This of course would be of little avail
were his object a temporary dialectic victory, instead of the establishment of
a truth which he means to be everlasting. But he takes no pains to disguise
the weakness he has discerned; nay, he takes every pains to bring it into the
strongest light. His vast resources enable him to cope with objections
started by himself and others, so as to leave the final impression upon the
reader's mind that, if they be not completely answered, they certainly are
not fatal. Their negative force being thus destroyed, you are free to be
influenced by the vast positive mass of evidence he is able to bring before
Page 536
you. This largeness of knowledge, and readiness of resource, render Mr.
Darwin the most terrible of antagonists. Accomplished naturalists have
levelled heavy and sustained criticisms against him — not always with the
view of fairly weighing his theory, but with the express intention of
exposing its weak points only. This does not irritate him. He treats every
objection with a soberness and thoroughness which even Bishop Butler
might be proud to imitate, surrounding each fact with its appropriate detail,
placing it in its proper relations, and usually giving it a significance which,
as long as it was kept isolated, failed to appear. This is done without a trace
of ill-temper. He moves over the subject with the passionless strength of a
glacier; and the grinding of the rocks is not always without a counterpart in
the logical pulverisation of the objector. But though in handling this mighty
theme all passion has been stilled, there is an emotion of the intellect,
incident to the discernment of new truth, which often colours and warms the
pages of Mr. Darwin.
His success has been great; and this implies not only the solidity of his
work, but the preparedness of the public mind for such a revelation. On this
head, a remark of Agassiz impressed me more than anything else. Sprung
from a race of theologians, this celebrated man combated to the last the
theory of natural selection. One of the many times I had the pleasure of
meeting him in the United States was at Mr. Winthrop's beautiful residence
at Brookline, near Boston. Rising from luncheon, we all halted as if by
common consent, in front of a window, and continued there a discussion
which had been started at table. The maple was in its autumn glory, and the
exquisite beauty of the scene outside seemed, in my case, to interpenetrate
without disturbance the intellectual action. Earnestly, almost sadly, Agassiz
turned, and said to the gentlemen standing round, 'I confess that I was not
prepared to see this theory received as it has been by the best intellects of
our time. Its success is greater than I could have thought possible.'
§ 7.
In our day grand generalisations have been reached. The theory of the
origin of species is but one of them. Another, of still wider grasp and more
radical significance, is the doctrine of the Conservation of Energy, the
ultimate philosophical issues of which are as yet but dimly seen — that
Darwin the most terrible of antagonists. Accomplished naturalists have
levelled heavy and sustained criticisms against him — not always with the
view of fairly weighing his theory, but with the express intention of
exposing its weak points only. This does not irritate him. He treats every
objection with a soberness and thoroughness which even Bishop Butler
might be proud to imitate, surrounding each fact with its appropriate detail,
placing it in its proper relations, and usually giving it a significance which,
as long as it was kept isolated, failed to appear. This is done without a trace
of ill-temper. He moves over the subject with the passionless strength of a
glacier; and the grinding of the rocks is not always without a counterpart in
the logical pulverisation of the objector. But though in handling this mighty
theme all passion has been stilled, there is an emotion of the intellect,
incident to the discernment of new truth, which often colours and warms the
pages of Mr. Darwin.
His success has been great; and this implies not only the solidity of his
work, but the preparedness of the public mind for such a revelation. On this
head, a remark of Agassiz impressed me more than anything else. Sprung
from a race of theologians, this celebrated man combated to the last the
theory of natural selection. One of the many times I had the pleasure of
meeting him in the United States was at Mr. Winthrop's beautiful residence
at Brookline, near Boston. Rising from luncheon, we all halted as if by
common consent, in front of a window, and continued there a discussion
which had been started at table. The maple was in its autumn glory, and the
exquisite beauty of the scene outside seemed, in my case, to interpenetrate
without disturbance the intellectual action. Earnestly, almost sadly, Agassiz
turned, and said to the gentlemen standing round, 'I confess that I was not
prepared to see this theory received as it has been by the best intellects of
our time. Its success is greater than I could have thought possible.'
§ 7.
In our day grand generalisations have been reached. The theory of the
origin of species is but one of them. Another, of still wider grasp and more
radical significance, is the doctrine of the Conservation of Energy, the
ultimate philosophical issues of which are as yet but dimly seen — that
Page 537
doctrine which 'binds nature fast in fate,' to an extent not hitherto
recognised, exacting from every antecedent its equivalent consequent, from
every consequent its equivalent antecedent, and bringing vital as well as
physical phenomena under the dominion of that law of causal connection
which, so far as the human understanding has yet pierced, asserts itself
everywhere in nature. Long in advance of all definite experiment upon the
subject, the constancy and indestructibility of matter had been affirmed; and
all subsequent experience justified the affirmation. Mayer extended the
attribute of indestructibility to energy, applying it in the first instance to
inorganic, [Footnote: Dr. Berthold has shown that Leibnitz had sound views
regarding the conservation of energy in inorganic nature.] and afterwards
with profound insight to organic nature. The vegetable world, though
drawing all its nutriment from invisible sources, was proved incompetent to
generate anew either matter or force. Its matter is for the most part
transmuted gas; its force transformed solar force. The animal world was
proved to be equally uncreative, all its motive energies being referred to the
combustion of its food. The activity of each animal, as a whole, was proved
to be the transferred activity of its molecules. The muscles were shown to
be stores of mechanical energy, potential until unlocked by the nerves, and
then resulting in muscular contractions. The speed at which messages fly to
and fro along the nerves was determined by Helmholtz, and found to be,
not, as had been previously supposed, equal to that of light or electricity,
but less than the speed of sound — less even than that of an eagle.
This was the work of the physicist: then came the conquests of the
comparative anatomist and physiologist, revealing the structure of every
animal, and the function of every organ in the whole biological series, from
the lowest zoophyte up to man. The nervous system had been made the
object of profound and continued study, the wonderful and, at bottom,
entirely mysterious controlling power which it exercises over the whole
organism, physical and mental, being recognised more and more. Thought
could not be kept back from a subject so profoundly suggestive. Besides the
physical life dealt with by Mr. Darwin, there is a psychical life presenting
similar gradations, and asking equally for a solution. How are the different
grades and orders of Mind to be accounted for? What is the principle of
growth of that mysterious power which on our planet culminates in Reason?
These are questions which, though not thrusting themselves so forcibly
recognised, exacting from every antecedent its equivalent consequent, from
every consequent its equivalent antecedent, and bringing vital as well as
physical phenomena under the dominion of that law of causal connection
which, so far as the human understanding has yet pierced, asserts itself
everywhere in nature. Long in advance of all definite experiment upon the
subject, the constancy and indestructibility of matter had been affirmed; and
all subsequent experience justified the affirmation. Mayer extended the
attribute of indestructibility to energy, applying it in the first instance to
inorganic, [Footnote: Dr. Berthold has shown that Leibnitz had sound views
regarding the conservation of energy in inorganic nature.] and afterwards
with profound insight to organic nature. The vegetable world, though
drawing all its nutriment from invisible sources, was proved incompetent to
generate anew either matter or force. Its matter is for the most part
transmuted gas; its force transformed solar force. The animal world was
proved to be equally uncreative, all its motive energies being referred to the
combustion of its food. The activity of each animal, as a whole, was proved
to be the transferred activity of its molecules. The muscles were shown to
be stores of mechanical energy, potential until unlocked by the nerves, and
then resulting in muscular contractions. The speed at which messages fly to
and fro along the nerves was determined by Helmholtz, and found to be,
not, as had been previously supposed, equal to that of light or electricity,
but less than the speed of sound — less even than that of an eagle.
This was the work of the physicist: then came the conquests of the
comparative anatomist and physiologist, revealing the structure of every
animal, and the function of every organ in the whole biological series, from
the lowest zoophyte up to man. The nervous system had been made the
object of profound and continued study, the wonderful and, at bottom,
entirely mysterious controlling power which it exercises over the whole
organism, physical and mental, being recognised more and more. Thought
could not be kept back from a subject so profoundly suggestive. Besides the
physical life dealt with by Mr. Darwin, there is a psychical life presenting
similar gradations, and asking equally for a solution. How are the different
grades and orders of Mind to be accounted for? What is the principle of
growth of that mysterious power which on our planet culminates in Reason?
These are questions which, though not thrusting themselves so forcibly
Page 538
upon the attention of the general public, had not only occupied many
reflecting minds, but had been formally broached by one of them before the
'Origin of Species' appeared.
With the mass of materials furnished by the physicist and physiologist in his
hands, Mr. Herbert Spencer, twenty years ago, sought to graft upon this
basis a system of psychology; and two years ago a second and greatly
amplified edition of his work appeared. Those who have occupied
themselves with the beautiful experiments of Plateau will remember that
when two spherules of olive-oil suspended in a mixture of alcohol and
water of the same density as the oil, are brought together, they do not
immediately unite. Something like a pellicle appears to be formed around
the drops, the rupture of which is immediately followed by the coalescence
of the globules into one. There are organisms whose vital actions are almost
as purely physical as the coalescence of such drops of oil. They come into
contact and fuse themselves thus together. From such organisms to others a
shade higher, from these to others a shade higher still, and on through an
ever-ascending series, Mr. Spencer conducts his argument. There are two
obvious factors to be here taken into account — the creature and the
medium in which it lives, or, as it is often expressed, the organism and its
environment. Mr. Spencer's fundamental principle is, that between these
two factors there is incessant interaction. The organism is played upon by
the environment, and is modified to meet the requirements of the
environment. Life he defines to be 'a continuous adjustment of internal
relations to external relations.
In the lowest organisms we have a kind of tactual sense diffused over the
entire body; then, through impressions from without and their
corresponding adjustments, special portions of the surface become more
responsive to stimuli than others. The senses are nascent, the basis of all of
them being that simple tactual sense which the sage Democritus recognised
2,300 years ago as their common progenitor. The action of light, in the first
instance, appears to be a mere disturbance of the chemical processes in the
animal organism, similar to that which occurs in the leaves of plants. By
degrees the action becomes localised in a few pigment-cells, more sensitive
to light than the surrounding tissue. The eye is incipient. At first it is merely
capable of revealing differences of light and shade produced by bodies
reflecting minds, but had been formally broached by one of them before the
'Origin of Species' appeared.
With the mass of materials furnished by the physicist and physiologist in his
hands, Mr. Herbert Spencer, twenty years ago, sought to graft upon this
basis a system of psychology; and two years ago a second and greatly
amplified edition of his work appeared. Those who have occupied
themselves with the beautiful experiments of Plateau will remember that
when two spherules of olive-oil suspended in a mixture of alcohol and
water of the same density as the oil, are brought together, they do not
immediately unite. Something like a pellicle appears to be formed around
the drops, the rupture of which is immediately followed by the coalescence
of the globules into one. There are organisms whose vital actions are almost
as purely physical as the coalescence of such drops of oil. They come into
contact and fuse themselves thus together. From such organisms to others a
shade higher, from these to others a shade higher still, and on through an
ever-ascending series, Mr. Spencer conducts his argument. There are two
obvious factors to be here taken into account — the creature and the
medium in which it lives, or, as it is often expressed, the organism and its
environment. Mr. Spencer's fundamental principle is, that between these
two factors there is incessant interaction. The organism is played upon by
the environment, and is modified to meet the requirements of the
environment. Life he defines to be 'a continuous adjustment of internal
relations to external relations.
In the lowest organisms we have a kind of tactual sense diffused over the
entire body; then, through impressions from without and their
corresponding adjustments, special portions of the surface become more
responsive to stimuli than others. The senses are nascent, the basis of all of
them being that simple tactual sense which the sage Democritus recognised
2,300 years ago as their common progenitor. The action of light, in the first
instance, appears to be a mere disturbance of the chemical processes in the
animal organism, similar to that which occurs in the leaves of plants. By
degrees the action becomes localised in a few pigment-cells, more sensitive
to light than the surrounding tissue. The eye is incipient. At first it is merely
capable of revealing differences of light and shade produced by bodies
Page 539
close at hand. Followed, as the interception of the light commonly is, by the
contact of the closely adjacent opaque body, sight in this condition becomes
a kind of 'anticipatory touch.' The adjustment continues; a slight bulging out
of the epidermis over the pigment-granules supervenes. A lens is incipient,
and, through the operation of infinite adjustments, at length reaches the
perfection that it displays in the hawk and eagle. So of the other senses;
they are special differentiations of a tissue which was originally vaguely
sensitive all over.
With the development of the senses, the adjustments between the organism
and its environment gradually extend in space, a multiplication of
experiences and a corresponding modification of conduct being the result.
The adjustments also extend in time, covering continually greater intervals.
Along with this extension in space and time the adjustments also increase in
speciality and complexity, passing through the various grades of brute life,
and prolonging themselves into the domain of reason. Very striking are Mr.
Spencer's remarks regarding the influence of the sense of touch upon the
development of intelligence. This is, so to say, the mother-tongue of all the
senses, into which they must be translated to be of service to the organism.
Hence its importance. The parrot is the most intelligent of birds, and its
tactual power is also greatest. From this sense it gets knowledge,
unattainable by birds which cannot employ their feet as hands. The elephant
is the most sagacious of quadrupeds — its tactual range and skill, and the
consequent multiplication of experiences, which it owes to its wonderfully
adaptable trunk, being the basis of its sagacity. Feline animals, for a similar
cause, are more sagacious than hoofed animals, — atonement being to some
extent made in the case of the horse, by the possession of sensitive
prehensile lips. In the Primates the evolution of intellect and the evolution
of tactual appendages go hand in hand. In the most intelligent anthropoid
apes we find the tactual range and delicacy greatly augmented, new avenues
of knowledge being thus opened to the animal. Alan crowns the edifice
here, not only in virtue of his own manipulatory power, but through the
enormous extension of his range of experience, by the invention of
instruments of precision, which serve as supplemental senses and
supplemental limbs. The reciprocal action of these is finely described and
illustrated That chastened intellectual emotion to which I have referred in
contact of the closely adjacent opaque body, sight in this condition becomes
a kind of 'anticipatory touch.' The adjustment continues; a slight bulging out
of the epidermis over the pigment-granules supervenes. A lens is incipient,
and, through the operation of infinite adjustments, at length reaches the
perfection that it displays in the hawk and eagle. So of the other senses;
they are special differentiations of a tissue which was originally vaguely
sensitive all over.
With the development of the senses, the adjustments between the organism
and its environment gradually extend in space, a multiplication of
experiences and a corresponding modification of conduct being the result.
The adjustments also extend in time, covering continually greater intervals.
Along with this extension in space and time the adjustments also increase in
speciality and complexity, passing through the various grades of brute life,
and prolonging themselves into the domain of reason. Very striking are Mr.
Spencer's remarks regarding the influence of the sense of touch upon the
development of intelligence. This is, so to say, the mother-tongue of all the
senses, into which they must be translated to be of service to the organism.
Hence its importance. The parrot is the most intelligent of birds, and its
tactual power is also greatest. From this sense it gets knowledge,
unattainable by birds which cannot employ their feet as hands. The elephant
is the most sagacious of quadrupeds — its tactual range and skill, and the
consequent multiplication of experiences, which it owes to its wonderfully
adaptable trunk, being the basis of its sagacity. Feline animals, for a similar
cause, are more sagacious than hoofed animals, — atonement being to some
extent made in the case of the horse, by the possession of sensitive
prehensile lips. In the Primates the evolution of intellect and the evolution
of tactual appendages go hand in hand. In the most intelligent anthropoid
apes we find the tactual range and delicacy greatly augmented, new avenues
of knowledge being thus opened to the animal. Alan crowns the edifice
here, not only in virtue of his own manipulatory power, but through the
enormous extension of his range of experience, by the invention of
instruments of precision, which serve as supplemental senses and
supplemental limbs. The reciprocal action of these is finely described and
illustrated That chastened intellectual emotion to which I have referred in
Page 540
connection with Mr. Darwin, is not absent in Mr. Spencer. His illustrations
possess at times exceeding vividness and force; and from his style on such
occasions it is to be inferred, that the ganglia of this Apostle of the
Understanding are sometimes the seat of a nascent poetic thrill.
It is a fact of supreme importance that actions, the performance of which at
first requires even painful effort and deliberation, may, by habit, be
rendered automatic. Witness the slow learning of its letters by a child, and
the subsequent facility of reading in a man, when each group of letters
which forms a word is instantly, and without effort, fused to a single
perception. Instance the billiard-player, whose muscles of hand and eye,
when he reaches the perfection of his art, are unconsciously co-ordinated.
Instance the musician, who, by practice, is enabled to fuse a multitude of
arrangements, auditory, tactual, and muscular, into a process of automatic
manipulation. Combining such facts with the doctrine of hereditary
transmission, we reach a theory of Instinct. A chick, after coming out of the
egg, balances itself correctly, runs about, picks up food, thus snowing that it
possesses a power of directing its movements to definite ends. How did the
chick learn this very complex co-ordination of eyes, muscles, and beak? It
has not been individually taught; its personal experience is nit; but it has the
benefit of ancestral experience. In its inherited organisation are registered
the powers which it displays at birth. So also as regards the instinct of the
hive-bee, already referred to. The distance at which the insects stand apart
when they sweep their hemispheres and build their cells is 'organically
remembered.' Man also carries with him the physical texture of his ancestry,
as well as the inherited intellect bound up with it. The defects of
intelligence during infancy and youth are probably less due to a lack of
individual experience, than to the fact that in early life the cerebral
organisation is still incomplete. The period necessary for completion varies
with the race, and with the individual. As a round shot outstrips the rifled
bolt on quitting the muzzle of the gun, so the lower race, in childhood, may
outstrip the higher. But the higher eventually overtakes the lower, and
surpasses it in range. As regards individuals, we do not always find the
precocity of youth prolonged to mental power in maturity; while the dulness
of boyhood is sometimes strikingly contrasted with the intellectual energy
of after years. Newton, when a boy, was weakly, and he showed no
particular aptitude at school; but in his eighteenth year he went to
possess at times exceeding vividness and force; and from his style on such
occasions it is to be inferred, that the ganglia of this Apostle of the
Understanding are sometimes the seat of a nascent poetic thrill.
It is a fact of supreme importance that actions, the performance of which at
first requires even painful effort and deliberation, may, by habit, be
rendered automatic. Witness the slow learning of its letters by a child, and
the subsequent facility of reading in a man, when each group of letters
which forms a word is instantly, and without effort, fused to a single
perception. Instance the billiard-player, whose muscles of hand and eye,
when he reaches the perfection of his art, are unconsciously co-ordinated.
Instance the musician, who, by practice, is enabled to fuse a multitude of
arrangements, auditory, tactual, and muscular, into a process of automatic
manipulation. Combining such facts with the doctrine of hereditary
transmission, we reach a theory of Instinct. A chick, after coming out of the
egg, balances itself correctly, runs about, picks up food, thus snowing that it
possesses a power of directing its movements to definite ends. How did the
chick learn this very complex co-ordination of eyes, muscles, and beak? It
has not been individually taught; its personal experience is nit; but it has the
benefit of ancestral experience. In its inherited organisation are registered
the powers which it displays at birth. So also as regards the instinct of the
hive-bee, already referred to. The distance at which the insects stand apart
when they sweep their hemispheres and build their cells is 'organically
remembered.' Man also carries with him the physical texture of his ancestry,
as well as the inherited intellect bound up with it. The defects of
intelligence during infancy and youth are probably less due to a lack of
individual experience, than to the fact that in early life the cerebral
organisation is still incomplete. The period necessary for completion varies
with the race, and with the individual. As a round shot outstrips the rifled
bolt on quitting the muzzle of the gun, so the lower race, in childhood, may
outstrip the higher. But the higher eventually overtakes the lower, and
surpasses it in range. As regards individuals, we do not always find the
precocity of youth prolonged to mental power in maturity; while the dulness
of boyhood is sometimes strikingly contrasted with the intellectual energy
of after years. Newton, when a boy, was weakly, and he showed no
particular aptitude at school; but in his eighteenth year he went to
Page 541
Cambridge, and soon afterwards astonished his teachers by his power of
dealing with geometrical problems. During his quiet youth his brain was
slowly preparing itself to be the organ of those energies which he
subsequently displayed.
By myriad blows (to use a Lucretian phrase) the image and superscription
of the external world are stamped as states of consciousness upon the
organism, the depth of the impression depending on the number of the
blows. When two or more phenomena occur in the environment invariably
together, they are stamped to the same depth or to the same relief, and
indissolubly connected. And here we come to the threshold of a great
question. Seeing that he could in no way rid himself of the consciousness of
Space and Time, Kant assumed them to be necessary 'forms of intuition,' the
moulds and shapes into which our intuitions are thrown, belonging to
ourselves, and without objective existence. With unexpected power and
success, Mr. Spencer brings the hereditary experience theory, as he holds it,
to bear upon this question. 'If there exist certain external relations which are
experienced by all organisms at all instants of their waking lives —
relations which are absolutely constant and universal — there will be
established answering internal relations, that are absolutely constant and
universal. Such relations we have in those of Space and Time. As the
substratum of all other relations of the Non-Ego, they must be responded to
by conceptions that are the substrata of all other relations in the Ego. Being
the constant and infinitely repeated elements of thought, they must become
the automatic elements of thought — the elements of thought which it is
impossible to get rid of — the "forms of intuition."'
Throughout this application and extension of Hartley's and Mill's 'Law of
Inseparable Association,' Mr. Spencer stands upon his own ground,
invoking, instead of the experiences of the individual, the registered
experiences of the race. His overthrow of the restriction of experience to the
individual is, I think, complete. That restriction ignores the power of
organising experience, furnished at the outset to each individual; it ignores
the different degrees of this power possessed by different races, and by
different individuals of the same race. Were there not in the human brain a
potency antecedent to all experience, a dog or a cat ought to be as capable
of education as man. These predetermined internal relations are independent
dealing with geometrical problems. During his quiet youth his brain was
slowly preparing itself to be the organ of those energies which he
subsequently displayed.
By myriad blows (to use a Lucretian phrase) the image and superscription
of the external world are stamped as states of consciousness upon the
organism, the depth of the impression depending on the number of the
blows. When two or more phenomena occur in the environment invariably
together, they are stamped to the same depth or to the same relief, and
indissolubly connected. And here we come to the threshold of a great
question. Seeing that he could in no way rid himself of the consciousness of
Space and Time, Kant assumed them to be necessary 'forms of intuition,' the
moulds and shapes into which our intuitions are thrown, belonging to
ourselves, and without objective existence. With unexpected power and
success, Mr. Spencer brings the hereditary experience theory, as he holds it,
to bear upon this question. 'If there exist certain external relations which are
experienced by all organisms at all instants of their waking lives —
relations which are absolutely constant and universal — there will be
established answering internal relations, that are absolutely constant and
universal. Such relations we have in those of Space and Time. As the
substratum of all other relations of the Non-Ego, they must be responded to
by conceptions that are the substrata of all other relations in the Ego. Being
the constant and infinitely repeated elements of thought, they must become
the automatic elements of thought — the elements of thought which it is
impossible to get rid of — the "forms of intuition."'
Throughout this application and extension of Hartley's and Mill's 'Law of
Inseparable Association,' Mr. Spencer stands upon his own ground,
invoking, instead of the experiences of the individual, the registered
experiences of the race. His overthrow of the restriction of experience to the
individual is, I think, complete. That restriction ignores the power of
organising experience, furnished at the outset to each individual; it ignores
the different degrees of this power possessed by different races, and by
different individuals of the same race. Were there not in the human brain a
potency antecedent to all experience, a dog or a cat ought to be as capable
of education as man. These predetermined internal relations are independent
Page 542
of the experiences of the individual. The human brain is the 'organised
register of infinitely numerous experiences received during the evolution of
life, or rather during the evolution of that series of organisms through which
the human organism has been reached. The effects of the most uniform and
frequent of these experiences have been successively bequeathed, principal
and interest, and have slowly mounted to that high intelligence which lies
latent in the brain of the infant. Thus it happens that the European inherits
from twenty to thirty cubic inches more of brain than the Papuan. Thus it
happens that faculties, as of music, which scarcely exist in some inferior
races, become congenital in superior ones. Thus it happens that out of
savages unable to count up to the number of their fingers, and speaking a
language containing only nouns and verbs, arise at length our Newtons and
Shakspeares.'
§ 8.
At the outset of this Address it was stated that physical theories which lie
beyond experience are derived by a process of abstraction from experience.
It is instructive to note from this point of view the successive introduction
of new conceptions. The idea of the attraction of gravitation was preceded
by the observation of the attraction of iron by a magnet, and of light bodies
by rubbed amber. The polarity of magnetism and electricity also appealed to
the senses. It thus became the substratum of the conception that atoms and
molecules are endowed with attractive and repellent poles, by the play of
which definite forms of crystalline architecture are produced. Thus
molecular force becomes structural. [Footnote: See Art. on Matter and
Force, or 'Lectures on Light,' No. III.] It required no great boldness of
thought to extend its play into organic nature, and to recognise in molecular
force the agency by which both plants and animals are built up. In this way,
out of experience arise conceptions which are wholly ultra-experiential.
None of the atomists of antiquity had any notion of this play of molecular
polar force, but they had experience of gravity, as manifested by falling
bodies. Abstracting from this, they permitted their atoms to fall eternally
through empty space. Democritus assumed that the larger atoms moved
more rapidly than the smaller ones, which they therefore could overtake,
and with which they could combine. Epicurus, holding that empty space
could offer no resistance to motion, ascribed to all the atoms the same
register of infinitely numerous experiences received during the evolution of
life, or rather during the evolution of that series of organisms through which
the human organism has been reached. The effects of the most uniform and
frequent of these experiences have been successively bequeathed, principal
and interest, and have slowly mounted to that high intelligence which lies
latent in the brain of the infant. Thus it happens that the European inherits
from twenty to thirty cubic inches more of brain than the Papuan. Thus it
happens that faculties, as of music, which scarcely exist in some inferior
races, become congenital in superior ones. Thus it happens that out of
savages unable to count up to the number of their fingers, and speaking a
language containing only nouns and verbs, arise at length our Newtons and
Shakspeares.'
§ 8.
At the outset of this Address it was stated that physical theories which lie
beyond experience are derived by a process of abstraction from experience.
It is instructive to note from this point of view the successive introduction
of new conceptions. The idea of the attraction of gravitation was preceded
by the observation of the attraction of iron by a magnet, and of light bodies
by rubbed amber. The polarity of magnetism and electricity also appealed to
the senses. It thus became the substratum of the conception that atoms and
molecules are endowed with attractive and repellent poles, by the play of
which definite forms of crystalline architecture are produced. Thus
molecular force becomes structural. [Footnote: See Art. on Matter and
Force, or 'Lectures on Light,' No. III.] It required no great boldness of
thought to extend its play into organic nature, and to recognise in molecular
force the agency by which both plants and animals are built up. In this way,
out of experience arise conceptions which are wholly ultra-experiential.
None of the atomists of antiquity had any notion of this play of molecular
polar force, but they had experience of gravity, as manifested by falling
bodies. Abstracting from this, they permitted their atoms to fall eternally
through empty space. Democritus assumed that the larger atoms moved
more rapidly than the smaller ones, which they therefore could overtake,
and with which they could combine. Epicurus, holding that empty space
could offer no resistance to motion, ascribed to all the atoms the same
Page 543
velocity; but he seems to have overlooked the consequence that under such
circumstances the atoms could never combine. Lucretius cut the knot by
quitting the domain of physics altogether, and causing the atoms to move
together by a kind of volition.
Was the instinct utterly at fault which caused Lucretius thus to swerve from
his own principles? Diminishing gradually the number of progenitors, Mr.
Darwin comes at length to one 'primordial form;' but he does not say, so far
as I remember, how he supposes this form to have been introduced. He
quotes with satisfaction the words of a celebrated author and divine who
had I gradually learnt to see that it was just as noble a conception of the
Deity to believe He created a few original forms, capable of self-
development into other and needful forms, as to believe He required a fresh
act of creation to supply the voids caused by the action of His laws.' What
Mr. Darwin thinks of this view of the introduction of life, I do not know.
But the anthropomorphism, which it seemed his object to set aside, is as
firmly associated with the creation of a few forms as with the creation of a
multitude. We need clearness and thoroughness here. Two courses and two
only are possible. Either let us open our doors freely to the conception of
creative acts, or abandoning them, let us radically change our notions of
Matter. If we look at matter as pictured by Democritus, and as defined for
generations in our scientific text-books, the notion of conscious life coming
out of it cannot be formed by the mind. The argument placed in the mouth
of Bishop Butler suffices, in my opinion, to crush all such materialism as
this. Those, however, who framed these definitions of matter were but
partial students. They were not biologists, but mathematicians, whose
labours referred only to such accidents and properties of matter as could be
expressed in their formulae. Their science was mechanical science, not the
science of life. With matter in its wholeness they never dealt; and, denuded
by their imperfect definitions, 'the gentle mother of all' became the object of
her children's dread. Let us reverently, but honestly, look the question in the
face. Divorced from matter, where is life? Whatever our faith may say, our
knowledge shows them to be indissolubly joined. Every meal we eat, and
every cup we drink, illustrates the mysterious control of Mind by Matter.
On tracing the line of life backwards, we see it approaching more and more
to what we call the purely physical condition. We come at length to those
circumstances the atoms could never combine. Lucretius cut the knot by
quitting the domain of physics altogether, and causing the atoms to move
together by a kind of volition.
Was the instinct utterly at fault which caused Lucretius thus to swerve from
his own principles? Diminishing gradually the number of progenitors, Mr.
Darwin comes at length to one 'primordial form;' but he does not say, so far
as I remember, how he supposes this form to have been introduced. He
quotes with satisfaction the words of a celebrated author and divine who
had I gradually learnt to see that it was just as noble a conception of the
Deity to believe He created a few original forms, capable of self-
development into other and needful forms, as to believe He required a fresh
act of creation to supply the voids caused by the action of His laws.' What
Mr. Darwin thinks of this view of the introduction of life, I do not know.
But the anthropomorphism, which it seemed his object to set aside, is as
firmly associated with the creation of a few forms as with the creation of a
multitude. We need clearness and thoroughness here. Two courses and two
only are possible. Either let us open our doors freely to the conception of
creative acts, or abandoning them, let us radically change our notions of
Matter. If we look at matter as pictured by Democritus, and as defined for
generations in our scientific text-books, the notion of conscious life coming
out of it cannot be formed by the mind. The argument placed in the mouth
of Bishop Butler suffices, in my opinion, to crush all such materialism as
this. Those, however, who framed these definitions of matter were but
partial students. They were not biologists, but mathematicians, whose
labours referred only to such accidents and properties of matter as could be
expressed in their formulae. Their science was mechanical science, not the
science of life. With matter in its wholeness they never dealt; and, denuded
by their imperfect definitions, 'the gentle mother of all' became the object of
her children's dread. Let us reverently, but honestly, look the question in the
face. Divorced from matter, where is life? Whatever our faith may say, our
knowledge shows them to be indissolubly joined. Every meal we eat, and
every cup we drink, illustrates the mysterious control of Mind by Matter.
On tracing the line of life backwards, we see it approaching more and more
to what we call the purely physical condition. We come at length to those
Page 544
organisms which I have compared to drops of oil suspended in a mixture of
alcohol and water. We reach the protogenes of Haeckel, in which we have 'a
type distinguishable from a fragment of albumen only by its finely granular
character.' Can we pause here? We break a magnet, and find two poles in
each of its fragments. We continue the process of breaking; but, however
small the parts, each carries with it, though enfeebled, the polarity of the
whole. And when we can break no longer, we prolong the intellectual vision
to the polar molecules. Are we not urged to do something similar in the case
of life? Is there not a temptation to close to some extent with Lucretius,
when he affirms that 'Nature is seen to do all things spontaneously of
herself without the meddling of the gods? or with Bruno, when he declares
that Matter is not 'that mere empty capacity which philosophers have
pictured her to be, but the universal mother who brings forth all things as
the fruit of her own womb?' Believing, as I do, in the continuity of nature, I
cannot stop abruptly where our microscopes cease to be of use. Here the
vision of the mind authoritatively supplements the vision of the eye. By a
necessity engendered and justified by science I cross the boundary of the
experimental evidence, [Footnote: This mode of procedure was not invented
in Belfast.] and discern in that Matter which we, in our ignorance of its
latent powers, and notwithstanding our professed reverence for its Creator,
have hitherto covered with opprobrium, the promise and potency of all
terrestrial Life.
If you ask me whether there exists the least evidence to prove that any form
of life can be developed out of matter, without demonstrable antecedent life,
my reply is that evidence considered perfectly conclusive by many has been
adduced; and that were some of us who have pondered this question to
follow a very common example, and accept testimony because it falls in
with our belief, we also should eagerly close with the evidence referred to.
But there is in the true man of science a desire stronger than the wish to
have his beliefs upheld; namely, the desire to have them true. And this
stronger wish causes him to reject the most plausible support, if he has
reason to suspect that it is vitiated by error. Those to whom I refer as having
studied this question, believing the evidence offered in favour of
'spontaneous generation' to be thus vitiated, cannot accept it. They know
full well that the chemist now prepares from inorganic matter a vast array of
substances, which were some time ago regarded as the sole products of
alcohol and water. We reach the protogenes of Haeckel, in which we have 'a
type distinguishable from a fragment of albumen only by its finely granular
character.' Can we pause here? We break a magnet, and find two poles in
each of its fragments. We continue the process of breaking; but, however
small the parts, each carries with it, though enfeebled, the polarity of the
whole. And when we can break no longer, we prolong the intellectual vision
to the polar molecules. Are we not urged to do something similar in the case
of life? Is there not a temptation to close to some extent with Lucretius,
when he affirms that 'Nature is seen to do all things spontaneously of
herself without the meddling of the gods? or with Bruno, when he declares
that Matter is not 'that mere empty capacity which philosophers have
pictured her to be, but the universal mother who brings forth all things as
the fruit of her own womb?' Believing, as I do, in the continuity of nature, I
cannot stop abruptly where our microscopes cease to be of use. Here the
vision of the mind authoritatively supplements the vision of the eye. By a
necessity engendered and justified by science I cross the boundary of the
experimental evidence, [Footnote: This mode of procedure was not invented
in Belfast.] and discern in that Matter which we, in our ignorance of its
latent powers, and notwithstanding our professed reverence for its Creator,
have hitherto covered with opprobrium, the promise and potency of all
terrestrial Life.
If you ask me whether there exists the least evidence to prove that any form
of life can be developed out of matter, without demonstrable antecedent life,
my reply is that evidence considered perfectly conclusive by many has been
adduced; and that were some of us who have pondered this question to
follow a very common example, and accept testimony because it falls in
with our belief, we also should eagerly close with the evidence referred to.
But there is in the true man of science a desire stronger than the wish to
have his beliefs upheld; namely, the desire to have them true. And this
stronger wish causes him to reject the most plausible support, if he has
reason to suspect that it is vitiated by error. Those to whom I refer as having
studied this question, believing the evidence offered in favour of
'spontaneous generation' to be thus vitiated, cannot accept it. They know
full well that the chemist now prepares from inorganic matter a vast array of
substances, which were some time ago regarded as the sole products of
Page 545
vitality. They are intimately acquainted with the structural power of matter,
as evidenced in the phenomena of crystallisation. They can justify
scientifically their belief in its potency, under the proper conditions, to
produce organisms. But, in reply to your question, they will frankly admit
their inability to point to any satisfactory experimental proof that life can be
developed, save from demonstrable antecedent life. As already indicated,
they draw the line from the highest organisms through lower ones down to
the lowest; and it is the prolongation of this line by the intellect, beyond the
range of the senses, that leads them to the conclusion which Bruno so
boldly enunciated. [Footnote: Bruno was a Pantheist,' not an 'Atheist' or a
'Materialist.']
The 'materialism' here professed may be vastly different from what you
suppose, and I therefore crave your gracious patience to the end. 'The
question of an external world,' says J. S. Mill, 'is the great battleground of
metaphysics.' [Footnote: 'Examination of Hamilton,' p. 154.] Mr. Mill
himself reduces external phenomena to 'possibilities of sensation.' Kant, as
we have seen, made time and space 'forms' of our own intuitions. Fichte,
having first by the inexorable logic of his understanding proved himself to
be a mere link in that chain of eternal causation which holds so rigidly in
nature, violently broke the chain by making nature, and all that it inherits,
an apparition of the mind. [Footnote: 'Bestimmung des Menschen.'] And it
is by no means easy to combat such notions. For when I say 'I see you,' and
that there is not the least doubt about it, the obvious reply is, that what I am
really conscious of is an affection of my own retina. And if I urge that my
sight can be checked by touching you, the retort would be that I am equally
transgressing the limits of fact; for what I am really conscious of is, not that
you are there, but that the nerves of my hand have undergone a change.
All we hear, and see, and touch, and taste, and smell, are, it would be urged,
mere variations of our own condition, beyond which, even to the extent of a
hair's breadth, we cannot go. That anything answering to our impressions
exists outside of ourselves is not a fact, but an inference, to which all
validity would be denied by an idealist like Berkeley, or by a sceptic like
Hume. Mr. Spencer takes another line. With him, as with the uneducated
man, there is no doubt or question as to the existence of an external world.
But he differs from the uneducated, who think that the world really is what
as evidenced in the phenomena of crystallisation. They can justify
scientifically their belief in its potency, under the proper conditions, to
produce organisms. But, in reply to your question, they will frankly admit
their inability to point to any satisfactory experimental proof that life can be
developed, save from demonstrable antecedent life. As already indicated,
they draw the line from the highest organisms through lower ones down to
the lowest; and it is the prolongation of this line by the intellect, beyond the
range of the senses, that leads them to the conclusion which Bruno so
boldly enunciated. [Footnote: Bruno was a Pantheist,' not an 'Atheist' or a
'Materialist.']
The 'materialism' here professed may be vastly different from what you
suppose, and I therefore crave your gracious patience to the end. 'The
question of an external world,' says J. S. Mill, 'is the great battleground of
metaphysics.' [Footnote: 'Examination of Hamilton,' p. 154.] Mr. Mill
himself reduces external phenomena to 'possibilities of sensation.' Kant, as
we have seen, made time and space 'forms' of our own intuitions. Fichte,
having first by the inexorable logic of his understanding proved himself to
be a mere link in that chain of eternal causation which holds so rigidly in
nature, violently broke the chain by making nature, and all that it inherits,
an apparition of the mind. [Footnote: 'Bestimmung des Menschen.'] And it
is by no means easy to combat such notions. For when I say 'I see you,' and
that there is not the least doubt about it, the obvious reply is, that what I am
really conscious of is an affection of my own retina. And if I urge that my
sight can be checked by touching you, the retort would be that I am equally
transgressing the limits of fact; for what I am really conscious of is, not that
you are there, but that the nerves of my hand have undergone a change.
All we hear, and see, and touch, and taste, and smell, are, it would be urged,
mere variations of our own condition, beyond which, even to the extent of a
hair's breadth, we cannot go. That anything answering to our impressions
exists outside of ourselves is not a fact, but an inference, to which all
validity would be denied by an idealist like Berkeley, or by a sceptic like
Hume. Mr. Spencer takes another line. With him, as with the uneducated
man, there is no doubt or question as to the existence of an external world.
But he differs from the uneducated, who think that the world really is what
Page 546
consciousness represents it to be. Our states of consciousness are mere
symbols of an outside entity which produces them and determines the order
of their succession, but the real nature of which we can never know.
[Footnote: In a paper, at once popular and profound, entitled 'Recent
Progress in the Theory of Vision,' contained in the volume of lectures by
Helmholtz, published by Longmans, this symbolism of our states of
consciousness is also dwelt upon. The impressions of sense are the mere
signs of external things. In this paper Helmholtz contends strongly against
the view that the consciousness of space is inborn; and he evidently doubts
the power of the chick to pick up grains of corn without preliminary
lessons. On this point, he says, further experiments are needed. Such
experiments have been since made by Mr. Spalding, aided, I believe, in
some of his observations by the accomplished and deeply lamented Lady
Amberly; and they seem to prove conclusively that the chick does not need
a single moment's tuition to enable it to stand, run, govern the muscles of its
eyes, and peck. Helmholtz, however, is contending against the notion of
pre-established harmony; and I am not aware of his views as to the
organisation of experiences of race or breed.] In fact, the whole process of
evolution is the manifestation of a Power absolutely inscrutable to the
intellect of man. As little in our day as in the days of Job can man by
searching find this Power out. Considered fundamentally, then, it is by the
operation of an insoluble mystery that life on earth is evolved, species
differentiated, and mind unfolded, from their prepotent elements in the
immeasurable past.
The strength of the doctrine of Evolution consists, not in an experimental
demonstration (for the subject is hardly accessible to this mode of proof),
but in its general harmony with scientific thought. From contrast, moreover,
it derives enormous relative cogency. On the one side we have a theory (if it
could with any propriety be so called) derived, as were the theories referred
to at the beginning of this Address, not from the study of nature, but from
the observation of men — a theory which converts the Power whose
garment is seen in the visible universe into an Artificer, fashioned after the
human model, and acting by broken efforts as man is seen to act. On the
other side we have the conception that all we see around us, and all we feel
within us — the phenomena; physical nature as well as those of the human
mind — have their unsearchable roots in a cosmical life, if I dare apply the
symbols of an outside entity which produces them and determines the order
of their succession, but the real nature of which we can never know.
[Footnote: In a paper, at once popular and profound, entitled 'Recent
Progress in the Theory of Vision,' contained in the volume of lectures by
Helmholtz, published by Longmans, this symbolism of our states of
consciousness is also dwelt upon. The impressions of sense are the mere
signs of external things. In this paper Helmholtz contends strongly against
the view that the consciousness of space is inborn; and he evidently doubts
the power of the chick to pick up grains of corn without preliminary
lessons. On this point, he says, further experiments are needed. Such
experiments have been since made by Mr. Spalding, aided, I believe, in
some of his observations by the accomplished and deeply lamented Lady
Amberly; and they seem to prove conclusively that the chick does not need
a single moment's tuition to enable it to stand, run, govern the muscles of its
eyes, and peck. Helmholtz, however, is contending against the notion of
pre-established harmony; and I am not aware of his views as to the
organisation of experiences of race or breed.] In fact, the whole process of
evolution is the manifestation of a Power absolutely inscrutable to the
intellect of man. As little in our day as in the days of Job can man by
searching find this Power out. Considered fundamentally, then, it is by the
operation of an insoluble mystery that life on earth is evolved, species
differentiated, and mind unfolded, from their prepotent elements in the
immeasurable past.
The strength of the doctrine of Evolution consists, not in an experimental
demonstration (for the subject is hardly accessible to this mode of proof),
but in its general harmony with scientific thought. From contrast, moreover,
it derives enormous relative cogency. On the one side we have a theory (if it
could with any propriety be so called) derived, as were the theories referred
to at the beginning of this Address, not from the study of nature, but from
the observation of men — a theory which converts the Power whose
garment is seen in the visible universe into an Artificer, fashioned after the
human model, and acting by broken efforts as man is seen to act. On the
other side we have the conception that all we see around us, and all we feel
within us — the phenomena; physical nature as well as those of the human
mind — have their unsearchable roots in a cosmical life, if I dare apply the
Page 547
term, an infinitesimal span of which is offered to the investigation of man.
And even this span is only knowable in part. We can trace the development
of a nervous system, and correlate with it the parallel phenomena of
sensation and thought. We see with undoubting certainty that they go hand
in hand. But we try to soar in a vacuum the moment we seek to comprehend
the connection between them. An Archimedean fulcrum is here required
which the human mind cannot command; and the effort to solve the
problem — to borrow a comparison from an illustrious friend of mine — is
like that of a man trying to lift himself by his own waistband. All that has
been said in this discourse is to be taken in connection with this
fundamental truth.
When' nascent senses' are spoken of, when 'the differentiation of a tissue at
first vaguely sensitive all over' is spoken of, and when these possessions
and processes are associated with 'the modification of an organism by its
environment,' the same parallelism, without contact, or even approach to
contact, is implied. Man the object is separated by an impassable gulf from
man the subject. There is no motor energy in the human intellect to carry it,
without logical rupture, from the one to the other.
§ 9.
The doctrine of Evolution derives man, in his totality, from the interaction
of organism and environment through countless ages past. The Human
Understanding, for example, — that faculty which Mr. Spencer has turned
so skilfully round upon its own antecedents — is itself a result of the play
between organism and environment through cosmic ranges of time. Never,
surely, did prescription plead so irresistible a claim. But then it comes to
pass that, over and above his understanding, there are many other things
appertaining to man, whose prescriptive rights are quite as strong as those
of the understanding itself. It is a result, for example, of the play of
organism and environment that sugar is sweet, and that aloes are bitter; that
the smell of henbane differs' from the perfume of a rose. Such facts of
consciousness (for which, by the way, no adequate reason has ever been
rendered) are quite as old as the understanding; and many other things can
boast an equally ancient origin. Mr. Spencer at one place refers to that most
powerful of passions — the amatory passion — as one which, when it first
And even this span is only knowable in part. We can trace the development
of a nervous system, and correlate with it the parallel phenomena of
sensation and thought. We see with undoubting certainty that they go hand
in hand. But we try to soar in a vacuum the moment we seek to comprehend
the connection between them. An Archimedean fulcrum is here required
which the human mind cannot command; and the effort to solve the
problem — to borrow a comparison from an illustrious friend of mine — is
like that of a man trying to lift himself by his own waistband. All that has
been said in this discourse is to be taken in connection with this
fundamental truth.
When' nascent senses' are spoken of, when 'the differentiation of a tissue at
first vaguely sensitive all over' is spoken of, and when these possessions
and processes are associated with 'the modification of an organism by its
environment,' the same parallelism, without contact, or even approach to
contact, is implied. Man the object is separated by an impassable gulf from
man the subject. There is no motor energy in the human intellect to carry it,
without logical rupture, from the one to the other.
§ 9.
The doctrine of Evolution derives man, in his totality, from the interaction
of organism and environment through countless ages past. The Human
Understanding, for example, — that faculty which Mr. Spencer has turned
so skilfully round upon its own antecedents — is itself a result of the play
between organism and environment through cosmic ranges of time. Never,
surely, did prescription plead so irresistible a claim. But then it comes to
pass that, over and above his understanding, there are many other things
appertaining to man, whose prescriptive rights are quite as strong as those
of the understanding itself. It is a result, for example, of the play of
organism and environment that sugar is sweet, and that aloes are bitter; that
the smell of henbane differs' from the perfume of a rose. Such facts of
consciousness (for which, by the way, no adequate reason has ever been
rendered) are quite as old as the understanding; and many other things can
boast an equally ancient origin. Mr. Spencer at one place refers to that most
powerful of passions — the amatory passion — as one which, when it first
Page 548
occurs, is antecedent to all relative experience whatever; and we may press
its claim as being at least as ancient, and as valid, as that of the
understanding itself. Then there are such things woven into the texture of
man as the feeling of Awe, Reverence, Wonder — and not alone the sexual
love just referred to, but the love of the beautiful, physical, and moral, in
Nature, Poetry, and Art. There is also that deep-set feeling, which, since the
earliest dawn of history, and probably for ages prior to all history,
incorporated itself in the Religious of the world. You, who have escaped
from these religions into the high-and-dry light of the intellect, may deride
them; but in so doing you deride accidents of form merely, and fail to touch
the immovable basis of the religious sentiment in the nature of man. To
yield this sentiment reasonable satisfaction is the problem of problems at
the present hour. And grotesque in relation to scientific culture as many of
the religions of the world have been and are — dangerous, nay, destructive,
to the dearest privileges of freemen as some of them undoubtedly have
been, and would, if they could, be again — it will be wise to recognise them
as the forms of a force, mischievous if permitted to intrude on the region of
objective knowledge, over which it holds no command, but capable of
adding, in the region of poetry and emotion, inward completeness and
dignity to man.
Feeling, I say again, dates from as old an origin and as high a source as
intelligence, and it equally demands its range of play. The wise teacher of
humanity will recognise the necessity of meeting this demand, rather than
of resisting it on account of errors and absurdities of form. What we should
resist, at all hazards, is the attempt made in the past, and now repeated, to
found upon this elemental bias of man's nature a system which should
exercise despotic sway over his intellect. I have no fear of such a
consummation. Science has already to some extent leavened the world; it
will leaven it more and more. I should look upon the mild light of science
breaking in upon the minds of the youth of Ireland, and strengthening
gradually to the perfect day, as a surer check to any intellectual or spiritual
tyranny which may threaten this island, than the laws of princes or the
swords of emperors. We fought and won our battle even in the Middle
Ages: should we doubt the issue of another conflict with our broken foe?
its claim as being at least as ancient, and as valid, as that of the
understanding itself. Then there are such things woven into the texture of
man as the feeling of Awe, Reverence, Wonder — and not alone the sexual
love just referred to, but the love of the beautiful, physical, and moral, in
Nature, Poetry, and Art. There is also that deep-set feeling, which, since the
earliest dawn of history, and probably for ages prior to all history,
incorporated itself in the Religious of the world. You, who have escaped
from these religions into the high-and-dry light of the intellect, may deride
them; but in so doing you deride accidents of form merely, and fail to touch
the immovable basis of the religious sentiment in the nature of man. To
yield this sentiment reasonable satisfaction is the problem of problems at
the present hour. And grotesque in relation to scientific culture as many of
the religions of the world have been and are — dangerous, nay, destructive,
to the dearest privileges of freemen as some of them undoubtedly have
been, and would, if they could, be again — it will be wise to recognise them
as the forms of a force, mischievous if permitted to intrude on the region of
objective knowledge, over which it holds no command, but capable of
adding, in the region of poetry and emotion, inward completeness and
dignity to man.
Feeling, I say again, dates from as old an origin and as high a source as
intelligence, and it equally demands its range of play. The wise teacher of
humanity will recognise the necessity of meeting this demand, rather than
of resisting it on account of errors and absurdities of form. What we should
resist, at all hazards, is the attempt made in the past, and now repeated, to
found upon this elemental bias of man's nature a system which should
exercise despotic sway over his intellect. I have no fear of such a
consummation. Science has already to some extent leavened the world; it
will leaven it more and more. I should look upon the mild light of science
breaking in upon the minds of the youth of Ireland, and strengthening
gradually to the perfect day, as a surer check to any intellectual or spiritual
tyranny which may threaten this island, than the laws of princes or the
swords of emperors. We fought and won our battle even in the Middle
Ages: should we doubt the issue of another conflict with our broken foe?
Page 549
The impregnable position of science may be described in a few words. We
claim, and we shall wrest from theology, the entire domain of cosmological
theory. All schemes and systems which thus infringe upon the domain of
science must, in so far as they do this, submit to its control, and relinquish
all thought of controlling it. Acting otherwise proved always disastrous in
the past, and it is simply fatuous to-day. Every system which would escape
the fate of an organism too rigid to adjust itself to its environment, must be
plastic to the extent that the growth of knowledge demands. When 'this truth
has been thoroughly taken in, rigidity will be relaxed, exclusiveness
diminished, things now deemed essential will be dropped, and elements
now rejected will be assimilated. The lifting of the life is the essential point;
and as long as dogmatism, fanaticism, and intolerance are kept out, various
modes of leverage may be employed to raise life to a higher level.
Science itself not unfrequently derives motive power from an ultra-
scientific source. Some of its greatest discoveries have been made under the
stimulus of a non-scientific ideal. This was the case among the ancients, and
it has been so amongst ourselves. Mayer, Joule, and Colding, whose names
are associated with the greatest of modern generalisations, were thus
influenced. With his usual insight, Lange at one place remarks, that 'it is not
always the objectively correct and intelligible that helps man most, or leads
most quickly to the fullest and truest knowledge. As the sliding body upon
the brachystochrone reaches its end sooner than by the straighter road of the
inclined plane, so, through the swing of the ideal, we often arrive at the
naked truth more rapidly than by the processes of the understanding.'
Whewell speaks of enthusiasm of temper as a hindrance to science; but he
means the enthusiasm of weak heads. There is a strong and resolute
enthusiasm in which science finds an ally; and it is to the lowering of this
fire, rather than to the diminution of intellectual insight, that the lessening
productiveness of men of science, in their mature years, is to be ascribed.
Mr. Buckle sought to detach intellectual achievement from moral force. He
gravely erred; for without moral force to whip it into action, the
achievement of the intellect would be poor indeed.
It has been said by its opponents that science divorces itself from literature;
but the statement, like so many others, arises from lack of knowledge. A
glance at the less technical writings of its leaders — of its Helmholtz, its
claim, and we shall wrest from theology, the entire domain of cosmological
theory. All schemes and systems which thus infringe upon the domain of
science must, in so far as they do this, submit to its control, and relinquish
all thought of controlling it. Acting otherwise proved always disastrous in
the past, and it is simply fatuous to-day. Every system which would escape
the fate of an organism too rigid to adjust itself to its environment, must be
plastic to the extent that the growth of knowledge demands. When 'this truth
has been thoroughly taken in, rigidity will be relaxed, exclusiveness
diminished, things now deemed essential will be dropped, and elements
now rejected will be assimilated. The lifting of the life is the essential point;
and as long as dogmatism, fanaticism, and intolerance are kept out, various
modes of leverage may be employed to raise life to a higher level.
Science itself not unfrequently derives motive power from an ultra-
scientific source. Some of its greatest discoveries have been made under the
stimulus of a non-scientific ideal. This was the case among the ancients, and
it has been so amongst ourselves. Mayer, Joule, and Colding, whose names
are associated with the greatest of modern generalisations, were thus
influenced. With his usual insight, Lange at one place remarks, that 'it is not
always the objectively correct and intelligible that helps man most, or leads
most quickly to the fullest and truest knowledge. As the sliding body upon
the brachystochrone reaches its end sooner than by the straighter road of the
inclined plane, so, through the swing of the ideal, we often arrive at the
naked truth more rapidly than by the processes of the understanding.'
Whewell speaks of enthusiasm of temper as a hindrance to science; but he
means the enthusiasm of weak heads. There is a strong and resolute
enthusiasm in which science finds an ally; and it is to the lowering of this
fire, rather than to the diminution of intellectual insight, that the lessening
productiveness of men of science, in their mature years, is to be ascribed.
Mr. Buckle sought to detach intellectual achievement from moral force. He
gravely erred; for without moral force to whip it into action, the
achievement of the intellect would be poor indeed.
It has been said by its opponents that science divorces itself from literature;
but the statement, like so many others, arises from lack of knowledge. A
glance at the less technical writings of its leaders — of its Helmholtz, its
Page 550
Huxley, and its Du Bois-Reymond — would show what breadth of literary
culture they command. Where among modern writers can you find their
superiors in clearness and vigour of literary style? Science desires not
isolation, but freely combines with every effort towards the bettering of
man's estate. Single-handed, and supported, not by outward sympathy, but
by inward force, it has built at least one great wing of the many-mansioned
home which man in his totality demands. And if rough walls and protruding
rafter-ends indicate that on one side the edifice is still incomplete, it is only
by wise combination of the parts required, with those already irrevocably
built, that we can hope for completeness. There is no necessary incongruity
between what has been accomplished and what remains to be done. The
moral glow of Socrates, which we all feel by ignition, has in it nothing
incompatible with the physics of Anaxagoras which he so much scorned,
but which he would hardly scorn to-day. And here I am reminded of one
among us, hoary, but still strong, whose prophet-voice some thirty years
ago, far more than any other of this age, unlocked whatever of life and
nobleness lay latent in its most gifted minds — one fit to stand beside
Socrates or the Maccabean Eleazar, and to dare and suffer all that they
suffered and dared — fit, as he once said of Fichte, Ito have been the
teacher of the Stoa, and to have discoursed of Beauty and Virtue in the
groves of Academe.' With a capacity to grasp physical principles which his
friend Goethe did not possess, and which even total lack of exercise has not
been able to reduce to atrophy, it is the world's loss that he, in the vigour of
his years, did not open his mind and sympathies to science, and make its
conclusions a portion of his message to mankind. Marvellously endowed as
he was — equally equipped on the side of the Heart and of the
Understanding — he might have done much towards teaching us how to
reconcile the claims of both, and to enable them in coming times to dwell
together, in unity of spirit and in the bond of peace.
-----
And now the end is come. With more time, or greater strength and
knowledge, what has been here said might have been better said, while
worthy matters, here omitted, might have received fit expression. But there
would have been no material deviation from the views set forth. As regards
myself, they are not the growth of a day; and as regards you, I thought you
culture they command. Where among modern writers can you find their
superiors in clearness and vigour of literary style? Science desires not
isolation, but freely combines with every effort towards the bettering of
man's estate. Single-handed, and supported, not by outward sympathy, but
by inward force, it has built at least one great wing of the many-mansioned
home which man in his totality demands. And if rough walls and protruding
rafter-ends indicate that on one side the edifice is still incomplete, it is only
by wise combination of the parts required, with those already irrevocably
built, that we can hope for completeness. There is no necessary incongruity
between what has been accomplished and what remains to be done. The
moral glow of Socrates, which we all feel by ignition, has in it nothing
incompatible with the physics of Anaxagoras which he so much scorned,
but which he would hardly scorn to-day. And here I am reminded of one
among us, hoary, but still strong, whose prophet-voice some thirty years
ago, far more than any other of this age, unlocked whatever of life and
nobleness lay latent in its most gifted minds — one fit to stand beside
Socrates or the Maccabean Eleazar, and to dare and suffer all that they
suffered and dared — fit, as he once said of Fichte, Ito have been the
teacher of the Stoa, and to have discoursed of Beauty and Virtue in the
groves of Academe.' With a capacity to grasp physical principles which his
friend Goethe did not possess, and which even total lack of exercise has not
been able to reduce to atrophy, it is the world's loss that he, in the vigour of
his years, did not open his mind and sympathies to science, and make its
conclusions a portion of his message to mankind. Marvellously endowed as
he was — equally equipped on the side of the Heart and of the
Understanding — he might have done much towards teaching us how to
reconcile the claims of both, and to enable them in coming times to dwell
together, in unity of spirit and in the bond of peace.
-----
And now the end is come. With more time, or greater strength and
knowledge, what has been here said might have been better said, while
worthy matters, here omitted, might have received fit expression. But there
would have been no material deviation from the views set forth. As regards
myself, they are not the growth of a day; and as regards you, I thought you
Page 551
ought to know the environment which, with or without your consent, is
rapidly surrounding you, and in relation to which some adjustment on your
part may be necessary. A hint of Hamlet's, however, teaches us how the
troubles of common life may be ended; and it is perfectly possible for you
and me to purchase intellectual peace at the price of intellectual death. The
world is not without refuges of this description; nor is it wanting in persons
who seek their shelter, and try to persuade others to do the same. The
unstable and the weak have yielded and will yield to this persuasion, and
they to whom repose is sweeter than the truth. But I would exhort you to
refuse the offered shelter, and to scorn the base repose — to accept, if the
choice be forced upon you, commotion before stagnation, the breezy leap of
the torrent before the foetid stillness of the swamp. In the course of this
Address I have touched on debatable questions, and led you over what will
be deemed dangerous ground — and this partly with the view of telling you
that, as regards these questions, science claims unrestricted right of search.
It is not to the point to say that the views of Lucretius and Bruno, of Darwin
and Spencer, may be wrong. Here I should agree with you, deeming it
indeed certain that these views will undergo modification. But the point is,
that, whether right or wrong, we claim the right to discuss them. For
science, however, no exclusive claim is here made; you are not urged to
erect it into an idol. The inexorable advance of man's understanding in the
path of knowledge, and those unquenchable claims of his moral and
emotional nature, which the understanding can never satisfy, are here
equally set forth. The world embraces not only a Newton, but a Shakspeare
— not only a Boyle, but a Raphael — not only a Kant, but a Beethoven —
not only a Darwin, but a Carlyle. Not in each of these, but in all, is human
nature whole. They are not opposed, but supplementary — not mutually
exclusive, but reconcilable. And if, unsatisfied with them all, the human
mind, with the yearning of a pilgrim for his distant home, will still turn to
the Mystery from which it has emerged, seeking so to fashion it as to give
unity to thought and faith; so long as this is done, not only without
intolerance or bigotry of any kind, but with the enlightened recognition that
ultimate fixity of conception is here unattainable, and that each succeeding
age must be held free to fashion the mystery in accordance with its own
needs — then, casting aside all the restrictions of Materialism, I would
affirm this to be a field for the noblest exercise of what, in contrast with the
knowing faculties, may be called the creative faculties of man. Here,
rapidly surrounding you, and in relation to which some adjustment on your
part may be necessary. A hint of Hamlet's, however, teaches us how the
troubles of common life may be ended; and it is perfectly possible for you
and me to purchase intellectual peace at the price of intellectual death. The
world is not without refuges of this description; nor is it wanting in persons
who seek their shelter, and try to persuade others to do the same. The
unstable and the weak have yielded and will yield to this persuasion, and
they to whom repose is sweeter than the truth. But I would exhort you to
refuse the offered shelter, and to scorn the base repose — to accept, if the
choice be forced upon you, commotion before stagnation, the breezy leap of
the torrent before the foetid stillness of the swamp. In the course of this
Address I have touched on debatable questions, and led you over what will
be deemed dangerous ground — and this partly with the view of telling you
that, as regards these questions, science claims unrestricted right of search.
It is not to the point to say that the views of Lucretius and Bruno, of Darwin
and Spencer, may be wrong. Here I should agree with you, deeming it
indeed certain that these views will undergo modification. But the point is,
that, whether right or wrong, we claim the right to discuss them. For
science, however, no exclusive claim is here made; you are not urged to
erect it into an idol. The inexorable advance of man's understanding in the
path of knowledge, and those unquenchable claims of his moral and
emotional nature, which the understanding can never satisfy, are here
equally set forth. The world embraces not only a Newton, but a Shakspeare
— not only a Boyle, but a Raphael — not only a Kant, but a Beethoven —
not only a Darwin, but a Carlyle. Not in each of these, but in all, is human
nature whole. They are not opposed, but supplementary — not mutually
exclusive, but reconcilable. And if, unsatisfied with them all, the human
mind, with the yearning of a pilgrim for his distant home, will still turn to
the Mystery from which it has emerged, seeking so to fashion it as to give
unity to thought and faith; so long as this is done, not only without
intolerance or bigotry of any kind, but with the enlightened recognition that
ultimate fixity of conception is here unattainable, and that each succeeding
age must be held free to fashion the mystery in accordance with its own
needs — then, casting aside all the restrictions of Materialism, I would
affirm this to be a field for the noblest exercise of what, in contrast with the
knowing faculties, may be called the creative faculties of man. Here,
Page 552
however, I touch a theme too great for me to handle, but which will
assuredly be handled by the loftiest minds, when you and I, like streaks of
morning cloud, shall have melted into the infinite azure of the past.
.
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
X. APOLOGY FOR THE BELFAST ADDRESS.
1874.
THE world has been frequently informed of late that I have raised up
against myself a host of enemies; and considering, with few exceptions, the
deliverances of the Press, and more particularly of the religious Press, I am
forced to admit that the statement is only too true. I derive some comfort,
nevertheless, from the reflection of Diogenes, transmitted to us by Plutarch,
that 'he who would be saved must have good friends or violent enemies; and
that he is best off who possesses both.' This 'best' condition, I have reason to
believe, is mine.
Reflecting on the fraction I have read of recent remonstrances, appeals,
menaces, and judgments — covering not only the world that now is, but
that which is to come — I have noticed with mournful interest how trivially
men seem to be influenced by what they call their religion, and how
potently by that 'nature' which it is the alleged province of religion to
eradicate or subdue. From fair and manly argument, from the tenderest and
holiest sympathy on the part of those who desire my eternal good, I pass by
many gradations, through deliberate unfairness, to a spirit of bitterness,
assuredly be handled by the loftiest minds, when you and I, like streaks of
morning cloud, shall have melted into the infinite azure of the past.
.
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
X. APOLOGY FOR THE BELFAST ADDRESS.
1874.
THE world has been frequently informed of late that I have raised up
against myself a host of enemies; and considering, with few exceptions, the
deliverances of the Press, and more particularly of the religious Press, I am
forced to admit that the statement is only too true. I derive some comfort,
nevertheless, from the reflection of Diogenes, transmitted to us by Plutarch,
that 'he who would be saved must have good friends or violent enemies; and
that he is best off who possesses both.' This 'best' condition, I have reason to
believe, is mine.
Reflecting on the fraction I have read of recent remonstrances, appeals,
menaces, and judgments — covering not only the world that now is, but
that which is to come — I have noticed with mournful interest how trivially
men seem to be influenced by what they call their religion, and how
potently by that 'nature' which it is the alleged province of religion to
eradicate or subdue. From fair and manly argument, from the tenderest and
holiest sympathy on the part of those who desire my eternal good, I pass by
many gradations, through deliberate unfairness, to a spirit of bitterness,
Page 553
which desires with a fervour inexpressible in words my eternal ill. Now,
were religion the potent factor, we might expect a homogeneous utterance
from those professing a common creed, while, if human nature be the really
potent factor, we may expect utterances as heterogeneous as the characters
of men. As a matter of fact we have the latter; suggesting to my mind that
the common religion, professed and defended by these different people, is
merely the accidental conduit through which they pour their own tempers,
lofty or low, courteous or vulgar, mild or ferocious, as the case may be.
Pure abuse, however, as serving no good end, I have, wherever possible,
deliberately avoided reading, wishing, indeed, to keep, not only hatred,
malice, and uncharitableness, but even every trace of irritation, far away
from my side of a discussion which demands not only good-temper, but
largeness, clearness, and many-sidedness of mind, if it is to guide us to even
provisional solutions.
It has been stated, with many variations of note and comment, that in the
Address as subsequently published by Messrs. Longman I have retracted
opinions uttered at Belfast. A Roman Catholic writer is specially strong
upon this point. Startled by the deep chorus of dissent which my 'dazzling
fallacies' have evoked, I am now trying to retreat. This he will by no means
tolerate. 'It is too late now to seek to hide from the eyes of mankind one foul
blot, one ghastly deformity. Professor Tyndall has himself told us how and
where this Address of his was composed. It was written among the glaciers
and the solitudes of the Swiss mountains. It was no hasty, hurried, crude
production; its every sentence bore marks of thought and care.
My critic intends to be severe: he is simply just. In the 'solitudes' to which
he refers I worked with deliberation, endeavouring even to purify my
intellect by disciplines similar to those enjoined by his own Church for the
sanctification of the soul. I tried, moreover, in my ponderings to realise not
only the lawful, but the expedient; and to permit no fear to act upon my
mind, save that of uttering a single word on which I could not take my
stand, either in this or in any other world.
Still my time was so brief, the difficulties arising from my isolated position
were so numerous, and my thought and expression so slow, that, in a
literary point of view, I halted, not only behind the ideal, but behind the
were religion the potent factor, we might expect a homogeneous utterance
from those professing a common creed, while, if human nature be the really
potent factor, we may expect utterances as heterogeneous as the characters
of men. As a matter of fact we have the latter; suggesting to my mind that
the common religion, professed and defended by these different people, is
merely the accidental conduit through which they pour their own tempers,
lofty or low, courteous or vulgar, mild or ferocious, as the case may be.
Pure abuse, however, as serving no good end, I have, wherever possible,
deliberately avoided reading, wishing, indeed, to keep, not only hatred,
malice, and uncharitableness, but even every trace of irritation, far away
from my side of a discussion which demands not only good-temper, but
largeness, clearness, and many-sidedness of mind, if it is to guide us to even
provisional solutions.
It has been stated, with many variations of note and comment, that in the
Address as subsequently published by Messrs. Longman I have retracted
opinions uttered at Belfast. A Roman Catholic writer is specially strong
upon this point. Startled by the deep chorus of dissent which my 'dazzling
fallacies' have evoked, I am now trying to retreat. This he will by no means
tolerate. 'It is too late now to seek to hide from the eyes of mankind one foul
blot, one ghastly deformity. Professor Tyndall has himself told us how and
where this Address of his was composed. It was written among the glaciers
and the solitudes of the Swiss mountains. It was no hasty, hurried, crude
production; its every sentence bore marks of thought and care.
My critic intends to be severe: he is simply just. In the 'solitudes' to which
he refers I worked with deliberation, endeavouring even to purify my
intellect by disciplines similar to those enjoined by his own Church for the
sanctification of the soul. I tried, moreover, in my ponderings to realise not
only the lawful, but the expedient; and to permit no fear to act upon my
mind, save that of uttering a single word on which I could not take my
stand, either in this or in any other world.
Still my time was so brief, the difficulties arising from my isolated position
were so numerous, and my thought and expression so slow, that, in a
literary point of view, I halted, not only behind the ideal, but behind the
Page 554
possible. Hence, after the delivery of the Address, I went over it with the
desire, not to revoke its principles, but to improve it verbally, and above all
to remove any word which might give colour to the notion of 'crudeness,
hurry, or haste.'
In connection with the charge of Atheism my critic refers to the Preface to
the second issue of the Belfast Address: 'Christian men,' I there say, 'are
proved by their writings to have their hours of weakness and of doubt, as
well as their hours of strength and of conviction; and men like myself share,
in their own way, these variations of mood and tense. Were the religious
moods of many of my assailants the only alternative ones, I do not know
how strong the claims of the doctrine of "Material Atheism" upon my
allegiance might be. Probably they would be very strong. But, as it is, I
have noticed during years of self-observation that it is not in hours of
clearness and vigour that this doctrine commends itself to my mind; that in
the presence of stronger and healthier thought it ever dissolves and
disappears, as offering no solution of the mystery in which we dwell, and of
which we form a part.'
With reference to this honest and reasonable utterance my censor exclaims,
'This is a most remarkable passage. Much as we dislike seasoning polemics
with strong words, we assert that this Apology only tends to affix with links
of steel to the name of Professor Tyndall, the dread imputation against
which be struggles.'
Here we have a very fair example of subjective religious vigour. But my
quarrel with such exhibitions is that they do not always represent objective
fact. No atheistic reasoning can, I hold, dislodge religion from the human
heart. Logic cannot deprive us of life, and religion is life to the religious. As
an experience of consciousness it is beyond the assaults of logic. But the
religious life is often projected in external forms — I use the word in its
widest sense — and this embodiment of the religious sentiment will have to
bear more and more, as the world become more enlightened, the stress of
scientific tests. We must be careful of projecting into external nature that
which belongs to ourselves. My critic commits this mistake: he feels, and
takes delight in feeling, that I am struggling, and he obviously experiences
the most exquisite pleasures of 'the muscular sense' in holding me down.
desire, not to revoke its principles, but to improve it verbally, and above all
to remove any word which might give colour to the notion of 'crudeness,
hurry, or haste.'
In connection with the charge of Atheism my critic refers to the Preface to
the second issue of the Belfast Address: 'Christian men,' I there say, 'are
proved by their writings to have their hours of weakness and of doubt, as
well as their hours of strength and of conviction; and men like myself share,
in their own way, these variations of mood and tense. Were the religious
moods of many of my assailants the only alternative ones, I do not know
how strong the claims of the doctrine of "Material Atheism" upon my
allegiance might be. Probably they would be very strong. But, as it is, I
have noticed during years of self-observation that it is not in hours of
clearness and vigour that this doctrine commends itself to my mind; that in
the presence of stronger and healthier thought it ever dissolves and
disappears, as offering no solution of the mystery in which we dwell, and of
which we form a part.'
With reference to this honest and reasonable utterance my censor exclaims,
'This is a most remarkable passage. Much as we dislike seasoning polemics
with strong words, we assert that this Apology only tends to affix with links
of steel to the name of Professor Tyndall, the dread imputation against
which be struggles.'
Here we have a very fair example of subjective religious vigour. But my
quarrel with such exhibitions is that they do not always represent objective
fact. No atheistic reasoning can, I hold, dislodge religion from the human
heart. Logic cannot deprive us of life, and religion is life to the religious. As
an experience of consciousness it is beyond the assaults of logic. But the
religious life is often projected in external forms — I use the word in its
widest sense — and this embodiment of the religious sentiment will have to
bear more and more, as the world become more enlightened, the stress of
scientific tests. We must be careful of projecting into external nature that
which belongs to ourselves. My critic commits this mistake: he feels, and
takes delight in feeling, that I am struggling, and he obviously experiences
the most exquisite pleasures of 'the muscular sense' in holding me down.
Page 555
His feelings are as real, as if his imagination of what mine are were equally
real. His picture of my 'struggles' is, however, a mere delusion. I do not
struggle. I do not fear the charge of Atheism; nor should I even disavow it,
in reference to any definition of the Supreme which he, or his order, would
be likely to frame. His 'links' and his 'steel' and his 'dread imputations' are,
therefore, even more unsubstantial than my 'streaks of morning cloud,' and
they may be permitted to vanish together.
-----
These minor and more purely personal matters at an end, the weightier
allegation remains, that at Belfast I misused my position by quitting the
domain of science, and making an unjustifiable raid into the domain of
theology. This I fail to see. Laying aside abuse, I hope my accusers will
consent to reason with me. Is it not lawful for a scientific man to speculate
on the antecedents of the solar system? Did Kant, Laplace, and William
Herschel quit their legitimate spheres, when they prolonged the intellectual
vision beyond the boundary of experience, and propounded the nebular
theory? Accepting that theory as probable, is it not permitted to a scientific
man to follow up, in idea, the series of changes associated with the
condensation of the nebulae; to picture the successive detachment of planets
and moons, and the relation of all of them to the sun? If I look upon our
earth, with its orbital revolution and axial rotation, as one small issue of the
process which made the solar system what it is, will any theologian deny
my right to entertain and express this theoretic view? Time was when a
multitude of theologians would have been found to do so — when that
archenemy of science which now vaunts its tolerance would have made a
speedy end of the man who might venture to publish any opinion of the
kind. But, that time, unless the world is caught strangely slumbering, is for
ever past.
As regards inorganic nature, then, we may traverse, without let or
hindrance, the whole distance which separates the nebulae from the worlds
of to-day. But only a few years ago this now conceded ground of science
was theological ground. I could by no means regard this as the final and
sufficient concession of theology; and, at Belfast, I thought it not only my
right but my duty to state that, as regards the organic world, we must enjoy
real. His picture of my 'struggles' is, however, a mere delusion. I do not
struggle. I do not fear the charge of Atheism; nor should I even disavow it,
in reference to any definition of the Supreme which he, or his order, would
be likely to frame. His 'links' and his 'steel' and his 'dread imputations' are,
therefore, even more unsubstantial than my 'streaks of morning cloud,' and
they may be permitted to vanish together.
-----
These minor and more purely personal matters at an end, the weightier
allegation remains, that at Belfast I misused my position by quitting the
domain of science, and making an unjustifiable raid into the domain of
theology. This I fail to see. Laying aside abuse, I hope my accusers will
consent to reason with me. Is it not lawful for a scientific man to speculate
on the antecedents of the solar system? Did Kant, Laplace, and William
Herschel quit their legitimate spheres, when they prolonged the intellectual
vision beyond the boundary of experience, and propounded the nebular
theory? Accepting that theory as probable, is it not permitted to a scientific
man to follow up, in idea, the series of changes associated with the
condensation of the nebulae; to picture the successive detachment of planets
and moons, and the relation of all of them to the sun? If I look upon our
earth, with its orbital revolution and axial rotation, as one small issue of the
process which made the solar system what it is, will any theologian deny
my right to entertain and express this theoretic view? Time was when a
multitude of theologians would have been found to do so — when that
archenemy of science which now vaunts its tolerance would have made a
speedy end of the man who might venture to publish any opinion of the
kind. But, that time, unless the world is caught strangely slumbering, is for
ever past.
As regards inorganic nature, then, we may traverse, without let or
hindrance, the whole distance which separates the nebulae from the worlds
of to-day. But only a few years ago this now conceded ground of science
was theological ground. I could by no means regard this as the final and
sufficient concession of theology; and, at Belfast, I thought it not only my
right but my duty to state that, as regards the organic world, we must enjoy
Page 556
the freedom which we have already won in regard to the inorganic. I could
not discern the shred of a title-deed which gave any man, or any class of
men, the right to open the door of one of these worlds to the scientific
searcher, and to close the other against him. And I considered it frankest,
wisest, and in the long run most conducive to permanent peace, to indicate,
without evasion or reserve, the ground that belongs to Science, and to
which she will assuredly make good her claim.
I have been reminded that an eminent predecessor of mine in the
Presidential chair, expressed a totally different view of the Cause of things
from that enunciated by me. In doing so he transgressed the bounds of
science at least as much as I did; but nobody raised an outcry against him.
The freedom he took I claim. And looking at what I must regard as the
extravagances of the religious world; at the very inadequate and foolish
notions concerning this universe which are entertained by the majority of
our authorised religious teachers; at the waste of energy on the part of good
men over things unworthy, if I may say it without discourtesy, of the
attention of enlightened heathens; the fight about the fripperies of
Ritualism, and the verbal quibbles of the Athanasian Creed; the forcing on
the public view of Pontigny Pilgrimages; the dating of historic epochs from
the definition of the Immaculate Conception; the proclamation of the
Divine Glories of the Sacred Heart — standing in the midst of these
chimeras, which astound all thinking men, it did not appear to me
extravagant to claim the public tolerance for an hour and a half, for the
statement of more reasonable views — views more in accordance with the
verities which science has brought to light, and which many weary souls
would, I thought, welcome with gratification and relief.
But to come to closer quarters. The expression to which the most violent
exception has been taken is this: 'Abandoning all disguise, the confession I
feel bound to make before you is, that I prolong the vision backward across
the boundary of the experimental evidence, and discern in that Matter
which we, in our ignorance, and notwithstanding our professed reverence
for its Creator, have hitherto covered with opprobrium, the promise and
potency of every form and quality of life.' To call it a 'chorus of dissent,' as
my Catholic critic does, is a mild way of describing the storm of
opprobrium with which this statement has been assailed. But the first blast
not discern the shred of a title-deed which gave any man, or any class of
men, the right to open the door of one of these worlds to the scientific
searcher, and to close the other against him. And I considered it frankest,
wisest, and in the long run most conducive to permanent peace, to indicate,
without evasion or reserve, the ground that belongs to Science, and to
which she will assuredly make good her claim.
I have been reminded that an eminent predecessor of mine in the
Presidential chair, expressed a totally different view of the Cause of things
from that enunciated by me. In doing so he transgressed the bounds of
science at least as much as I did; but nobody raised an outcry against him.
The freedom he took I claim. And looking at what I must regard as the
extravagances of the religious world; at the very inadequate and foolish
notions concerning this universe which are entertained by the majority of
our authorised religious teachers; at the waste of energy on the part of good
men over things unworthy, if I may say it without discourtesy, of the
attention of enlightened heathens; the fight about the fripperies of
Ritualism, and the verbal quibbles of the Athanasian Creed; the forcing on
the public view of Pontigny Pilgrimages; the dating of historic epochs from
the definition of the Immaculate Conception; the proclamation of the
Divine Glories of the Sacred Heart — standing in the midst of these
chimeras, which astound all thinking men, it did not appear to me
extravagant to claim the public tolerance for an hour and a half, for the
statement of more reasonable views — views more in accordance with the
verities which science has brought to light, and which many weary souls
would, I thought, welcome with gratification and relief.
But to come to closer quarters. The expression to which the most violent
exception has been taken is this: 'Abandoning all disguise, the confession I
feel bound to make before you is, that I prolong the vision backward across
the boundary of the experimental evidence, and discern in that Matter
which we, in our ignorance, and notwithstanding our professed reverence
for its Creator, have hitherto covered with opprobrium, the promise and
potency of every form and quality of life.' To call it a 'chorus of dissent,' as
my Catholic critic does, is a mild way of describing the storm of
opprobrium with which this statement has been assailed. But the first blast
Page 557
of passion being past, I hope I may again ask my opponents to consent to
reason. First of all, I am blamed for crossing the boundary of the
experimental evidence. This, I reply, is the habitual action of the scientific
mind — at least of that portion of it which applies itself to physical
investigation. Our theories of light, heat, magnetism, and electricity, all
imply the crossing of this boundary. My paper on the 'Scientific Use of the
Imagination,' and my 'Lectures on Light,' illustrate this point in the amplest
manner; and in the Article entitled 'Matter and Force' in the present volume
I have sought, incidentally, to make clear, that in physics the experiential
incessantly leads to the ultra-experiential; that out of experience there
always grows something finer than mere experience, and that in their
different powers of ideal extension consists, for the most part, the difference
between the great and the mediocre investigator. The kingdom of science,
then, cometh not by observation and experiment alone, but is completed by
fixing the roots of observation and experiment in a region inaccessible to
both, and in dealing with which we are forced to fall back upon the
picturing power of the mind.
Passing the boundary of experience, therefore, does not, in the abstract,
constitute a sufficient ground for censure. There must have been something
in my particular mode of crossing it which provoked this tremendous
'chorus of dissent.'
Let us calmly reason the point out. I hold the nebular theory as it was held
by Kant, Laplace, and William Herschel, and as it is held by the best
scientific intellects of to-day. According to it, our sun and planets were once
diffused through space as an impalpable haze, out of which, by
condensation, came the solar system. What caused the haze to condense?
Loss of heat. What rounded the sun and planets? That which rounds a tear
— molecular force. For aeons, the immensity of which overwhelms man's
conceptions, the earth was unfit to maintain what we call life. It is now
covered with visible living things. They are not formed of matter different
from that of the earth around them. They are, on the contrary, bone of its
bone, and flesh of its flesh. How were they introduced? Was life implicated
in the nebula — as part, it may be, of a vaster and wholly Unfathomable
Life; or is it the work of a Being standing outside the nebula, who fashioned
it, and vitalised it; but whose own origin and ways are equally past finding
reason. First of all, I am blamed for crossing the boundary of the
experimental evidence. This, I reply, is the habitual action of the scientific
mind — at least of that portion of it which applies itself to physical
investigation. Our theories of light, heat, magnetism, and electricity, all
imply the crossing of this boundary. My paper on the 'Scientific Use of the
Imagination,' and my 'Lectures on Light,' illustrate this point in the amplest
manner; and in the Article entitled 'Matter and Force' in the present volume
I have sought, incidentally, to make clear, that in physics the experiential
incessantly leads to the ultra-experiential; that out of experience there
always grows something finer than mere experience, and that in their
different powers of ideal extension consists, for the most part, the difference
between the great and the mediocre investigator. The kingdom of science,
then, cometh not by observation and experiment alone, but is completed by
fixing the roots of observation and experiment in a region inaccessible to
both, and in dealing with which we are forced to fall back upon the
picturing power of the mind.
Passing the boundary of experience, therefore, does not, in the abstract,
constitute a sufficient ground for censure. There must have been something
in my particular mode of crossing it which provoked this tremendous
'chorus of dissent.'
Let us calmly reason the point out. I hold the nebular theory as it was held
by Kant, Laplace, and William Herschel, and as it is held by the best
scientific intellects of to-day. According to it, our sun and planets were once
diffused through space as an impalpable haze, out of which, by
condensation, came the solar system. What caused the haze to condense?
Loss of heat. What rounded the sun and planets? That which rounds a tear
— molecular force. For aeons, the immensity of which overwhelms man's
conceptions, the earth was unfit to maintain what we call life. It is now
covered with visible living things. They are not formed of matter different
from that of the earth around them. They are, on the contrary, bone of its
bone, and flesh of its flesh. How were they introduced? Was life implicated
in the nebula — as part, it may be, of a vaster and wholly Unfathomable
Life; or is it the work of a Being standing outside the nebula, who fashioned
it, and vitalised it; but whose own origin and ways are equally past finding
Page 558
out? As far as the eye of science has hitherto ranged through nature, no
intrusion of purely creative power into any series of phenomena has ever
been observed. The assumption of such a power to account for special
phenomena, though often made, has always proved a failure. It is opposed
to the very spirit of science; and I therefore assumed the responsibility of
holding up, in contrast with it, that method of nature which it has been the
vocation and triumph of science to disclose, and in the application of which
we can alone hope for further light. Holding, then, 'that the nebulae and the
solar system, life included, stand to each other in the relation of the germ to
the finished organism, I reaffirm here, not arrogantly, or defiantly, but
without a shade of indistinctness, the position laid down at Belfast.
Not with the vagueness belonging to the emotions, but with the definiteness
belonging to the understanding, the scientific man has to put to himself
these questions regarding the introduction of life upon the earth. He will be
the last to dogmatise upon the subject, for he knows best that certainty is
here for the present unattainable. His refusal of the creative hypothesis is
less an assertion of knowledge than a protest against the assumption of
knowledge which must long, if not for ever, lie beyond us, and the claim to
which is the source of perpetual confusion upon earth. With a mind open to
conviction he asks his opponents to show him an authority for the belief
they so strenuously and so fiercely uphold. They can do no more than point
to the Book of Genesis, or some other portion of the Bible. Profoundly
interesting, and indeed pathetic, to me are those attempts of the opening
mind of man to appease its hunger for a Cause. But the Book of Genesis has
no voice in scientific questions. To the grasp of geology, which it resisted
for a time, it at length yielded like potter's clay; its authority as a system of
cosmogony being discredited on all hands, by the abandonment of the
obvious meaning of its writer. It is a poem, not a scientific treatise. In the
former aspect it is for ever beautiful: in the latter aspect it has been, and it
will continue to be, purely obstructive and hurtful. To knowledge its value
has been negative, leading, in rougher ages than ours, to physical, and even
in our own' free' age to moral, violence.
-----
intrusion of purely creative power into any series of phenomena has ever
been observed. The assumption of such a power to account for special
phenomena, though often made, has always proved a failure. It is opposed
to the very spirit of science; and I therefore assumed the responsibility of
holding up, in contrast with it, that method of nature which it has been the
vocation and triumph of science to disclose, and in the application of which
we can alone hope for further light. Holding, then, 'that the nebulae and the
solar system, life included, stand to each other in the relation of the germ to
the finished organism, I reaffirm here, not arrogantly, or defiantly, but
without a shade of indistinctness, the position laid down at Belfast.
Not with the vagueness belonging to the emotions, but with the definiteness
belonging to the understanding, the scientific man has to put to himself
these questions regarding the introduction of life upon the earth. He will be
the last to dogmatise upon the subject, for he knows best that certainty is
here for the present unattainable. His refusal of the creative hypothesis is
less an assertion of knowledge than a protest against the assumption of
knowledge which must long, if not for ever, lie beyond us, and the claim to
which is the source of perpetual confusion upon earth. With a mind open to
conviction he asks his opponents to show him an authority for the belief
they so strenuously and so fiercely uphold. They can do no more than point
to the Book of Genesis, or some other portion of the Bible. Profoundly
interesting, and indeed pathetic, to me are those attempts of the opening
mind of man to appease its hunger for a Cause. But the Book of Genesis has
no voice in scientific questions. To the grasp of geology, which it resisted
for a time, it at length yielded like potter's clay; its authority as a system of
cosmogony being discredited on all hands, by the abandonment of the
obvious meaning of its writer. It is a poem, not a scientific treatise. In the
former aspect it is for ever beautiful: in the latter aspect it has been, and it
will continue to be, purely obstructive and hurtful. To knowledge its value
has been negative, leading, in rougher ages than ours, to physical, and even
in our own' free' age to moral, violence.
-----
Page 559
No incident connected with the proceedings at Belfast is more instructive
than the deportment of the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland; a body usually too
wise to confer notoriety upon an adversary by imprudently denouncing him.
The 'Times,' to which I owe a great deal on the score of fair play, where so
much has been unfair, thinks that the Irish Cardinal, Archbishops, and
Bishops, in a recent manifesto, adroitly employed a weapon which I, at an
unlucky moment, placed in their hands. The antecedents of their action
cause me to regard it in a different light; and a brief reference to these
antecedents will, I think, illuminate not only their proceedings regarding
Belfast, but other doings which have been recently noised abroad.
Before me lies a document bearing the date of November 1873, which, after
appearing for a moment, unaccountably vanished from public view. It is a
Memorial addressed, by Seventy of the Students and Ex-students of the
Catholic University in Ireland, to the Episcopal Board of the University;
and it constitutes the plainest and bravest remonstrance ever addressed by
Irish laymen to their spiritual pastors and masters. It expresses the
profoundest dissatisfaction with the curriculum marked out for the students
of the University; setting forth the extraordinary fact that the lecture-list for
the faculty of Science, published a month before they wrote, did not contain
the name of a single Professor of the Physical or Natural Sciences.
The memorialists forcibly deprecate this, and dwell upon the necessity of
education in science: 'The distinguishing mark of this age is its ardour for
science. The natural sciences have, within the last fifty years, become the
chiefest study in the world; they are in our time pursued with an activity
unparalleled in the history of mankind. Scarce a year now passes without
some discovery being made in these sciences which, as with the touch of
the magician's wand, shivers to atoms theories formerly deemed
unassailable. It is through the physical and natural sciences that the fiercest
assaults are now made on our religion. No more deadly weapon is used
against our faith than the facts incontestably proved by modern researches
in science.'
Such statements must be the reverse of comfortable to a number of
gentlemen who, trained in the philosophy of Thomas Aquinas, have been
than the deportment of the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland; a body usually too
wise to confer notoriety upon an adversary by imprudently denouncing him.
The 'Times,' to which I owe a great deal on the score of fair play, where so
much has been unfair, thinks that the Irish Cardinal, Archbishops, and
Bishops, in a recent manifesto, adroitly employed a weapon which I, at an
unlucky moment, placed in their hands. The antecedents of their action
cause me to regard it in a different light; and a brief reference to these
antecedents will, I think, illuminate not only their proceedings regarding
Belfast, but other doings which have been recently noised abroad.
Before me lies a document bearing the date of November 1873, which, after
appearing for a moment, unaccountably vanished from public view. It is a
Memorial addressed, by Seventy of the Students and Ex-students of the
Catholic University in Ireland, to the Episcopal Board of the University;
and it constitutes the plainest and bravest remonstrance ever addressed by
Irish laymen to their spiritual pastors and masters. It expresses the
profoundest dissatisfaction with the curriculum marked out for the students
of the University; setting forth the extraordinary fact that the lecture-list for
the faculty of Science, published a month before they wrote, did not contain
the name of a single Professor of the Physical or Natural Sciences.
The memorialists forcibly deprecate this, and dwell upon the necessity of
education in science: 'The distinguishing mark of this age is its ardour for
science. The natural sciences have, within the last fifty years, become the
chiefest study in the world; they are in our time pursued with an activity
unparalleled in the history of mankind. Scarce a year now passes without
some discovery being made in these sciences which, as with the touch of
the magician's wand, shivers to atoms theories formerly deemed
unassailable. It is through the physical and natural sciences that the fiercest
assaults are now made on our religion. No more deadly weapon is used
against our faith than the facts incontestably proved by modern researches
in science.'
Such statements must be the reverse of comfortable to a number of
gentlemen who, trained in the philosophy of Thomas Aquinas, have been
Page 560
accustomed to the unquestioning submission of all other sciences to their
divine science of Theology. But this is not all:
One thing seems certain,' say the memorialists, viz., that if chairs for the
physical and natural sciences be not soon founded in the Catholic
University, very many young men will have their faith exposed to dangers
which the creation of a school of science in the University would defend
them from. For our generation of Irish Catholics are writhing under the
sense of their inferiority in science, and are determined that such inferiority
shall not long continue; and so, if scientific training be unattainable at our
University, they will seek it at Trinity or at the Queen's Colleges, in not one
of which is there a Catholic Professor of Science.'
Those who imagined the Catholic University at Kensington to be due to the
spontaneous recognition, on the part of the Roman hierarchy, of the
intellectual needs of the age, will derive enlightenment from this, and still
more from what follows: for the most formidable threat remains. To the
picture of Catholic students seceding to Trinity and the Queen's Colleges,
the memorialists add this darkest stroke of all: 'They will, in the solitude of
their own homes, unaided by any guiding advice, devour the works of
Haeckel, Darwin, Huxley, Tyndall, and Lyell; works innocuous if studied
under a professor who would point out the difference between established
facts and erroneous inferences, but which are calculated to sap the faith of a
solitary student, deprived of a discriminating judgment to which he could
refer for a solution of his difficulties.'
In the light of the knowledge given by this courageous memorial, and of
similar knowledge otherwise derived, the recent Catholic manifesto did not
at all strike me as a chuckle over the mistake of a maladroit adversary, but
rather as an evidence of profound uneasiness on the part of the Cardinal, the
Archbishops, and the Bishops who signed it. They acted towards the
Students' Memorial, however, with their accustomed practical wisdom. As
one concession to the spirit which it embodied, the Catholic University at
Kensington was brought forth, apparently as the effect of spontaneous
inward force, and not of outward pressure becoming too formidable to be
successfully opposed.
divine science of Theology. But this is not all:
One thing seems certain,' say the memorialists, viz., that if chairs for the
physical and natural sciences be not soon founded in the Catholic
University, very many young men will have their faith exposed to dangers
which the creation of a school of science in the University would defend
them from. For our generation of Irish Catholics are writhing under the
sense of their inferiority in science, and are determined that such inferiority
shall not long continue; and so, if scientific training be unattainable at our
University, they will seek it at Trinity or at the Queen's Colleges, in not one
of which is there a Catholic Professor of Science.'
Those who imagined the Catholic University at Kensington to be due to the
spontaneous recognition, on the part of the Roman hierarchy, of the
intellectual needs of the age, will derive enlightenment from this, and still
more from what follows: for the most formidable threat remains. To the
picture of Catholic students seceding to Trinity and the Queen's Colleges,
the memorialists add this darkest stroke of all: 'They will, in the solitude of
their own homes, unaided by any guiding advice, devour the works of
Haeckel, Darwin, Huxley, Tyndall, and Lyell; works innocuous if studied
under a professor who would point out the difference between established
facts and erroneous inferences, but which are calculated to sap the faith of a
solitary student, deprived of a discriminating judgment to which he could
refer for a solution of his difficulties.'
In the light of the knowledge given by this courageous memorial, and of
similar knowledge otherwise derived, the recent Catholic manifesto did not
at all strike me as a chuckle over the mistake of a maladroit adversary, but
rather as an evidence of profound uneasiness on the part of the Cardinal, the
Archbishops, and the Bishops who signed it. They acted towards the
Students' Memorial, however, with their accustomed practical wisdom. As
one concession to the spirit which it embodied, the Catholic University at
Kensington was brought forth, apparently as the effect of spontaneous
inward force, and not of outward pressure becoming too formidable to be
successfully opposed.
Page 561
The memorialists point with bitterness to the fact, that 'the name of no Irish
Catholic is known in connection with the physical and natural sciences.' But
this, they ought to know, is the complaint of free and cultivated minds
wherever a Priesthood exercises dominant power. Precisely the same
complaint has been made with respect to the Catholics of Germany. The
great national literature and the scientific achievements of that country, in
modern times, are almost wholly the work of Protestants. A vanishingly
small fraction of it only is derived from members of the Roman Church,
although the number of these in Germany is at least as great as that of the
Protestants. 'The question arises,' says a writer in an able German
periodical, 'what is the cause of a phenomenon so humiliating to the
Catholics? It cannot be referred to want of natural endowment due to
climate (for the Protestants of Southern Germany have contributed
powerfully to the creations of the German intellect), but purely to outward
circumstances. And these are readily discovered in the pressure exercised
for centuries by the Jesuitical system, which has crushed out of Catholics
every tendency to free mental productiveness.' It is, indeed, in Catholic
countries that the weight of Ultramontanism has been most severely felt. It
is in such countries that the very finest spirits, who have dared, without
quitting their faith, to plead for freedom or reform, have suffered extinction.
The extinction, however, was more apparent than real, and Hermes,
Hirscher, and Gunther, though individually broken and subdued, prepared
the way, in Bavaria, for the persecuted but unflinching Frohschammer, for
Doellinger, and for the remarkable liberal movement of which Doellinger is
the head and guide.
Though moulded for centuries to an obedience unparalleled in any other
country, except Spain, the Irish intellect is beginning to show signs of
independence; demanding a diet more suited to its years than the pabulum
of the Middle Ages. As for the recent manifesto in which Pope, Cardinal,
Archbishops, and Bishops are united in one grand anathema, its character
and fate are shadowed forth by the Vision of Nebuchadnezzar recorded in
the Book of Daniel. It resembles the image, whose form was terrible, but
the gold, and silver, and brass, and iron of which rested upon feet of clay.
And a stone smote the feet of clay; and the iron, and the brass, and the
silver, and the gold, were broken in pieces together, and became like the
chaff of the summer threshing-floors, and the wind carried them away.
Catholic is known in connection with the physical and natural sciences.' But
this, they ought to know, is the complaint of free and cultivated minds
wherever a Priesthood exercises dominant power. Precisely the same
complaint has been made with respect to the Catholics of Germany. The
great national literature and the scientific achievements of that country, in
modern times, are almost wholly the work of Protestants. A vanishingly
small fraction of it only is derived from members of the Roman Church,
although the number of these in Germany is at least as great as that of the
Protestants. 'The question arises,' says a writer in an able German
periodical, 'what is the cause of a phenomenon so humiliating to the
Catholics? It cannot be referred to want of natural endowment due to
climate (for the Protestants of Southern Germany have contributed
powerfully to the creations of the German intellect), but purely to outward
circumstances. And these are readily discovered in the pressure exercised
for centuries by the Jesuitical system, which has crushed out of Catholics
every tendency to free mental productiveness.' It is, indeed, in Catholic
countries that the weight of Ultramontanism has been most severely felt. It
is in such countries that the very finest spirits, who have dared, without
quitting their faith, to plead for freedom or reform, have suffered extinction.
The extinction, however, was more apparent than real, and Hermes,
Hirscher, and Gunther, though individually broken and subdued, prepared
the way, in Bavaria, for the persecuted but unflinching Frohschammer, for
Doellinger, and for the remarkable liberal movement of which Doellinger is
the head and guide.
Though moulded for centuries to an obedience unparalleled in any other
country, except Spain, the Irish intellect is beginning to show signs of
independence; demanding a diet more suited to its years than the pabulum
of the Middle Ages. As for the recent manifesto in which Pope, Cardinal,
Archbishops, and Bishops are united in one grand anathema, its character
and fate are shadowed forth by the Vision of Nebuchadnezzar recorded in
the Book of Daniel. It resembles the image, whose form was terrible, but
the gold, and silver, and brass, and iron of which rested upon feet of clay.
And a stone smote the feet of clay; and the iron, and the brass, and the
silver, and the gold, were broken in pieces together, and became like the
chaff of the summer threshing-floors, and the wind carried them away.
Page 562
Monsignor Capel has recently been good enough to proclaim at once the
friendliness of his Church towards true science, and her right to determine
what true science is. Let us dwell for a moment on the proofs of her
scientific competence. When Halley's comet appeared in 1456 it was
regarded as the harbinger of God's vengeance, the dispenser of war,
pestilence, and famine, and by order of the Pope the church bells of Europe
were rung to scare the monster away. An additional daily prayer was added
to the supplications of the faithful. The comet in due time disappeared, and
the faithful were comforted by the assurance that, as in previous instances
relating to eclipses, droughts, and rains, so also as regards this 'nefarious'
comet, victory had been vouchsafed to the Church.
Both Pythagoras and Copernicus had taught the heliocentric doctrine —
that the earth revolves round the sun. In the exercise of her right to
determine what true science is, the Church, in the Pontificate of Paul V.,
stepped in, and by the mouth of the holy Congregation of the Index,
delivered, on March 5, 1616, the following decree :—
And whereas it hath also come to the knowledge of the said holy
congregation that the false Pythagorean doctrine of the mobility of the
earth and the immobility of the sun, entirely opposed to Holy writ, which is
taught by Nicolas Copernicus, is now published abroad and received by
many. In order that this opinion may not further spread, to the damage of
Catholic truth, it is ordered that this and all other books teaching the like
doctrine be suspended, and by this decree they are all respectively
suspended, forbidden, and condemned.
But why go back to 1456 and 1616? Far be it from me to charge bygone
sins upon Monsignor Capel, were it not for the practices he upholds to-day.
The most applauded dogmatist and champion of the Jesuits is, I am
informed, Perrone. No less than thirty editions of a work of his have been
scattered abroad for the healing of the nations. His notions of physical
astronomy are virtually those of 1456. He teaches boldly that 'God does not
rule by universal law... that when God orders a given planet to stand still He
does not detract from any law passed by Himself, but orders that planet to
move round the sun for such and such a time, then to stand still, and then
again to move, as His pleasure may be.' Jesuitism proscribed Frohschammer
friendliness of his Church towards true science, and her right to determine
what true science is. Let us dwell for a moment on the proofs of her
scientific competence. When Halley's comet appeared in 1456 it was
regarded as the harbinger of God's vengeance, the dispenser of war,
pestilence, and famine, and by order of the Pope the church bells of Europe
were rung to scare the monster away. An additional daily prayer was added
to the supplications of the faithful. The comet in due time disappeared, and
the faithful were comforted by the assurance that, as in previous instances
relating to eclipses, droughts, and rains, so also as regards this 'nefarious'
comet, victory had been vouchsafed to the Church.
Both Pythagoras and Copernicus had taught the heliocentric doctrine —
that the earth revolves round the sun. In the exercise of her right to
determine what true science is, the Church, in the Pontificate of Paul V.,
stepped in, and by the mouth of the holy Congregation of the Index,
delivered, on March 5, 1616, the following decree :—
And whereas it hath also come to the knowledge of the said holy
congregation that the false Pythagorean doctrine of the mobility of the
earth and the immobility of the sun, entirely opposed to Holy writ, which is
taught by Nicolas Copernicus, is now published abroad and received by
many. In order that this opinion may not further spread, to the damage of
Catholic truth, it is ordered that this and all other books teaching the like
doctrine be suspended, and by this decree they are all respectively
suspended, forbidden, and condemned.
But why go back to 1456 and 1616? Far be it from me to charge bygone
sins upon Monsignor Capel, were it not for the practices he upholds to-day.
The most applauded dogmatist and champion of the Jesuits is, I am
informed, Perrone. No less than thirty editions of a work of his have been
scattered abroad for the healing of the nations. His notions of physical
astronomy are virtually those of 1456. He teaches boldly that 'God does not
rule by universal law... that when God orders a given planet to stand still He
does not detract from any law passed by Himself, but orders that planet to
move round the sun for such and such a time, then to stand still, and then
again to move, as His pleasure may be.' Jesuitism proscribed Frohschammer
Page 563
for questioning its favourite dogma, that every human soul was created by a
direct supernatural act of God, and for asserting that man, body and soul,
came from his parents. This is the system that now strives for universal
power; it is from it, as Monsignor Capel graciously informs us, that we are
to learn what is allowable in science, and what is not!
In the face of such facts, which might be multiplied at will, it requires
extraordinary bravery of mind, or a reliance upon public ignorance almost
as extraordinary, to make the claims made by Monsignor Capel for his
Church.
Before me is a very remarkable letter addressed in 1875 by the Bishop of
Montpellier to the Deans and Professors of Faculties of Montpellier, in
which the writer very clearly lays down the claims of his Church. He had
been startled by an incident occurring in a course of lectures on Physiology
given by a professor, of whose scientific capacity there was no doubt, but
who, it was alleged, rightly or wrongly, had made his course the vehicle of
materialism. 'Je ne me suis point donne,' says the Bishop, 'la mission que je
remplis au milieu de vous. "Personne, au temoignage de saint Paul, ne
s'attribue à soi-même un pareil honneur; il y faut être appelé de Dieu,
comme Aaron." Et pourquoi en est-il ainsi? C'est parse que, selon le même
Apôtre, noun devons titre les ambassadeurs de Dieu; et it n'est pas dans les
usages, pas plus qu'il n'est dans la raison et le droit, qu'un envoyé s'accrédite
lui-même. Mais, si j'ai recu d'En-Haut une mission; si l'Eglise, au nom de
Dieu lui-même, a souscrit me lettres de créance, me siéraitil de manquer
aux instructions qu'elle m'a données et d'entendre, en un sens différent du
sien, le rôle qu'elle m'a confié?
'Or, Messieurs, la sainte Eglise se croit investie du droit absolu d'enseigner
les hommes; elle se croit dépositaire de la vérité, non pas de la vérité
fragmentaire, incomplète, mêlée de certitude et d'hésitation, mais de la
vérité totale, complète, au point de vue religieux. Bien plus, elle est si sûre
de l'infaillibilité que son Fondateur divin lui a communiquée, comme la dot
magnifique de leur indissoluble alliance, que, même dans l'ordre naturel,
scientifique ou philosophique, moral ou politique, elle n'admet pas qu'un
système puisse être soutenu et adopté par des chrétiens, s'il contredit à des
dogmes définis. Elle considère que la négation volontaire et opiniâtre d'un
direct supernatural act of God, and for asserting that man, body and soul,
came from his parents. This is the system that now strives for universal
power; it is from it, as Monsignor Capel graciously informs us, that we are
to learn what is allowable in science, and what is not!
In the face of such facts, which might be multiplied at will, it requires
extraordinary bravery of mind, or a reliance upon public ignorance almost
as extraordinary, to make the claims made by Monsignor Capel for his
Church.
Before me is a very remarkable letter addressed in 1875 by the Bishop of
Montpellier to the Deans and Professors of Faculties of Montpellier, in
which the writer very clearly lays down the claims of his Church. He had
been startled by an incident occurring in a course of lectures on Physiology
given by a professor, of whose scientific capacity there was no doubt, but
who, it was alleged, rightly or wrongly, had made his course the vehicle of
materialism. 'Je ne me suis point donne,' says the Bishop, 'la mission que je
remplis au milieu de vous. "Personne, au temoignage de saint Paul, ne
s'attribue à soi-même un pareil honneur; il y faut être appelé de Dieu,
comme Aaron." Et pourquoi en est-il ainsi? C'est parse que, selon le même
Apôtre, noun devons titre les ambassadeurs de Dieu; et it n'est pas dans les
usages, pas plus qu'il n'est dans la raison et le droit, qu'un envoyé s'accrédite
lui-même. Mais, si j'ai recu d'En-Haut une mission; si l'Eglise, au nom de
Dieu lui-même, a souscrit me lettres de créance, me siéraitil de manquer
aux instructions qu'elle m'a données et d'entendre, en un sens différent du
sien, le rôle qu'elle m'a confié?
'Or, Messieurs, la sainte Eglise se croit investie du droit absolu d'enseigner
les hommes; elle se croit dépositaire de la vérité, non pas de la vérité
fragmentaire, incomplète, mêlée de certitude et d'hésitation, mais de la
vérité totale, complète, au point de vue religieux. Bien plus, elle est si sûre
de l'infaillibilité que son Fondateur divin lui a communiquée, comme la dot
magnifique de leur indissoluble alliance, que, même dans l'ordre naturel,
scientifique ou philosophique, moral ou politique, elle n'admet pas qu'un
système puisse être soutenu et adopté par des chrétiens, s'il contredit à des
dogmes définis. Elle considère que la négation volontaire et opiniâtre d'un
Page 564
seul point de sa doctrine rend coupable du péché d'hérésie; et elle pense que
toute hérésie formelle, si on ne la rejette pas courageusement avant de
paraitre devant Dieu, entraine avec soi la perte certaine de la grâce et de
l'éternité.'
The Bishop recalls those whom he addresses from the false philosophy of
the present to the philosophy of the past, and foresees the triumph of the
latter. 'Avant que le dix-neuvième siècle s'achève, la vieille philosophie
scolastique aura repris sa place dans la juste admiration du monde. Il lui
faudra pourtant bien du temps pour guérir les maux de tout genre, causés
par son indigne rivale; et pendant de longues années encore, ce nom de
philosophie, le plus grand de la langue humaine après celui de religion, sera
suspect aux âmes qui se souviendront de la science impie et materialiste de
Locke, de Condillac ou d'Helvétius. L'heure actuelle est aux sciences
naturelles: c'est maintenant l'instrument de combat contre l'Eglise et contre
toute foi religieuse. Nous ne les redoutons pas.' Further on the Bishop warns
his readers that everything can be abused. Poetry is good, but in excess it
may injure practical conduct. 'Les mathématiques sont excellentes: et
Bossuet les a louées "comme étant ce qui sert le plus à la justesse du
raisonnement;" mais si on s'accoutume exclusivement à leur méthode, rien
de ce qui appartient à l'ordre moral ne parait plus pouvoir être démontré; et
Fénelon a pu parler de l'ensorcellement et des attraits diaboliqes de la
geometrie.'
The learned Bishop thus finally accentuates the claims of the Church:—
'Comme le définissait le Pape Léon X, au cinquième concile oecuménique
de Latran, "Le vrai ne peut pas être contraire à lui-même: par conséquent,
toute assertion contraire à une vérité de foi révélée est nécessairement et
absolument fausse." Il suit de là que, sans entrer dans l'examen scientifique
de telle ou telle question de physiologie, mais par la seule certitude de nos
dogmes, nous pouvons juger du sort de telle ou telle hypothèse, qui est une
machine de guerre anti-chrétienne plutôt qu'une conquête sérieuse sur les
secrets et les mystères de la nature… C'est un dogme que l'homme a été
formé et faconné des mains de Dieu. Donc il est faux, hérétique, contraire à
la dignité du Créateur et offensant pour son chef-d'oeuvre, de dire que
l'homme constitue la septième espèce des singes… Hérésie encore de dire
toute hérésie formelle, si on ne la rejette pas courageusement avant de
paraitre devant Dieu, entraine avec soi la perte certaine de la grâce et de
l'éternité.'
The Bishop recalls those whom he addresses from the false philosophy of
the present to the philosophy of the past, and foresees the triumph of the
latter. 'Avant que le dix-neuvième siècle s'achève, la vieille philosophie
scolastique aura repris sa place dans la juste admiration du monde. Il lui
faudra pourtant bien du temps pour guérir les maux de tout genre, causés
par son indigne rivale; et pendant de longues années encore, ce nom de
philosophie, le plus grand de la langue humaine après celui de religion, sera
suspect aux âmes qui se souviendront de la science impie et materialiste de
Locke, de Condillac ou d'Helvétius. L'heure actuelle est aux sciences
naturelles: c'est maintenant l'instrument de combat contre l'Eglise et contre
toute foi religieuse. Nous ne les redoutons pas.' Further on the Bishop warns
his readers that everything can be abused. Poetry is good, but in excess it
may injure practical conduct. 'Les mathématiques sont excellentes: et
Bossuet les a louées "comme étant ce qui sert le plus à la justesse du
raisonnement;" mais si on s'accoutume exclusivement à leur méthode, rien
de ce qui appartient à l'ordre moral ne parait plus pouvoir être démontré; et
Fénelon a pu parler de l'ensorcellement et des attraits diaboliqes de la
geometrie.'
The learned Bishop thus finally accentuates the claims of the Church:—
'Comme le définissait le Pape Léon X, au cinquième concile oecuménique
de Latran, "Le vrai ne peut pas être contraire à lui-même: par conséquent,
toute assertion contraire à une vérité de foi révélée est nécessairement et
absolument fausse." Il suit de là que, sans entrer dans l'examen scientifique
de telle ou telle question de physiologie, mais par la seule certitude de nos
dogmes, nous pouvons juger du sort de telle ou telle hypothèse, qui est une
machine de guerre anti-chrétienne plutôt qu'une conquête sérieuse sur les
secrets et les mystères de la nature… C'est un dogme que l'homme a été
formé et faconné des mains de Dieu. Donc il est faux, hérétique, contraire à
la dignité du Créateur et offensant pour son chef-d'oeuvre, de dire que
l'homme constitue la septième espèce des singes… Hérésie encore de dire
Page 565
que le genre humain n'est pas sorti d'un seul couple, et qu'on y peut compter
jusqu'à douze races distinctes!'
-----
The course of life upon earth, as far as Science can see, has been one of
amelioration — a steady advance on the whole from the lower to the higher.
The continued effort of animated nature is to improve its condition and raise
itself to a loftier level. In man improvement and amelioration depend
largely upon the growth of conscious knowledge, by which the errors of
ignorance are continually moulted, and truth is organised. It is the advance
of knowledge that has given a materialistic colour to the philosophy of this
age. Materialism is therefore not a thing to be mourned over, but to be
honestly considered — accepted if it be wholly true, rejected if it be wholly
false, wisely sifted and turned to account if it embrace a mixture of truth
and error. Of late years the study of the nervous system, and its relation to
thought and feeling, have profoundly occupied enquiring minds. It is our
duty not to shirk — it ought rather to be our privilege to accept — the
established results of such enquiries, for here assuredly our ultimate weal
depends upon our loyalty to the truth. Instructed as to the control which the
nervous system exercises over man's moral and intellectual nature, we shall
be better prepared, not only to mend their manifold defects, but also to
strengthen and purify both. Is mind degraded by this recognition of its
dependence? Assuredly not. Matter, on the contrary, is raised to the level it
ought to occupy, and from which timid ignorance would remove it.
But the light is dawning, and it will become stronger as time goes on. Even
the Brighton "Church Congress" affords evidence of this. From the
manifold confusions of that assemblage my memory has rescued two items,
which it would fain preserve: the recognition of a relation between Health
and Religion, and the address of the Rev. Harry Jones. Out of the conflict of
vanities his words emerge wholesome and strong, because undrugged by
dogma, coming directly from the warm brain of one who knows what
practical truth means, and who has faith in its vitality and inherent power of
propagation.
I wonder whether he is less effectual in his ministry than his more
embroidered colleagues? It surely behoves our teachers to come to some
jusqu'à douze races distinctes!'
-----
The course of life upon earth, as far as Science can see, has been one of
amelioration — a steady advance on the whole from the lower to the higher.
The continued effort of animated nature is to improve its condition and raise
itself to a loftier level. In man improvement and amelioration depend
largely upon the growth of conscious knowledge, by which the errors of
ignorance are continually moulted, and truth is organised. It is the advance
of knowledge that has given a materialistic colour to the philosophy of this
age. Materialism is therefore not a thing to be mourned over, but to be
honestly considered — accepted if it be wholly true, rejected if it be wholly
false, wisely sifted and turned to account if it embrace a mixture of truth
and error. Of late years the study of the nervous system, and its relation to
thought and feeling, have profoundly occupied enquiring minds. It is our
duty not to shirk — it ought rather to be our privilege to accept — the
established results of such enquiries, for here assuredly our ultimate weal
depends upon our loyalty to the truth. Instructed as to the control which the
nervous system exercises over man's moral and intellectual nature, we shall
be better prepared, not only to mend their manifold defects, but also to
strengthen and purify both. Is mind degraded by this recognition of its
dependence? Assuredly not. Matter, on the contrary, is raised to the level it
ought to occupy, and from which timid ignorance would remove it.
But the light is dawning, and it will become stronger as time goes on. Even
the Brighton "Church Congress" affords evidence of this. From the
manifold confusions of that assemblage my memory has rescued two items,
which it would fain preserve: the recognition of a relation between Health
and Religion, and the address of the Rev. Harry Jones. Out of the conflict of
vanities his words emerge wholesome and strong, because undrugged by
dogma, coming directly from the warm brain of one who knows what
practical truth means, and who has faith in its vitality and inherent power of
propagation.
I wonder whether he is less effectual in his ministry than his more
embroidered colleagues? It surely behoves our teachers to come to some
Page 566
definite understanding as to this question of health; to see how, by
inattention to it, we are defrauded, negatively and positively: negatively, by
the privation of that 'sweetness and light' which is the natural concomitant
of good health; positively, by the insertion into life of cynicism, ill-temper,
and a thousand corroding anxieties which good health would dissipate. We
fear and scorn 'materialism.' But he who knew all about it, and could apply
his knowledge, might become the preacher of a new gospel. Not, however,
through the ecstatic moments of the individual does such knowledge come,
but through the revelations of science, in connection with the history of
mankind.
Why should the Roman Catholic Church call gluttony a mortal sin? Why
should fasting occupy a place in the disciplines of religion? What is the
meaning of Luther's advice to the young clergyman who came to him,
perplexed with the difficulties of predestination and election, if it be not
that, in virtue of its action upon the brain, when wisely applied, there is
moral and religious virtue even in a hydro-carbon? To use the old language,
food and drink are creatures of God, and have therefore a spiritual value.
Through our neglect of the monitions of a reasonable materialism we sin
and suffer daily. I might here point to the train of deadly disorders over
which science has given modern society such control — disclosing the lair
of the material enemy, ensuring his destruction, and thus preventing that
moral squalor and hopelessness which habitually tread on the heels of
epidemics in the case of the poor.
Rising to higher spheres, the visions of Swedenborg, and the ecstasy of
Plotinus and Porphyry, are phases of that psychical condition, obviously
connected with the nervous system and state of health, on which is based
the Vedic doctrine of the absorption of the individual into the universal soul.
Plotinus taught the devout how to pass into a condition of ecstasy. Porphyry
complains of having been only once united to God in eighty-six years,
while his master Plotinus had been so united six times in sixty years.
[Footnote: I recommend to the reader's particular attention Dr. Draper's
important work entitled, 'History of the Conflict between Religion and
Science' (Messrs. H. S. King and Co.)] A friend who knew Wordsworth
informs me that the poet, in some of his moods, was accustomed to seize
hold of an external object to assure himself of his own bodily existence. As
inattention to it, we are defrauded, negatively and positively: negatively, by
the privation of that 'sweetness and light' which is the natural concomitant
of good health; positively, by the insertion into life of cynicism, ill-temper,
and a thousand corroding anxieties which good health would dissipate. We
fear and scorn 'materialism.' But he who knew all about it, and could apply
his knowledge, might become the preacher of a new gospel. Not, however,
through the ecstatic moments of the individual does such knowledge come,
but through the revelations of science, in connection with the history of
mankind.
Why should the Roman Catholic Church call gluttony a mortal sin? Why
should fasting occupy a place in the disciplines of religion? What is the
meaning of Luther's advice to the young clergyman who came to him,
perplexed with the difficulties of predestination and election, if it be not
that, in virtue of its action upon the brain, when wisely applied, there is
moral and religious virtue even in a hydro-carbon? To use the old language,
food and drink are creatures of God, and have therefore a spiritual value.
Through our neglect of the monitions of a reasonable materialism we sin
and suffer daily. I might here point to the train of deadly disorders over
which science has given modern society such control — disclosing the lair
of the material enemy, ensuring his destruction, and thus preventing that
moral squalor and hopelessness which habitually tread on the heels of
epidemics in the case of the poor.
Rising to higher spheres, the visions of Swedenborg, and the ecstasy of
Plotinus and Porphyry, are phases of that psychical condition, obviously
connected with the nervous system and state of health, on which is based
the Vedic doctrine of the absorption of the individual into the universal soul.
Plotinus taught the devout how to pass into a condition of ecstasy. Porphyry
complains of having been only once united to God in eighty-six years,
while his master Plotinus had been so united six times in sixty years.
[Footnote: I recommend to the reader's particular attention Dr. Draper's
important work entitled, 'History of the Conflict between Religion and
Science' (Messrs. H. S. King and Co.)] A friend who knew Wordsworth
informs me that the poet, in some of his moods, was accustomed to seize
hold of an external object to assure himself of his own bodily existence. As
Page 567
states of consciousness such phenomena have an undisputed reality, and a
substantial identity; but they are connected with the most heterogeneous
objective conceptions. The subjective experiences are similar, because of
the similarity of the underlying organisations.
But for those who wish to look beyond the practical facts, there will always
remain ample room for speculation. Take the argument of the Lucretian
introduced in the Belfast Address. As far as I am aware, not one of my
assailants has attempted to answer it. Some of them, indeed, rejoice over the
ability displayed by Bishop Butler in rolling back the difficulty on his
opponent; and they even imagine that it is the Bishop's own argument that is
there employed. But the raising of a new difficulty does not abolish — does
not even lessen — the old one, and the argument of the Lucretian remains
untouched by anything the Bishop has said or can say.
-----
And here it may be permitted me to add a word to an important controversy
now going on: and which turns on the question: Do states of consciousness
enter as links into the chain of antecedence and sequence, which give rise to
bodily actions, and to other states of consciousness; or are they merely by-
products, which are not essential to the physical processes going on in the
brain? Speaking for myself, it is certain that I have no power of imagining
states of consciousness, interposed between the molecules of the brain, and
influencing the transference of motion among the molecules. The thought
'eludes all mental presentation;' and hence the logic seems of iron strength
which claims for the brain an automatic action, uninfluenced by states of
consciousness. But it is, I believe, admitted by those who hold the
automaton-theory, that states of consciousness are produced by the
marshalling of the molecules of the brain: and this production of
consciousness by molecular motion is to me quite as inconceivable on
mechanical principles as the production of molecular motion by
consciousness. If, therefore, I reject one result, I must reject both. I,
however, reject neither, and thus stand in the presence of two
Incomprehensibles, instead of one Incomprehensible. While accepting
fearlessly the facts of materialism dwelt upon in these pages, I bow my
head in the dust before that mystery of mind, which has hitherto defied its
substantial identity; but they are connected with the most heterogeneous
objective conceptions. The subjective experiences are similar, because of
the similarity of the underlying organisations.
But for those who wish to look beyond the practical facts, there will always
remain ample room for speculation. Take the argument of the Lucretian
introduced in the Belfast Address. As far as I am aware, not one of my
assailants has attempted to answer it. Some of them, indeed, rejoice over the
ability displayed by Bishop Butler in rolling back the difficulty on his
opponent; and they even imagine that it is the Bishop's own argument that is
there employed. But the raising of a new difficulty does not abolish — does
not even lessen — the old one, and the argument of the Lucretian remains
untouched by anything the Bishop has said or can say.
-----
And here it may be permitted me to add a word to an important controversy
now going on: and which turns on the question: Do states of consciousness
enter as links into the chain of antecedence and sequence, which give rise to
bodily actions, and to other states of consciousness; or are they merely by-
products, which are not essential to the physical processes going on in the
brain? Speaking for myself, it is certain that I have no power of imagining
states of consciousness, interposed between the molecules of the brain, and
influencing the transference of motion among the molecules. The thought
'eludes all mental presentation;' and hence the logic seems of iron strength
which claims for the brain an automatic action, uninfluenced by states of
consciousness. But it is, I believe, admitted by those who hold the
automaton-theory, that states of consciousness are produced by the
marshalling of the molecules of the brain: and this production of
consciousness by molecular motion is to me quite as inconceivable on
mechanical principles as the production of molecular motion by
consciousness. If, therefore, I reject one result, I must reject both. I,
however, reject neither, and thus stand in the presence of two
Incomprehensibles, instead of one Incomprehensible. While accepting
fearlessly the facts of materialism dwelt upon in these pages, I bow my
head in the dust before that mystery of mind, which has hitherto defied its
Page 568
own penetrative power, and which may ultimately resolve itself into a
demonstrable impossibility of self-penetration.
But the secret is an open one — the practical monitions are plain enough,
which declare that on our dealings with matter depend our weal and woe,
physical and moral. The state of mind which rebels against the recognition
of the claims of 'materialism' is not unknown to me. I can remember a time
when I regarded my body as a weed, so much more highly did I
prize the conscious strength and pleasure derived from moral and religious
feeling — which, I may add, was mine without the intervention of dogma.
The error was not an ignoble one, but this did not save it from the penalty
attached to error. Saner knowledge taught me that the body is no weed, and
that treated as such it would infallibly avenge itself. Am I personally
lowered by this change of front? Not so. Give me their health, and there is
no spiritual experience of those earlier years — no resolve of duty, or work
of mercy, no work of self-renouncement, no solemnity of thought, no joy in
the life and aspects of nature — that would not still be mine; and this
without the least reference or regard to any purely personal reward or
punishment looming in the future.
And now I have to utter a 'farewell' free from bitterness to all my readers;
thanking my friends for a sympathy more steadfast, I would fain believe, if
less noisy, than the antipathy of my foes; and commending to these a
passage from Bishop Butler, which they have either not read or failed to lay
to heart. 'It seems,' saith the Bishop, 'that men would be strangely
headstrong and self-willed, and disposed to exert themselves with an
impetuosity which would render society insupportable, and the living in it
impracticable, were it not for some acquired moderation and self-
government, some aptitude and readiness in restraining themselves, and
concealing their sense of things.'
.
.
.
demonstrable impossibility of self-penetration.
But the secret is an open one — the practical monitions are plain enough,
which declare that on our dealings with matter depend our weal and woe,
physical and moral. The state of mind which rebels against the recognition
of the claims of 'materialism' is not unknown to me. I can remember a time
when I regarded my body as a weed, so much more highly did I
prize the conscious strength and pleasure derived from moral and religious
feeling — which, I may add, was mine without the intervention of dogma.
The error was not an ignoble one, but this did not save it from the penalty
attached to error. Saner knowledge taught me that the body is no weed, and
that treated as such it would infallibly avenge itself. Am I personally
lowered by this change of front? Not so. Give me their health, and there is
no spiritual experience of those earlier years — no resolve of duty, or work
of mercy, no work of self-renouncement, no solemnity of thought, no joy in
the life and aspects of nature — that would not still be mine; and this
without the least reference or regard to any purely personal reward or
punishment looming in the future.
And now I have to utter a 'farewell' free from bitterness to all my readers;
thanking my friends for a sympathy more steadfast, I would fain believe, if
less noisy, than the antipathy of my foes; and commending to these a
passage from Bishop Butler, which they have either not read or failed to lay
to heart. 'It seems,' saith the Bishop, 'that men would be strangely
headstrong and self-willed, and disposed to exert themselves with an
impetuosity which would render society insupportable, and the living in it
impracticable, were it not for some acquired moderation and self-
government, some aptitude and readiness in restraining themselves, and
concealing their sense of things.'
.
.
.
Page 569
.
--------------------
.
.
XI. THE REV. JAMES MARTINEAU AND THE BELFAST
ADDRESS.
[Footnote: Fortnightly Review.]
PRIOR to the publication of the Fifth Edition of these 'Fragments' my
attention had been directed by several estimable, and indeed eminent,
persons, to an essay by the Rev. James Martineau, as demanding serious
consideration at my hands. I tried to give the essay the attention claimed for
it, and published my views of it as an Introduction to Part 11. of the
'Fragments.' I there referred, and here again refer with pleasure, to the
accord subsisting between Mr. Martineau and myself on certain points of
biblical Cosmogony. 'In so far,' says he, 'as Church belief is still committed
to a given Cosmogony and natural history of man, it lies open to scientific
refutation.' And again: 'It turns out that with the sun and moon and stars,
and in and on the earth, before and after the appearance of our race, quite
other things have happened than those which the sacred Cosmogony
recites.' Once more: 'The whole history of the genesis of things Religion
must surrender to the Sciences.' Finally, still more emphatically: 'In the
investigation of the genetic order of things, Theology is an intruder, and
must stand aside.' This expresses, only in words of fuller pith, the views
which I ventured to enunciate in Belfast. 'The impregnable position of
Science,' I there say, 'may be stated in a few words. We claim, and we shall
wrest from Theology, the entire domain of Cosmological theory.' Thus
Theology, so far as it is represented by Mr. Martineau, and Science, so far
as I understand it, are in absolute harmony here.
But Mr. Martineau would have just reason to complain of me, if, by partial
citation, I left my readers under the impression that the agreement between
us is complete. At the opening of the eighty-ninth Session of the
--------------------
.
.
XI. THE REV. JAMES MARTINEAU AND THE BELFAST
ADDRESS.
[Footnote: Fortnightly Review.]
PRIOR to the publication of the Fifth Edition of these 'Fragments' my
attention had been directed by several estimable, and indeed eminent,
persons, to an essay by the Rev. James Martineau, as demanding serious
consideration at my hands. I tried to give the essay the attention claimed for
it, and published my views of it as an Introduction to Part 11. of the
'Fragments.' I there referred, and here again refer with pleasure, to the
accord subsisting between Mr. Martineau and myself on certain points of
biblical Cosmogony. 'In so far,' says he, 'as Church belief is still committed
to a given Cosmogony and natural history of man, it lies open to scientific
refutation.' And again: 'It turns out that with the sun and moon and stars,
and in and on the earth, before and after the appearance of our race, quite
other things have happened than those which the sacred Cosmogony
recites.' Once more: 'The whole history of the genesis of things Religion
must surrender to the Sciences.' Finally, still more emphatically: 'In the
investigation of the genetic order of things, Theology is an intruder, and
must stand aside.' This expresses, only in words of fuller pith, the views
which I ventured to enunciate in Belfast. 'The impregnable position of
Science,' I there say, 'may be stated in a few words. We claim, and we shall
wrest from Theology, the entire domain of Cosmological theory.' Thus
Theology, so far as it is represented by Mr. Martineau, and Science, so far
as I understand it, are in absolute harmony here.
But Mr. Martineau would have just reason to complain of me, if, by partial
citation, I left my readers under the impression that the agreement between
us is complete. At the opening of the eighty-ninth Session of the
Page 570
Manchester New College, London, on October 6, '1874, he, its principal,
delivered an Address bearing the title 'Religion as affected by Modern
Materialism;' the references and general tone of which make evident the
depth of its author's discontent with my previous deliverance at Belfast. I
find it difficult to grapple with the exact grounds of this discontent. Indeed,
logically considered, the impression left upon my mind by an essay of great
aesthetic merit, containing many passages of exceeding beauty, and many
sentiments which none but the pure in heart could utter as they are uttered
here, is vague and unsatisfactory. The author appears at times so brave and
liberal, at times so timid and captious, and at times, if I dare say it, so
imperfectly informed, regarding the position he assails.
At the outset of his Address Mr. Martineau states with some distinctness his
'sources of religious faith.' They are two — the scrutiny of Nature' and 'the
interpretation of Sacred Books.' It would have been a theme worthy of his
intelligence to have deduced from these two sources his religion as it
stands. But not another word is said about the 'Sacred Books.' Having swept
with the besom of Science various 'books' contemptuously away, he does
not define the Sacred residue; much less give us the reasons why he deems
them sacred. [Footnote: Mr. Martineau's use of the term 'sacred' is
unintentionally misleading. In his later essays we are taught that he does
not mean to restrict it to the Bible. He does not, however, mention the
'books' beyond those of the Bible to which he would apply the term. 1879.]
His references to 'Nature,' on the other hand, are magnificent tirades against
Nature, intended, apparently, to show the wholly abominable character of
man's antecedents if the theory of evolution be true. Here also his mood
lacks steadiness. While joyfully accepting, at one place, 'the widening
space, the deepening vistas of time, the detected marvels of physiological
structure, and the rapid filling-in of the missing links in the chain of organic
life,' he falls, at another, into lamentation and mourning over the very
theory which renders 'organic life' 'a chain.' He claims the largest liberality
for his sect, and avows its contempt for the dangers of possible discovery.
But immediately afterwards he damages the claim, and ruins all confidence
in the avowal. He professes sympathy with modern Science, and almost in
the same breath he treats, or certainly will be understood to treat, the
Atomic Theory, and the doctrine of the Conservation of Energy, as if they
were a kind of scientific thimble-riggery.
delivered an Address bearing the title 'Religion as affected by Modern
Materialism;' the references and general tone of which make evident the
depth of its author's discontent with my previous deliverance at Belfast. I
find it difficult to grapple with the exact grounds of this discontent. Indeed,
logically considered, the impression left upon my mind by an essay of great
aesthetic merit, containing many passages of exceeding beauty, and many
sentiments which none but the pure in heart could utter as they are uttered
here, is vague and unsatisfactory. The author appears at times so brave and
liberal, at times so timid and captious, and at times, if I dare say it, so
imperfectly informed, regarding the position he assails.
At the outset of his Address Mr. Martineau states with some distinctness his
'sources of religious faith.' They are two — the scrutiny of Nature' and 'the
interpretation of Sacred Books.' It would have been a theme worthy of his
intelligence to have deduced from these two sources his religion as it
stands. But not another word is said about the 'Sacred Books.' Having swept
with the besom of Science various 'books' contemptuously away, he does
not define the Sacred residue; much less give us the reasons why he deems
them sacred. [Footnote: Mr. Martineau's use of the term 'sacred' is
unintentionally misleading. In his later essays we are taught that he does
not mean to restrict it to the Bible. He does not, however, mention the
'books' beyond those of the Bible to which he would apply the term. 1879.]
His references to 'Nature,' on the other hand, are magnificent tirades against
Nature, intended, apparently, to show the wholly abominable character of
man's antecedents if the theory of evolution be true. Here also his mood
lacks steadiness. While joyfully accepting, at one place, 'the widening
space, the deepening vistas of time, the detected marvels of physiological
structure, and the rapid filling-in of the missing links in the chain of organic
life,' he falls, at another, into lamentation and mourning over the very
theory which renders 'organic life' 'a chain.' He claims the largest liberality
for his sect, and avows its contempt for the dangers of possible discovery.
But immediately afterwards he damages the claim, and ruins all confidence
in the avowal. He professes sympathy with modern Science, and almost in
the same breath he treats, or certainly will be understood to treat, the
Atomic Theory, and the doctrine of the Conservation of Energy, as if they
were a kind of scientific thimble-riggery.
Page 571
His ardour, moreover, renders him inaccurate causing him to see discord
between scientific men where nothing but harmony reigns. In his celebrated
Address to the Congress of German Naturforscher, delivered at Leipzig,
three years ago, Du Bois-Reymond speaks thus: 'What conceivable
connection subsists between definite movements of definite atoms in my
brain, on the one hand, and on the other hand such primordial, indefinable,
undeniable, facts as these: I feel pain or pleasure; I experience a sweet taste,
or smell a rose, or hear an organ, or see something red. …It is absolutely
and for ever inconceivable that a number of carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen, and
oxygen atoms should be otherwise than indifferent as to their own position
and motion, past, present, or future. It is utterly inconceivable how
consciousness should result from their joint action.'
This language, which was spoken in 1872, Mr. Martineau 'freely' translates,
and quotes against me. The act is due to misapprehension. Evidence is at
hand to prove that I employed similar language twenty years ago. It is to be
found in the 'Saturday Review' for 1860; but a sufficient illustration of the
agreement between my friend Du Bois-Reymond and myself, is furnished
by the discourse on 'Scientific Materialism,' delivered in 1868, then widely
circulated, and reprinted here. The reader who compares the two discourses
will see that the same line of thought is pursued in both, and that perfect
agreement reigns between my friend and me. In the very Address he
criticises, Mr. Martineau might have seen that precisely the same position is
maintained. A quotation will prove this :— 'Thus far,' I say, 'our way is
clear, but now comes my difficulty. Your atoms are individually without
sensation, much more are they without intelligence. May I ask you, then, to
try your hand upon this problem? Take your dead hydrogen atoms, your
dead oxygen atoms, your dead carbon atoms, your dead nitrogen atoms,
your dead phosphorus atoms, and all the other atoms, dead as grains of shot,
of which the brain is formed. Imagine them separate and sensationless;
observe them running together and forming all imaginable combinations.
This, as a purely mechanical process, is seeable by the mind. But can you
see, or dream, or in any way imagine, how out of that mechanical act, and
from these individually dead atoms, sensation, thought, and emotion are to
rise? Are you likely to extract Homer out of the rattling of dice, or the
Differential Calculus out of the clash of billiard balls? ... I can follow a
particle of musk until it reaches the olfactory nerve; I can follow the waves
between scientific men where nothing but harmony reigns. In his celebrated
Address to the Congress of German Naturforscher, delivered at Leipzig,
three years ago, Du Bois-Reymond speaks thus: 'What conceivable
connection subsists between definite movements of definite atoms in my
brain, on the one hand, and on the other hand such primordial, indefinable,
undeniable, facts as these: I feel pain or pleasure; I experience a sweet taste,
or smell a rose, or hear an organ, or see something red. …It is absolutely
and for ever inconceivable that a number of carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen, and
oxygen atoms should be otherwise than indifferent as to their own position
and motion, past, present, or future. It is utterly inconceivable how
consciousness should result from their joint action.'
This language, which was spoken in 1872, Mr. Martineau 'freely' translates,
and quotes against me. The act is due to misapprehension. Evidence is at
hand to prove that I employed similar language twenty years ago. It is to be
found in the 'Saturday Review' for 1860; but a sufficient illustration of the
agreement between my friend Du Bois-Reymond and myself, is furnished
by the discourse on 'Scientific Materialism,' delivered in 1868, then widely
circulated, and reprinted here. The reader who compares the two discourses
will see that the same line of thought is pursued in both, and that perfect
agreement reigns between my friend and me. In the very Address he
criticises, Mr. Martineau might have seen that precisely the same position is
maintained. A quotation will prove this :— 'Thus far,' I say, 'our way is
clear, but now comes my difficulty. Your atoms are individually without
sensation, much more are they without intelligence. May I ask you, then, to
try your hand upon this problem? Take your dead hydrogen atoms, your
dead oxygen atoms, your dead carbon atoms, your dead nitrogen atoms,
your dead phosphorus atoms, and all the other atoms, dead as grains of shot,
of which the brain is formed. Imagine them separate and sensationless;
observe them running together and forming all imaginable combinations.
This, as a purely mechanical process, is seeable by the mind. But can you
see, or dream, or in any way imagine, how out of that mechanical act, and
from these individually dead atoms, sensation, thought, and emotion are to
rise? Are you likely to extract Homer out of the rattling of dice, or the
Differential Calculus out of the clash of billiard balls? ... I can follow a
particle of musk until it reaches the olfactory nerve; I can follow the waves
Page 572
of sound until their tremors reach the water of the labyrinth, and set the
otoliths and Corti's fibres in motion; I can also visualise the waves of aether
as they cross the eye and hit the retina. Nay, more, I am able to pursue to
the central organ the motion thus imparted at the periphery, and to see in
idea the very molecules of the brain thrown into tremors. My insight is not
baffled by these physical processes. What baffles and bewilders me is the
notion that from these physical tremors things so utterly incongruous with
them as sensation, thought, and emotion can be derived.' It is only a
complete misapprehension of our true relationship that could induce Mr.
Martineau to represent Du Bois-Reymond and myself as opposed to each
other.
'The affluence of illustration,' writes an able and sympathetic reviewer of
this essay, in the 'New York Tribune,' 'in which Mr. Martineau delights often
impairs the distinctness of his statements by diverting the attention of the
reader from the essential points of his discussion to the beauty of his
imagery, and thus diminishes their power of conviction. 'To the beauties
here referred to I bear willing testimony; but the reviewer is strictly just in
his estimate of their effect upon my critic's logic. The 'affluence of
illustration,' and the heat, and haze, and haste, generated by its reaction
upon Mr. Martineau's own mind, often produce vagueness where precision
is the one thing needful — poetic fervour where we require judicial calm;
and practical unfairness where the strictest justice ought to be, and I
willingly believe is meant to be, observed.
In one of his nobler passages Mr. Martineau tells us how the pupils of his
college have been educated hitherto: 'They have been trained under the
assumptions (1) that the Universe which includes us and folds us round is
the life-dwelling of an Eternal Mind; (2) that the world of our abode is the
scene of a moral government, incipient but not complete; and (3) that the
upper zones of human affection, above the clouds of self and passion, take
us into the sphere of a Divine Communion. Into this over-arching scene it is
that growing thought and enthusiasm have expanded to catch their light and
fire.'
Alpine summits seem to kindle above us as we read these glowing words;
we see their beauty and feel their life. At the close of one of the essays here
otoliths and Corti's fibres in motion; I can also visualise the waves of aether
as they cross the eye and hit the retina. Nay, more, I am able to pursue to
the central organ the motion thus imparted at the periphery, and to see in
idea the very molecules of the brain thrown into tremors. My insight is not
baffled by these physical processes. What baffles and bewilders me is the
notion that from these physical tremors things so utterly incongruous with
them as sensation, thought, and emotion can be derived.' It is only a
complete misapprehension of our true relationship that could induce Mr.
Martineau to represent Du Bois-Reymond and myself as opposed to each
other.
'The affluence of illustration,' writes an able and sympathetic reviewer of
this essay, in the 'New York Tribune,' 'in which Mr. Martineau delights often
impairs the distinctness of his statements by diverting the attention of the
reader from the essential points of his discussion to the beauty of his
imagery, and thus diminishes their power of conviction. 'To the beauties
here referred to I bear willing testimony; but the reviewer is strictly just in
his estimate of their effect upon my critic's logic. The 'affluence of
illustration,' and the heat, and haze, and haste, generated by its reaction
upon Mr. Martineau's own mind, often produce vagueness where precision
is the one thing needful — poetic fervour where we require judicial calm;
and practical unfairness where the strictest justice ought to be, and I
willingly believe is meant to be, observed.
In one of his nobler passages Mr. Martineau tells us how the pupils of his
college have been educated hitherto: 'They have been trained under the
assumptions (1) that the Universe which includes us and folds us round is
the life-dwelling of an Eternal Mind; (2) that the world of our abode is the
scene of a moral government, incipient but not complete; and (3) that the
upper zones of human affection, above the clouds of self and passion, take
us into the sphere of a Divine Communion. Into this over-arching scene it is
that growing thought and enthusiasm have expanded to catch their light and
fire.'
Alpine summits seem to kindle above us as we read these glowing words;
we see their beauty and feel their life. At the close of one of the essays here
Page 573
printed, [Footnote: 'Scientific Use of the Imagination.'] I thus refer to the
'Communion' which Mr. Martineau calls 'Divine': "Two things," said
Immanuel Kant, "fill me with awe — the starry heavens, and the sense of
moral responsibility in man." And in his hours of health and strength and
sanity, when the stroke of action has ceased, and the pause of reflection has
set in, the scientific investigator finds himself overshadowed by the same
awe. Breaking contact with the hampering details of earth, it associates him
with a power which gives fulness and tone to his existence, but which he
can neither analyse nor comprehend. Though 'knowledge' is here
disavowed, the 'feelings', of Mr. Martineau and myself are, I think, very
much alike. He, nevertheless, censures me — almost denounces me — for
referring Religion to the region of Emotion. Surely he is inconsistent here.
The foregoing words refer to an inward hue or temperature, rather than to
an external object of thought. When I attempt to give the Power which I see
manifested in the Universe an objective form, personal or otherwise, it slips
away from me, declining all intellectual manipulation. I dare not, save
poetically, use the pronoun 'He' regarding it; I dare not call it a 'Mind;' I
refuse to call it even a 'Cause.' Its mystery overshadows me; but it remains a
mystery, while the objective frames which some of my neighbours try to
make it fit, seem to me to distort and desecrate it.
It is otherwise with Mr. Martineau, and hence his discontent. He professes
to know where I only claim to feel. He could make his contention good
against me if, by a process of verification, he would transform his
assumptions into 'objective knowledge.' But he makes no attempt to do so.
They remain assumptions from the beginning of his Address to its end. And
yet he frequently uses the word 'unverified,' as if it were fatal to the position
oh which its incidence falls. 'The scrutiny of Nature' is one of his sources of
'religious faith:' what logical foothold does that scrutiny furnish, on which
any one of the foregoing three assumptions could be planted? Nature,
according to his picturing, is base and cruel: what is the inference to be
drawn regarding its Author? If Nature be 'red in tooth and claw,' who is
responsible? On a Mindless nature Mr. Martineau pours the full torrent of
his gorgeous invective; but could the 'assumption' of 'an Eternal Mind' —
even of a Beneficent Eternal Mind — render the world objectively a whit
less mean and ugly than it is? Not an iota. It is man's feelings, and not
external phenomena, that are influenced by the assumption. It adds not a ray
'Communion' which Mr. Martineau calls 'Divine': "Two things," said
Immanuel Kant, "fill me with awe — the starry heavens, and the sense of
moral responsibility in man." And in his hours of health and strength and
sanity, when the stroke of action has ceased, and the pause of reflection has
set in, the scientific investigator finds himself overshadowed by the same
awe. Breaking contact with the hampering details of earth, it associates him
with a power which gives fulness and tone to his existence, but which he
can neither analyse nor comprehend. Though 'knowledge' is here
disavowed, the 'feelings', of Mr. Martineau and myself are, I think, very
much alike. He, nevertheless, censures me — almost denounces me — for
referring Religion to the region of Emotion. Surely he is inconsistent here.
The foregoing words refer to an inward hue or temperature, rather than to
an external object of thought. When I attempt to give the Power which I see
manifested in the Universe an objective form, personal or otherwise, it slips
away from me, declining all intellectual manipulation. I dare not, save
poetically, use the pronoun 'He' regarding it; I dare not call it a 'Mind;' I
refuse to call it even a 'Cause.' Its mystery overshadows me; but it remains a
mystery, while the objective frames which some of my neighbours try to
make it fit, seem to me to distort and desecrate it.
It is otherwise with Mr. Martineau, and hence his discontent. He professes
to know where I only claim to feel. He could make his contention good
against me if, by a process of verification, he would transform his
assumptions into 'objective knowledge.' But he makes no attempt to do so.
They remain assumptions from the beginning of his Address to its end. And
yet he frequently uses the word 'unverified,' as if it were fatal to the position
oh which its incidence falls. 'The scrutiny of Nature' is one of his sources of
'religious faith:' what logical foothold does that scrutiny furnish, on which
any one of the foregoing three assumptions could be planted? Nature,
according to his picturing, is base and cruel: what is the inference to be
drawn regarding its Author? If Nature be 'red in tooth and claw,' who is
responsible? On a Mindless nature Mr. Martineau pours the full torrent of
his gorgeous invective; but could the 'assumption' of 'an Eternal Mind' —
even of a Beneficent Eternal Mind — render the world objectively a whit
less mean and ugly than it is? Not an iota. It is man's feelings, and not
external phenomena, that are influenced by the assumption. It adds not a ray
Page 574
of light nor a strain of music to the objective sum of things. It does not
touch the phenomena of physical nature — storm, flood, or fire — nor
diminish by a pang the bloody combats of the animal world. But it does add
the glow of religious emotion to the human soul, as represented by Mr.
Martineau. Beyond this I defy him to go; and yet he rashly — it might be
said petulantly — kicks away the only philosophic foundation on which it is
possible for him to build his religion.
He twits incidentally the modern scientific interpretation of nature because
of its want of cheerfulness. Let the new future,' he says, 'preach its own
gospel, and devise, if it can, the means of making the tidings glad.' This is a
common argument: 'If you only knew the comfort of belief!' My reply is
that I choose the nobler part of Emerson, when, after various
disenchantments, he exclaimed, 'I covet truth!' The gladness of true heroism
visits the heart of him who is really competent to say this. Besides,
'gladness' is an emotion, and Mr. Martineau theoretically scorns the
emotional. I am not, however, acquainted with a writer who draws more
largely upon this source, while mistaking it for something objective. 'To
reach the Cause,' he says, 'there is no need to go into the past, as though
being missed here, He could be found there. But when once He has been
apprehended by the proper organs of divine apprehension, the whole life of
Humanity is recognised as the scene of His agency.' That Mr. Martineau
should have lived so long, thought so much, and failed to recognise the
entirely subjective character of this creed, is highly instructive. His 'proper
organs of divine apprehension ' — given, we must assume, to Mr.
Martineau and his pupils, but denied to many of the greatest intellects and
noblest men in this and other ages — lie at the very core of his emotions.
In fact, it is when Mr. Martineau is most purely emotional that he scorns the
emotions; it is when he is most purely subjective that he rejects subjectivity.
He pays a just and liberal tribute to the character of John Stuart Mill. But in
the light of Mill's philosophy, benevolence, honour, purity, having 'shrunk
into mere unaccredited subjective susceptibilities, have lost all support from
Omniscient approval, and all presumable accordance with the reality of
things.' If Mr. Martineau had given them any inkling of the process by
which he renders the 'subjective susceptibilities' objective, or how he
arrives at an objective ground of 'Omniscient approval,' gratitude from his
touch the phenomena of physical nature — storm, flood, or fire — nor
diminish by a pang the bloody combats of the animal world. But it does add
the glow of religious emotion to the human soul, as represented by Mr.
Martineau. Beyond this I defy him to go; and yet he rashly — it might be
said petulantly — kicks away the only philosophic foundation on which it is
possible for him to build his religion.
He twits incidentally the modern scientific interpretation of nature because
of its want of cheerfulness. Let the new future,' he says, 'preach its own
gospel, and devise, if it can, the means of making the tidings glad.' This is a
common argument: 'If you only knew the comfort of belief!' My reply is
that I choose the nobler part of Emerson, when, after various
disenchantments, he exclaimed, 'I covet truth!' The gladness of true heroism
visits the heart of him who is really competent to say this. Besides,
'gladness' is an emotion, and Mr. Martineau theoretically scorns the
emotional. I am not, however, acquainted with a writer who draws more
largely upon this source, while mistaking it for something objective. 'To
reach the Cause,' he says, 'there is no need to go into the past, as though
being missed here, He could be found there. But when once He has been
apprehended by the proper organs of divine apprehension, the whole life of
Humanity is recognised as the scene of His agency.' That Mr. Martineau
should have lived so long, thought so much, and failed to recognise the
entirely subjective character of this creed, is highly instructive. His 'proper
organs of divine apprehension ' — given, we must assume, to Mr.
Martineau and his pupils, but denied to many of the greatest intellects and
noblest men in this and other ages — lie at the very core of his emotions.
In fact, it is when Mr. Martineau is most purely emotional that he scorns the
emotions; it is when he is most purely subjective that he rejects subjectivity.
He pays a just and liberal tribute to the character of John Stuart Mill. But in
the light of Mill's philosophy, benevolence, honour, purity, having 'shrunk
into mere unaccredited subjective susceptibilities, have lost all support from
Omniscient approval, and all presumable accordance with the reality of
things.' If Mr. Martineau had given them any inkling of the process by
which he renders the 'subjective susceptibilities' objective, or how he
arrives at an objective ground of 'Omniscient approval,' gratitude from his
Page 575
pupils would have been his just meed. But, as it is, he leaves them lost in an
iridescent cloud of words, after exciting a desire which he is incompetent to
appease.
'We are,' he says, in another place, 'for ever shaping our representations of
invisible things into forms of definite opinion, and throwing them to the
front, as if they were the photographic equivalent of our real faith. It is a
delusion which affects us all. Yet somehow the essence of our religion never
finds its way into these frames of theory: as we put them together it slips
away, and, if we turn to pursue it, still retreats behind; ever ready to work
with the will, to unbind and sweeten the affections, and bathe the life with
reverence, but refusing to be seen, or to pass from a divine hue of thinking
into a human pattern of thought.' This is very beautiful, and mainly so
because the man who utters it obviously brings it all out of the treasury of
his own heart. But the 'hue' and 'pattern' here so finely spoken of, the former
refusing to pass into the latter, are neither more nor less than that 'emotion,'
on the one hand, and that 'objective knowledge,' on the other, which have
drawn this suicidal fire from Mr. Martineau's battery.
I now come to one of the most serious portions of Mr. Martineau's pamphlet
— serious far less on account of its 'personal errors,' than of its intrinsic
gravity, though its author has thought fit to give it a witty and sarcastic tone.
He analyses and criticises 'the materialist doctrine, which, in our time, is
proclaimed with so much pomp, and resisted with so much passion. "Matter
is all I want," says the physicist; "give me its atoms alone, and I will explain
the universe."' It is thought, even by Mr. Martineau's intimate friends, that
in this pamphlet he is answering me. I must therefore ask the reader to
contrast the foregoing travesty with what I really do say regarding atoms: 'I
do not think that he [the materialist] is entitled to say that his molecular
groupings and motions explain everything. In reality, they explain nothing.
The utmost he can affirm is the association of two classes of phenomena, of
whose real bond of union he is in absolute ignorance.' [Footnote: Address
on 'Scientific Materialism.'] This is very different from saying, 'Give me its
atoms alone, and I will explain the universe.' Mr. Martineau continues his
dialogue with the physicist: '"Good," he says; "take as many atoms as you
please. See that they have all that is requisite to Body [a metaphysical B],
being homogeneous extended solids." "That is not enough," his physicist
iridescent cloud of words, after exciting a desire which he is incompetent to
appease.
'We are,' he says, in another place, 'for ever shaping our representations of
invisible things into forms of definite opinion, and throwing them to the
front, as if they were the photographic equivalent of our real faith. It is a
delusion which affects us all. Yet somehow the essence of our religion never
finds its way into these frames of theory: as we put them together it slips
away, and, if we turn to pursue it, still retreats behind; ever ready to work
with the will, to unbind and sweeten the affections, and bathe the life with
reverence, but refusing to be seen, or to pass from a divine hue of thinking
into a human pattern of thought.' This is very beautiful, and mainly so
because the man who utters it obviously brings it all out of the treasury of
his own heart. But the 'hue' and 'pattern' here so finely spoken of, the former
refusing to pass into the latter, are neither more nor less than that 'emotion,'
on the one hand, and that 'objective knowledge,' on the other, which have
drawn this suicidal fire from Mr. Martineau's battery.
I now come to one of the most serious portions of Mr. Martineau's pamphlet
— serious far less on account of its 'personal errors,' than of its intrinsic
gravity, though its author has thought fit to give it a witty and sarcastic tone.
He analyses and criticises 'the materialist doctrine, which, in our time, is
proclaimed with so much pomp, and resisted with so much passion. "Matter
is all I want," says the physicist; "give me its atoms alone, and I will explain
the universe."' It is thought, even by Mr. Martineau's intimate friends, that
in this pamphlet he is answering me. I must therefore ask the reader to
contrast the foregoing travesty with what I really do say regarding atoms: 'I
do not think that he [the materialist] is entitled to say that his molecular
groupings and motions explain everything. In reality, they explain nothing.
The utmost he can affirm is the association of two classes of phenomena, of
whose real bond of union he is in absolute ignorance.' [Footnote: Address
on 'Scientific Materialism.'] This is very different from saying, 'Give me its
atoms alone, and I will explain the universe.' Mr. Martineau continues his
dialogue with the physicist: '"Good," he says; "take as many atoms as you
please. See that they have all that is requisite to Body [a metaphysical B],
being homogeneous extended solids." "That is not enough," his physicist
Page 576
replies; "it might do for Democritus and the mathematicians, but I must
have something more. The atoms must not only be in motion, and of
various shapes, but also of as many kinds as there are chemical elements;
for how could I ever get water if I had only hydrogen elements to work
with?" "So be it," Mr. Martineau consents to answer, "only this is a
considerable enlargement of your specified datum [where, and by whom
specified?] — in fact, a conversion of it into several; yet, even at the cost of
its monism [put into it by Mr. Martineau], your scheme seems hardly to
gain its end; for by what manipulation of your resources will you, for
example, educe Consciousness?"'
This reads like pleasantry, but it deals with serious things. For the last seven
years the question here proposed by Mr. Martineau, and my answer to it,
have been accessible to all. The question, in my words, is briefly this: 'A
man can say, "I feel, I think, I love," but how does consciousness infuse
itself into the problem?' And here is my answer: The passage from the
physics of the brain to the corresponding facts of consciousness is
unthinkable. Granted that a definite thought and a definite molecular action
in the brain occur simultaneously; we do not possess the intellectual organ,
nor apparently any rudiment of the organ, which would enable us to pass,
by a process of reasoning, from the one to the other. They appear together,
but we do not know why. Were our minds and senses so expanded,
strengthened, and illuminated, as to enable us to see and feel the very
molecules of the brain; were we capable of following all their motions, all
their groupings, all their electric discharges, if such there be; and were we
intimately acquainted with the corresponding states of thought and feeling,
we should be as far as ever from the solution of the problem, "How are
these physical processes connected with the facts of consciousness? "The
chasm between the two classes of phenomena would still remain
intellectually impassable." [Footnote: Bishop Butler's reply to the Lucretian
in the 'Belfast Address' is all in the same strain.]
Compare this with the answer which Mr. Martineau puts into the mouth of
his physicist, and with which I am generally credited by Mr. Martineau's
readers, both in England and America — '"It [the problem of consciousness]
does not daunt me at all. Of course you understand that all along my atoms
have been affected by gravitation and polarity; and now I have only to insist
have something more. The atoms must not only be in motion, and of
various shapes, but also of as many kinds as there are chemical elements;
for how could I ever get water if I had only hydrogen elements to work
with?" "So be it," Mr. Martineau consents to answer, "only this is a
considerable enlargement of your specified datum [where, and by whom
specified?] — in fact, a conversion of it into several; yet, even at the cost of
its monism [put into it by Mr. Martineau], your scheme seems hardly to
gain its end; for by what manipulation of your resources will you, for
example, educe Consciousness?"'
This reads like pleasantry, but it deals with serious things. For the last seven
years the question here proposed by Mr. Martineau, and my answer to it,
have been accessible to all. The question, in my words, is briefly this: 'A
man can say, "I feel, I think, I love," but how does consciousness infuse
itself into the problem?' And here is my answer: The passage from the
physics of the brain to the corresponding facts of consciousness is
unthinkable. Granted that a definite thought and a definite molecular action
in the brain occur simultaneously; we do not possess the intellectual organ,
nor apparently any rudiment of the organ, which would enable us to pass,
by a process of reasoning, from the one to the other. They appear together,
but we do not know why. Were our minds and senses so expanded,
strengthened, and illuminated, as to enable us to see and feel the very
molecules of the brain; were we capable of following all their motions, all
their groupings, all their electric discharges, if such there be; and were we
intimately acquainted with the corresponding states of thought and feeling,
we should be as far as ever from the solution of the problem, "How are
these physical processes connected with the facts of consciousness? "The
chasm between the two classes of phenomena would still remain
intellectually impassable." [Footnote: Bishop Butler's reply to the Lucretian
in the 'Belfast Address' is all in the same strain.]
Compare this with the answer which Mr. Martineau puts into the mouth of
his physicist, and with which I am generally credited by Mr. Martineau's
readers, both in England and America — '"It [the problem of consciousness]
does not daunt me at all. Of course you understand that all along my atoms
have been affected by gravitation and polarity; and now I have only to insist
Page 577
with Fechner on a difference among molecules: there are the inorganic,
which can change only their place, like the particles in an undulation; and
there are the organic, which can change their order, as in a globule that
turns itself inside out. With an adequate number of these our problem will
be manageable." "Likely enough," we may say ["entirely unlikely," say I],
"seeing how careful you are to provide for all emergencies; and if any hitch
should occur in the next step, where you will have to pass from mere
sentiency to thought and will, you can again look in upon your atoms, and
fling among them a handful of Leibnitz's monads, to serve as souls in little,
and be ready, in a latent form, with that Vorstellungs-faehigkeit which our
picturesque interpreters of nature so much prize."'
'But surely,' continues Mr. Martineau, 'you must observe that this "matter"
of yours alters its style with every change of service: starting as a beggar
with scarce a rag of "property" to cover its bones, it turns up as a prince
when large undertakings are wanted. "We must radically change our notions
of matter," says Professor Tyndall; and then, he ventures to believe, it will
answer all demands, carrying "the promise and potency of all terrestrial
life." If the measure of the required "change in our notions" had been
specified, the proposition would have had a real meaning, and been
susceptible of a test. It is easy travelling through the stages of such an
hypothesis; you deposit at your bank a round sum ere you start, and,
drawing on it piecemeal at every pause, complete your grand tour without a
debt.'
The last paragraph of this argument is forcibly and ably stated. On it I am
willing to try conclusions with Mr. Martineau. I may say, in passing, that I
share his contempt for the picturesque interpretation of nature, if accuracy
of vision be thereby impaired. But the term Vorstellungs-faehigkeit, as used
by me, means the power of definite mental presentation, of attaching to
words the corresponding objects of thought, and of seeing these in their
proper relations, without the interior haze and soft penumbral borders which
the theologian loves. To this mode of interpreting nature' I shall to the best
of my ability now adhere.
Neither of us, I trust, will be afraid or ashamed to begin at the alphabet of
this question. Our first effort must be to understand each other, and this
which can change only their place, like the particles in an undulation; and
there are the organic, which can change their order, as in a globule that
turns itself inside out. With an adequate number of these our problem will
be manageable." "Likely enough," we may say ["entirely unlikely," say I],
"seeing how careful you are to provide for all emergencies; and if any hitch
should occur in the next step, where you will have to pass from mere
sentiency to thought and will, you can again look in upon your atoms, and
fling among them a handful of Leibnitz's monads, to serve as souls in little,
and be ready, in a latent form, with that Vorstellungs-faehigkeit which our
picturesque interpreters of nature so much prize."'
'But surely,' continues Mr. Martineau, 'you must observe that this "matter"
of yours alters its style with every change of service: starting as a beggar
with scarce a rag of "property" to cover its bones, it turns up as a prince
when large undertakings are wanted. "We must radically change our notions
of matter," says Professor Tyndall; and then, he ventures to believe, it will
answer all demands, carrying "the promise and potency of all terrestrial
life." If the measure of the required "change in our notions" had been
specified, the proposition would have had a real meaning, and been
susceptible of a test. It is easy travelling through the stages of such an
hypothesis; you deposit at your bank a round sum ere you start, and,
drawing on it piecemeal at every pause, complete your grand tour without a
debt.'
The last paragraph of this argument is forcibly and ably stated. On it I am
willing to try conclusions with Mr. Martineau. I may say, in passing, that I
share his contempt for the picturesque interpretation of nature, if accuracy
of vision be thereby impaired. But the term Vorstellungs-faehigkeit, as used
by me, means the power of definite mental presentation, of attaching to
words the corresponding objects of thought, and of seeing these in their
proper relations, without the interior haze and soft penumbral borders which
the theologian loves. To this mode of interpreting nature' I shall to the best
of my ability now adhere.
Neither of us, I trust, will be afraid or ashamed to begin at the alphabet of
this question. Our first effort must be to understand each other, and this
Page 578
mutual understanding can only be ensured by beginning low down.
Physically speaking, however, we need not go below the sea-level. Let us
then travel in company to the Caribbean Sea, and halt upon the heated
water. What is that sea, and what is the sun that heats it? Answering for
myself, I say that they are both matter. I fill a glass with the sea-water and
expose it on the deck of the vessel; after some time the liquid has all
disappeared, and left a solid residue of salt in the glass behind. We have
mobility, invisibility — apparent annihilation. In virtue of
The glad and secret aid
The sun unto the ocean paid,
the water has taken to itself wings and flown off as vapour. From the whole
surface of the Caribbean Sea such vapour is rising: and now we must follow
it — not upon our legs, however, nor in a ship, nor even in a balloon, but by
the mind's eye — in other words, by that power of Vorstellung which Mr.
Martineau knows so well, and which he so justly scorns when it indulges in
loose practices.
Compounding, then, the northward motion of the vapour with the earth's
axial rotation, we track our fugitive through the higher atmospheric regions,
obliquely across the Atlantic Ocean to Western Europe, and on to our
familiar Alps. Here another wonderful metamorphosis occurs. Floating on
the cold calm air, and in presence of the cold firmament, the vapour
condenses, not only to particles of water, but to particles of crystalline
water. These coalesce to stars of snow, which fall upon the mountains in
forms so exquisite that, when first seen, they never fail to excite rapture. As
to beauty, indeed, they put the work of the lapidary to shame, while as to
accuracy they render concrete the abstractions of the geometer. Are these
crystals 'matter'? Without presuming to dogmatise, I answer for myself in
the affirmative.
Still, a formative power has obviously here come into play which did not
manifest itself in either the liquid or the vapour. The question now is, Was
not the power 'potential' in both of them, requiring only the proper
conditions of temperature to bring it into action? Again I answer for myself
in the affirmative. I am, however, quite willing to discuss with Mr.
Martineau the alternative hypothesis, that an imponderable formative soul
Physically speaking, however, we need not go below the sea-level. Let us
then travel in company to the Caribbean Sea, and halt upon the heated
water. What is that sea, and what is the sun that heats it? Answering for
myself, I say that they are both matter. I fill a glass with the sea-water and
expose it on the deck of the vessel; after some time the liquid has all
disappeared, and left a solid residue of salt in the glass behind. We have
mobility, invisibility — apparent annihilation. In virtue of
The glad and secret aid
The sun unto the ocean paid,
the water has taken to itself wings and flown off as vapour. From the whole
surface of the Caribbean Sea such vapour is rising: and now we must follow
it — not upon our legs, however, nor in a ship, nor even in a balloon, but by
the mind's eye — in other words, by that power of Vorstellung which Mr.
Martineau knows so well, and which he so justly scorns when it indulges in
loose practices.
Compounding, then, the northward motion of the vapour with the earth's
axial rotation, we track our fugitive through the higher atmospheric regions,
obliquely across the Atlantic Ocean to Western Europe, and on to our
familiar Alps. Here another wonderful metamorphosis occurs. Floating on
the cold calm air, and in presence of the cold firmament, the vapour
condenses, not only to particles of water, but to particles of crystalline
water. These coalesce to stars of snow, which fall upon the mountains in
forms so exquisite that, when first seen, they never fail to excite rapture. As
to beauty, indeed, they put the work of the lapidary to shame, while as to
accuracy they render concrete the abstractions of the geometer. Are these
crystals 'matter'? Without presuming to dogmatise, I answer for myself in
the affirmative.
Still, a formative power has obviously here come into play which did not
manifest itself in either the liquid or the vapour. The question now is, Was
not the power 'potential' in both of them, requiring only the proper
conditions of temperature to bring it into action? Again I answer for myself
in the affirmative. I am, however, quite willing to discuss with Mr.
Martineau the alternative hypothesis, that an imponderable formative soul
Page 579
unites itself with the substance after its escape from the liquid state. If he
should espouse this hypothesis, then I should demand of him an immediate
exercise of that Vorstellungs-faehigkeit, with which, in my efforts to think
clearly, I can never dispense. I should ask, At what moment did the soul
come in? Did it enter at once or by degrees; perfect from the first, or
growing and perfecting itself contemporaneously with its own handiwork? I
should also ask whether it is localised or diffused? Does it move about as a
lonely builder, putting the bits of solid water in their places as soon as the
proper temperature has set in? or is it distributed through the entire mass of
the crystal? If the latter, then the soul has the shape of the crystal; but if the
former, then I should enquire after its shape. Has it legs or arms? If not, I
would ask it to be made clear to me how a thing without these appliances
can act so perfectly the part of a builder? (I insist on definition, and ask
unusual questions, if haply I might thereby banish unmeaning words.) What
were the condition and residence of the soul before it joined the crystal?
What becomes of it when the crystal is dissolved? Why should a particular
temperature be needed before it can exercise its vocation? Finally, is the
problem before us in any way simplified by the assumption of its existence?
I think it probable that, after a full discussion of the question, Mr. Martineau
would agree with me in ascribing the building power displayed in the
crystal to the bits of water themselves. At all events, I should count upon his
sympathy so far as to believe that he would consider any one unmannerly
who would denounce me for rejecting this notion of a separate soul, and for
holding the snow-crystal to be matter.'
But then what an astonishing addition is here made to the powers of matter!
Who would have dreamt, without actually seeing its work, that such a
power was locked up in a drop of water? All that we needed to make the
action of the liquid intelligible was the assumption of Mr. Martineau's
'homogeneous extended atomic solids,' smoothly gliding over one another.
But had we supposed the water to be nothing more than this, we should
have ignoran defrauded it of an intrinsic architectural power, which the art
of man, even when pushed to its utmost degree of refinement, is
incompetent to imitate. I would invite Mr. Martineau to consider how
inappropriate his figure of a fictitious bank deposit becomes under these
circumstances. The 'account current' of matter receives nothing at my hands
which could be honestly kept back from it. If, then, 'Democritus and the
should espouse this hypothesis, then I should demand of him an immediate
exercise of that Vorstellungs-faehigkeit, with which, in my efforts to think
clearly, I can never dispense. I should ask, At what moment did the soul
come in? Did it enter at once or by degrees; perfect from the first, or
growing and perfecting itself contemporaneously with its own handiwork? I
should also ask whether it is localised or diffused? Does it move about as a
lonely builder, putting the bits of solid water in their places as soon as the
proper temperature has set in? or is it distributed through the entire mass of
the crystal? If the latter, then the soul has the shape of the crystal; but if the
former, then I should enquire after its shape. Has it legs or arms? If not, I
would ask it to be made clear to me how a thing without these appliances
can act so perfectly the part of a builder? (I insist on definition, and ask
unusual questions, if haply I might thereby banish unmeaning words.) What
were the condition and residence of the soul before it joined the crystal?
What becomes of it when the crystal is dissolved? Why should a particular
temperature be needed before it can exercise its vocation? Finally, is the
problem before us in any way simplified by the assumption of its existence?
I think it probable that, after a full discussion of the question, Mr. Martineau
would agree with me in ascribing the building power displayed in the
crystal to the bits of water themselves. At all events, I should count upon his
sympathy so far as to believe that he would consider any one unmannerly
who would denounce me for rejecting this notion of a separate soul, and for
holding the snow-crystal to be matter.'
But then what an astonishing addition is here made to the powers of matter!
Who would have dreamt, without actually seeing its work, that such a
power was locked up in a drop of water? All that we needed to make the
action of the liquid intelligible was the assumption of Mr. Martineau's
'homogeneous extended atomic solids,' smoothly gliding over one another.
But had we supposed the water to be nothing more than this, we should
have ignoran defrauded it of an intrinsic architectural power, which the art
of man, even when pushed to its utmost degree of refinement, is
incompetent to imitate. I would invite Mr. Martineau to consider how
inappropriate his figure of a fictitious bank deposit becomes under these
circumstances. The 'account current' of matter receives nothing at my hands
which could be honestly kept back from it. If, then, 'Democritus and the
Page 580
mathematicians' so defined matter as to exclude the powers here proved to
belong to it, they were clearly wrong, and Mr. Martineau, instead of twitting
me with my departure from them, ought rather to applaud me for correcting
them. [Footnote: Definition implies previous examination of the object
defined, and is open to correction or modification as knowledge of the
object increases. Such increased knowledge has radically changed our
conceptions of the luminiferous aether, converting its vibrations from
longitudinal into transverse. Such changes also Mr. Martineau's
conceptions of matter are doomed to undergo.]
The reader of my small contributions to the literature which deals with the
overlapping margins of Science and Theology, will have noticed how
frequently I quote Mr. Emerson. I do so mainly because in him we have a
poet and a profoundly religious man, who is really and entirely undaunted
by the discoveries of Science, past, present, or prospective. In his case
Poetry, with the joy of a bacchanal, takes her graver brother Science by the
hand, and cheers him with immortal laughter. By Emerson scientific
conceptions are continually transmuted into the finer forms and warmer
hues of an ideal world. Our present theme is touched upon in the lines —
belong to it, they were clearly wrong, and Mr. Martineau, instead of twitting
me with my departure from them, ought rather to applaud me for correcting
them. [Footnote: Definition implies previous examination of the object
defined, and is open to correction or modification as knowledge of the
object increases. Such increased knowledge has radically changed our
conceptions of the luminiferous aether, converting its vibrations from
longitudinal into transverse. Such changes also Mr. Martineau's
conceptions of matter are doomed to undergo.]
The reader of my small contributions to the literature which deals with the
overlapping margins of Science and Theology, will have noticed how
frequently I quote Mr. Emerson. I do so mainly because in him we have a
poet and a profoundly religious man, who is really and entirely undaunted
by the discoveries of Science, past, present, or prospective. In his case
Poetry, with the joy of a bacchanal, takes her graver brother Science by the
hand, and cheers him with immortal laughter. By Emerson scientific
conceptions are continually transmuted into the finer forms and warmer
hues of an ideal world. Our present theme is touched upon in the lines —
Page 581
The journeying atoms, primordial wholes
Firmly draw, firmly drive by their animate poles.
As regards veracity and insight these few words outweigh, in my
estimation, all the formal learning expended by Mr. Martineau in those
disquisitions on Force, where he treats the physicist as a conjuror, and
speaks so wittily of atomic polarity. In fact, without this notion of polarity
— this 'drawing' and 'driving' — this attraction and repulsion, we stand as
stupidly dumb before the phenomena of Crystallisation as a Bushman
before the phenomena of the Solar System. The genesis and growth of the
notion I have endeavoured to make clear in my third Lecture on Light, and
in the article on 'Matter and Force' published in this volume.
Our further course is here foreshadowed. A Sunday or two ago I stood
under an oak planted by Sir John Moore, the hero of Corunna. On the
ground near the tree little oaklets were successfully fighting for life with the
surrounding vegetation. The acorns had dropped into the friendly soil, and
this was the result of their interaction. What is the acorn? what the earth?
and what the sun, without whose heat and light the tree could not become a
tree, however rich the soil, and however healthy the seed? I answer for
myself as before — all 'matter.' And the heat and light which here play so
potent a part are acknowledged to be motions of matter. By taking
something much lower down in the vegetable kingdom than the oak, we
might approach much more nearly to the case of crystallisation already
discussed; but this is not now necessary.
If, instead of conceding the sufficiency of matter here, Mr. Martineau
should fly to the hypothesis of a vegetative soul, all the questions before
asked in relation to the snow-star become pertinent. I would invite him to
go over them one by one, and consider what replies he will make to them.
He may retort by asking me, 'Who infused the principle of life into the
tree?' I say, in answer, that our present question is not this, but another —
not who made the tree, but what is it? Is there anything besides matter in the
tree? If so, what, and where? Mr. Martineau may have begun by this time to
discern that it is not 'picturesqueness,' but cold precision, that my
Vorstellungs-faehigkeit demands. How, I would ask, is this vegetative soul
to be presented to the mind? where did it flourish before the tree grew? and
Firmly draw, firmly drive by their animate poles.
As regards veracity and insight these few words outweigh, in my
estimation, all the formal learning expended by Mr. Martineau in those
disquisitions on Force, where he treats the physicist as a conjuror, and
speaks so wittily of atomic polarity. In fact, without this notion of polarity
— this 'drawing' and 'driving' — this attraction and repulsion, we stand as
stupidly dumb before the phenomena of Crystallisation as a Bushman
before the phenomena of the Solar System. The genesis and growth of the
notion I have endeavoured to make clear in my third Lecture on Light, and
in the article on 'Matter and Force' published in this volume.
Our further course is here foreshadowed. A Sunday or two ago I stood
under an oak planted by Sir John Moore, the hero of Corunna. On the
ground near the tree little oaklets were successfully fighting for life with the
surrounding vegetation. The acorns had dropped into the friendly soil, and
this was the result of their interaction. What is the acorn? what the earth?
and what the sun, without whose heat and light the tree could not become a
tree, however rich the soil, and however healthy the seed? I answer for
myself as before — all 'matter.' And the heat and light which here play so
potent a part are acknowledged to be motions of matter. By taking
something much lower down in the vegetable kingdom than the oak, we
might approach much more nearly to the case of crystallisation already
discussed; but this is not now necessary.
If, instead of conceding the sufficiency of matter here, Mr. Martineau
should fly to the hypothesis of a vegetative soul, all the questions before
asked in relation to the snow-star become pertinent. I would invite him to
go over them one by one, and consider what replies he will make to them.
He may retort by asking me, 'Who infused the principle of life into the
tree?' I say, in answer, that our present question is not this, but another —
not who made the tree, but what is it? Is there anything besides matter in the
tree? If so, what, and where? Mr. Martineau may have begun by this time to
discern that it is not 'picturesqueness,' but cold precision, that my
Vorstellungs-faehigkeit demands. How, I would ask, is this vegetative soul
to be presented to the mind? where did it flourish before the tree grew? and
Page 582
what will become of it when the tree is sawn into planks, or consumed in
fire?
Possibly Mr. Martineau may consider the assumption of this soul to be as
untenable and as useless as I do. But then if the power to build a tree be
conceded to pure matter, what an amazing expansion of our notions of the
'potency of matter' is implied in the concession' Think of the acorn, of the
earth, and of the solar light and heat — was ever such necromancy dreamt
of as the production of that massive trunk, those swaying boughs and
whispering leaves, from the interaction of these three factors? In this
interaction, moreover, consists what we call life. It will be seen that I am not
in the least insensible to the wonder of the tree; nay, I should not be
surprised if, in the presence of this wonder, I feel more perplexed and
overwhelmed than Mr. Martineau himself.
Consider it for a moment. There is an experiment, first made by
Wheatstone, where the music of a piano is transferred from its sound-board,
through a thin wooden rod, across several silent rooms in succession, and
poured out at a distance from the instrument. The strings of the piano
vibrate, not singly, but ten at a time. Every string subdivides, yielding not
one note, but a dozen. All these vibrations and subvibrations are crowded
together into a bit of deal not more than a quarter of a square inch in
section. Yet no note is lost. Each vibration asserts its individual rights; and
all are, at last, shaken forth into the air by a second sound-board, against
which the distant end of the rod presses. Thought ends in amazement when
it seeks to realise the motions of that rod as the music flows through it. I
turn to my tree and observe its roots, its trunk, its branches, and its leaves.
As the rod conveys the music, and yields it up to the distant air, so does the
trunk convey the matter and the motion — the shocks and pulses and other
vital actions — which eventually emerge in the umbrageous foliage of the
tree. I went some time ago through the greenhouse of a friend. He had ferns
from Ceylon, the branches of which were in some cases not much thicker
than an ordinary pin — hard, smooth, and cylindrical — often leafless for a
foot or more. But at the end of every one of them the unsightly twig
unlocked the exuberant beauty hidden within it, and broke forth into a mass
of fronds, almost large enough to fill the arms. We stand here upon a higher
level of the wonderful: we are conscious of a music subtler than that of the
fire?
Possibly Mr. Martineau may consider the assumption of this soul to be as
untenable and as useless as I do. But then if the power to build a tree be
conceded to pure matter, what an amazing expansion of our notions of the
'potency of matter' is implied in the concession' Think of the acorn, of the
earth, and of the solar light and heat — was ever such necromancy dreamt
of as the production of that massive trunk, those swaying boughs and
whispering leaves, from the interaction of these three factors? In this
interaction, moreover, consists what we call life. It will be seen that I am not
in the least insensible to the wonder of the tree; nay, I should not be
surprised if, in the presence of this wonder, I feel more perplexed and
overwhelmed than Mr. Martineau himself.
Consider it for a moment. There is an experiment, first made by
Wheatstone, where the music of a piano is transferred from its sound-board,
through a thin wooden rod, across several silent rooms in succession, and
poured out at a distance from the instrument. The strings of the piano
vibrate, not singly, but ten at a time. Every string subdivides, yielding not
one note, but a dozen. All these vibrations and subvibrations are crowded
together into a bit of deal not more than a quarter of a square inch in
section. Yet no note is lost. Each vibration asserts its individual rights; and
all are, at last, shaken forth into the air by a second sound-board, against
which the distant end of the rod presses. Thought ends in amazement when
it seeks to realise the motions of that rod as the music flows through it. I
turn to my tree and observe its roots, its trunk, its branches, and its leaves.
As the rod conveys the music, and yields it up to the distant air, so does the
trunk convey the matter and the motion — the shocks and pulses and other
vital actions — which eventually emerge in the umbrageous foliage of the
tree. I went some time ago through the greenhouse of a friend. He had ferns
from Ceylon, the branches of which were in some cases not much thicker
than an ordinary pin — hard, smooth, and cylindrical — often leafless for a
foot or more. But at the end of every one of them the unsightly twig
unlocked the exuberant beauty hidden within it, and broke forth into a mass
of fronds, almost large enough to fill the arms. We stand here upon a higher
level of the wonderful: we are conscious of a music subtler than that of the
Page 583
piano, passing unheard through these tiny boughs, and issuing in what Mr.
Martineau would opulently call the 'clustered magnificence' of the leaves.
Does it lessen my amazement to know that every cluster, and every leaf —
their form and texture — lie, like the music in the rod, in the molecular
structure of these apparently insignificant stems? Not so. Mr. Martineau
weeps for' the beauty of the flower fading into a necessity.' I care not
whether it comes to me through necessity or through freedom, my delight in
it is all the same. I see what he sees with a wonder superadded. To me, as to
him, not even Solomon in all his glory was arrayed like one of these.
I have spoken above as if the assumption of a soul would save Mr.
Martineau from the inconsistency of crediting pure matter with the
astonishing building power displayed in crystals and trees. This, however,
would not be the necessary result; for it would remain to be proved that the
soul assumed is not itself matter. When a boy I learnt from Dr. Watts that
the souls of conscious brutes are mere matter. And the man who would
claim for matter the human soul itself, would find himself in very orthodox
company. 'All that is erected,' says Fauste, a famous French bishop of the
fifth century, 'is matter. The soul occupies a place; it is enclosed in a body;
it quits the body at death, and returns to it at the resurrection, as in the case
of Lazarus; the distinction between Hell and Heaven, between eternal
pleasures and eternal pains, proves that, even after death, souls occupy a
place and are corporeal. God only is incorporeal.' Tertullian, moreover, was
quite a physicist in the definiteness of his conceptions regarding the soul.
'The materiality of the soul,' he says, 'is evident from the evangelists. A
human soul is there expressly pictured as suffering in hell; it is placed in the
middle of a flame, its tongue feels a cruel agony, and it implores a drop of
water at the hands of a happier soul. Wanting materiality,' adds Tertullian,
'all this would be without meaning.' [Footnote: The foregoing extracts,
which M. Alglave recently brought to light for the benefit of the Bishop of
Orleans, are taken from the sixth Lecture of the 'Cours d'Histoire Moderns'
of that most orthodox of statesmen, M. Guizot. 'I could multiply,' continues
M. Guizot, 'these citations to infinity, and they prove that in the first
centuries of our era the materiality of the soul was an opinion not only
permitted, but dominant.' Dr. Moriarty, and the synod which he recently
addressed, obviously forget their own antecedents. Their boasted succession
Martineau would opulently call the 'clustered magnificence' of the leaves.
Does it lessen my amazement to know that every cluster, and every leaf —
their form and texture — lie, like the music in the rod, in the molecular
structure of these apparently insignificant stems? Not so. Mr. Martineau
weeps for' the beauty of the flower fading into a necessity.' I care not
whether it comes to me through necessity or through freedom, my delight in
it is all the same. I see what he sees with a wonder superadded. To me, as to
him, not even Solomon in all his glory was arrayed like one of these.
I have spoken above as if the assumption of a soul would save Mr.
Martineau from the inconsistency of crediting pure matter with the
astonishing building power displayed in crystals and trees. This, however,
would not be the necessary result; for it would remain to be proved that the
soul assumed is not itself matter. When a boy I learnt from Dr. Watts that
the souls of conscious brutes are mere matter. And the man who would
claim for matter the human soul itself, would find himself in very orthodox
company. 'All that is erected,' says Fauste, a famous French bishop of the
fifth century, 'is matter. The soul occupies a place; it is enclosed in a body;
it quits the body at death, and returns to it at the resurrection, as in the case
of Lazarus; the distinction between Hell and Heaven, between eternal
pleasures and eternal pains, proves that, even after death, souls occupy a
place and are corporeal. God only is incorporeal.' Tertullian, moreover, was
quite a physicist in the definiteness of his conceptions regarding the soul.
'The materiality of the soul,' he says, 'is evident from the evangelists. A
human soul is there expressly pictured as suffering in hell; it is placed in the
middle of a flame, its tongue feels a cruel agony, and it implores a drop of
water at the hands of a happier soul. Wanting materiality,' adds Tertullian,
'all this would be without meaning.' [Footnote: The foregoing extracts,
which M. Alglave recently brought to light for the benefit of the Bishop of
Orleans, are taken from the sixth Lecture of the 'Cours d'Histoire Moderns'
of that most orthodox of statesmen, M. Guizot. 'I could multiply,' continues
M. Guizot, 'these citations to infinity, and they prove that in the first
centuries of our era the materiality of the soul was an opinion not only
permitted, but dominant.' Dr. Moriarty, and the synod which he recently
addressed, obviously forget their own antecedents. Their boasted succession
Page 584
from the early Church renders them the direct offspring of a 'materialism'
more 'brutal' than any ever enunciated by me.]
.
I have glanced at inorganic nature — at the sea, and the sun, and the vapour,
and the snow-flake, and at organic nature as represented by the fern and the
oak. That same sun which warmed the water and liberated the vapour,
exerts a subtler power on the nutriment of the tree. It takes hold of matter
wholly unfit for the purposes of nutrition, separates its nutritive from its
non-nutritive portions, gives, the former to the vegetable, and carries the
others away. Planted in the earth, bathed by the air, and tended by the sun,
the tree is traversed by its sap, the cells are formed, the woody fibre is spun,
and the whole is woven to a texture wonderful even to the naked eye, but a
million-fold more so to microscopic vision. Does consciousness mix in any
way with these processes? No man can tell. Our only ground for a negative
conclusion is the absence of those outward manifestations from which
feeling is usually inferred. But even these are not entirely absent. In the
greenhouses of Kew we may see that a leaf can close, in response to a
proper stimulus, as promptly as the human fingers themselves; and while
there Dr. Hooker will tell us of the wondrous fly-catching and fly-devouring
power of the Dionaea. No man can say that the feelings of the animal are
not represented by a drowsier consciousness in the vegetable world. At all
events, no line has ever been drawn between the conscious and the
unconscious; for the vegetable shades into the animal by such fine
gradations, that is impossible to say where the one ends and the other
begins.
In all such enquiries we are necessarily limited by our own powers: we
observe what our senses, armed with the aids furnished by Science, enable
us to observe; nothing more. The evidences as to consciousness in the
vegetable world depend wholly upon our capacity to observe and weigh
them. Alter the capacity, and the evidence would alter too. Would that
which to us is a total absence of any manifestation of consciousness be the
same to a being with our capacities indefinitely multiplied? To such a being
I can imagine not only the vegetable, but the mineral world, responsive to
the proper irritants, the response differing only in degree from those
more 'brutal' than any ever enunciated by me.]
.
I have glanced at inorganic nature — at the sea, and the sun, and the vapour,
and the snow-flake, and at organic nature as represented by the fern and the
oak. That same sun which warmed the water and liberated the vapour,
exerts a subtler power on the nutriment of the tree. It takes hold of matter
wholly unfit for the purposes of nutrition, separates its nutritive from its
non-nutritive portions, gives, the former to the vegetable, and carries the
others away. Planted in the earth, bathed by the air, and tended by the sun,
the tree is traversed by its sap, the cells are formed, the woody fibre is spun,
and the whole is woven to a texture wonderful even to the naked eye, but a
million-fold more so to microscopic vision. Does consciousness mix in any
way with these processes? No man can tell. Our only ground for a negative
conclusion is the absence of those outward manifestations from which
feeling is usually inferred. But even these are not entirely absent. In the
greenhouses of Kew we may see that a leaf can close, in response to a
proper stimulus, as promptly as the human fingers themselves; and while
there Dr. Hooker will tell us of the wondrous fly-catching and fly-devouring
power of the Dionaea. No man can say that the feelings of the animal are
not represented by a drowsier consciousness in the vegetable world. At all
events, no line has ever been drawn between the conscious and the
unconscious; for the vegetable shades into the animal by such fine
gradations, that is impossible to say where the one ends and the other
begins.
In all such enquiries we are necessarily limited by our own powers: we
observe what our senses, armed with the aids furnished by Science, enable
us to observe; nothing more. The evidences as to consciousness in the
vegetable world depend wholly upon our capacity to observe and weigh
them. Alter the capacity, and the evidence would alter too. Would that
which to us is a total absence of any manifestation of consciousness be the
same to a being with our capacities indefinitely multiplied? To such a being
I can imagine not only the vegetable, but the mineral world, responsive to
the proper irritants, the response differing only in degree from those
Page 585
exaggerated manifestations, which, in virtue of their magnitude, appeal to
our weak powers of observation.
Our conclusion, however, must be based, not on powers that we imagine,
but upon those that we possess. What do they reveal? As the earth and
atmosphere offer themselves as the nutriment of the vegetable world, so
does the latter, which contains no constituent not found in inorganic nature,
offer itself to the animal world. Mixed with certain inorganic substances —
water, for example — the vegetable constitutes, in the long run, the sole
sustenance of the animal. Animals may be divided into two classes, the first
of which can utilise the vegetable world immediately, having chemical
forces strong enough to cope with its most refractory parts; the second class
use the vegetable world mediately; that is to say, after its finer portions have
been extracted and stored up by the first. But in neither class have we an
atom newly created. The animal world is, so to say, a distillation through
the vegetable world from inorganic nature.
From this point of view all three worlds would constitute a unity, in which I
picture life as immanent everywhere. Nor am I anxious to shut out the idea
that the life here spoken of, may be but a subordinate part and function of a
Higher Life, as the living moving blood is subordinate to the living man. I
resist no such idea as long as it is not dogmatically imposed. Left for the
human mind freely to operate upon, the idea has ethical vitality; but,
stiffened into a dogma, the inner force disappears, and the outward yoke of
a usurping hierarchy takes its place.
The problem before us is, at all events, capable of definite statement. We
have on the one hand strong grounds for concluding that the earth was once
a molten mass. We now find it not only swathed by an atmosphere, and
covered by a sea, but also crowded with living things. The question is, How
were they introduced? Certainty may be as unattainable here as Bishop
Butler held it to be in matters of religion; but in the contemplation of
probabilities the thoughtful mind is forced to take a side. The conclusion of
Science, which recognises unbroken causal connection between the past
and the present, would undoubtedly be that the molten earth contained
within it elements of life, which grouped themselves into their present
forms as the planet cooled. The difficulty and reluctance encountered by
our weak powers of observation.
Our conclusion, however, must be based, not on powers that we imagine,
but upon those that we possess. What do they reveal? As the earth and
atmosphere offer themselves as the nutriment of the vegetable world, so
does the latter, which contains no constituent not found in inorganic nature,
offer itself to the animal world. Mixed with certain inorganic substances —
water, for example — the vegetable constitutes, in the long run, the sole
sustenance of the animal. Animals may be divided into two classes, the first
of which can utilise the vegetable world immediately, having chemical
forces strong enough to cope with its most refractory parts; the second class
use the vegetable world mediately; that is to say, after its finer portions have
been extracted and stored up by the first. But in neither class have we an
atom newly created. The animal world is, so to say, a distillation through
the vegetable world from inorganic nature.
From this point of view all three worlds would constitute a unity, in which I
picture life as immanent everywhere. Nor am I anxious to shut out the idea
that the life here spoken of, may be but a subordinate part and function of a
Higher Life, as the living moving blood is subordinate to the living man. I
resist no such idea as long as it is not dogmatically imposed. Left for the
human mind freely to operate upon, the idea has ethical vitality; but,
stiffened into a dogma, the inner force disappears, and the outward yoke of
a usurping hierarchy takes its place.
The problem before us is, at all events, capable of definite statement. We
have on the one hand strong grounds for concluding that the earth was once
a molten mass. We now find it not only swathed by an atmosphere, and
covered by a sea, but also crowded with living things. The question is, How
were they introduced? Certainty may be as unattainable here as Bishop
Butler held it to be in matters of religion; but in the contemplation of
probabilities the thoughtful mind is forced to take a side. The conclusion of
Science, which recognises unbroken causal connection between the past
and the present, would undoubtedly be that the molten earth contained
within it elements of life, which grouped themselves into their present
forms as the planet cooled. The difficulty and reluctance encountered by
Page 586
this conception, arise solely from the fact that the theologic conception
obtained a prior footing in the human mind. Did the latter depend upon
reasoning alone, it could not hold its ground for an hour against its rival.
But it is warmed into life and strength by associated hopes and fears — and
not only by these, which are more or less mean, but by that loftiness of
thought and feeling which lifts its possessor above the atmosphere of self,
and which the theologic idea, in its nobler forms, has engendered in noble
minds.
Were not man's origin implicated, we should accept without a murmur the
derivation of animal and vegetable life from what we call inorganic nature.
The conclusion of pure intellect points this way and no other. But the purity
is troubled by our interests in this life, and by our hopes and fears regarding
the life to come. Reason is traversed by the emotions, anger rising in the
weaker heads to the height of suggesting that the suppression of the
enquirer by the arm of the law would be an act agreeable to God, and
serviceable to man. But this foolishness is more than neutralised by the
sympathy of the wise; and in England at least, so long as the courtesy which
befits an earnest theme is adhered to, such sympathy is ever ready for an
honest man. None of us here need shrink from saying all that he has a right
to say. We ought, however, to remember that it is not only a band of Jesuits,
weaving their schemes of intellectual slavery, under the innocent guise 'of
education,' that we are opposing. Our foes are to some extent of our own
household, including not only the ignorant and the passionate, but a
minority of minds of high calibre and culture, lovers of freedom moreover,
who, though its objective bull be riddled by logic, still find the ethic life of
their religion unimpaired. But while such considerations ought to influence
the form of our argument, and prevent it from ever slipping out of the
region of courtesy into that of scorn or abuse, its substance, I think, ought to
be maintained and presented in unmitigated strength.
In the year 1855 the chair of philosophy in the University of Munich
happened to be filled by a Catholic priest of great critical penetration, great
learning, and great courage, who had borne the brunt of battle long before
Doellinger. His Jesuit colleagues, he knew, inculcated the belief that every
human soul is sent into the world from God by a separate and supernatural
act of creation. In a work entitled the 'Origin of the Human Soul,' Professor
obtained a prior footing in the human mind. Did the latter depend upon
reasoning alone, it could not hold its ground for an hour against its rival.
But it is warmed into life and strength by associated hopes and fears — and
not only by these, which are more or less mean, but by that loftiness of
thought and feeling which lifts its possessor above the atmosphere of self,
and which the theologic idea, in its nobler forms, has engendered in noble
minds.
Were not man's origin implicated, we should accept without a murmur the
derivation of animal and vegetable life from what we call inorganic nature.
The conclusion of pure intellect points this way and no other. But the purity
is troubled by our interests in this life, and by our hopes and fears regarding
the life to come. Reason is traversed by the emotions, anger rising in the
weaker heads to the height of suggesting that the suppression of the
enquirer by the arm of the law would be an act agreeable to God, and
serviceable to man. But this foolishness is more than neutralised by the
sympathy of the wise; and in England at least, so long as the courtesy which
befits an earnest theme is adhered to, such sympathy is ever ready for an
honest man. None of us here need shrink from saying all that he has a right
to say. We ought, however, to remember that it is not only a band of Jesuits,
weaving their schemes of intellectual slavery, under the innocent guise 'of
education,' that we are opposing. Our foes are to some extent of our own
household, including not only the ignorant and the passionate, but a
minority of minds of high calibre and culture, lovers of freedom moreover,
who, though its objective bull be riddled by logic, still find the ethic life of
their religion unimpaired. But while such considerations ought to influence
the form of our argument, and prevent it from ever slipping out of the
region of courtesy into that of scorn or abuse, its substance, I think, ought to
be maintained and presented in unmitigated strength.
In the year 1855 the chair of philosophy in the University of Munich
happened to be filled by a Catholic priest of great critical penetration, great
learning, and great courage, who had borne the brunt of battle long before
Doellinger. His Jesuit colleagues, he knew, inculcated the belief that every
human soul is sent into the world from God by a separate and supernatural
act of creation. In a work entitled the 'Origin of the Human Soul,' Professor
Page 587
Frohschammer, the philosopher here alluded to, was hardy enough to
question this doctrine, and to affirm that man, body and soul, comes from
his parents, the act of creation being, therefore, mediate and secondary only.
The Jesuits keep a sharp look out on all temerities of this kind; and their
organ, the 'Civilità Cattolica,' immediately pounced upon Frohschammer.
His book was branded as 'pestilent,' placed in the Index, and stamped with
the condemnation of the Church. [Footnote: King Maximilian II. brought
Liebig to Munich, he helped Helmholtz in his researches, and loved to
liberate and foster science. But through his liberal concession of power to
the Jesuits in the schools, he did far more damage to the intellectual
freedom of his country than his superstitious predecessor Ludwig I. Priding
himself on being a German Prince, Ludwig would not tolerate the
interference of the Roman party with the political affairs of Bavaria.] The
Jesuit notion does not err on the score of indefiniteness. According to it, the
Power whom Goethe does not dare to name, and whom Gassendi and Clerk
Maxwell present to us under the guise of a 'Manufacturer' of atoms, turns
out annually, for England and Wales alone, a quarter of a million of new
souls. Taken in connection with the dictum of Mr. Carlyle, that this annual
increment to our population are 'mostly fools,' but little profit to the human
heart seems derivable from this mode of regarding the Divine operations.
But if the Jesuit notion be rejected, what are we to accept? Physiologists say
that every human being comes from an egg not more than the 1/120th of an
inch in diameter. Is this egg matter? I hold it to be so, as much as the seed
of a fern or of an oak. Nine months go to the making of it into a man. Are
the additions made during this period of gestation drawn from matter? I
think so undoubtedly. If there be anything besides matter in the egg, or in
the infant subsequently slumbering in the womb, what is it? The questions
already asked with reference to the stars of snow may be here repeated. Mr.
Martineau will complain that I am disenchanting the babe of its wonder; but
is this the case? I figure it growing in the womb, woven by a something not
itself, without conscious participation on the part of either father or mother,
and appearing in due time a living miracle, with all its organs and all their
implications. Consider the work accomplished during these nine months in
forming the eye alone — with its lens, and its humours, and its miraculous
retina behind. Consider the ear with its tympanum, cochlea, and Corti's
organ — an instrument of three thousand strings, built adjacent to the brain,
question this doctrine, and to affirm that man, body and soul, comes from
his parents, the act of creation being, therefore, mediate and secondary only.
The Jesuits keep a sharp look out on all temerities of this kind; and their
organ, the 'Civilità Cattolica,' immediately pounced upon Frohschammer.
His book was branded as 'pestilent,' placed in the Index, and stamped with
the condemnation of the Church. [Footnote: King Maximilian II. brought
Liebig to Munich, he helped Helmholtz in his researches, and loved to
liberate and foster science. But through his liberal concession of power to
the Jesuits in the schools, he did far more damage to the intellectual
freedom of his country than his superstitious predecessor Ludwig I. Priding
himself on being a German Prince, Ludwig would not tolerate the
interference of the Roman party with the political affairs of Bavaria.] The
Jesuit notion does not err on the score of indefiniteness. According to it, the
Power whom Goethe does not dare to name, and whom Gassendi and Clerk
Maxwell present to us under the guise of a 'Manufacturer' of atoms, turns
out annually, for England and Wales alone, a quarter of a million of new
souls. Taken in connection with the dictum of Mr. Carlyle, that this annual
increment to our population are 'mostly fools,' but little profit to the human
heart seems derivable from this mode of regarding the Divine operations.
But if the Jesuit notion be rejected, what are we to accept? Physiologists say
that every human being comes from an egg not more than the 1/120th of an
inch in diameter. Is this egg matter? I hold it to be so, as much as the seed
of a fern or of an oak. Nine months go to the making of it into a man. Are
the additions made during this period of gestation drawn from matter? I
think so undoubtedly. If there be anything besides matter in the egg, or in
the infant subsequently slumbering in the womb, what is it? The questions
already asked with reference to the stars of snow may be here repeated. Mr.
Martineau will complain that I am disenchanting the babe of its wonder; but
is this the case? I figure it growing in the womb, woven by a something not
itself, without conscious participation on the part of either father or mother,
and appearing in due time a living miracle, with all its organs and all their
implications. Consider the work accomplished during these nine months in
forming the eye alone — with its lens, and its humours, and its miraculous
retina behind. Consider the ear with its tympanum, cochlea, and Corti's
organ — an instrument of three thousand strings, built adjacent to the brain,
Page 588
and employed by it to sift, separate, and interpret, antecedent to all
consciousness, the sonorous tremors of the external world. All this has been
accomplished, not only without man's contrivance, but without his
knowledge, the secret of his own organisation having been withheld from
him since his birth in the immeasurable past, until these latter days. Matter I
define as that mysterious thing by which all this is accomplished. How it
came to have this power is a question on which I never ventured an opinion.
If, then, Matter starts as 'a beggar,' it is, in my view, because the Jacobs of
theology have deprived it of its birthright. Mr. Martineau need fear no
disenchantment. Theories of evolution go but a short way towards the
explanation of this mystery; the Ages, let us hope, will at length give us a
Poet competent to deal with it aright.
There are men, and they include amongst them some of the best of the race
of man, upon whose minds this mystery falls without producing either
warmth or colour. The 'dry light' of the intellect suffices for them, and they
live their noble lives untouched by a desire to give the mystery shape or
expression. There are, on the other hand, men whose minds are warmed and
coloured by its presence, and who, under its stimulus, attain to moral
heights which have never been overtopped. Different spiritual climates are
necessary for the healthy existence of these two classes of men; and
different climates must be accorded them. The history of humanity,
however, proves the experience of the second class to illustrate the most
pervading need. The world will have religion of some kind, even though it
should fly for it to the intellectual whoredom of 'spiritualism.' What is really
wanted is the lifting power of an ideal element in human life. But the free
play of this power must be preceded by its release from the practical
materialism of the present, as well as from the torn swaddling bands of the
past. It is now in danger of being stupefied by the one, or strangled by the
other. I look, however, forward to a time when the strength, insight, and
elevation which now visit us in mere hints and glimpses, during moments
'of clearness and vigour,' shall be the stable and permanent possession of
purer and mightier minds than ours — purer and mightier, partly because of
their deeper knowledge of matter and their more faithful conformity to its
laws.
.
consciousness, the sonorous tremors of the external world. All this has been
accomplished, not only without man's contrivance, but without his
knowledge, the secret of his own organisation having been withheld from
him since his birth in the immeasurable past, until these latter days. Matter I
define as that mysterious thing by which all this is accomplished. How it
came to have this power is a question on which I never ventured an opinion.
If, then, Matter starts as 'a beggar,' it is, in my view, because the Jacobs of
theology have deprived it of its birthright. Mr. Martineau need fear no
disenchantment. Theories of evolution go but a short way towards the
explanation of this mystery; the Ages, let us hope, will at length give us a
Poet competent to deal with it aright.
There are men, and they include amongst them some of the best of the race
of man, upon whose minds this mystery falls without producing either
warmth or colour. The 'dry light' of the intellect suffices for them, and they
live their noble lives untouched by a desire to give the mystery shape or
expression. There are, on the other hand, men whose minds are warmed and
coloured by its presence, and who, under its stimulus, attain to moral
heights which have never been overtopped. Different spiritual climates are
necessary for the healthy existence of these two classes of men; and
different climates must be accorded them. The history of humanity,
however, proves the experience of the second class to illustrate the most
pervading need. The world will have religion of some kind, even though it
should fly for it to the intellectual whoredom of 'spiritualism.' What is really
wanted is the lifting power of an ideal element in human life. But the free
play of this power must be preceded by its release from the practical
materialism of the present, as well as from the torn swaddling bands of the
past. It is now in danger of being stupefied by the one, or strangled by the
other. I look, however, forward to a time when the strength, insight, and
elevation which now visit us in mere hints and glimpses, during moments
'of clearness and vigour,' shall be the stable and permanent possession of
purer and mightier minds than ours — purer and mightier, partly because of
their deeper knowledge of matter and their more faithful conformity to its
laws.
.
Page 589
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XII. FERMENTATION, & ITS BEARINGS ON SURGERY &
MEDICINE.
[Footnote: A Discourse delivered before the Glasgow Science Lectures
Association, October 19, 1876.]
ONE of the most remarkable characteristics of the age in which we live, is
its desire and tendency to connect itself organically with preceding ages —
to ascertain how the state of things that now is came to be what it is. And
the more earnestly and profoundly this problem is studied, the more clearly
comes into view the vast and varied debt which the world of to-day owes to
that fore-world, in which man by skill, valour, and well-directed strength
first replenished and subdued the earth. Our prehistoric fathers may have
been savages, but they were clever and observant ones. They founded
agriculture by the discovery and development of seeds whose origin is now
unknown. They tamed and harnessed their animal antagonists, and sent
them down to us as ministers, instead of rivals in the fight for life. Later on,
when the claims of luxury added themselves to those of necessity, we find
the same spirit of invention at work. We have no historic account of the first
brewer, but we glean from history that his art was practised, and its produce
relished, more than two thousand years ago. Theophrastus, who was born
nearly four hundred years before Christ, described beer as the wine of
barley. It is extremely difficult to preserve beer in a hot country, still, Egypt
was the land in which it was first brewed, the desire of man to quench his
thirst with this exhilarating beverage overcoming all the obstacles which a
hot climate threw in the way of its manufacture.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XII. FERMENTATION, & ITS BEARINGS ON SURGERY &
MEDICINE.
[Footnote: A Discourse delivered before the Glasgow Science Lectures
Association, October 19, 1876.]
ONE of the most remarkable characteristics of the age in which we live, is
its desire and tendency to connect itself organically with preceding ages —
to ascertain how the state of things that now is came to be what it is. And
the more earnestly and profoundly this problem is studied, the more clearly
comes into view the vast and varied debt which the world of to-day owes to
that fore-world, in which man by skill, valour, and well-directed strength
first replenished and subdued the earth. Our prehistoric fathers may have
been savages, but they were clever and observant ones. They founded
agriculture by the discovery and development of seeds whose origin is now
unknown. They tamed and harnessed their animal antagonists, and sent
them down to us as ministers, instead of rivals in the fight for life. Later on,
when the claims of luxury added themselves to those of necessity, we find
the same spirit of invention at work. We have no historic account of the first
brewer, but we glean from history that his art was practised, and its produce
relished, more than two thousand years ago. Theophrastus, who was born
nearly four hundred years before Christ, described beer as the wine of
barley. It is extremely difficult to preserve beer in a hot country, still, Egypt
was the land in which it was first brewed, the desire of man to quench his
thirst with this exhilarating beverage overcoming all the obstacles which a
hot climate threw in the way of its manufacture.
Page 590
Our remote ancestors had also learned by experience that wine maketh glad
the heart of man. Noah, we are informed, planted a vineyard, drank of the
wine, and experienced the consequences. But, though wine and beer possess
so old a history, a very few years ago no man knew the secret of their
formation. Indeed, it might be said that until the present year no thorough
and scientific account was ever given of the agencies which come into play
in the manufacture of beer, of the conditions necessary to its health, and of
the maladies and vicissitudes to which it is subject. Hitherto the art and
practice of the brewer have resembled those of the physician, both being
founded on empirical observation. By this is meant the observation of facts,
apart from the principles which explain them, and which give the mind an
intelligent mastery over them. The brewer learnt from long experience the
conditions, not the reasons, of success. But he had to contend, and has still
to contend, against unexplained perplexities. Over and over again his care
has been rendered nugatory; his beer has fallen into acidity or rottenness,
and disastrous losses have been sustained, of which he has been unable to
assign the cause. It is the hidden enemies against which the physician and
the brewer have hitherto contended, that recent researches are dragging into
the light of day, thus preparing the way for their final extermination.
-----
Let us glance for a moment at the outward and visible signs of
fermentation. A few weeks ago I paid a visit to a private still in a Swiss
chalet; and this is what I saw. In the peasant's bedroom was a cask with a
very large bunghole carefully closed. The cask contained cherries which
had lain in it for fourteen days. It was not entirely filled with the fruit, an
air-space being left above the cherries when they were put in. I had the
bung removed, and a small lamp dipped into this space. Its flame was
instantly extinguished. The oxygen of the air had entirely disappeared, its
place being taken by carbonic acid gas. [Footnote: The gas which is
exhaled from the lungs after the oxygen of the air has done its duty in
purifying the blood, the same also which effervesces from soda water and
champagne.] I tasted the cherries: they were very sour, though when put
into the cask they were sweet. The cherries and the liquid associated with
them were then placed in a copper boiler, to which a copper head was
closely fitted. From the head proceeded a copper tube which passed straight
the heart of man. Noah, we are informed, planted a vineyard, drank of the
wine, and experienced the consequences. But, though wine and beer possess
so old a history, a very few years ago no man knew the secret of their
formation. Indeed, it might be said that until the present year no thorough
and scientific account was ever given of the agencies which come into play
in the manufacture of beer, of the conditions necessary to its health, and of
the maladies and vicissitudes to which it is subject. Hitherto the art and
practice of the brewer have resembled those of the physician, both being
founded on empirical observation. By this is meant the observation of facts,
apart from the principles which explain them, and which give the mind an
intelligent mastery over them. The brewer learnt from long experience the
conditions, not the reasons, of success. But he had to contend, and has still
to contend, against unexplained perplexities. Over and over again his care
has been rendered nugatory; his beer has fallen into acidity or rottenness,
and disastrous losses have been sustained, of which he has been unable to
assign the cause. It is the hidden enemies against which the physician and
the brewer have hitherto contended, that recent researches are dragging into
the light of day, thus preparing the way for their final extermination.
-----
Let us glance for a moment at the outward and visible signs of
fermentation. A few weeks ago I paid a visit to a private still in a Swiss
chalet; and this is what I saw. In the peasant's bedroom was a cask with a
very large bunghole carefully closed. The cask contained cherries which
had lain in it for fourteen days. It was not entirely filled with the fruit, an
air-space being left above the cherries when they were put in. I had the
bung removed, and a small lamp dipped into this space. Its flame was
instantly extinguished. The oxygen of the air had entirely disappeared, its
place being taken by carbonic acid gas. [Footnote: The gas which is
exhaled from the lungs after the oxygen of the air has done its duty in
purifying the blood, the same also which effervesces from soda water and
champagne.] I tasted the cherries: they were very sour, though when put
into the cask they were sweet. The cherries and the liquid associated with
them were then placed in a copper boiler, to which a copper head was
closely fitted. From the head proceeded a copper tube which passed straight
Page 591
through a vessel of cold water, and issued at the other side. Under the open
end of the tube was placed a bottle to receive the spirit distilled. The flame
of small wood-splinters being applied to the boiler, after a time vapour rose
into the head, passed through the tube, was condensed by the cold of the
water, and fell in a liquid fillet into the bottle. On being tasted, it proved to
be that fiery and intoxicating spirit known in commerce as Kirsch or
Kirschwasser.
The cherries, it should be remembered, were left to themselves, no ferment
of any kind being added to them. In this respect what has been said of the
cherry applies also to the grape. At the vintage the fruit of the vine is placed
in proper vessels, and abandoned to its own action. It ferments, producing
carbonic acid; its sweetness disappears, and at the end of a certain time the
unintoxicating grape-juice is converted into intoxicating wine. Here, as in
the case of the cherries, the fermentation is spontaneous — in what sense
spontaneous will appear more clearly by-and-by.
It is needless for me to tell a Glasgow audience that the beer-brewer does
not set to work in this way. In the first place the brewer deals not with the
juice of fruits, but with the juice of barley. The barley having been steeped
for a sufficient time in water, it is drained and subjected to a temperature
sufficient to cause the moist grain to germinate; after which, it is completely
dried upon a kiln. It then receives the name of malt. The malt is crisp to the
teeth, and decidedly sweeter to the taste than the original barley. It is
ground, mashed up in warm water, then boiled with hops until all the
soluble portions have been extracted; the infusion thus produced being
called the wort. This is drawn off, and cooled as rapidly as possible; then,
instead of abandoning the infusion, as the wine-maker does, to its own
action, the brewer mixes yeast with his wort, and places it in vessels each
with only one aperture open to the air. Soon after the addition of the yeast, a
brownish froth, which is really new yeast, issues from the aperture, and falls
like a cataract into troughs prepared to receive it. This frothing and foaming
of the wort is a proof that the fermentation is active.
Whence comes the yeast which issues so copiously from the fermenting
tub? What is this yeast, and how did the brewer become possessed of it?
Examine its quantity before and after fermentation. The brewer introduces,
end of the tube was placed a bottle to receive the spirit distilled. The flame
of small wood-splinters being applied to the boiler, after a time vapour rose
into the head, passed through the tube, was condensed by the cold of the
water, and fell in a liquid fillet into the bottle. On being tasted, it proved to
be that fiery and intoxicating spirit known in commerce as Kirsch or
Kirschwasser.
The cherries, it should be remembered, were left to themselves, no ferment
of any kind being added to them. In this respect what has been said of the
cherry applies also to the grape. At the vintage the fruit of the vine is placed
in proper vessels, and abandoned to its own action. It ferments, producing
carbonic acid; its sweetness disappears, and at the end of a certain time the
unintoxicating grape-juice is converted into intoxicating wine. Here, as in
the case of the cherries, the fermentation is spontaneous — in what sense
spontaneous will appear more clearly by-and-by.
It is needless for me to tell a Glasgow audience that the beer-brewer does
not set to work in this way. In the first place the brewer deals not with the
juice of fruits, but with the juice of barley. The barley having been steeped
for a sufficient time in water, it is drained and subjected to a temperature
sufficient to cause the moist grain to germinate; after which, it is completely
dried upon a kiln. It then receives the name of malt. The malt is crisp to the
teeth, and decidedly sweeter to the taste than the original barley. It is
ground, mashed up in warm water, then boiled with hops until all the
soluble portions have been extracted; the infusion thus produced being
called the wort. This is drawn off, and cooled as rapidly as possible; then,
instead of abandoning the infusion, as the wine-maker does, to its own
action, the brewer mixes yeast with his wort, and places it in vessels each
with only one aperture open to the air. Soon after the addition of the yeast, a
brownish froth, which is really new yeast, issues from the aperture, and falls
like a cataract into troughs prepared to receive it. This frothing and foaming
of the wort is a proof that the fermentation is active.
Whence comes the yeast which issues so copiously from the fermenting
tub? What is this yeast, and how did the brewer become possessed of it?
Examine its quantity before and after fermentation. The brewer introduces,
Page 592
say 10 cwts. of yeast; he collects 40, or it may be 50, cwts. The yeast has,
therefore, augmented from four to five fold during the fermentation. Shall
we conclude that this additional yeast has been spontaneously generated by
the wort? Are we not rather reminded of that seed which fell into good
ground, and brought forth fruit, some thirty fold, some sixty fold, some an
hundred fold? On examination, this notion of organic growth turns out to be
more than a mere surmise. In the year 1680, when the microscope was still
in its infancy, Leeuwenhoek turned the instrument upon this substance, and
found it composed of minute globules suspended in a liquid. Thus
knowledge rested until 1835, when Cagniard de la Tour in France, and
Schwann in Germany, independently, but animated by it common thought,
turned microscopes of improved definition and heightened powers upon
yeast, and found it budding and sprouting before their eyes. The
augmentation of the yeast alluded to above was thus proved to arise from
the growth of a minute plant now called Torula (or Saccharomyces)
Cerevisiae. Spontaneous generation is therefore out of the question. The
brewer deliberately sows the yeast-plant, which grows and multiplies in the
wort as its proper soil. This discovery marks an epoch in the history of
fermentation.
But where did the brewer find his yeast? The reply to this question is
similar to that which must be given if it were asked where the brewer found
his barley. He has received the seeds of both of them from preceding
generations. Could we connect without solution of continuity the present
with the past, we should probably be able to trace back the yeast employed
by my friend Sir Fowell Buxton to-day to that employed by some Egyptian
brewer two thousand years ago. But you may urge that there must have
been a time when the first yeast-cell was generated. Granted — exactly as
there was a time when the first barley-corn was generated. Let not the
delusion lay hold of you that a living thing is easily generated because it is
small. Both the yeast-plant and the barley-plant lose themselves in the dim
twilight of antiquity, and in this our day there is no more proof of the
spontaneous generation of the one, than there is of the spontaneous
generation of the other.
I stated a moment ago that the fermentation of grape-juice was spontaneous;
but I was careful to add, in what sense spontaneous will appear more clearly
therefore, augmented from four to five fold during the fermentation. Shall
we conclude that this additional yeast has been spontaneously generated by
the wort? Are we not rather reminded of that seed which fell into good
ground, and brought forth fruit, some thirty fold, some sixty fold, some an
hundred fold? On examination, this notion of organic growth turns out to be
more than a mere surmise. In the year 1680, when the microscope was still
in its infancy, Leeuwenhoek turned the instrument upon this substance, and
found it composed of minute globules suspended in a liquid. Thus
knowledge rested until 1835, when Cagniard de la Tour in France, and
Schwann in Germany, independently, but animated by it common thought,
turned microscopes of improved definition and heightened powers upon
yeast, and found it budding and sprouting before their eyes. The
augmentation of the yeast alluded to above was thus proved to arise from
the growth of a minute plant now called Torula (or Saccharomyces)
Cerevisiae. Spontaneous generation is therefore out of the question. The
brewer deliberately sows the yeast-plant, which grows and multiplies in the
wort as its proper soil. This discovery marks an epoch in the history of
fermentation.
But where did the brewer find his yeast? The reply to this question is
similar to that which must be given if it were asked where the brewer found
his barley. He has received the seeds of both of them from preceding
generations. Could we connect without solution of continuity the present
with the past, we should probably be able to trace back the yeast employed
by my friend Sir Fowell Buxton to-day to that employed by some Egyptian
brewer two thousand years ago. But you may urge that there must have
been a time when the first yeast-cell was generated. Granted — exactly as
there was a time when the first barley-corn was generated. Let not the
delusion lay hold of you that a living thing is easily generated because it is
small. Both the yeast-plant and the barley-plant lose themselves in the dim
twilight of antiquity, and in this our day there is no more proof of the
spontaneous generation of the one, than there is of the spontaneous
generation of the other.
I stated a moment ago that the fermentation of grape-juice was spontaneous;
but I was careful to add, in what sense spontaneous will appear more clearly
Page 593
by-and-by.' Now this is the sense meant. The wine-maker does not, like the
brewer and distiller, deliberately introduce either yeast; or any equivalent of
yeast, into his vats; he does not consciously sow in them any plant, or the
germ of any plant; indeed, he has been hitherto in ignorance whether plants
or germs of any kind have had anything to do with his operations. Still,
when the fermented grape-juice is examined, the living Torula concerned in
alcoholic fermentation never fails to make its appearance. How is this? If no
living germ has been introduced into the wine-vat, whence comes the life so
invariably developed there?
You may be disposed to reply, with Turpin and others, that in virtue of its
own inherent powers, the grape-juice when brought into contact with the
vivifying atmospheric oxygen, runs spontaneously and of its own accord
into these low forms of life. I have not the slightest objection to this
explanation, provided proper evidence can be adduced in support of it. But
the evidence adduced in its favour, as far as I am acquainted with it, snaps
asunder under the strain of scientific criticism. It is, as far as I can see, the
evidence of men, who however keen and clever as observers, are not rigidly
trained experimenters. These alone are aware of the precautions necessary
in investigations of this delicate kind. In reference, then, to the life of the
wine-vat, what is the decision of experiment when carried out by competent
men? Let a quantity of the clear, filtered 'must' of the grape be so boiled as
to destroy such germs as it may have contracted from the air or otherwise.
In contact with germless air the uncontaminated must never ferments. All
the materials for spontaneous generation are there, but so long as there is no
seed sown, there is no life developed, and no sign of that fermentation
which is the concomitant of life. Nor need you resort to a boiled liquid. The
grape is sealed by its own skin against contamination from without. By an
ingenious device Pasteur has extracted from the interior of the grape its
pure juice, and proved that in contact with pure air it never acquires the
power to ferment itself, nor to produce fermentation in other liquids.
[Footnote: The liquids of the healthy animal body are also sealed from
external contamination. Pure blood, for example, drawn with due
precautions from the veins, will never ferment or putrefy in contact with
pure air.] It is not, therefore, in the interior of the grape that the origin of
the life observed in the vat is to be sought.
brewer and distiller, deliberately introduce either yeast; or any equivalent of
yeast, into his vats; he does not consciously sow in them any plant, or the
germ of any plant; indeed, he has been hitherto in ignorance whether plants
or germs of any kind have had anything to do with his operations. Still,
when the fermented grape-juice is examined, the living Torula concerned in
alcoholic fermentation never fails to make its appearance. How is this? If no
living germ has been introduced into the wine-vat, whence comes the life so
invariably developed there?
You may be disposed to reply, with Turpin and others, that in virtue of its
own inherent powers, the grape-juice when brought into contact with the
vivifying atmospheric oxygen, runs spontaneously and of its own accord
into these low forms of life. I have not the slightest objection to this
explanation, provided proper evidence can be adduced in support of it. But
the evidence adduced in its favour, as far as I am acquainted with it, snaps
asunder under the strain of scientific criticism. It is, as far as I can see, the
evidence of men, who however keen and clever as observers, are not rigidly
trained experimenters. These alone are aware of the precautions necessary
in investigations of this delicate kind. In reference, then, to the life of the
wine-vat, what is the decision of experiment when carried out by competent
men? Let a quantity of the clear, filtered 'must' of the grape be so boiled as
to destroy such germs as it may have contracted from the air or otherwise.
In contact with germless air the uncontaminated must never ferments. All
the materials for spontaneous generation are there, but so long as there is no
seed sown, there is no life developed, and no sign of that fermentation
which is the concomitant of life. Nor need you resort to a boiled liquid. The
grape is sealed by its own skin against contamination from without. By an
ingenious device Pasteur has extracted from the interior of the grape its
pure juice, and proved that in contact with pure air it never acquires the
power to ferment itself, nor to produce fermentation in other liquids.
[Footnote: The liquids of the healthy animal body are also sealed from
external contamination. Pure blood, for example, drawn with due
precautions from the veins, will never ferment or putrefy in contact with
pure air.] It is not, therefore, in the interior of the grape that the origin of
the life observed in the vat is to be sought.
Page 594
What then is its true origin? This is Pasteur's answer, which his well-proved
accuracy renders worthy of all confidence. At the time of the vintage
microscopic particles are observed adherent, both to the outer surface of the
grape and of the twigs which support the grape. Brush these particles into a
capsule of pure water. It is rendered turbid by the dust. Examined by a
microscope, some of these minute particles are seen to present the
appearance of organised cells. Instead of receiving them in water, let them
be brushed into the pure inert juice of the grape. Forty-eight hours after this
is done, our familiar Torula is observed budding and sprouting, the growth
of the plant being accompanied by all the other signs of active fermentation.
What is the inference to be drawn from this experiment? Obviously that the
particles adherent to the external surface of the grape include the germs of
that life which, after they have been sown in the juice, appears in such
profusion. Wine is sometimes objected to on the ground that fermentation is
'artificial;' but we notice here the responsibility of nature. The ferment of
the grape clings like a parasite to the surface of the grape; and the art of the
wine-maker from time immemorial has consisted in bringing — and it may
be added, ignorantly bringing — two things thus closely associated by
nature into actual contact with each other. For thousands of years, what has
been done consciously by the brewer, has been done unconsciously by the
wine-grower. The one has sown his leaven just as much as the other.
Nor is it necessary to impregnate the beer-wort with yeast to provoke
fermentation. Abandoned to the contact of our common air, it sooner or
later ferments; but the chances are that the produce of that fermentation,
instead of being agreeable, would be disgusting to the taste. By a rare
accident we might get the true alcoholic fermentation, but the odds against
obtaining it would be enormous. Pure air acting upon a lifeless liquid will
never provoke fermentation; but our ordinary air is the vehicle of
numberless germs which act as ferments when they fall into appropriate
infusions. Some of them produce acidity, some putrefaction. The germs of
our yeast-plant are also in the air; but so sparingly distributed that an
infusion like beer-wort, exposed to the air, is almost sure to be taken
possession of by foreign organisms. In fact, the maladies of beer are wholly
due to the admixture of these objectionable ferments, whose forms and
modes of nutrition differ materially from those of the true leaven.
accuracy renders worthy of all confidence. At the time of the vintage
microscopic particles are observed adherent, both to the outer surface of the
grape and of the twigs which support the grape. Brush these particles into a
capsule of pure water. It is rendered turbid by the dust. Examined by a
microscope, some of these minute particles are seen to present the
appearance of organised cells. Instead of receiving them in water, let them
be brushed into the pure inert juice of the grape. Forty-eight hours after this
is done, our familiar Torula is observed budding and sprouting, the growth
of the plant being accompanied by all the other signs of active fermentation.
What is the inference to be drawn from this experiment? Obviously that the
particles adherent to the external surface of the grape include the germs of
that life which, after they have been sown in the juice, appears in such
profusion. Wine is sometimes objected to on the ground that fermentation is
'artificial;' but we notice here the responsibility of nature. The ferment of
the grape clings like a parasite to the surface of the grape; and the art of the
wine-maker from time immemorial has consisted in bringing — and it may
be added, ignorantly bringing — two things thus closely associated by
nature into actual contact with each other. For thousands of years, what has
been done consciously by the brewer, has been done unconsciously by the
wine-grower. The one has sown his leaven just as much as the other.
Nor is it necessary to impregnate the beer-wort with yeast to provoke
fermentation. Abandoned to the contact of our common air, it sooner or
later ferments; but the chances are that the produce of that fermentation,
instead of being agreeable, would be disgusting to the taste. By a rare
accident we might get the true alcoholic fermentation, but the odds against
obtaining it would be enormous. Pure air acting upon a lifeless liquid will
never provoke fermentation; but our ordinary air is the vehicle of
numberless germs which act as ferments when they fall into appropriate
infusions. Some of them produce acidity, some putrefaction. The germs of
our yeast-plant are also in the air; but so sparingly distributed that an
infusion like beer-wort, exposed to the air, is almost sure to be taken
possession of by foreign organisms. In fact, the maladies of beer are wholly
due to the admixture of these objectionable ferments, whose forms and
modes of nutrition differ materially from those of the true leaven.
Page 595
Working in an atmosphere charged with the germs of these organisms, you
can understand how easy it is to fall into error in studying the action of any
one of them. Indeed it is only the most accomplished experimenter, who,
moreover, avails himself of every means of checking his conclusions, that
can walk without tripping through this land of pitfalls. Such a man the
French chemist Pasteur has hitherto proved himself to be. He has taught us
how to separate the commingled ferments of our air, and to study their pure
individual action. Guided by him, let us fix our attention more particularly
upon the growth and action of the true yeast-plant under different
conditions. Let it be sown in a fermentable liquid, which is supplied with
plenty of pure air. The plant will flourish in the aerated infusion, and
produce large quantities of carbonic acid gas — a compound, as you know,
of carbon and oxygen. The oxygen thus consumed by the plant is the free
oxygen of the air, which we suppose to be abundantly supplied to the liquid.
The action is so far similar to the respiration of animals, which inspire
oxygen and expire carbonic acid. If we examine the liquid even when the
vigour of the plant has reached its maximum, we hardly find in it a trace of
alcohol. The yeast has grown and flourished, but it has almost ceased to act
as a ferment. And could every individual yeast-cell seize, without any
impediment, free oxygen from the surrounding liquid, it is certain that it
would cease to act as a ferment altogether.
What, then, are the conditions under which the yeast-plant must be placed
so that it may display its characteristic quality? Reflection on the facts
already referred to suggests a reply, and rigid experiment confirms the
suggestion. Consider the Alpine cherries in their closed vessel. Consider the
beer in its barrel, with a single small aperture open to the air, through which
it is observed not to imbibe oxygen, but to pour forth carbonic acid.
Whence come the volumes of oxygen necessary to the production of this
latter gas? The small quantity of atmospheric air dissolved in the wort and
overlying it would be totally incompetent to supply the necessary oxygen.
In no other way can the yeast-plant obtain the gas necessary for its
respiration than by wrenching it from surrounding substances in which the
oxygen exists, not free, but in a state of combination. It decomposes the
sugar of the solution in which it grows, produces heat, breathes forth
carbonic acid gas, and one of the liquid products of the decomposition is
our familiar alcohol. The act of fermentation, then, is a result of the effort of
can understand how easy it is to fall into error in studying the action of any
one of them. Indeed it is only the most accomplished experimenter, who,
moreover, avails himself of every means of checking his conclusions, that
can walk without tripping through this land of pitfalls. Such a man the
French chemist Pasteur has hitherto proved himself to be. He has taught us
how to separate the commingled ferments of our air, and to study their pure
individual action. Guided by him, let us fix our attention more particularly
upon the growth and action of the true yeast-plant under different
conditions. Let it be sown in a fermentable liquid, which is supplied with
plenty of pure air. The plant will flourish in the aerated infusion, and
produce large quantities of carbonic acid gas — a compound, as you know,
of carbon and oxygen. The oxygen thus consumed by the plant is the free
oxygen of the air, which we suppose to be abundantly supplied to the liquid.
The action is so far similar to the respiration of animals, which inspire
oxygen and expire carbonic acid. If we examine the liquid even when the
vigour of the plant has reached its maximum, we hardly find in it a trace of
alcohol. The yeast has grown and flourished, but it has almost ceased to act
as a ferment. And could every individual yeast-cell seize, without any
impediment, free oxygen from the surrounding liquid, it is certain that it
would cease to act as a ferment altogether.
What, then, are the conditions under which the yeast-plant must be placed
so that it may display its characteristic quality? Reflection on the facts
already referred to suggests a reply, and rigid experiment confirms the
suggestion. Consider the Alpine cherries in their closed vessel. Consider the
beer in its barrel, with a single small aperture open to the air, through which
it is observed not to imbibe oxygen, but to pour forth carbonic acid.
Whence come the volumes of oxygen necessary to the production of this
latter gas? The small quantity of atmospheric air dissolved in the wort and
overlying it would be totally incompetent to supply the necessary oxygen.
In no other way can the yeast-plant obtain the gas necessary for its
respiration than by wrenching it from surrounding substances in which the
oxygen exists, not free, but in a state of combination. It decomposes the
sugar of the solution in which it grows, produces heat, breathes forth
carbonic acid gas, and one of the liquid products of the decomposition is
our familiar alcohol. The act of fermentation, then, is a result of the effort of
Page 596
the little plant to maintain its respiration by means of combined oxygen,
when its supply of free oxygen is cut off. As defined by Pasteur,
fermentation is life without air.
But here the knowledge of that thorough investigator comes to our aid to
warn us against errors which have 'been committed over and over again. It
is not all yeast-cells that can thus live without air and provoke fermentation.
They must be young cells which have caught their vegetative vigour from
contact with free oxygen. But once possessed of this vigour the yeast may
be transplanted into a saccharine infusion absolutely purged of air, where it
will continue to live at the expense of the oxygen, carbon, and other
constituents of the infusion. Under these new conditions its life, as a plant,
will be by no means so vigorous as when it had a supply of free oxygen, but
its action as a ferment will be indefinitely greater.
Does the yeast-plant stand alone in its power of provoking alcoholic
fermentation? It would be singular if amid the multitude of low vegetable
forms no other could be found capable of acting in a similar way. And here
again we have occasion to marvel at that sagacity of observation among the
ancients to which we owe so vast a debt. Not only did they discover the
alcoholic ferment of yeast, but they had to exercise a wise selection in
picking it out from others, and giving it special prominence. Place an old
boot in a moist place, or expose common paste or a pot of jam to the air; it
soon becomes coated with a blue-green mould, which is nothing else than
the fructification of a little plant called Penicillium glaucum. Do not
imagine that the mould has sprung spontaneously from boot, or paste, or
jam; its germs, which are abundant in the air, have been sown, and have
germinated, in as legal and legitimate a way as thistle-seeds wafted by the
wind to a proper soil. Let the minute spores of Penicillium be sown in a
fermentable liquid, which has been previously so boiled as to kill all other
spores or seeds which it may contain; let pure air have free access to the
mixture; the Penicillium will grow rapidly, striking long filaments into the
liquid, and fructifying at its surface. Test the infusion at various stages of
the plant's growth, you will never find in it a trace of alcohol. But forcibly
submerge the little plant, push it down deep into the liquid, where the
quantity of free oxygen that can reach it is insufficient for its needs, it
immediately begins to act as a ferment, supplying itself with oxygen by the
when its supply of free oxygen is cut off. As defined by Pasteur,
fermentation is life without air.
But here the knowledge of that thorough investigator comes to our aid to
warn us against errors which have 'been committed over and over again. It
is not all yeast-cells that can thus live without air and provoke fermentation.
They must be young cells which have caught their vegetative vigour from
contact with free oxygen. But once possessed of this vigour the yeast may
be transplanted into a saccharine infusion absolutely purged of air, where it
will continue to live at the expense of the oxygen, carbon, and other
constituents of the infusion. Under these new conditions its life, as a plant,
will be by no means so vigorous as when it had a supply of free oxygen, but
its action as a ferment will be indefinitely greater.
Does the yeast-plant stand alone in its power of provoking alcoholic
fermentation? It would be singular if amid the multitude of low vegetable
forms no other could be found capable of acting in a similar way. And here
again we have occasion to marvel at that sagacity of observation among the
ancients to which we owe so vast a debt. Not only did they discover the
alcoholic ferment of yeast, but they had to exercise a wise selection in
picking it out from others, and giving it special prominence. Place an old
boot in a moist place, or expose common paste or a pot of jam to the air; it
soon becomes coated with a blue-green mould, which is nothing else than
the fructification of a little plant called Penicillium glaucum. Do not
imagine that the mould has sprung spontaneously from boot, or paste, or
jam; its germs, which are abundant in the air, have been sown, and have
germinated, in as legal and legitimate a way as thistle-seeds wafted by the
wind to a proper soil. Let the minute spores of Penicillium be sown in a
fermentable liquid, which has been previously so boiled as to kill all other
spores or seeds which it may contain; let pure air have free access to the
mixture; the Penicillium will grow rapidly, striking long filaments into the
liquid, and fructifying at its surface. Test the infusion at various stages of
the plant's growth, you will never find in it a trace of alcohol. But forcibly
submerge the little plant, push it down deep into the liquid, where the
quantity of free oxygen that can reach it is insufficient for its needs, it
immediately begins to act as a ferment, supplying itself with oxygen by the
Page 597
decomposition of the sugar, and producing alcohol as one of the results of
the decomposition. Many other low microscopic plants act in a similar
manner. In aerated liquids they flourish without any production of alcohol,
but cut off from free oxygen they act as ferments, producing alcohol exactly
as the real alcoholic leaven produces it, only less copiously. For the right
apprehension of all these facts we are indebted to Pasteur.
In the cases hitherto considered, the fermentation is proved to be the
invariable correlative of life, being produced by organisms foreign to the
fermentable substance. But the substance itself may also have within it, to
some extent, the motive power of fermentation. The yeast-plant, as we have
learned, is an assemblage of living cells; but so at bottom, as shown by
Schleiden and Schwann, are all living organisms. Cherries, apples, peaches,
pears, plums, and grapes, for example, are composed of cells, each of which
is a living unit. And here I have to direct your attention to a point of
extreme interest. In 1821, the celebrated French chemist, Bérard,
established the important fact that all ripening fruit, exposed to the free
atmosphere, absorbed the oxygen of the atmosphere and liberated an
approximately equal volume of carbonic acid. He also found that when ripe
fruits were placed in a confined atmosphere, the oxygen of the atmosphere
was first absorbed, and an equal volume of carbonic acid given out. But the
process did not end here. After the oxygen had vanished, carbonic acid, in
considerable quantities, continued to be exhaled by the fruits, which at the
same time lost a portion of their sugar, becoming more acid to the taste,
though the absolute quantity of acid was not augmented. This was an
observation of capital importance, and Bérard had the sagacity to remark
that the process might be regarded as a kind of fermentation.
Thus the living cells of fruits can absorb oxygen and breathe out carbonic
acid, exactly like the living cells of the leaven of beer. Supposing the access
of oxygen suddenly cut off, will the living fruit-cells as suddenly die, or
will they continue to live as yeast lives, by extracting oxygen from the
saccharine juices round them? This is a question of extreme theoretic
significance. It was first answered affirmatively by the able and conclusive
experiments of Lechartier and Bellamy, and the answer was subsequently
confirmed and explained by the experiments and the reasoning of Pasteur.
Bérard only showed the absorption of oxygen and the production of
the decomposition. Many other low microscopic plants act in a similar
manner. In aerated liquids they flourish without any production of alcohol,
but cut off from free oxygen they act as ferments, producing alcohol exactly
as the real alcoholic leaven produces it, only less copiously. For the right
apprehension of all these facts we are indebted to Pasteur.
In the cases hitherto considered, the fermentation is proved to be the
invariable correlative of life, being produced by organisms foreign to the
fermentable substance. But the substance itself may also have within it, to
some extent, the motive power of fermentation. The yeast-plant, as we have
learned, is an assemblage of living cells; but so at bottom, as shown by
Schleiden and Schwann, are all living organisms. Cherries, apples, peaches,
pears, plums, and grapes, for example, are composed of cells, each of which
is a living unit. And here I have to direct your attention to a point of
extreme interest. In 1821, the celebrated French chemist, Bérard,
established the important fact that all ripening fruit, exposed to the free
atmosphere, absorbed the oxygen of the atmosphere and liberated an
approximately equal volume of carbonic acid. He also found that when ripe
fruits were placed in a confined atmosphere, the oxygen of the atmosphere
was first absorbed, and an equal volume of carbonic acid given out. But the
process did not end here. After the oxygen had vanished, carbonic acid, in
considerable quantities, continued to be exhaled by the fruits, which at the
same time lost a portion of their sugar, becoming more acid to the taste,
though the absolute quantity of acid was not augmented. This was an
observation of capital importance, and Bérard had the sagacity to remark
that the process might be regarded as a kind of fermentation.
Thus the living cells of fruits can absorb oxygen and breathe out carbonic
acid, exactly like the living cells of the leaven of beer. Supposing the access
of oxygen suddenly cut off, will the living fruit-cells as suddenly die, or
will they continue to live as yeast lives, by extracting oxygen from the
saccharine juices round them? This is a question of extreme theoretic
significance. It was first answered affirmatively by the able and conclusive
experiments of Lechartier and Bellamy, and the answer was subsequently
confirmed and explained by the experiments and the reasoning of Pasteur.
Bérard only showed the absorption of oxygen and the production of
Page 598
carbonic acid; Lechartier and Bellamy proved the production of alcohol,
thus completing the evidence that it was a case of real fermentation, though
the common alcoholic ferment was absent.
-----
So full was Pasteur of the idea that the cells of a fruit would continue to live
at the expense of the sugar of the fruit, that once in his laboratory, while
conversing on these subjects with M. Dumas, he exclaimed, 'I will wager
that if a grape be plunged into an atmosphere of carbonic acid, it will
produce alcohol and carbonic acid by the continued life of its own cells —
that they will act for a time like the cells of the true alcoholic leaven.' He
made the experiment, and found the result to be what he had foreseen. He
then extended the 'enquiry. Placing under a bell-jar twenty-four plums, he
filled the jar with carbonic acid gas; beside it he placed twenty-four similar
plums uncovered. At the end of eight days, he removed the plums from the
jar, and compared them with the others. The difference was extraordinary.
The uncovered fruits had become soft, watery, and very sweet; the others
were firm and hard, their fleshy portions being not at all watery. They had,
moreover, lost a considerable quantity of their sugar. They were afterwards
bruised, and the juice was distilled. It yielded six and a half grammes of
alcohol, or one per cent. of the total weight of the plums. Neither in these
plums, nor in the grapes first experimented on by Pasteur, could any trace of
the ordinary alcoholic leaven be found. As previously proved by Lechartier
and Bellamy, the fermentation was the work of the living cells of the fruit
itself, after air had been denied to them. When, moreover, the cells were
destroyed by bruising, no fermentation ensued. The fermentation was the
correlative of a vital act, and it ceased when life was extinguished.
Luedersdorf was the first to show by this method that yeast acted, not, as
Liebig had assumed, in virtue of its organic, but in virtue of its organised
character. He destroyed the cells of yeast by rubbing them on a ground glass
plate, and found that with the destruction of the organism, though its
chemical constituents remained, the power to act as a ferment totally
disappeared.
One word more in reference to Liebig may find a place here. To the
philosophic chemist thoughtfully pondering these phenomena, familiar with
thus completing the evidence that it was a case of real fermentation, though
the common alcoholic ferment was absent.
-----
So full was Pasteur of the idea that the cells of a fruit would continue to live
at the expense of the sugar of the fruit, that once in his laboratory, while
conversing on these subjects with M. Dumas, he exclaimed, 'I will wager
that if a grape be plunged into an atmosphere of carbonic acid, it will
produce alcohol and carbonic acid by the continued life of its own cells —
that they will act for a time like the cells of the true alcoholic leaven.' He
made the experiment, and found the result to be what he had foreseen. He
then extended the 'enquiry. Placing under a bell-jar twenty-four plums, he
filled the jar with carbonic acid gas; beside it he placed twenty-four similar
plums uncovered. At the end of eight days, he removed the plums from the
jar, and compared them with the others. The difference was extraordinary.
The uncovered fruits had become soft, watery, and very sweet; the others
were firm and hard, their fleshy portions being not at all watery. They had,
moreover, lost a considerable quantity of their sugar. They were afterwards
bruised, and the juice was distilled. It yielded six and a half grammes of
alcohol, or one per cent. of the total weight of the plums. Neither in these
plums, nor in the grapes first experimented on by Pasteur, could any trace of
the ordinary alcoholic leaven be found. As previously proved by Lechartier
and Bellamy, the fermentation was the work of the living cells of the fruit
itself, after air had been denied to them. When, moreover, the cells were
destroyed by bruising, no fermentation ensued. The fermentation was the
correlative of a vital act, and it ceased when life was extinguished.
Luedersdorf was the first to show by this method that yeast acted, not, as
Liebig had assumed, in virtue of its organic, but in virtue of its organised
character. He destroyed the cells of yeast by rubbing them on a ground glass
plate, and found that with the destruction of the organism, though its
chemical constituents remained, the power to act as a ferment totally
disappeared.
One word more in reference to Liebig may find a place here. To the
philosophic chemist thoughtfully pondering these phenomena, familiar with
Page 599
the conception of molecular motion, and the changes produced by the
interactions of purely chemical forces, nothing could be more natural than
to see in the process of fermentation a simple illustration of molecular
instability, the ferment propagating to surrounding molecular groups the
overthrow of its own tottering combinations. Broadly considered, indeed,
there is a certain amount of truth in this theory; but Liebig, who propounded
it, missed the very kernel of the phenomena when he overlooked or
contemned the part played in fermentation by microscopic life. He looked
at the matter too little with the eye of the body, and too much with the
spiritual eye. He practically neglected the microscope, and was unmoved by
the knowledge which its revelations would have poured in upon his mind.
His hypothesis, as I have said, was natural — nay it was a striking
illustration of Liebig's power to penetrate and unveil molecular actions; but
it was an error, and as such has proved an ignis fatuus instead of a pharos to
some of his followers.
-----
I have said that our air is full of the germs of ferments differing from the
alcoholic leaven, and sometimes seriously interfering with the latter. They
are the weeds of this microscopic garden which often overshadow and
choke the flowers. Let us take an illustrative case. Expose milk to the air. It
will, after a time, turn sour, separating like blood into clot and serum. Place
a drop of this sour milk under a powerful microscope and watch it closely.
You see the minute butter-globules animated by that curious quivering
motion called the Brownian motion. But let not this attract your attention
too much, for it is another motion that we have now to seek. Here and there
you observe a greater disturbance than ordinary among the globules; keep
your eye upon the place of tumult, and you will probably see emerging from
it a long eel-like organism, tossing the globules aside and wriggling more or
less rapidly across the field of the microscope. Familiar with one sample of
this organism, which from its motions receives the name of vibrio, you soon
detect numbers of them. It is these organisms, and other analogous though
apparently motionless ones, which by decomposing the milk render it sour
and putrid. They are the lactic and putrid ferments, as the yeast-plant is the
alcoholic ferment of sugar. Keep them and their germs out of your milk and
it will continue sweet. But milk may become putrid without becoming sour.
interactions of purely chemical forces, nothing could be more natural than
to see in the process of fermentation a simple illustration of molecular
instability, the ferment propagating to surrounding molecular groups the
overthrow of its own tottering combinations. Broadly considered, indeed,
there is a certain amount of truth in this theory; but Liebig, who propounded
it, missed the very kernel of the phenomena when he overlooked or
contemned the part played in fermentation by microscopic life. He looked
at the matter too little with the eye of the body, and too much with the
spiritual eye. He practically neglected the microscope, and was unmoved by
the knowledge which its revelations would have poured in upon his mind.
His hypothesis, as I have said, was natural — nay it was a striking
illustration of Liebig's power to penetrate and unveil molecular actions; but
it was an error, and as such has proved an ignis fatuus instead of a pharos to
some of his followers.
-----
I have said that our air is full of the germs of ferments differing from the
alcoholic leaven, and sometimes seriously interfering with the latter. They
are the weeds of this microscopic garden which often overshadow and
choke the flowers. Let us take an illustrative case. Expose milk to the air. It
will, after a time, turn sour, separating like blood into clot and serum. Place
a drop of this sour milk under a powerful microscope and watch it closely.
You see the minute butter-globules animated by that curious quivering
motion called the Brownian motion. But let not this attract your attention
too much, for it is another motion that we have now to seek. Here and there
you observe a greater disturbance than ordinary among the globules; keep
your eye upon the place of tumult, and you will probably see emerging from
it a long eel-like organism, tossing the globules aside and wriggling more or
less rapidly across the field of the microscope. Familiar with one sample of
this organism, which from its motions receives the name of vibrio, you soon
detect numbers of them. It is these organisms, and other analogous though
apparently motionless ones, which by decomposing the milk render it sour
and putrid. They are the lactic and putrid ferments, as the yeast-plant is the
alcoholic ferment of sugar. Keep them and their germs out of your milk and
it will continue sweet. But milk may become putrid without becoming sour.
Page 600
Examine such putrid milk microscopically, and you find it swarming with
shorter organisms, sometimes associated with the vibrios, sometimes alone,
and often manifesting a wonderful alacrity of motion. Keep these organisms
and their germs out of your milk and it will never putrify. Expose a mutton-
chop to the air and keep it moist; in summer weather it soon stinks. Place a
drop of the juice of the fetid chop under a powerful microscope; it is seen
swarming with organisms resembling those in the putrid milk. These
organisms, which receive the common name of bacteria, [Footnote:
Doubtless organisms exhibiting grave specific differences are grouped
together under this common name.] are the agents of all putrefaction. Keep
them and their germs from your meat and it will remain for ever sweet.
Thus we begin to see that within the world of life to which we ourselves
belong, there is another living world requiring the microscope for its
discernment, but which, nevertheless, has the most important bearing on the
welfare of the higher life-world.
And now let us reason together as regards the origin of these bacteria. A
granular powder is placed in your hands, and you are asked to state what it
is. You examine it, and have, or have not, reason to suspect that seeds of
some kind are mixed up in it. To determine this point you prepare a bed in
your garden, sow in it the powder, and soon after find a mixed crop of
docks and thistles sprouting from your bed. Until this powder was sown
neither docks nor thistles ever made their appearance in your garden. You
repeat the experiment once, twice, ten times, fifty times. From fifty
different beds after the sowing of the powder, you obtain the same crop.
What will be your response to the question proposed to you? 'I am not in a
condition,' you would say, 'to affirm that every grain of the powder is a
dock-seed, or a thistle-seed; but I am in a condition to affirm that both dock
and thistle-seeds form, at all events, part of the powder.' Supposing a
succession of such powders to be placed in your hands with grains
becoming gradually smaller, until they dwindle to the size of impalpable
dust particles; assuming that you treat them all in the same way, and that
from every one of them in a few days you obtain a definite crop — may be
clover, it may be mustard, it may be mignonette, it may be a plant more
minute than any of these, smallness of the particles, or of the plants that
spring from them, does not affect the validity of the conclusion. Without a
shadow of misgiving you would conclude that the powder must have
shorter organisms, sometimes associated with the vibrios, sometimes alone,
and often manifesting a wonderful alacrity of motion. Keep these organisms
and their germs out of your milk and it will never putrify. Expose a mutton-
chop to the air and keep it moist; in summer weather it soon stinks. Place a
drop of the juice of the fetid chop under a powerful microscope; it is seen
swarming with organisms resembling those in the putrid milk. These
organisms, which receive the common name of bacteria, [Footnote:
Doubtless organisms exhibiting grave specific differences are grouped
together under this common name.] are the agents of all putrefaction. Keep
them and their germs from your meat and it will remain for ever sweet.
Thus we begin to see that within the world of life to which we ourselves
belong, there is another living world requiring the microscope for its
discernment, but which, nevertheless, has the most important bearing on the
welfare of the higher life-world.
And now let us reason together as regards the origin of these bacteria. A
granular powder is placed in your hands, and you are asked to state what it
is. You examine it, and have, or have not, reason to suspect that seeds of
some kind are mixed up in it. To determine this point you prepare a bed in
your garden, sow in it the powder, and soon after find a mixed crop of
docks and thistles sprouting from your bed. Until this powder was sown
neither docks nor thistles ever made their appearance in your garden. You
repeat the experiment once, twice, ten times, fifty times. From fifty
different beds after the sowing of the powder, you obtain the same crop.
What will be your response to the question proposed to you? 'I am not in a
condition,' you would say, 'to affirm that every grain of the powder is a
dock-seed, or a thistle-seed; but I am in a condition to affirm that both dock
and thistle-seeds form, at all events, part of the powder.' Supposing a
succession of such powders to be placed in your hands with grains
becoming gradually smaller, until they dwindle to the size of impalpable
dust particles; assuming that you treat them all in the same way, and that
from every one of them in a few days you obtain a definite crop — may be
clover, it may be mustard, it may be mignonette, it may be a plant more
minute than any of these, smallness of the particles, or of the plants that
spring from them, does not affect the validity of the conclusion. Without a
shadow of misgiving you would conclude that the powder must have
Page 601
contained the seeds or germs of the life observed. There is not in the range
of physical science, an experiment more conclusive nor an inference safer
than this one.
Supposing the powder to be light enough to float in the air, and that you are
enabled to see it there just as plainly as you saw the heavier powder in the
palm of hand. If the dust sown by the air instead of by the hand produce a
definite living crop, with the same logical rigour you would conclude that
the germs of this crop must be mixed with the dust. To take an illustration:
the spores of the little plant Penicillium glaucum, to which I have already
referred, are light enough to float in the air. A cut apple, a pear, a tomato, a
slice of vegetable marrow, or, as already mentioned, an old moist boot, a
dish of paste, or a pot of jam, constitutes a proper soil for the Penicillium.
Now, if it could be proved that the dust of the air when sown in this soil
produces this plant, while, wanting the dust, neither the air, nor the soil, nor
both together can produce it, it would be obviously just as certain in this
case that the floating dust contains the germs of Penicillium as that the
powders sown in your garden contained the germs of the plants which
sprung from them.
But how is the floating dust to be rendered visible? In this way. Build a
little chamber and provide it with a door, windows, and window-shutters.
Let an aperture be made in one of the shutters through which a sunbeam can
pass. Close the door and windows so that no light shall enter save through
the hole in the shutter. The track of the sunbeam is at first perfectly plain
and vivid in the air of the room. If all disturbance of the air of the chamber
be avoided, the luminous track will become fainter and fainter, until at last
it disappears absolutely, and no trace of the beam is to be seen. What
rendered the beam visible at first? The floating dust of the air, which, thus
illuminated and observed, is as palpable to sense as dust or powder placed
on the palm of the hand. In the still air the dust gradually sinks to the floor
or sticks to the walls and ceiling, until finally, by this self-cleansing process,
the air is entirely freed from mechanically suspended matter.
Thus, far, I think, we have made our footing sure. Let us proceed. Chop up
a beefsteak and allow it to remain for two or three hours just covered with
warm water; you thus extract the juice of the beef in a concentrated form.
of physical science, an experiment more conclusive nor an inference safer
than this one.
Supposing the powder to be light enough to float in the air, and that you are
enabled to see it there just as plainly as you saw the heavier powder in the
palm of hand. If the dust sown by the air instead of by the hand produce a
definite living crop, with the same logical rigour you would conclude that
the germs of this crop must be mixed with the dust. To take an illustration:
the spores of the little plant Penicillium glaucum, to which I have already
referred, are light enough to float in the air. A cut apple, a pear, a tomato, a
slice of vegetable marrow, or, as already mentioned, an old moist boot, a
dish of paste, or a pot of jam, constitutes a proper soil for the Penicillium.
Now, if it could be proved that the dust of the air when sown in this soil
produces this plant, while, wanting the dust, neither the air, nor the soil, nor
both together can produce it, it would be obviously just as certain in this
case that the floating dust contains the germs of Penicillium as that the
powders sown in your garden contained the germs of the plants which
sprung from them.
But how is the floating dust to be rendered visible? In this way. Build a
little chamber and provide it with a door, windows, and window-shutters.
Let an aperture be made in one of the shutters through which a sunbeam can
pass. Close the door and windows so that no light shall enter save through
the hole in the shutter. The track of the sunbeam is at first perfectly plain
and vivid in the air of the room. If all disturbance of the air of the chamber
be avoided, the luminous track will become fainter and fainter, until at last
it disappears absolutely, and no trace of the beam is to be seen. What
rendered the beam visible at first? The floating dust of the air, which, thus
illuminated and observed, is as palpable to sense as dust or powder placed
on the palm of the hand. In the still air the dust gradually sinks to the floor
or sticks to the walls and ceiling, until finally, by this self-cleansing process,
the air is entirely freed from mechanically suspended matter.
Thus, far, I think, we have made our footing sure. Let us proceed. Chop up
a beefsteak and allow it to remain for two or three hours just covered with
warm water; you thus extract the juice of the beef in a concentrated form.
Page 602
By properly boiling the liquid and filtering it, you can obtain from it a
perfectly transparent beef-tea. Expose a number of vessels containing this
tea to the moteless air of your chamber; and expose a number of vessels
containing precisely the same liquid to the dust-laden air. In three days
every one of the latter stinks, and examined with the microscope every one
of them is found swarming with the bacteria of putrefaction. After three
months, or three years, the beef-tea within the chamber is found in every
case as sweet and clear, and as free from bacteria, as it was at the moment
when it was first put in. There is absolutely no difference between the air
within and that without save that the one is dustless and the other dust-
laden.
Clinch the experiment thus: Open the door of your chamber and allow the
dust to enter it. In three days afterwards you have every vessel within the
chamber swarming with bacteria, and in a state of active putrefaction. Here,
also, the inference is quite as certain as in the case of the powder sown in
your garden. Multiply your proofs by building fifty chambers instead of
one, and by employing every imaginable infusion of wild animals and tame;
of flesh, fish, fowl, and viscera; of vegetables of the most various kinds. If
in all these cases you find the dust infallibly producing its crop of bacteria,
while neither the dustless air nor the nutritive infusion, nor both together,
are ever able to produce this crop, your conclusion is simply irresistible that
the dust of the air contains the germs of the crop which has appeared in
your infusions. I repeat there is no inference of experimental science more
certain than this one. In the presence of such facts, to use the words of a
paper lately published in the 'Philosophical Transactions,' it would be
simply monstrous to affirm that these swarming crops of bacteria are
spontaneously generated.
Is there then no experimental proof of spontaneous generation? I answer
without hesitation, none! But to doubt the experimental proof of a fact, and
to deny its possibility, are two different things, though some writers confuse
matters by making them synonymous. In fact, this doctrine of spontaneous
generation, in one form or another, falls in with the theoretic beliefs of some
of the foremost workers of this age; but it is exactly these men who have the
penetration to see, and the honesty to expose, the weakness of the evidence
adduced in its support.
perfectly transparent beef-tea. Expose a number of vessels containing this
tea to the moteless air of your chamber; and expose a number of vessels
containing precisely the same liquid to the dust-laden air. In three days
every one of the latter stinks, and examined with the microscope every one
of them is found swarming with the bacteria of putrefaction. After three
months, or three years, the beef-tea within the chamber is found in every
case as sweet and clear, and as free from bacteria, as it was at the moment
when it was first put in. There is absolutely no difference between the air
within and that without save that the one is dustless and the other dust-
laden.
Clinch the experiment thus: Open the door of your chamber and allow the
dust to enter it. In three days afterwards you have every vessel within the
chamber swarming with bacteria, and in a state of active putrefaction. Here,
also, the inference is quite as certain as in the case of the powder sown in
your garden. Multiply your proofs by building fifty chambers instead of
one, and by employing every imaginable infusion of wild animals and tame;
of flesh, fish, fowl, and viscera; of vegetables of the most various kinds. If
in all these cases you find the dust infallibly producing its crop of bacteria,
while neither the dustless air nor the nutritive infusion, nor both together,
are ever able to produce this crop, your conclusion is simply irresistible that
the dust of the air contains the germs of the crop which has appeared in
your infusions. I repeat there is no inference of experimental science more
certain than this one. In the presence of such facts, to use the words of a
paper lately published in the 'Philosophical Transactions,' it would be
simply monstrous to affirm that these swarming crops of bacteria are
spontaneously generated.
Is there then no experimental proof of spontaneous generation? I answer
without hesitation, none! But to doubt the experimental proof of a fact, and
to deny its possibility, are two different things, though some writers confuse
matters by making them synonymous. In fact, this doctrine of spontaneous
generation, in one form or another, falls in with the theoretic beliefs of some
of the foremost workers of this age; but it is exactly these men who have the
penetration to see, and the honesty to expose, the weakness of the evidence
adduced in its support.
Page 603
-----
And here observe how these discoveries tally with the common practices of
life. Heat kills the bacteria, colds numbs them. When my housekeeper has
pheasants in charge which she wishes to keep sweet, but which threaten to
give way, she partially cooks the birds, kills the infant bacteria, and thus
postpones the evil day. By boiling her milk she also extends its period of
sweetness. Some weeks ago in the Alps I made a few experiments on the
influence of cold upon ants. Though the sun was strong, patches of snow
still maintained themselves on the mountain slopes. The ants were found in
the warm grass and on the warm rocks adjacent. Transferred to the snow the
rapidity of their paralysis was surprising. Ina few seconds a vigorous ant,
after a few languid struggles, would wholly lose its power of locomotion
and lie practically dead upon the snow. Transferred to the warm rock, it
would revive, to be again smitten with death-like numbness when
retransferred to the snow. What is true of the ant is specially true of our
bacteria. Their active life is suspended by cold, and with it their power of
producing or continuing putrefaction. This is the whole philosophy of the
preservation of meat by cold. The fishmonger, for example, when he
surrounds his very assailable wares by lumps of ice, stays the process of
putrefaction by reducing to numbness and inaction the organisms which
produce it, and in the absence of which his fish would remain sweet and
sound. It is the astonishing activity into which these bacteria are pushed by
warmth that renders a single summer's day sometimes so disastrous to the
great butchers of London and Glasgow. The bodies of guides lost in the
crevasses of Alpine glaciers have come to the surface forty years after their
interment, without the flesh showing any sign of putrefaction. But the most
astonishing case of this kind is that of the hairy elephant of Siberia which
was found incased in ice. It had been buried for ages, but when laid bare its
flesh was sweet, and for some time afforded copious nutriment to the wild
beasts which fed upon it.
Beer is assailable by all the organisms here referred to, some of which
produce acetic, some lactic, and some butyric acid, while yeast is open to
attack from the bacteria of putrefaction. In relation to the particular
beverage the brewer wishes to produce, these foreign ferments have been
properly called ferments of disease. The cells of the true leaven are
And here observe how these discoveries tally with the common practices of
life. Heat kills the bacteria, colds numbs them. When my housekeeper has
pheasants in charge which she wishes to keep sweet, but which threaten to
give way, she partially cooks the birds, kills the infant bacteria, and thus
postpones the evil day. By boiling her milk she also extends its period of
sweetness. Some weeks ago in the Alps I made a few experiments on the
influence of cold upon ants. Though the sun was strong, patches of snow
still maintained themselves on the mountain slopes. The ants were found in
the warm grass and on the warm rocks adjacent. Transferred to the snow the
rapidity of their paralysis was surprising. Ina few seconds a vigorous ant,
after a few languid struggles, would wholly lose its power of locomotion
and lie practically dead upon the snow. Transferred to the warm rock, it
would revive, to be again smitten with death-like numbness when
retransferred to the snow. What is true of the ant is specially true of our
bacteria. Their active life is suspended by cold, and with it their power of
producing or continuing putrefaction. This is the whole philosophy of the
preservation of meat by cold. The fishmonger, for example, when he
surrounds his very assailable wares by lumps of ice, stays the process of
putrefaction by reducing to numbness and inaction the organisms which
produce it, and in the absence of which his fish would remain sweet and
sound. It is the astonishing activity into which these bacteria are pushed by
warmth that renders a single summer's day sometimes so disastrous to the
great butchers of London and Glasgow. The bodies of guides lost in the
crevasses of Alpine glaciers have come to the surface forty years after their
interment, without the flesh showing any sign of putrefaction. But the most
astonishing case of this kind is that of the hairy elephant of Siberia which
was found incased in ice. It had been buried for ages, but when laid bare its
flesh was sweet, and for some time afforded copious nutriment to the wild
beasts which fed upon it.
Beer is assailable by all the organisms here referred to, some of which
produce acetic, some lactic, and some butyric acid, while yeast is open to
attack from the bacteria of putrefaction. In relation to the particular
beverage the brewer wishes to produce, these foreign ferments have been
properly called ferments of disease. The cells of the true leaven are
Page 604
globules, usually somewhat elongated. The other organisms are more or less
rod-like or eel-like in shape, some of them being beaded so as to resemble
necklaces. Each of these organisms produces a fermentation and a flavour
peculiar to itself. Keep them out of your beer and it remains for ever
unaltered. Never without them will your beer contract disease. But their
germs are in the air, in the vessels employed in the brewery; even in the
yeast used to impregnate the wort. Consciously or unconsciously, he art of
the brewer is directed against them. His aim is to paralyze, if he cannot
annihilate them.
For beer, moreover, the question of temperature is one of supreme
importance; indeed, the recognised influence of temperature is causing on
the continent of Europe a complete revolution in the manufacture of beer.
When I was a student in Berlin, in 1851, there were certain places specially
devoted to the sale of Bavarian beer, which was then making its way into
public favour. This beer is prepared by what is called the process of low
fermentation; the name being given partly because the yeast of the beer,
instead of rising to the top and issuing through the bunghole, falls to the
bottom of the cask; but partly, also, because it is produced at a low
temperature. The other and older process, called high fermentation, is far
more handy, expeditious, and cheap. In high fermentation eight days suffice
for the production of the beer; in low fermentation, ten, fifteen, even twenty
days are found necessary. Vast quantities of ice, moreover, are consumed in
the process of low fermentation. In the single brewery of Dreher, of Vienna,
a hundred million pounds of ice are consumed annually in cooling the wort
and beer. Notwithstanding these obvious and weighty drawbacks, the low
fermentation is rapidly displacing the high upon the Continent. Here are
some statistics which show the number of breweries of both kinds existing
in Bohemia in 1860, 1865, and 1870 :—
1860. 1865. 1870.
High Fermentation 281 81 18
rod-like or eel-like in shape, some of them being beaded so as to resemble
necklaces. Each of these organisms produces a fermentation and a flavour
peculiar to itself. Keep them out of your beer and it remains for ever
unaltered. Never without them will your beer contract disease. But their
germs are in the air, in the vessels employed in the brewery; even in the
yeast used to impregnate the wort. Consciously or unconsciously, he art of
the brewer is directed against them. His aim is to paralyze, if he cannot
annihilate them.
For beer, moreover, the question of temperature is one of supreme
importance; indeed, the recognised influence of temperature is causing on
the continent of Europe a complete revolution in the manufacture of beer.
When I was a student in Berlin, in 1851, there were certain places specially
devoted to the sale of Bavarian beer, which was then making its way into
public favour. This beer is prepared by what is called the process of low
fermentation; the name being given partly because the yeast of the beer,
instead of rising to the top and issuing through the bunghole, falls to the
bottom of the cask; but partly, also, because it is produced at a low
temperature. The other and older process, called high fermentation, is far
more handy, expeditious, and cheap. In high fermentation eight days suffice
for the production of the beer; in low fermentation, ten, fifteen, even twenty
days are found necessary. Vast quantities of ice, moreover, are consumed in
the process of low fermentation. In the single brewery of Dreher, of Vienna,
a hundred million pounds of ice are consumed annually in cooling the wort
and beer. Notwithstanding these obvious and weighty drawbacks, the low
fermentation is rapidly displacing the high upon the Continent. Here are
some statistics which show the number of breweries of both kinds existing
in Bohemia in 1860, 1865, and 1870 :—
1860. 1865. 1870.
High Fermentation 281 81 18
Page 605
Low Fermentation 135 459 831
Thus in ten years the number of high-fermentation breweries fell from 281
to 18, while the number of low-fermentation breweries rose from 135 to
831. The sole reason for this vast change — a change which involves a
great expenditure of time, labour, and money — is the additional command
which it gives the brewer over the fortuitous ferments of disease. These
ferments, which, it is to be remembered, are living organisms, have their
activity suspended by temperatures below 10°C., and as long as they are
reduced to torpor the beer remains untainted either by acidity or
putrefaction. The beer of low fermentation is brewed in winter, and kept in
cool cellars; the brewer being thus enabled to dispose of it at his leisure,
instead of forcing its consumption to avoid the loss involved in its alteration
if kept too long. Hops, it may be remarked, act to some extent as an
antiseptic to beer. The essential oil of the hop is bactericidal: hence the
strong impregnation with hop juice of all beer intended for exportation.
These low organisms, which one might be disposed to regard as the
beginnings of life, were we not warned that the microscope, precious and
perfect as it is, has no power to show us the real beginnings of life, are by
no means purely useless or purely mischievous in the economy of nature.
They are only noxious when out of their proper place. They exercise a
useful and valuable function as the burners and consumers of dead matter,
animal and vegetable, reducing such matter, with a rapidity otherwise
unattainable, to innocent carbonic acid and water. Furthermore, they are not
all alike, and it is only restricted classes of them that are really dangerous to
man. One difference in their habits is worthy of special reference here. Air,
or rather the oxygen of the air, which is absolutely necessary to the support
of the bacteria of putrefaction, is, according to Pasteur, absolutely deadly to
the vibrios which provoke the butyric acid fermentation. This has been
illustrated by the following beautiful observation.
A drop of the liquid containing those small organisms is placed upon glass,
and on the drop is placed a circle of exceedingly thin glass; for, to magnify
them sufficiently, it is necessary that the object-glass of the microscope
Thus in ten years the number of high-fermentation breweries fell from 281
to 18, while the number of low-fermentation breweries rose from 135 to
831. The sole reason for this vast change — a change which involves a
great expenditure of time, labour, and money — is the additional command
which it gives the brewer over the fortuitous ferments of disease. These
ferments, which, it is to be remembered, are living organisms, have their
activity suspended by temperatures below 10°C., and as long as they are
reduced to torpor the beer remains untainted either by acidity or
putrefaction. The beer of low fermentation is brewed in winter, and kept in
cool cellars; the brewer being thus enabled to dispose of it at his leisure,
instead of forcing its consumption to avoid the loss involved in its alteration
if kept too long. Hops, it may be remarked, act to some extent as an
antiseptic to beer. The essential oil of the hop is bactericidal: hence the
strong impregnation with hop juice of all beer intended for exportation.
These low organisms, which one might be disposed to regard as the
beginnings of life, were we not warned that the microscope, precious and
perfect as it is, has no power to show us the real beginnings of life, are by
no means purely useless or purely mischievous in the economy of nature.
They are only noxious when out of their proper place. They exercise a
useful and valuable function as the burners and consumers of dead matter,
animal and vegetable, reducing such matter, with a rapidity otherwise
unattainable, to innocent carbonic acid and water. Furthermore, they are not
all alike, and it is only restricted classes of them that are really dangerous to
man. One difference in their habits is worthy of special reference here. Air,
or rather the oxygen of the air, which is absolutely necessary to the support
of the bacteria of putrefaction, is, according to Pasteur, absolutely deadly to
the vibrios which provoke the butyric acid fermentation. This has been
illustrated by the following beautiful observation.
A drop of the liquid containing those small organisms is placed upon glass,
and on the drop is placed a circle of exceedingly thin glass; for, to magnify
them sufficiently, it is necessary that the object-glass of the microscope
Page 606
should come very close to the organisms. Round the edge of the circular
plate of glass the liquid is in contact with the air, and incessantly absorbs it,
including the oxygen. Here, if the drop be charged with bacteria, we have a
zone of very lively ones. But through this living zone, greedy of oxygen and
appropriating it, the vivifying gas cannot penetrate to the centre of the film.
In the middle, therefore, the bacteria die, while their peripheral colleagues
continue active. If a bubble of air chance to be enclosed in the film, round it
the bacteria will pirouette and wabble until its oxygen has been absorbed,
after which all their motions cease. Precisely the reverse of all this occurs
with the vibrios of butyric acid. In their case it is the peripheral organisms
that are first killed, the central ones remaining vigorous while ringed by a
zone of dead. Pasteur, moreover, filled two vessels with a liquid containing
these vibrios; through one vessel be led air, and killed its vibrios in half an
hour; through the other he led carbonic acid, and after three hours found the
vibrios fully active. It was while observing these differences of deportment
fifteen years ago that the thought of life without air, and its bearing upon the
theory of fermentation, flashed upon the mind of this admirable
investigator.
-----
We now approach an aspect of this question which concerns us still more
closely, and will be best illustrated by an actual fact. A few years ago I was
bathing in an Alpine stream, and returning to my clothes from the cascade
which had been my shower-bath, I slipped upon a block of granite, the
sharp crystals of which stamped themselves into my naked shin. The wound
was an awkward one, but being in vigorous health at the time, I hoped for a
speedy recovery. Dipping a clean pocket-handkerchief into the stream, I
wrapped it round the wound, limped home, and remained for four or five
days quietly in bed. There was no pain, and at the end of this time I thought
myself quite fit to quit my room. The wound, when uncovered, was found
perfectly clean, uninflamed, and entirely free from matter. Placing over it a
bit of goldbeater's-skin, I walked about all day. Towards evening itching
and heat were felt; a large accumulation of matter followed, and I was
forced to go to bed again. The water-bandage was restored, but it was
powerless to check the action now set up; arnica was applied, but it made
matters worse. The inflammation increased alarmingly, until finally I had to
plate of glass the liquid is in contact with the air, and incessantly absorbs it,
including the oxygen. Here, if the drop be charged with bacteria, we have a
zone of very lively ones. But through this living zone, greedy of oxygen and
appropriating it, the vivifying gas cannot penetrate to the centre of the film.
In the middle, therefore, the bacteria die, while their peripheral colleagues
continue active. If a bubble of air chance to be enclosed in the film, round it
the bacteria will pirouette and wabble until its oxygen has been absorbed,
after which all their motions cease. Precisely the reverse of all this occurs
with the vibrios of butyric acid. In their case it is the peripheral organisms
that are first killed, the central ones remaining vigorous while ringed by a
zone of dead. Pasteur, moreover, filled two vessels with a liquid containing
these vibrios; through one vessel be led air, and killed its vibrios in half an
hour; through the other he led carbonic acid, and after three hours found the
vibrios fully active. It was while observing these differences of deportment
fifteen years ago that the thought of life without air, and its bearing upon the
theory of fermentation, flashed upon the mind of this admirable
investigator.
-----
We now approach an aspect of this question which concerns us still more
closely, and will be best illustrated by an actual fact. A few years ago I was
bathing in an Alpine stream, and returning to my clothes from the cascade
which had been my shower-bath, I slipped upon a block of granite, the
sharp crystals of which stamped themselves into my naked shin. The wound
was an awkward one, but being in vigorous health at the time, I hoped for a
speedy recovery. Dipping a clean pocket-handkerchief into the stream, I
wrapped it round the wound, limped home, and remained for four or five
days quietly in bed. There was no pain, and at the end of this time I thought
myself quite fit to quit my room. The wound, when uncovered, was found
perfectly clean, uninflamed, and entirely free from matter. Placing over it a
bit of goldbeater's-skin, I walked about all day. Towards evening itching
and heat were felt; a large accumulation of matter followed, and I was
forced to go to bed again. The water-bandage was restored, but it was
powerless to check the action now set up; arnica was applied, but it made
matters worse. The inflammation increased alarmingly, until finally I had to
Page 607
be carried on men's shoulders down the mountain and transported to
Geneva, where, thanks to the kindness of friends, I was immediately placed
in the best medical hands. On the morning after my arrival in Geneva, Dr.
Gautier discovered an abscess in my instep, at a distance of five inches
from the wound. The two were connected by a channel, or sinus, as it is
technically called, through which he was able to empty the abscess, without
the application of the lance.
By what agency was that channel formed — what was it that thus tore
asunder the sound tissue of my instep, and kept me for six weeks a prisoner
in bed? In the very room where the water dressing had been removed from
my wound and the goldbeater's-skin applied to it, I opened this year a
number of tubes, containing perfectly clear and sweet infusions of fish,
flesh, and vegetable. These hermetically sealed infusions had been exposed
for weeks, both to the sun of the Alps and to the warmth of a kitchen,
without showing the slightest turbidity or sign of life. But two days after
they were opened the greater number of them swarmed with the bacteria of
putrefaction, the germs of which had been contracted from the dust-laden
air of the room. And had the matter from my abscess been examined, my
memory of its appearance leads me to infer that it would have been found
equally swarming with these bacteria — that it was their germs which got
into my incautiously opened wound, and that they were the subtile workers
that burrowed down my shin, dug the abscess in my instep, and produced
effects which might easily have proved fatal.
This apparent digression brings us face to face with the labours of a man
who combines the penetration of the true theorist with the skill and
conscientiousness of the true experimenter, and whose practice is one
continued demonstration of the theory that the putrefaction of wounds is to
be averted by the destruction of the germs of bacteria. Not only from his
own reports of his cases, but from the reports of eminent men who have
visited his hospital, and from the opinions expressed to me by continental
surgeons, do I gather that one of the greatest steps ever made in the art of
surgery was the introduction of the antiseptic system of treatment,
introduced by Professor Lister.
Geneva, where, thanks to the kindness of friends, I was immediately placed
in the best medical hands. On the morning after my arrival in Geneva, Dr.
Gautier discovered an abscess in my instep, at a distance of five inches
from the wound. The two were connected by a channel, or sinus, as it is
technically called, through which he was able to empty the abscess, without
the application of the lance.
By what agency was that channel formed — what was it that thus tore
asunder the sound tissue of my instep, and kept me for six weeks a prisoner
in bed? In the very room where the water dressing had been removed from
my wound and the goldbeater's-skin applied to it, I opened this year a
number of tubes, containing perfectly clear and sweet infusions of fish,
flesh, and vegetable. These hermetically sealed infusions had been exposed
for weeks, both to the sun of the Alps and to the warmth of a kitchen,
without showing the slightest turbidity or sign of life. But two days after
they were opened the greater number of them swarmed with the bacteria of
putrefaction, the germs of which had been contracted from the dust-laden
air of the room. And had the matter from my abscess been examined, my
memory of its appearance leads me to infer that it would have been found
equally swarming with these bacteria — that it was their germs which got
into my incautiously opened wound, and that they were the subtile workers
that burrowed down my shin, dug the abscess in my instep, and produced
effects which might easily have proved fatal.
This apparent digression brings us face to face with the labours of a man
who combines the penetration of the true theorist with the skill and
conscientiousness of the true experimenter, and whose practice is one
continued demonstration of the theory that the putrefaction of wounds is to
be averted by the destruction of the germs of bacteria. Not only from his
own reports of his cases, but from the reports of eminent men who have
visited his hospital, and from the opinions expressed to me by continental
surgeons, do I gather that one of the greatest steps ever made in the art of
surgery was the introduction of the antiseptic system of treatment,
introduced by Professor Lister.
Page 608
The interest of this subject does not slacken as we proceed. We began with
the cherry-cask and beer-vat; we end with the body of man. There are
persons born with the power of interpreting natural facts, as there are others
smitten with everlasting incompetence in regard to such interpretation. To
the former class in an eminent degree belonged the illustrious philosopher
Robert Boyle, whose words in relation to this subject have in them the
forecast of prophecy. 'And let me add,' writes Boyle in his 'Essay on the
Pathological Part of Physic,' 'that he that thoroughly understands the nature
of ferments and fermentations shall probably be much better able than he
that ignores them, to give a fair account of divers phenomena of several
diseases (as well fevers as others), which will perhaps be never properly
understood without an insight into the doctrine of fermentations.'
Two hundred years have passed since these pregnant words were written,
and it is only in this our day that men are beginning to fully realise their
truth. In the domain of surgery the justice of Boyle's surmise has been most
strictly demonstrated. But we now pass the bounds of surgery proper, and
enter the domain of epidemic disease, including those fevers so sagaciously
referred to by Boyle. The most striking analogy between a contagium and a
ferment is to be found in the power of indefinite self-multiplication
possessed and exercised by both. You know the exquisitely truthful figures
regarding leaven employed in the New Testament. A particle hid in three
measures of meal leavens it all. A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump. In
a similar manner, a particle of contagium spreads through the human body
and may be so multiplied as to strike down whole populations. Consider the
effect produced upon the system by a microscopic quantity of the virus of
smallpox. That virus is, to all intents and purposes, a seed. It is sown as
yeast is sown, it grows and multiplies as yeast grows and multiplies, and it
always reproduces itself. To Pasteur we are indebted for a series of masterly
researches, wherein he exposes the looseness and general baselessness of
prevalent notions regarding the transmutation of one ferment into another.
He guards himself against saying it is impossible. The true investigator is
sparing in the use of this word, though the use of it is unsparingly ascribed
to him; but, as a matter of fact, Pasteur has never, been able to effect the
alleged transmutation, while he has been always able to point out the open
doorways through which the affirmers of such transmutations had allowed
error to march in upon them. [Footnote: 'Those who wish for an illustration
the cherry-cask and beer-vat; we end with the body of man. There are
persons born with the power of interpreting natural facts, as there are others
smitten with everlasting incompetence in regard to such interpretation. To
the former class in an eminent degree belonged the illustrious philosopher
Robert Boyle, whose words in relation to this subject have in them the
forecast of prophecy. 'And let me add,' writes Boyle in his 'Essay on the
Pathological Part of Physic,' 'that he that thoroughly understands the nature
of ferments and fermentations shall probably be much better able than he
that ignores them, to give a fair account of divers phenomena of several
diseases (as well fevers as others), which will perhaps be never properly
understood without an insight into the doctrine of fermentations.'
Two hundred years have passed since these pregnant words were written,
and it is only in this our day that men are beginning to fully realise their
truth. In the domain of surgery the justice of Boyle's surmise has been most
strictly demonstrated. But we now pass the bounds of surgery proper, and
enter the domain of epidemic disease, including those fevers so sagaciously
referred to by Boyle. The most striking analogy between a contagium and a
ferment is to be found in the power of indefinite self-multiplication
possessed and exercised by both. You know the exquisitely truthful figures
regarding leaven employed in the New Testament. A particle hid in three
measures of meal leavens it all. A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump. In
a similar manner, a particle of contagium spreads through the human body
and may be so multiplied as to strike down whole populations. Consider the
effect produced upon the system by a microscopic quantity of the virus of
smallpox. That virus is, to all intents and purposes, a seed. It is sown as
yeast is sown, it grows and multiplies as yeast grows and multiplies, and it
always reproduces itself. To Pasteur we are indebted for a series of masterly
researches, wherein he exposes the looseness and general baselessness of
prevalent notions regarding the transmutation of one ferment into another.
He guards himself against saying it is impossible. The true investigator is
sparing in the use of this word, though the use of it is unsparingly ascribed
to him; but, as a matter of fact, Pasteur has never, been able to effect the
alleged transmutation, while he has been always able to point out the open
doorways through which the affirmers of such transmutations had allowed
error to march in upon them. [Footnote: 'Those who wish for an illustration
Page 609
of the care necessary in these researches, and of the carelessness with
which they have in some cases been conducted, will do well to consult the
Rev. W. H. Dallinger's excellent 'Notes on Heterogenesis' in the October
number of the Popular Science Review.]
The great source of error here has been already alluded to in this discourse.
The observers worked in an atmosphere charged with the germs of different
organisms; the mere accident of first possession rendering now one
organism, now another, triumphant. In different stages, moreover, of its
fermentative or putrefactive changes, the same infusion may so alter as to
be successively taken possession of by different organisms. Such cases have
been adduced to show that the earlier organisms must have been
transformed into the later ones, whereas they are simply cases in which
different germs, because of changes in the infusion, render themselves valid
at different times.
By teaching us how to cultivate each ferment in its purity — in other words,
by teaching us how to rear the individual organism apart from all others, —
Pasteur has enabled us to avoid all these errors. And where this isolation of
a particular organism has been duly effected it grows and multiplies
indefinitely, but no change of it into another organism is ever observed. In
Pasteur's researches the Bacterium remained a Bacterium, the Vibrio a
Vibrio, the Penicillium a Penicillium, and the Torula a Torula. Sow any of
these in a state of purity in an appropriate liquid; you get it, and it alone, in
the subsequent crop. In like manner, sow small-pox in the human body,
your crop is small-pox. Sow there scarlatina, and your crop is scarlatina.
Sow typhoid virus, your crop is typhoid — cholera, your crop is cholera.
The disease bears as constant a relation to its contagium as the microscopic
organisms just enumerated do to their germs, or indeed as a thistle does to
its seed. No wonder then, with analogies so obvious and so striking, that the
conviction is spreading and growing daily in strength, that reproductive
parasitic life is at the root of epidemic disease — that living ferments
finding lodgment in the body increase there and multiply, directly ruining
the tissue on which they subsist, or destroying life indirectly by the
generation of poisonous compounds within the body. This conclusion,
which comes to us with a presumption almost amounting to demonstration,
is clinched by the fact that virulently infective diseases have been
which they have in some cases been conducted, will do well to consult the
Rev. W. H. Dallinger's excellent 'Notes on Heterogenesis' in the October
number of the Popular Science Review.]
The great source of error here has been already alluded to in this discourse.
The observers worked in an atmosphere charged with the germs of different
organisms; the mere accident of first possession rendering now one
organism, now another, triumphant. In different stages, moreover, of its
fermentative or putrefactive changes, the same infusion may so alter as to
be successively taken possession of by different organisms. Such cases have
been adduced to show that the earlier organisms must have been
transformed into the later ones, whereas they are simply cases in which
different germs, because of changes in the infusion, render themselves valid
at different times.
By teaching us how to cultivate each ferment in its purity — in other words,
by teaching us how to rear the individual organism apart from all others, —
Pasteur has enabled us to avoid all these errors. And where this isolation of
a particular organism has been duly effected it grows and multiplies
indefinitely, but no change of it into another organism is ever observed. In
Pasteur's researches the Bacterium remained a Bacterium, the Vibrio a
Vibrio, the Penicillium a Penicillium, and the Torula a Torula. Sow any of
these in a state of purity in an appropriate liquid; you get it, and it alone, in
the subsequent crop. In like manner, sow small-pox in the human body,
your crop is small-pox. Sow there scarlatina, and your crop is scarlatina.
Sow typhoid virus, your crop is typhoid — cholera, your crop is cholera.
The disease bears as constant a relation to its contagium as the microscopic
organisms just enumerated do to their germs, or indeed as a thistle does to
its seed. No wonder then, with analogies so obvious and so striking, that the
conviction is spreading and growing daily in strength, that reproductive
parasitic life is at the root of epidemic disease — that living ferments
finding lodgment in the body increase there and multiply, directly ruining
the tissue on which they subsist, or destroying life indirectly by the
generation of poisonous compounds within the body. This conclusion,
which comes to us with a presumption almost amounting to demonstration,
is clinched by the fact that virulently infective diseases have been
Page 610
discovered with which living organisms are as closely and as indissolubly
associated as the growth of Torula is with the fermentation of beer.
And here, if you will permit me, I would utter a word of warning to well-
meaning people. We have now reached a phase of this question when it is of
the very last importance that light should once for all be thrown upon the
manner in which contagious and infectious diseases take root and spread.
To this end the action of various ferments upon the organs and tissues of the
living body must be studied; the habitat of each special organism concerned
in the production of each specific disease must be determined, and the mode
by which its germs are spread abroad as sources of further infection. It is
only by such rigidly accurate enquiries that we can obtain final and
complete mastery over these destroyers. Hence, while abhorring cruelty of
all kinds, while shrinking sympathetically from all animal suffering —
suffering which my own pursuits never call upon me to inflict, — an
unbiassed survey of the field of research now opening out before the
physiologist causes me to conclude, that no greater calamity could befall
the human race than the stoppage of experimental enquiry in this direction.
A lady whose philanthropy has rendered her illustrious said to me some
time ago, that science was becoming immoral; that the researches of the
past, unlike those of the present, were carried on without cruelty. I replied
to her that the science of Kepler and Newton, to which she referred, dealt
with the laws and phenomena of inorganic nature; but that one great
advance made by modern science was in the direction of biology, or the
science of life; and that in this new direction scientific enquiry, though at
the outset pursued at the cost of some temporary suffering, would in the end
prove a thousand times more beneficent than it had ever hitherto been. I
said this because I saw that the very researches which the lady deprecated
were leading us to such a knowledge of epidemic diseases as will enable us
finally to sweep these scourges of the human race from the face of the earth.
This is a point of such capital importance that I should like to bring it home
to your intelligence by a single trustworthy illustration. In 1850, two
distinguished French observers, MM. Davainne and Rayer, noticed in the
blood, of animals which had died of the virulent disease called splenic
fever, small microscopic organisms resembling transparent rods, but neither
of them at that time attached any significance to the observation. In 1861,
associated as the growth of Torula is with the fermentation of beer.
And here, if you will permit me, I would utter a word of warning to well-
meaning people. We have now reached a phase of this question when it is of
the very last importance that light should once for all be thrown upon the
manner in which contagious and infectious diseases take root and spread.
To this end the action of various ferments upon the organs and tissues of the
living body must be studied; the habitat of each special organism concerned
in the production of each specific disease must be determined, and the mode
by which its germs are spread abroad as sources of further infection. It is
only by such rigidly accurate enquiries that we can obtain final and
complete mastery over these destroyers. Hence, while abhorring cruelty of
all kinds, while shrinking sympathetically from all animal suffering —
suffering which my own pursuits never call upon me to inflict, — an
unbiassed survey of the field of research now opening out before the
physiologist causes me to conclude, that no greater calamity could befall
the human race than the stoppage of experimental enquiry in this direction.
A lady whose philanthropy has rendered her illustrious said to me some
time ago, that science was becoming immoral; that the researches of the
past, unlike those of the present, were carried on without cruelty. I replied
to her that the science of Kepler and Newton, to which she referred, dealt
with the laws and phenomena of inorganic nature; but that one great
advance made by modern science was in the direction of biology, or the
science of life; and that in this new direction scientific enquiry, though at
the outset pursued at the cost of some temporary suffering, would in the end
prove a thousand times more beneficent than it had ever hitherto been. I
said this because I saw that the very researches which the lady deprecated
were leading us to such a knowledge of epidemic diseases as will enable us
finally to sweep these scourges of the human race from the face of the earth.
This is a point of such capital importance that I should like to bring it home
to your intelligence by a single trustworthy illustration. In 1850, two
distinguished French observers, MM. Davainne and Rayer, noticed in the
blood, of animals which had died of the virulent disease called splenic
fever, small microscopic organisms resembling transparent rods, but neither
of them at that time attached any significance to the observation. In 1861,
Page 611
Pasteur published a memoir on the fermentation of butyric acid, wherein he
described the organism which provoked it; and after reading this memoir it
occurred to Davainne that splenic fever might be a case of fermentation set
up within the animal body, by the organisms which had been observed by
him and Rayer. This idea has been placed beyond all doubt by subsequent
research.
Observations of the highest importance have also been made on splenic
fever by Pollender and Brauell. Two years ago, Dr. Burdon Sanderson gave
us a very clear account of what was known up to that time of this disorder.
With regard to the permanence of the contagium, it had been proved to hang
for years about localities where it had once prevailed; and this seemed to
show that the rod-like organisms could not constitute the contagium,
because their infective power was found to vanish in a few weeks. But other
facts established an intimate connection between the organisms and the
disease, so that a review of all the facts caused Dr. Sanderson to conclude
that the contagium existed in two distinct forms: the one 'fugitive' and
visible as transparent rods; the other permanent but 'latent,' and not yet
brought within the grasp of the microscope.
At the time that Dr. Sanderson was writing this report, a young German
physician, named Koch, [Footnote: This, I believe, was the first reference to
the researches of Koch made in this country. 1879] occupied with the duties
of his profession in an obscure country district, was already at work,
applying, during his spare time, various original and ingenious devices to
the investigation of splenic fever. He studied the habits of the rod-like
organisms, and found the aqueous humour an ox's eye to be particularly
suitable for their nutria. With a drop of the aqueous humour he mixed tiniest
speck of a liquid containing the rods, placed the drop under his microscope,
warmed it suitably, and observed the subsequent action. During the first two
hours hardly any change was noticeable; but at the end of this time the rods
began to lengthen, and the action was so rapid that at the end of three or
four hours they attained from ten to twenty times their original length. At
the end of a few additional hours they had formed filaments in many cases a
hundred times the length of the original rods. The same filament, in fact,
was frequently observed to stretch through several fields of the microscope.
Sometimes they lay in straight lines parallel to each other, in other cases
described the organism which provoked it; and after reading this memoir it
occurred to Davainne that splenic fever might be a case of fermentation set
up within the animal body, by the organisms which had been observed by
him and Rayer. This idea has been placed beyond all doubt by subsequent
research.
Observations of the highest importance have also been made on splenic
fever by Pollender and Brauell. Two years ago, Dr. Burdon Sanderson gave
us a very clear account of what was known up to that time of this disorder.
With regard to the permanence of the contagium, it had been proved to hang
for years about localities where it had once prevailed; and this seemed to
show that the rod-like organisms could not constitute the contagium,
because their infective power was found to vanish in a few weeks. But other
facts established an intimate connection between the organisms and the
disease, so that a review of all the facts caused Dr. Sanderson to conclude
that the contagium existed in two distinct forms: the one 'fugitive' and
visible as transparent rods; the other permanent but 'latent,' and not yet
brought within the grasp of the microscope.
At the time that Dr. Sanderson was writing this report, a young German
physician, named Koch, [Footnote: This, I believe, was the first reference to
the researches of Koch made in this country. 1879] occupied with the duties
of his profession in an obscure country district, was already at work,
applying, during his spare time, various original and ingenious devices to
the investigation of splenic fever. He studied the habits of the rod-like
organisms, and found the aqueous humour an ox's eye to be particularly
suitable for their nutria. With a drop of the aqueous humour he mixed tiniest
speck of a liquid containing the rods, placed the drop under his microscope,
warmed it suitably, and observed the subsequent action. During the first two
hours hardly any change was noticeable; but at the end of this time the rods
began to lengthen, and the action was so rapid that at the end of three or
four hours they attained from ten to twenty times their original length. At
the end of a few additional hours they had formed filaments in many cases a
hundred times the length of the original rods. The same filament, in fact,
was frequently observed to stretch through several fields of the microscope.
Sometimes they lay in straight lines parallel to each other, in other cases
Page 612
they were bent, twisted, and coiled into the most graceful figures; while
sometimes they formed knots of such bewildering complexity that it was
impossible for the eye to trace the individual filaments through the
confusion.
Had the observation ended here an interesting scientific fact would have
been added to our previous store, but the addition would have been of little
practical value. Koch, however, continued to watch the filaments, and after
a time noticed little dots appearing within them. These dots became more
and more distinct, until finally the whole length of the organism was
studded with minute ovoid bodies, which lay within the outer integument
like peas within their shell. By-and-by the integument fell to pieces, the
place of the organisms being taken by a long row of seeds or spores. These
observations, which were confirmed in all respects by the celebrated
naturalist, Cohn of Breslau, are of the highest importance. They clear up the
existing perplexity regarding the latent and visible contagia of splenic
fever; for in the most conclusive manner, Koch proved the spores, as
distinguished from the rods, to constitute the contagium of the fever in its
most deadly and persistent form.
How did he reach this important result? Mark the answer. There was but
one way open to him to test the activity of the contagium, and that was the
inoculation with it of living animals. He operated upon guinea-pigs and
rabbits, but the vast majority of his experiments were made upon mice.
Inoculating them with the fresh blood of an animal suffering from splenic
fever, they invariably died of the same disease within twenty or thirty hours
after inoculation. He then sought to determine how the contagium
maintained its vitality. Drying the infectious blood containing the rod-like
organisms, in which, however, the spores were not developed, he found the
contagium to be that which Dr. Sanderson calls 'fugitive.' It maintained its
power of infection for five weeks at the furthest. He then dried blood
containing the fully-developed spores, and posed the substance to a variety
of conditions. He permitted the dried blood to assume the form of dust;
wetted this dust, allowed it to dry again, permitted it to remain for an
indefinite time in the midst of putrefying matter, and subjected it to various
other tests. After keeping the spore-charged blood which had been treated in
this fashion for four years, he inoculated a number of mice with it, and
sometimes they formed knots of such bewildering complexity that it was
impossible for the eye to trace the individual filaments through the
confusion.
Had the observation ended here an interesting scientific fact would have
been added to our previous store, but the addition would have been of little
practical value. Koch, however, continued to watch the filaments, and after
a time noticed little dots appearing within them. These dots became more
and more distinct, until finally the whole length of the organism was
studded with minute ovoid bodies, which lay within the outer integument
like peas within their shell. By-and-by the integument fell to pieces, the
place of the organisms being taken by a long row of seeds or spores. These
observations, which were confirmed in all respects by the celebrated
naturalist, Cohn of Breslau, are of the highest importance. They clear up the
existing perplexity regarding the latent and visible contagia of splenic
fever; for in the most conclusive manner, Koch proved the spores, as
distinguished from the rods, to constitute the contagium of the fever in its
most deadly and persistent form.
How did he reach this important result? Mark the answer. There was but
one way open to him to test the activity of the contagium, and that was the
inoculation with it of living animals. He operated upon guinea-pigs and
rabbits, but the vast majority of his experiments were made upon mice.
Inoculating them with the fresh blood of an animal suffering from splenic
fever, they invariably died of the same disease within twenty or thirty hours
after inoculation. He then sought to determine how the contagium
maintained its vitality. Drying the infectious blood containing the rod-like
organisms, in which, however, the spores were not developed, he found the
contagium to be that which Dr. Sanderson calls 'fugitive.' It maintained its
power of infection for five weeks at the furthest. He then dried blood
containing the fully-developed spores, and posed the substance to a variety
of conditions. He permitted the dried blood to assume the form of dust;
wetted this dust, allowed it to dry again, permitted it to remain for an
indefinite time in the midst of putrefying matter, and subjected it to various
other tests. After keeping the spore-charged blood which had been treated in
this fashion for four years, he inoculated a number of mice with it, and
Page 613
found its action as fatal as that of blood fresh from the veins of an animal
suffering from splenic fever. There was no single escape from death after
inoculation by this deadly contagium. Uncounted millions of these spores
are developed in the body of every animal which has died of splenic fever,
and every spore of these millions is competent to produce the disease. The
name of this formidable parasite is Bacillus anthracis. [Footnote: Koch
found that to produce its characteristic effects the contagium of splenic
fever must enter the blood; the virulently festive spleen of a diseased animal
may be eaten with impunity by mice. On the other hand, the disease refuses
to be communicated by inoculation to dogs, partridges, or sparrows. In their
blood Bacillus anthracis ceases to act as a ferment. Pasteur announced
more than six years ago the propagation of the vibrios of the silkworm
disease called flacherie, both by fission and by spores. He also made some
remarkable experiments on the permanence of the contagium in the form of
spores. See 'Etudes sur la Maladie des Vers à Soie,' pp. 168 and 256.]
Now the very first step towards the extirpation of these contagia is the
knowledge of their nature; and the knowledge brought to us by Dr. Koch
will render as certain the stamping out of splenic fever as the stoppage of
the plague of pébrine by the researches of Pasteur. [Footnote: Surmising
that the immunity enjoyed by birds might arise from the heat of their blood,
which destroyed the bacillus, Pasteur lowered their temperature artificially,
inoculated them, and killed them. He also raised the temperature of guinea-
pigs after inoculation, and saved them. It is needless to dwell for a moment
on the importance of this experiment.] One small item of statistics will
show what this implies. In the single district of Novgorod in Russia,
between the years 1867 and 1870, over fifty-six thousand cases of death by
splenic fever, among horses, cows, and sheep were recorded. Nor did its
ravages confine themselves to the animal world, for during the time and in
the district referred to, five hundred and twenty-eight human beings
perished in the agonies of the same disease.
A description of the fever will help you to come to a right decision on the
point which I wish to submit to your consideration. 'An animal,' says Dr.
Burdon Sanderson, 'which perhaps for the previous day has declined food
and shown signs of general disturbance, begins to shudder and to have
twitches of the muscles of the back, and soon after becomes weak and
suffering from splenic fever. There was no single escape from death after
inoculation by this deadly contagium. Uncounted millions of these spores
are developed in the body of every animal which has died of splenic fever,
and every spore of these millions is competent to produce the disease. The
name of this formidable parasite is Bacillus anthracis. [Footnote: Koch
found that to produce its characteristic effects the contagium of splenic
fever must enter the blood; the virulently festive spleen of a diseased animal
may be eaten with impunity by mice. On the other hand, the disease refuses
to be communicated by inoculation to dogs, partridges, or sparrows. In their
blood Bacillus anthracis ceases to act as a ferment. Pasteur announced
more than six years ago the propagation of the vibrios of the silkworm
disease called flacherie, both by fission and by spores. He also made some
remarkable experiments on the permanence of the contagium in the form of
spores. See 'Etudes sur la Maladie des Vers à Soie,' pp. 168 and 256.]
Now the very first step towards the extirpation of these contagia is the
knowledge of their nature; and the knowledge brought to us by Dr. Koch
will render as certain the stamping out of splenic fever as the stoppage of
the plague of pébrine by the researches of Pasteur. [Footnote: Surmising
that the immunity enjoyed by birds might arise from the heat of their blood,
which destroyed the bacillus, Pasteur lowered their temperature artificially,
inoculated them, and killed them. He also raised the temperature of guinea-
pigs after inoculation, and saved them. It is needless to dwell for a moment
on the importance of this experiment.] One small item of statistics will
show what this implies. In the single district of Novgorod in Russia,
between the years 1867 and 1870, over fifty-six thousand cases of death by
splenic fever, among horses, cows, and sheep were recorded. Nor did its
ravages confine themselves to the animal world, for during the time and in
the district referred to, five hundred and twenty-eight human beings
perished in the agonies of the same disease.
A description of the fever will help you to come to a right decision on the
point which I wish to submit to your consideration. 'An animal,' says Dr.
Burdon Sanderson, 'which perhaps for the previous day has declined food
and shown signs of general disturbance, begins to shudder and to have
twitches of the muscles of the back, and soon after becomes weak and
Page 614
listless. In the meantime the respiration becomes frequent and often
difficult, and the temperature rises three or four degrees above the normal;
but soon convulsions, affecting chiefly the muscles of the back and loins,
usher in the final collapse of which the progress is marked by the loss of all
power of moving the trunk or extremities, diminution of temperature,
mucous and sanguinolent alvine evacuations, and similar discharges from
the mouth and nose.' In a single district of Russia, as above remarked, fifty-
six thousand horses, cows, and sheep, and five hundred and twenty-eight
men and women, perished in this way during a period of two or three years.
What the annual fatality is throughout Europe I have no means of knowing.
Doubtless it must be very great. The question, then, which I wish to submit
to your judgment is this :— Is the knowledge which reveals to us the nature,
and which assures the extirpation, of a disorder so virulent and so vile,
worth the price paid for it? It is exceedingly important that assemblies like
the present should see clearly the issues at stake in such questions as this,
and that the properly informed sense of the community should temper, if
not restrain, the rashness of those who, meaning to be tender, become
agents of cruelty by the imposition of short-sighted restrictions upon
physiological investigations. It is a modern instance of zeal for God, but not
according to knowledge, the excesses of which must be corrected by an
instructed public opinion.
-----
And now let us cast a backward glance on the field we have traversed, and
try to extract from our labours such further profit as they can yield. For
more than two thousand years the attraction of light bodies by amber was
the sum of human knowledge regarding electricity, and for more than two
thousand years fermentation was effected without any knowledge of its
cause. In science one discovery grows out of another, and cannot appear
without its proper antecedent. Thus, before fermentation could be
understood, the microscope had to be invented, and brought to a
considerable degree of perfection. Note the growth of knowledge.
Leeuwenhoek, in 1680, found yeast to be a mass of floating globules, but he
had no notion that the globules were alive. This was proved in 1835 by
Cagniard de la Tour and Schwann. Then came the question as to the origin
of such microscopic organisms, and in this connection '`the memoir of
difficult, and the temperature rises three or four degrees above the normal;
but soon convulsions, affecting chiefly the muscles of the back and loins,
usher in the final collapse of which the progress is marked by the loss of all
power of moving the trunk or extremities, diminution of temperature,
mucous and sanguinolent alvine evacuations, and similar discharges from
the mouth and nose.' In a single district of Russia, as above remarked, fifty-
six thousand horses, cows, and sheep, and five hundred and twenty-eight
men and women, perished in this way during a period of two or three years.
What the annual fatality is throughout Europe I have no means of knowing.
Doubtless it must be very great. The question, then, which I wish to submit
to your judgment is this :— Is the knowledge which reveals to us the nature,
and which assures the extirpation, of a disorder so virulent and so vile,
worth the price paid for it? It is exceedingly important that assemblies like
the present should see clearly the issues at stake in such questions as this,
and that the properly informed sense of the community should temper, if
not restrain, the rashness of those who, meaning to be tender, become
agents of cruelty by the imposition of short-sighted restrictions upon
physiological investigations. It is a modern instance of zeal for God, but not
according to knowledge, the excesses of which must be corrected by an
instructed public opinion.
-----
And now let us cast a backward glance on the field we have traversed, and
try to extract from our labours such further profit as they can yield. For
more than two thousand years the attraction of light bodies by amber was
the sum of human knowledge regarding electricity, and for more than two
thousand years fermentation was effected without any knowledge of its
cause. In science one discovery grows out of another, and cannot appear
without its proper antecedent. Thus, before fermentation could be
understood, the microscope had to be invented, and brought to a
considerable degree of perfection. Note the growth of knowledge.
Leeuwenhoek, in 1680, found yeast to be a mass of floating globules, but he
had no notion that the globules were alive. This was proved in 1835 by
Cagniard de la Tour and Schwann. Then came the question as to the origin
of such microscopic organisms, and in this connection '`the memoir of
Page 615
Pasteur, published in the 'Annales de Chimie' for 1862, is the inauguration
of a new epoch.
On that investigation all Pasteur's subsequent labours were based. Ravages
had over and over again occurred among French wines. There was no
guarantee that they would not become acid or bitter, particularly when
exported. The commerce in wines was thus restricted, and disastrous losses
were often inflicted on the wine-grower. Every one of these diseases was
traced to the life of an organism. Pasteur ascertained the temperature which
killed these ferments of disease, proving it to be so low as to be perfectly
harmless to the wine. By the simple expedient of heating the wine to a
temperature of fifty degrees Centigrade, he rendered it inalterable, and thus
saved his country the loss of millions. He then went on to vinegar — vin
aigre, acid wine — which he proved to be produced by a fermentation set
up by a little fungus called Mycoderma aceti. Torula, in fact, converts the
grape juice into alcohol, and Mycoderma aceti converts the alcohol into
vinegar. Here also frequent failures occurred, and severe losses were
sustained. Through the operation of unknown causes, the vinegar often
became unfit for use, sometimes indeed falling into utter putridity. It had
been long known that mere exposure to the air was sufficient to destroy it.
Pasteur studied all these changes, traced them to their living causes, and
showed that the permanent health of the vinegar was ensured by the
destruction of this life. He passed from the diseases of vinegar to the study
of a malady which a dozen years ago had all but ruined the silk husbandry
of France. This plague, which received the name of pébrine, was the
product of a parasite which first took possession of the intestinal canal of
the silkworm, spread throughout its body, and filled the sack which ought to
contain the viscid matter of the silk. Thus smitten, the worm would go
automatically through the process of spinning when it had nothing to spin.
Pasteur followed this parasitic destroyer from year to year, and led by his
singular power of combining facts with the logic of facts, discovered
eventually the precise phase in the development of the insect when the
disease which assailed it could with certainty be stamped out. Pasteur's
devotion to this enquiry cost him dear. He restored to France her silk
husbandry, rescued thousands of her population from ruin, set the looms of
Italy also to work, but emerged from his labours with one of his sides
of a new epoch.
On that investigation all Pasteur's subsequent labours were based. Ravages
had over and over again occurred among French wines. There was no
guarantee that they would not become acid or bitter, particularly when
exported. The commerce in wines was thus restricted, and disastrous losses
were often inflicted on the wine-grower. Every one of these diseases was
traced to the life of an organism. Pasteur ascertained the temperature which
killed these ferments of disease, proving it to be so low as to be perfectly
harmless to the wine. By the simple expedient of heating the wine to a
temperature of fifty degrees Centigrade, he rendered it inalterable, and thus
saved his country the loss of millions. He then went on to vinegar — vin
aigre, acid wine — which he proved to be produced by a fermentation set
up by a little fungus called Mycoderma aceti. Torula, in fact, converts the
grape juice into alcohol, and Mycoderma aceti converts the alcohol into
vinegar. Here also frequent failures occurred, and severe losses were
sustained. Through the operation of unknown causes, the vinegar often
became unfit for use, sometimes indeed falling into utter putridity. It had
been long known that mere exposure to the air was sufficient to destroy it.
Pasteur studied all these changes, traced them to their living causes, and
showed that the permanent health of the vinegar was ensured by the
destruction of this life. He passed from the diseases of vinegar to the study
of a malady which a dozen years ago had all but ruined the silk husbandry
of France. This plague, which received the name of pébrine, was the
product of a parasite which first took possession of the intestinal canal of
the silkworm, spread throughout its body, and filled the sack which ought to
contain the viscid matter of the silk. Thus smitten, the worm would go
automatically through the process of spinning when it had nothing to spin.
Pasteur followed this parasitic destroyer from year to year, and led by his
singular power of combining facts with the logic of facts, discovered
eventually the precise phase in the development of the insect when the
disease which assailed it could with certainty be stamped out. Pasteur's
devotion to this enquiry cost him dear. He restored to France her silk
husbandry, rescued thousands of her population from ruin, set the looms of
Italy also to work, but emerged from his labours with one of his sides
Page 616
permanently paralysed. His last investigation is embodied in a work entitled
'Studies on Beer,' in which he describes a method of rendering beer
permanently unchangeable. That method is not so simple as those found
effectual with wine and vinegar, but the principles which it involves are
sure to receive extensive application at some future day.
There are other reflections connected with this subject which, even were
they now passed over without remark, would sooner or later occur to every
thoughtful mind in this assembly. I have spoken of the floating dust of the
air, of the means of rendering it visible, and of the perfect immunity from
putrefaction which accompanies the contact of germless infusions and
moteless air. Consider the woes which these wafted particles, during
historic and pre-historic ages, have inflicted on mankind; consider the loss
of life in hospitals from putrefying wounds; consider the loss in places
where there are plenty of wounds, but no hospitals, and in the ages before
hospitals were anywhere founded; consider the slaughter which has hitherto
followed that of the battlefield, when those bacterial destroyers are let
loose, often producing a mortality far greater than that of the battle itself;
add to this the other conception that in times of epidemic disease the self-
same floating matter has frequently, if not always, mingled with it the
special germs which produce the epidemic, being thus enabled to sow
pestilence and death over nations and continents — consider all this, and
you will come with me to the conclusion that all the havoc of war, ten times
multiplied, would be evanescent if compared with the ravages due to
atmospheric dust.
This preventible destruction is going on to-day, and it has been permitted to
go on for ages, without a whisper of information regarding its cause being
vouchsafed to the suffering sentient world. We have been scourged by
invisible thongs, attacked from impenetrable ambuscades, and it is only to-
day that the light of science is being let in upon the murderous dominion of
our foes. Facts like these excite in me the thought that the rule and
governance of this universe are different from what we in our youth
supposed them to be — that the inscrutable Power, at once terrible and
beneficent, in whom we live and move and have our being and our end, is
to be propitiated by means different to those usually resorted to. The first
requisite towards such propitiation is knowledge; the second is action,
'Studies on Beer,' in which he describes a method of rendering beer
permanently unchangeable. That method is not so simple as those found
effectual with wine and vinegar, but the principles which it involves are
sure to receive extensive application at some future day.
There are other reflections connected with this subject which, even were
they now passed over without remark, would sooner or later occur to every
thoughtful mind in this assembly. I have spoken of the floating dust of the
air, of the means of rendering it visible, and of the perfect immunity from
putrefaction which accompanies the contact of germless infusions and
moteless air. Consider the woes which these wafted particles, during
historic and pre-historic ages, have inflicted on mankind; consider the loss
of life in hospitals from putrefying wounds; consider the loss in places
where there are plenty of wounds, but no hospitals, and in the ages before
hospitals were anywhere founded; consider the slaughter which has hitherto
followed that of the battlefield, when those bacterial destroyers are let
loose, often producing a mortality far greater than that of the battle itself;
add to this the other conception that in times of epidemic disease the self-
same floating matter has frequently, if not always, mingled with it the
special germs which produce the epidemic, being thus enabled to sow
pestilence and death over nations and continents — consider all this, and
you will come with me to the conclusion that all the havoc of war, ten times
multiplied, would be evanescent if compared with the ravages due to
atmospheric dust.
This preventible destruction is going on to-day, and it has been permitted to
go on for ages, without a whisper of information regarding its cause being
vouchsafed to the suffering sentient world. We have been scourged by
invisible thongs, attacked from impenetrable ambuscades, and it is only to-
day that the light of science is being let in upon the murderous dominion of
our foes. Facts like these excite in me the thought that the rule and
governance of this universe are different from what we in our youth
supposed them to be — that the inscrutable Power, at once terrible and
beneficent, in whom we live and move and have our being and our end, is
to be propitiated by means different to those usually resorted to. The first
requisite towards such propitiation is knowledge; the second is action,
Page 617
shaped and illuminated by that knowledge. Of knowledge we already see
the dawn, which will open out by-and-by to perfect day; while the action
which is to follow has its unfailing source and stimulus in the moral and
emotional nature of man — in his desire for personal well-being, in his
sense of duty, in his compassionate sympathy with the sufferings of his
fellow-men. 'How often,' says Dr. William Budd in his celebrated work on
Typhoid Fever, — ' How often have I seen in past days, in the single narrow
chamber of the day-labourer's cottage the father in the coffin, the mother in
the sick-bed in muttering delirium, and nothing to relieve the desolation of
the children but the devotion of some poor neighbour, who in too many
cases paid the penalty of kindness in becoming herself the victim of the
same disorder!' From the vantage ground already won I look forward with
confident hope to the triumph of medical art over scenes of misery like that
here described. The cause of the calamity being once clearly revealed, not
only to the physician, but to the public, whose intelligent co-operation is
absolutely essential to success, the final victory of humanity is only a
question of time. We have already a foretaste of that victory in the triumphs
f surgery as practised at your doors.
.
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
XIII. SPONTANEOUS GENERATION.
[Footnote: The Nineteenth Century, January 1878.]
the dawn, which will open out by-and-by to perfect day; while the action
which is to follow has its unfailing source and stimulus in the moral and
emotional nature of man — in his desire for personal well-being, in his
sense of duty, in his compassionate sympathy with the sufferings of his
fellow-men. 'How often,' says Dr. William Budd in his celebrated work on
Typhoid Fever, — ' How often have I seen in past days, in the single narrow
chamber of the day-labourer's cottage the father in the coffin, the mother in
the sick-bed in muttering delirium, and nothing to relieve the desolation of
the children but the devotion of some poor neighbour, who in too many
cases paid the penalty of kindness in becoming herself the victim of the
same disorder!' From the vantage ground already won I look forward with
confident hope to the triumph of medical art over scenes of misery like that
here described. The cause of the calamity being once clearly revealed, not
only to the physician, but to the public, whose intelligent co-operation is
absolutely essential to success, the final victory of humanity is only a
question of time. We have already a foretaste of that victory in the triumphs
f surgery as practised at your doors.
.
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
XIII. SPONTANEOUS GENERATION.
[Footnote: The Nineteenth Century, January 1878.]
Page 618
WITHIN ten minutes' walk of a little cottage which I have recently built in
the Alps, there is a small lake, fed by the melted snows of the upper
mountains. During the early weeks of summer no trace of life is to be
discerned in this water; but invariably towards the end of July, or the
beginning of August, swarms of tailed organisms are seen enjoying the
sun's warmth along the shallow margins of the lake, and rushing with
audible patter into deeper water at the approach of danger. The origin of this
periodic crowd of living things is by no means obvious. For years I had
never noticed in the lake either an adult frog, or the smallest fragment of
frog spawn; so that were I not otherwise informed, I should have found the
conclusion of Mathiole a natural one, namely, that tadpoles are generated in
lake mud by the vivifying action of the sun.
The checks which experience alone can furnish being absent, the
spontaneous generation of creatures quite as high as the frog in the scale of
being was assumed for ages to be a fact. Here, as elsewhere, the dominant
mind of Aristotle stamped its notions on the world at large. For nearly
twenty centuries after him men found no difficulty in believing in cases of
spontaneous generation which would now be rejected as monstrous by the
most fanatical supporter of the doctrine. Shell-fish of all kinds were
considered to be without parental origin. Eels were supposed to spring
spontaneously from the fat ooze of the Nile. Caterpillars were the
spontaneous products of the leaves on which they fed; while winged
insects, serpents, rats, and mice were all thought capable of being generated
without sexual intervention.
The most copious source of this life without an ancestry was putrefying
flesh; and, lacking the checks imposed by fuller investigation, the
conclusion that flesh possesses and exerts this generative power is a natural
one. I well remember when a child of ten or twelve seeing a joint of
imperfectly salted beef cut into, and coils of maggots laid bare within the
mass. Without a moment's hesitation I jumped to the conclusion that these
maggots had been spontaneously generated in the meat. I had no knowledge
which could qualify or oppose this conclusion, and for the time it was
irresistible. The childhood of the individual typifies that of the race, and the
belief here enunciated was that of the world for nearly two thousand years.
the Alps, there is a small lake, fed by the melted snows of the upper
mountains. During the early weeks of summer no trace of life is to be
discerned in this water; but invariably towards the end of July, or the
beginning of August, swarms of tailed organisms are seen enjoying the
sun's warmth along the shallow margins of the lake, and rushing with
audible patter into deeper water at the approach of danger. The origin of this
periodic crowd of living things is by no means obvious. For years I had
never noticed in the lake either an adult frog, or the smallest fragment of
frog spawn; so that were I not otherwise informed, I should have found the
conclusion of Mathiole a natural one, namely, that tadpoles are generated in
lake mud by the vivifying action of the sun.
The checks which experience alone can furnish being absent, the
spontaneous generation of creatures quite as high as the frog in the scale of
being was assumed for ages to be a fact. Here, as elsewhere, the dominant
mind of Aristotle stamped its notions on the world at large. For nearly
twenty centuries after him men found no difficulty in believing in cases of
spontaneous generation which would now be rejected as monstrous by the
most fanatical supporter of the doctrine. Shell-fish of all kinds were
considered to be without parental origin. Eels were supposed to spring
spontaneously from the fat ooze of the Nile. Caterpillars were the
spontaneous products of the leaves on which they fed; while winged
insects, serpents, rats, and mice were all thought capable of being generated
without sexual intervention.
The most copious source of this life without an ancestry was putrefying
flesh; and, lacking the checks imposed by fuller investigation, the
conclusion that flesh possesses and exerts this generative power is a natural
one. I well remember when a child of ten or twelve seeing a joint of
imperfectly salted beef cut into, and coils of maggots laid bare within the
mass. Without a moment's hesitation I jumped to the conclusion that these
maggots had been spontaneously generated in the meat. I had no knowledge
which could qualify or oppose this conclusion, and for the time it was
irresistible. The childhood of the individual typifies that of the race, and the
belief here enunciated was that of the world for nearly two thousand years.
Page 619
To the examination of this very point the celebrated Francesco Redi,
physician to the Grand Dukes Ferdinand II. and Cosmo III. of Tuscany, and
a member of the Academy del Cimento, addressed himself in 1668. He had
seen the maggots of putrefying flesh, and reflected on their possible origin.
But he was not content with mere reflection, nor with the theoretic
guesswork which his predecessors had founded upon their imperfect
observations. Watching meat during its passage from freshness to decay,
prior to the appearance of maggots he invariably observed flies buzzing
round the meat and frequently alighting on it. The maggots, he thought,
might be the half-developed progeny of these flies.
The inductive guess precedes experiment, by which, however, it must be
finally tested. Redi knew this, and acted accordingly. Placing fresh meat in
a jar and covering the mouth with paper, he found that, though the meat
putrefied in the ordinary way, it never bred maggots, while the same meat
placed in open jars soon swarmed with these organisms. For the paper cover
he then substituted fine gauze, through which the odour of the meat could
rise. Over it the flies buzzed, and on it they laid their eggs, but, the meshes
being too small to permit the eggs to fall through, no maggots were
generated in the meat. They were, on the contrary, hatched upon the gauze.
By a series of such experiments Redi destroyed the belief in the
spontaneous generation of maggots in meat, and with it doubtless many
related beliefs. The combat was continued by Vallisneri, Schwammerdam,
and Réaumur, who succeeded in banishing the notion of spontaneous
generation from the scientific minds of their day. Indeed, as regards such
complex organisms as those which formed the subject of their researches,
the notion was banished for ever.
But the discovery and improvement of the microscope, though giving a
death-blow to much that had been previously written and believed
regarding spontaneous generation, brought also into view a world of life
formed of individuals so minute — so close as it seemed to the ultimate
particles of matter — as to suggest an easy passage from atoms to
organisms. Animal and vegetable infusions exposed to the air were found
clouded and crowded with creatures far beyond the reach of unaided vision,
but perfectly visible to an eye
physician to the Grand Dukes Ferdinand II. and Cosmo III. of Tuscany, and
a member of the Academy del Cimento, addressed himself in 1668. He had
seen the maggots of putrefying flesh, and reflected on their possible origin.
But he was not content with mere reflection, nor with the theoretic
guesswork which his predecessors had founded upon their imperfect
observations. Watching meat during its passage from freshness to decay,
prior to the appearance of maggots he invariably observed flies buzzing
round the meat and frequently alighting on it. The maggots, he thought,
might be the half-developed progeny of these flies.
The inductive guess precedes experiment, by which, however, it must be
finally tested. Redi knew this, and acted accordingly. Placing fresh meat in
a jar and covering the mouth with paper, he found that, though the meat
putrefied in the ordinary way, it never bred maggots, while the same meat
placed in open jars soon swarmed with these organisms. For the paper cover
he then substituted fine gauze, through which the odour of the meat could
rise. Over it the flies buzzed, and on it they laid their eggs, but, the meshes
being too small to permit the eggs to fall through, no maggots were
generated in the meat. They were, on the contrary, hatched upon the gauze.
By a series of such experiments Redi destroyed the belief in the
spontaneous generation of maggots in meat, and with it doubtless many
related beliefs. The combat was continued by Vallisneri, Schwammerdam,
and Réaumur, who succeeded in banishing the notion of spontaneous
generation from the scientific minds of their day. Indeed, as regards such
complex organisms as those which formed the subject of their researches,
the notion was banished for ever.
But the discovery and improvement of the microscope, though giving a
death-blow to much that had been previously written and believed
regarding spontaneous generation, brought also into view a world of life
formed of individuals so minute — so close as it seemed to the ultimate
particles of matter — as to suggest an easy passage from atoms to
organisms. Animal and vegetable infusions exposed to the air were found
clouded and crowded with creatures far beyond the reach of unaided vision,
but perfectly visible to an eye
Page 620
strengthened by the microscope. With reference to their origin these
organisms were called 'Infusoria. Stagnant pools were found full of them,
and the obvious difficulty of assigning a germinal origin to existences so
minute furnished the precise condition necessary to give new play to the
notion of heterogenesis or spontaneous generation.
The scientific world was soon divided into two hostile camps, the leaders of
which only can here be briefly alluded to. On the one side, we have Buffon
and Needham, the former postulating his 'organic molecules,' and the latter
assuming the existence of a special 'vegetative force' which drew the
molecules together so as to form living things. On the other side, we have
the celebrated Abbé Lazzaro Spallanzani, who in 1777 published results
counter to those announced by Needham in 1748, and obtained by methods
so precise as to completely overthrow the convictions based upon the
labours of his predecessor. Charging his flasks with organic infusions, he
sealed their necks with the blowpipe, subjected them in this condition to the
heat of boiling water, and subsequently exposed them to temperatures
favourable to the development of life. The infusions continued unchanged
for months, and when the flasks were subsequently opened no trace of life
was found.
Here I may forestall matters so far as to say that the success of Spallanzani's
experiments depended wholly on the locality in which he worked. The air
around him must have been free from the more obdurate infusorial germs,
for otherwise the process he followed would, as was long afterwards proved
by Wyman, have infallibly yielded life. But his refutation of the doctrine of
spontaneous generation is not the less valid on this account. Nor is it in any
way upset by the fact, that others in repeating his experiments obtained life
where he obtained none. Rather is the refutation strengthened by such
differences. Given two experimenters equally skilful and equally careful,
operating in different places on the same infusion, in the same way, and
assuming the one to obtain life while the other fails to obtain it; then its
well-established absence in the one case proves that some ingredient
foreign to the infusion must be its cause in the other.
Spallanzani's sealed flasks contained but small quantities of air, and as
oxygen was afterwards shown to be generally essential to life, it was
organisms were called 'Infusoria. Stagnant pools were found full of them,
and the obvious difficulty of assigning a germinal origin to existences so
minute furnished the precise condition necessary to give new play to the
notion of heterogenesis or spontaneous generation.
The scientific world was soon divided into two hostile camps, the leaders of
which only can here be briefly alluded to. On the one side, we have Buffon
and Needham, the former postulating his 'organic molecules,' and the latter
assuming the existence of a special 'vegetative force' which drew the
molecules together so as to form living things. On the other side, we have
the celebrated Abbé Lazzaro Spallanzani, who in 1777 published results
counter to those announced by Needham in 1748, and obtained by methods
so precise as to completely overthrow the convictions based upon the
labours of his predecessor. Charging his flasks with organic infusions, he
sealed their necks with the blowpipe, subjected them in this condition to the
heat of boiling water, and subsequently exposed them to temperatures
favourable to the development of life. The infusions continued unchanged
for months, and when the flasks were subsequently opened no trace of life
was found.
Here I may forestall matters so far as to say that the success of Spallanzani's
experiments depended wholly on the locality in which he worked. The air
around him must have been free from the more obdurate infusorial germs,
for otherwise the process he followed would, as was long afterwards proved
by Wyman, have infallibly yielded life. But his refutation of the doctrine of
spontaneous generation is not the less valid on this account. Nor is it in any
way upset by the fact, that others in repeating his experiments obtained life
where he obtained none. Rather is the refutation strengthened by such
differences. Given two experimenters equally skilful and equally careful,
operating in different places on the same infusion, in the same way, and
assuming the one to obtain life while the other fails to obtain it; then its
well-established absence in the one case proves that some ingredient
foreign to the infusion must be its cause in the other.
Spallanzani's sealed flasks contained but small quantities of air, and as
oxygen was afterwards shown to be generally essential to life, it was
Page 621
thought that the absence of life observed by Spallanzani might have been
due to the lack of this vitalising gas. To dissipate this doubt, Schulze in
1836 half filled a flask with distilled water to which animal and vegetable
matters were added. First boiling his infusion to destroy whatever life it
might contain, Schulze sucked daily into his flask air which had passed
through a series of bulbs containing concentrated sulphuric acid, where all
germs of life suspended in the air were supposed to be destroyed. From
May to August this process was continued without any development of
infusorial life.
Here again the success of Schulze was due to his working in comparatively
pure air, but even in such air his experiment is a very risky one. Germs will
pass unwetted and unscathed through sulphuric acid unless the most special
care is taken to detain them. I have repeatedly failed, by repeating Schulze's
experiments, to obtain his results. Others have failed likewise. The air
passes in bubbles through the bulbs, and to render the method secure, the
passage of the air must be so slow as to cause the whole of its floating
matter, even to the very core of each bubble, to touch the surrounding
liquid. But if this precaution be observed, water will be found quite as
effectual as sulphuric acid. By the aid of an air-pump, in a highly infective
atmosphere I have thus drawn air for weeks without intermission, first
through bulbs containing water, and afterwards through vessels containing
organic infusions, without any appearance of life. The germs were not
killed by the water, but they were effectually intercepted, while the
objection that the air had been injured by being brought into contact with
strongly corrosive substances was avoided.
The brief paper of Schulze, published in Poggendorf's Annalen for 1836,
was followed in 1837 by another short and pregnant communication by
Schwann.
Redi, as we have seen, traced the maggots of putrefying flesh to the eggs of
flies. But he did not and he could not know the meaning of putrefaction
itself. He had not the instrumental means to inform him that it also is a
phenomenon attendant on the development of life. This was first proved in
the paper now alluded to. Schwann placed flesh in a flask filled to one-third
of its capacity with water, sterilised the flask by boiling, and then supplied
due to the lack of this vitalising gas. To dissipate this doubt, Schulze in
1836 half filled a flask with distilled water to which animal and vegetable
matters were added. First boiling his infusion to destroy whatever life it
might contain, Schulze sucked daily into his flask air which had passed
through a series of bulbs containing concentrated sulphuric acid, where all
germs of life suspended in the air were supposed to be destroyed. From
May to August this process was continued without any development of
infusorial life.
Here again the success of Schulze was due to his working in comparatively
pure air, but even in such air his experiment is a very risky one. Germs will
pass unwetted and unscathed through sulphuric acid unless the most special
care is taken to detain them. I have repeatedly failed, by repeating Schulze's
experiments, to obtain his results. Others have failed likewise. The air
passes in bubbles through the bulbs, and to render the method secure, the
passage of the air must be so slow as to cause the whole of its floating
matter, even to the very core of each bubble, to touch the surrounding
liquid. But if this precaution be observed, water will be found quite as
effectual as sulphuric acid. By the aid of an air-pump, in a highly infective
atmosphere I have thus drawn air for weeks without intermission, first
through bulbs containing water, and afterwards through vessels containing
organic infusions, without any appearance of life. The germs were not
killed by the water, but they were effectually intercepted, while the
objection that the air had been injured by being brought into contact with
strongly corrosive substances was avoided.
The brief paper of Schulze, published in Poggendorf's Annalen for 1836,
was followed in 1837 by another short and pregnant communication by
Schwann.
Redi, as we have seen, traced the maggots of putrefying flesh to the eggs of
flies. But he did not and he could not know the meaning of putrefaction
itself. He had not the instrumental means to inform him that it also is a
phenomenon attendant on the development of life. This was first proved in
the paper now alluded to. Schwann placed flesh in a flask filled to one-third
of its capacity with water, sterilised the flask by boiling, and then supplied
Page 622
it for months with calcined air. Throughout this time there appeared no
mould, no infusoria, no putrefaction; the flesh remained unaltered, while the
liquid continued as clear as it was immediately after boiling. Schwann then
varied his experimental argument, with no alteration in the result. His final
conclusion was, that putrefaction is due to decompositions of organic matter
attendant on the multiplication therein of minute organisms. These
organisms were derived not from the air, but from something contained in
the air, which was destroyed by a sufficiently high temperature. There never
was a more determined opponent of the doctrine of spontaneous generation
than Schwann, though a strange attempt was made a year and a half ago to
enlist him and others equally opposed to it on the side of the doctrine.
The physical character of the agent which produces putrefaction was further
revealed by Helmholtz in 1843. By means of a membrane, he separated a
sterilised putrescible liquid from a putrefying one. The sterilised infusion
remained perfectly intact. Hence it was not the liquid of the putrefying mass
— for that could freely diffuse through the membrane — but something
contained in the liquid, and which was stopped by the membrane, that
caused the putrefaction. In 1854 Schroeder and von Dusch struck into this
enquiry, which was subsequently followed up by Schroeder alone. These
able experimenters employed plugs of cotton-wool to filter the air supplied
to their infusions. Fed with such air, in the great majority of cases the
putrescible liquids remained perfectly sweet after boiling. Milk formed a
conspicuous exception to the general rule. It putrefied after boiling, though
supplied with carefully filtered air. The researches of Schroeder bring us up
to the year 1859.
In that year a book was published which seemed to overturn some of the
best established facts of previous investigators. Its title was Hétérogénie,
and its author was F. A. Pouchet, Director of the Museum of Natural
History at Rouen. Ardent, laborious, learned, full not only of scientific but
of metaphysical fervour, he threw his whole energy into the enquiry. Never
did a subject require the exercise of the cold critical faculty more than this
one — calm study in the unravelling of complex phenomena, care in the
preparation of experiments, care in their execution, skilful variation of
conditions, and incessant questioning of results until repetition had placed
them beyond doubt or question. To a man of Pouchet's temperament the
mould, no infusoria, no putrefaction; the flesh remained unaltered, while the
liquid continued as clear as it was immediately after boiling. Schwann then
varied his experimental argument, with no alteration in the result. His final
conclusion was, that putrefaction is due to decompositions of organic matter
attendant on the multiplication therein of minute organisms. These
organisms were derived not from the air, but from something contained in
the air, which was destroyed by a sufficiently high temperature. There never
was a more determined opponent of the doctrine of spontaneous generation
than Schwann, though a strange attempt was made a year and a half ago to
enlist him and others equally opposed to it on the side of the doctrine.
The physical character of the agent which produces putrefaction was further
revealed by Helmholtz in 1843. By means of a membrane, he separated a
sterilised putrescible liquid from a putrefying one. The sterilised infusion
remained perfectly intact. Hence it was not the liquid of the putrefying mass
— for that could freely diffuse through the membrane — but something
contained in the liquid, and which was stopped by the membrane, that
caused the putrefaction. In 1854 Schroeder and von Dusch struck into this
enquiry, which was subsequently followed up by Schroeder alone. These
able experimenters employed plugs of cotton-wool to filter the air supplied
to their infusions. Fed with such air, in the great majority of cases the
putrescible liquids remained perfectly sweet after boiling. Milk formed a
conspicuous exception to the general rule. It putrefied after boiling, though
supplied with carefully filtered air. The researches of Schroeder bring us up
to the year 1859.
In that year a book was published which seemed to overturn some of the
best established facts of previous investigators. Its title was Hétérogénie,
and its author was F. A. Pouchet, Director of the Museum of Natural
History at Rouen. Ardent, laborious, learned, full not only of scientific but
of metaphysical fervour, he threw his whole energy into the enquiry. Never
did a subject require the exercise of the cold critical faculty more than this
one — calm study in the unravelling of complex phenomena, care in the
preparation of experiments, care in their execution, skilful variation of
conditions, and incessant questioning of results until repetition had placed
them beyond doubt or question. To a man of Pouchet's temperament the
Page 623
subject was full of danger — danger not lessened by the theoretic bias with
which he approached it. This is revealed by the opening words of his
preface: 'Lorsque, par la meditation, it fut evident pour moi que la
generation spontanée était encore Fun des moyens qu'emploie la nature
pour la reproduction des êtres, je m'appliquai à découvrir par quell procédés
on pouvait parvenir à en mettre les phénomènes en evidence: It is needless
to say that such a prepossession required a strong curb. Pouchet repeated
the experiments of Schulze and Schwann with results diametrically opposed
to theirs. He heaped experiment upon experiment and argument upon
argument, spicing with the sarcasm of the advocate the logic of the man of
science. In view of the multitudes required to produce the observed results,
he ridiculed the assumption of atmospheric germs. This was one of his
strongest points. 'Si les Proto-organismes que nous voyons pulluler partout
et dans tout, avaient leurs germes dissembles dans l'atmosphère, dans la
proportion mathématiquement indispensable a cet effet, l'air en serait
totalement obscurci, car ill devraient s 'y trouver beaucoup plus serrés que
les globules d'eau qui forment, nos nuages épais. Il n'y a pas là la moindre
exagération.' Recurring to the subject, he exclaims: 'L'air dans lequel noun
vivons aurait presque la densité du fer.' There is often a virulent contagion
in a confident tone, and this hardihood of argumentative assertion was sure
to influence minds swayed not by knowledge, but by authority. Had
Pouchet known that 'the blue ethereal sky' is formed of suspended particles,
through which the sun freely shines, he would hardly have ventured upon
this line of argument.
Pouchet's pursuit of this enquiry strengthened the conviction with which he
began it, and landed him in downright credulity in the end. I do not question
his ability as an observer, but the enquiry needed a disciplined
experimenter. This latter implies not mere ability to look at things as Nature
offers them to our inspection, but to force her to show herself under
conditions prescribed by the experimenter himself. Here Pouchet lacked the
necessary discipline. Yet the vigour of his onset raised clouds of doubt,
which for a time obscured the whole field of enquiry. So difficult indeed did
the subject seem, and so incapable of definite solution, that when Pasteur
made known his intention to take it up, his friends Biot and Dumas
expressed their regret, earnestly exhorting him to set a definite and rigid
limit to the time he purposed spending in this apparently unprofitable field.
which he approached it. This is revealed by the opening words of his
preface: 'Lorsque, par la meditation, it fut evident pour moi que la
generation spontanée était encore Fun des moyens qu'emploie la nature
pour la reproduction des êtres, je m'appliquai à découvrir par quell procédés
on pouvait parvenir à en mettre les phénomènes en evidence: It is needless
to say that such a prepossession required a strong curb. Pouchet repeated
the experiments of Schulze and Schwann with results diametrically opposed
to theirs. He heaped experiment upon experiment and argument upon
argument, spicing with the sarcasm of the advocate the logic of the man of
science. In view of the multitudes required to produce the observed results,
he ridiculed the assumption of atmospheric germs. This was one of his
strongest points. 'Si les Proto-organismes que nous voyons pulluler partout
et dans tout, avaient leurs germes dissembles dans l'atmosphère, dans la
proportion mathématiquement indispensable a cet effet, l'air en serait
totalement obscurci, car ill devraient s 'y trouver beaucoup plus serrés que
les globules d'eau qui forment, nos nuages épais. Il n'y a pas là la moindre
exagération.' Recurring to the subject, he exclaims: 'L'air dans lequel noun
vivons aurait presque la densité du fer.' There is often a virulent contagion
in a confident tone, and this hardihood of argumentative assertion was sure
to influence minds swayed not by knowledge, but by authority. Had
Pouchet known that 'the blue ethereal sky' is formed of suspended particles,
through which the sun freely shines, he would hardly have ventured upon
this line of argument.
Pouchet's pursuit of this enquiry strengthened the conviction with which he
began it, and landed him in downright credulity in the end. I do not question
his ability as an observer, but the enquiry needed a disciplined
experimenter. This latter implies not mere ability to look at things as Nature
offers them to our inspection, but to force her to show herself under
conditions prescribed by the experimenter himself. Here Pouchet lacked the
necessary discipline. Yet the vigour of his onset raised clouds of doubt,
which for a time obscured the whole field of enquiry. So difficult indeed did
the subject seem, and so incapable of definite solution, that when Pasteur
made known his intention to take it up, his friends Biot and Dumas
expressed their regret, earnestly exhorting him to set a definite and rigid
limit to the time he purposed spending in this apparently unprofitable field.
Page 624
[Footnote: 'Je ne conseillerais à personne,' said Dumas to his already
famous pupil, 'de rester trop longtemps dans ce sujet.' — Annales de Chimie
et de Physique, 1862, vol. lxiv. p. 22. Since that time the illustrious
Perpetual Secretary of the Academy of Sciences has had good reason to
revise this 'counsel.']
Schooled by his education as a chemist, and by special researches on the
closely related question of fermentation, Pasteur took up this subject under
particularly favourable conditions. His work and his culture had given
strength and finish to his natural aptitudes. In 1862, accordingly, he
published a paper "On the Organised Corpuscles existing in the
Atmosphere,' which must for ever remain classical. By the most ingenious
devices he collected the floating particles of the air surrounding his
laboratory in the Rue d'Ulm, and subjected them to microscopic
examination. Many of them he found to be organised particles. Sowing
them in sterilised infusions, he obtained abundant crops of microscopic
organisms. By more refined methods he repeated and confirmed the
experiments of Schwann, which had been contested by Pouchet,
Montegazza, Joly, and Musset. He also confirmed the experiments of
Schroeder and von Dusch. He showed that the cause which communicated
life to his infusions was not uniformly diffused through the air; that there
were aerial interspaces which possessed no power to generate life. Standing
on the Mer de Glace, near the Montanvert, he snipped off the ends of a
number of hermetically sealed flasks containing organic infusions. One out
of twenty of the flasks thus supplied with glacier air showed signs of life
afterwards, while eight out of twenty of the same infusions, supplied with
the air of the plains, became crowded with life. He took his flasks into the
caves under the Observatory of Paris, and found the still air in these caves
devoid of generative power. These and other experiments, carried out with a
severity perfectly obvious to the instructed scientific reader, and
accompanied by a logic equally severe, restored the conviction that, even in
these lower raches of the scale of being, life does not appear without the
operation of antecedent life.
The main position of Pasteur has been strengthened by practical researches
of the most momentous kind. He has applied the knowledge won from his
enquiries to the preservation of wine and beer, to the manufacture of
famous pupil, 'de rester trop longtemps dans ce sujet.' — Annales de Chimie
et de Physique, 1862, vol. lxiv. p. 22. Since that time the illustrious
Perpetual Secretary of the Academy of Sciences has had good reason to
revise this 'counsel.']
Schooled by his education as a chemist, and by special researches on the
closely related question of fermentation, Pasteur took up this subject under
particularly favourable conditions. His work and his culture had given
strength and finish to his natural aptitudes. In 1862, accordingly, he
published a paper "On the Organised Corpuscles existing in the
Atmosphere,' which must for ever remain classical. By the most ingenious
devices he collected the floating particles of the air surrounding his
laboratory in the Rue d'Ulm, and subjected them to microscopic
examination. Many of them he found to be organised particles. Sowing
them in sterilised infusions, he obtained abundant crops of microscopic
organisms. By more refined methods he repeated and confirmed the
experiments of Schwann, which had been contested by Pouchet,
Montegazza, Joly, and Musset. He also confirmed the experiments of
Schroeder and von Dusch. He showed that the cause which communicated
life to his infusions was not uniformly diffused through the air; that there
were aerial interspaces which possessed no power to generate life. Standing
on the Mer de Glace, near the Montanvert, he snipped off the ends of a
number of hermetically sealed flasks containing organic infusions. One out
of twenty of the flasks thus supplied with glacier air showed signs of life
afterwards, while eight out of twenty of the same infusions, supplied with
the air of the plains, became crowded with life. He took his flasks into the
caves under the Observatory of Paris, and found the still air in these caves
devoid of generative power. These and other experiments, carried out with a
severity perfectly obvious to the instructed scientific reader, and
accompanied by a logic equally severe, restored the conviction that, even in
these lower raches of the scale of being, life does not appear without the
operation of antecedent life.
The main position of Pasteur has been strengthened by practical researches
of the most momentous kind. He has applied the knowledge won from his
enquiries to the preservation of wine and beer, to the manufacture of
Page 625
vinegar, to the staying of the plague which threatened utter destruction of
the silk husbandry of France, and to the examination of other formidable
diseases which assail the higher animals, including man. His relation to the
improvements which Professor Lister has introduced into surgery, is shown
by a letter quoted in his Etudes sur la Bière. [Footnote: I P. 43.] Professor
Lister there expressly thanks Pasteur for having given him the only
principle which could have conducted the antiseptic system to a successful
issue. The strictures regarding defects of reasoning, to which we have been
lately accustomed, throw abundant light upon their author, but no shade
upon Pasteur.
Redi, as we have seen, proved the maggots of putrefying flesh to be derived
from the eggs of flies; Schwann proved putrefaction itself to be the
concomitant of far lower forms of life than those dealt with by Redi. Our
knowledge here, as elsewhere in connection with this subject, has been
vastly extended by Professor Cohn, of Breslau. 'No putrefaction,' he says,
'can occur in a nitrogenous substance if its bacteria be destroyed and new
ones prevented from entering it. Putrefaction begins as soon as bacteria,
even in the smallest numbers, are admitted either accidentally or purposely.
It progresses in direct proportion to the multiplication of the bacteria, it is
retarded when they exhibit low vitality, and is stopped by all influences
which either hinder their development or kill them. All bactericidal media
are therefore antiseptic and disinfecting." [Footnote: In his last excellent
memoir Cohn expresses himself thus: Wer noch heut die Faeulniss von einer
spontanen Dissociation der Proteinmolecule, oder von einem
unorganisirten Ferment ableitet, oder gar aus "Stickstoffsplittern" die
Balken zur Stuetze seiner Faeulnisstheorie zu zimmern versucht, hat zuerst
den Satz "keine Faeulniss ohne Bacterium Termo" zu widerlegen.'] It was
these organisms acting in wound and abscess which so frequently converted
our hospitals into charnel-houses, and it is their destruction by the antiseptic
system that now renders justifiable operations which no surgeon would
have attempted a few years ago. The gain is immense — to the practising
surgeon as well as to the patient practised upon. Contrast the anxiety of
never feeling sure whether the most brilliant operation might not be
rendered nugatory by the access of a few particles of unseen hospital dust,
with the comfort derived from the knowledge that all power of mischief on
the part of such dust has been surely and certainly annihilated. But the
the silk husbandry of France, and to the examination of other formidable
diseases which assail the higher animals, including man. His relation to the
improvements which Professor Lister has introduced into surgery, is shown
by a letter quoted in his Etudes sur la Bière. [Footnote: I P. 43.] Professor
Lister there expressly thanks Pasteur for having given him the only
principle which could have conducted the antiseptic system to a successful
issue. The strictures regarding defects of reasoning, to which we have been
lately accustomed, throw abundant light upon their author, but no shade
upon Pasteur.
Redi, as we have seen, proved the maggots of putrefying flesh to be derived
from the eggs of flies; Schwann proved putrefaction itself to be the
concomitant of far lower forms of life than those dealt with by Redi. Our
knowledge here, as elsewhere in connection with this subject, has been
vastly extended by Professor Cohn, of Breslau. 'No putrefaction,' he says,
'can occur in a nitrogenous substance if its bacteria be destroyed and new
ones prevented from entering it. Putrefaction begins as soon as bacteria,
even in the smallest numbers, are admitted either accidentally or purposely.
It progresses in direct proportion to the multiplication of the bacteria, it is
retarded when they exhibit low vitality, and is stopped by all influences
which either hinder their development or kill them. All bactericidal media
are therefore antiseptic and disinfecting." [Footnote: In his last excellent
memoir Cohn expresses himself thus: Wer noch heut die Faeulniss von einer
spontanen Dissociation der Proteinmolecule, oder von einem
unorganisirten Ferment ableitet, oder gar aus "Stickstoffsplittern" die
Balken zur Stuetze seiner Faeulnisstheorie zu zimmern versucht, hat zuerst
den Satz "keine Faeulniss ohne Bacterium Termo" zu widerlegen.'] It was
these organisms acting in wound and abscess which so frequently converted
our hospitals into charnel-houses, and it is their destruction by the antiseptic
system that now renders justifiable operations which no surgeon would
have attempted a few years ago. The gain is immense — to the practising
surgeon as well as to the patient practised upon. Contrast the anxiety of
never feeling sure whether the most brilliant operation might not be
rendered nugatory by the access of a few particles of unseen hospital dust,
with the comfort derived from the knowledge that all power of mischief on
the part of such dust has been surely and certainly annihilated. But the
Page 626
action of living contagia extends beyond the domain of the surgeon. The
power of reproduction and indefinite self-multiplication which is
characteristic of living things, coupled with the undeviating fact of contagia
'breeding true,' has given strength and consistency to a belief long
entertained by penetrating minds, that epidemic diseases generally are the
concomitants of parasitic life. 'There begins to be faintly visible to us a vast
and destructive laboratory of nature wherein the diseases which are most
fatal to animal life, and the changes to which dead organic matter passively
liable, appear bound together by what must least be called a very close
analogy of causation." [Footnote: Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy
Council, 1874, p. 5.] According to this view, which, as I have said, is daily
gaining converts, a contagious disease may be defined a conflict between
the person smitten by it and a specific organism which multiplies at his
expense, appropriating his air and moisture, disintegrating his tissues, or
poisoning him by the decompositions incident to its growth.
-----
During the ten years extending from 1859 to 1869, researches on radiant
heat in its relations to the gaseous form of matter occupied my continual
attention. When air was experimented on, I had to cleanse it effectually of
floating matter, and while doing so I was surprised to notice that, at the
ordinary rate of transfer, such matter passed freely through alkalis, acids,
alcohols, and ethers. The eye being kept sensitive by darkness, a
concentrated beam of light was found to be a most searching test for
suspended matter both in water and in air — a test indeed indefinitely more
searching and severe than that furnished by the most powerful microscope.
With the aid of such a beam I examined air filtered by cotton-wool; air long
kept free from agitation, so as to allow the floating matter to subside;
calcined air, and air filtered by the deeper cells of the human lungs. In all
cases the correspondence between my experiments and those of Schroeder,
Pasteur, and Lister in regard to spontaneous generation was perfect. The air
which they found inoperative was proved by the luminous beam to be
optically pure and therefore germless. Having worked at the subject both by
experiment and reflection, on Friday evening, January 21, 1870, I brought it
before the members of the Royal Institution. Two or three months
subsequently, for sufficient practical reasons, I ventured to direct public
power of reproduction and indefinite self-multiplication which is
characteristic of living things, coupled with the undeviating fact of contagia
'breeding true,' has given strength and consistency to a belief long
entertained by penetrating minds, that epidemic diseases generally are the
concomitants of parasitic life. 'There begins to be faintly visible to us a vast
and destructive laboratory of nature wherein the diseases which are most
fatal to animal life, and the changes to which dead organic matter passively
liable, appear bound together by what must least be called a very close
analogy of causation." [Footnote: Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy
Council, 1874, p. 5.] According to this view, which, as I have said, is daily
gaining converts, a contagious disease may be defined a conflict between
the person smitten by it and a specific organism which multiplies at his
expense, appropriating his air and moisture, disintegrating his tissues, or
poisoning him by the decompositions incident to its growth.
-----
During the ten years extending from 1859 to 1869, researches on radiant
heat in its relations to the gaseous form of matter occupied my continual
attention. When air was experimented on, I had to cleanse it effectually of
floating matter, and while doing so I was surprised to notice that, at the
ordinary rate of transfer, such matter passed freely through alkalis, acids,
alcohols, and ethers. The eye being kept sensitive by darkness, a
concentrated beam of light was found to be a most searching test for
suspended matter both in water and in air — a test indeed indefinitely more
searching and severe than that furnished by the most powerful microscope.
With the aid of such a beam I examined air filtered by cotton-wool; air long
kept free from agitation, so as to allow the floating matter to subside;
calcined air, and air filtered by the deeper cells of the human lungs. In all
cases the correspondence between my experiments and those of Schroeder,
Pasteur, and Lister in regard to spontaneous generation was perfect. The air
which they found inoperative was proved by the luminous beam to be
optically pure and therefore germless. Having worked at the subject both by
experiment and reflection, on Friday evening, January 21, 1870, I brought it
before the members of the Royal Institution. Two or three months
subsequently, for sufficient practical reasons, I ventured to direct public
Page 627
attention to the subject in a letter to the Times. Such was my first contact
with this important question.
This letter, I believe, gave occasion for the first public utterance of Dr.
Bastian in relation to this subject. He did me the honour to inform me, as
others had informed Pasteur, that the subject 'pertains to the biologist and
physician: He expressed 'amazement' at my reasoning, and warned me that
before what I had done could be undone 'much irreparable mischief might
be occasioned.' With far less preliminary experience to guide and warn him,
the English heterogenist was far bolder than Pouchet in his experiments,
and far more adventurous in his conclusions. With organic infusions he
obtained the results of his celebrated predecessor, but he did much more —
the atoms and molecules of inorganic liquids passing under his
manipulation into those more 'complex chemical compounds,' which we
dignify by calling them 'living organisms.' [Footnote: 'It is further held that
bacteria or allied organisms are prone to be engendered as correlative
products, coming into existence in the several fermentations, just as
independently as other less complex chemical compounds.' — Bastian,
Trans. of Pathological Society, vol. xxvi. 258.]
As regards the public who take an interest in such things, and apparently
also as regards a large portion of the medical profession, our clever
countryman succeeded in restoring the subject to a state of uncertainty
similar to that which followed the publication of Pouchet's volume in 1859.
It is desirable that this uncertainty should be removed from all minds, and
doubly desirable on practical grounds that it should be removed from the
minds of medical men. In the present article, therefore, I propose discussing
this question face to face with some eminent and fair-minded member of the
medical profession who, as regards spontaneous generation, entertains
views adverse to mine. Such a one it would be easy to name; but it is
perhaps better to rest in the impersonal. I shall therefore simply call my
proposed co-enquirer my friend. With him at my side, I shall endeavour, to
the best of my ability, so to conduct this discussion that he who runs may
read and that he who reads may understand.
Let us begin at the beginning. I ask my friend to step into the laboratory of
the Royal Institution, where I place before him a basin of thin turnip slices
with this important question.
This letter, I believe, gave occasion for the first public utterance of Dr.
Bastian in relation to this subject. He did me the honour to inform me, as
others had informed Pasteur, that the subject 'pertains to the biologist and
physician: He expressed 'amazement' at my reasoning, and warned me that
before what I had done could be undone 'much irreparable mischief might
be occasioned.' With far less preliminary experience to guide and warn him,
the English heterogenist was far bolder than Pouchet in his experiments,
and far more adventurous in his conclusions. With organic infusions he
obtained the results of his celebrated predecessor, but he did much more —
the atoms and molecules of inorganic liquids passing under his
manipulation into those more 'complex chemical compounds,' which we
dignify by calling them 'living organisms.' [Footnote: 'It is further held that
bacteria or allied organisms are prone to be engendered as correlative
products, coming into existence in the several fermentations, just as
independently as other less complex chemical compounds.' — Bastian,
Trans. of Pathological Society, vol. xxvi. 258.]
As regards the public who take an interest in such things, and apparently
also as regards a large portion of the medical profession, our clever
countryman succeeded in restoring the subject to a state of uncertainty
similar to that which followed the publication of Pouchet's volume in 1859.
It is desirable that this uncertainty should be removed from all minds, and
doubly desirable on practical grounds that it should be removed from the
minds of medical men. In the present article, therefore, I propose discussing
this question face to face with some eminent and fair-minded member of the
medical profession who, as regards spontaneous generation, entertains
views adverse to mine. Such a one it would be easy to name; but it is
perhaps better to rest in the impersonal. I shall therefore simply call my
proposed co-enquirer my friend. With him at my side, I shall endeavour, to
the best of my ability, so to conduct this discussion that he who runs may
read and that he who reads may understand.
Let us begin at the beginning. I ask my friend to step into the laboratory of
the Royal Institution, where I place before him a basin of thin turnip slices
Page 628
barely covered with distilled water kept a temperature of 120° Fahr. After
digesting the turnip for four or five hours we pour off the liquid, boil it,
filter it, and obtain an infusion as clear as filtered drinking water. We cool
the infusion, test its specific gravity, and find it to be 1006 or higher – water
being 1000. A number of small clean empty flasks, of the shape shown on
the margin, are before us. One of them is slightly warmed with a spirit-
lamp, and its open end is then dipped into the turnip infusion. The warmed
glass is afterwards chilled, the air within the flasks cools, contracts, and is
followed in its contraction by the infusion. Thus we get a small quantity of
liquid into the flask. We now heat this liquid carefully. Steam is produced,
which issues from the open neck, carrying the air of the flask along with it.
After a few seconds' ebullition, the open neck is again Plunged into the
infusion. The steam within the flask condenses, the liquid enters to supply
its place, and in this way we fill our little flask to about four-fifths of its
volume. This description is typical; we may thus fill a thousand flasks with
a thousand different infusions.
I now ask my friend to notice a trough made of sheet copper, with two rows
of handy little Bunsen burners underneath it. This trough, or bath, is nearly
filled with oil; a piece of thin plank constitutes a kind of lid for the oil-bath.
The wood is perforated with circular apertures wide enough to allow our
small flask to pass through and plunge itself in the oil, which has been
heated, say, to 250° Fahr. Clasped all round by the hot liquid, the infusion in
the flask rises to its boiling point, which is not sensibly over 212° Fahr.
Steam issues from the open neck of the flask, and the boiling is continued
for five minutes. With a pair of small brass tongs, an assistant now seizes
the neck near its junction with the flask, and partially lifts the latter out of
the oil. The steam does not cease to issue, but its violence is abated. With a
second pair of tongs held in one hand, the neck of the flask is seized close
to its open end, while with the other hand a Bunsen's flame or an ordinary
spirit flame is brought under the middle of the neck. The glass reddens,
whitens, softens, and as it is gently drawn out the neck diminishes in
diameter, until the canal is completely blocked up. The tongs with the
fragment of severed neck being withdrawn, the flask, with its contents
diminished by evaporation, is lifted from the oil-bath perfectly sealed
hermetically.
digesting the turnip for four or five hours we pour off the liquid, boil it,
filter it, and obtain an infusion as clear as filtered drinking water. We cool
the infusion, test its specific gravity, and find it to be 1006 or higher – water
being 1000. A number of small clean empty flasks, of the shape shown on
the margin, are before us. One of them is slightly warmed with a spirit-
lamp, and its open end is then dipped into the turnip infusion. The warmed
glass is afterwards chilled, the air within the flasks cools, contracts, and is
followed in its contraction by the infusion. Thus we get a small quantity of
liquid into the flask. We now heat this liquid carefully. Steam is produced,
which issues from the open neck, carrying the air of the flask along with it.
After a few seconds' ebullition, the open neck is again Plunged into the
infusion. The steam within the flask condenses, the liquid enters to supply
its place, and in this way we fill our little flask to about four-fifths of its
volume. This description is typical; we may thus fill a thousand flasks with
a thousand different infusions.
I now ask my friend to notice a trough made of sheet copper, with two rows
of handy little Bunsen burners underneath it. This trough, or bath, is nearly
filled with oil; a piece of thin plank constitutes a kind of lid for the oil-bath.
The wood is perforated with circular apertures wide enough to allow our
small flask to pass through and plunge itself in the oil, which has been
heated, say, to 250° Fahr. Clasped all round by the hot liquid, the infusion in
the flask rises to its boiling point, which is not sensibly over 212° Fahr.
Steam issues from the open neck of the flask, and the boiling is continued
for five minutes. With a pair of small brass tongs, an assistant now seizes
the neck near its junction with the flask, and partially lifts the latter out of
the oil. The steam does not cease to issue, but its violence is abated. With a
second pair of tongs held in one hand, the neck of the flask is seized close
to its open end, while with the other hand a Bunsen's flame or an ordinary
spirit flame is brought under the middle of the neck. The glass reddens,
whitens, softens, and as it is gently drawn out the neck diminishes in
diameter, until the canal is completely blocked up. The tongs with the
fragment of severed neck being withdrawn, the flask, with its contents
diminished by evaporation, is lifted from the oil-bath perfectly sealed
hermetically.
Page 629
Sixty such flasks filled, boiled, and sealed in the manner described, and
containing strong infusions of beef, mutton, turnip, and cucumber, are
carefully packed in sawdust, and transported to the Alps. Thither, to an
elevation of about 7,000 feet above the sea, I invite my co-enquirer to
accompany me. It is the month of July, and the weather is favourable to
putrefaction. We open our box at the Bel-Alp, and count out fifty-four
flasks, with their liquids as clear as filtered drinking water. In six flasks,
however, the infusion is found muddy. We closely examine these, and
discover that every one of them has had its fragile end broken off in the
transit from London. Air has entered the flasks, and the observed muddiness
is the result. My colleague knows as well as I do what this means.
Examined with a pocket-lens, or even with a microscope of insufficient
power, nothing is seen in the muddy liquid; but regarded with a magnifying
power of a thousand diameters or so, what an astonishing appearance does
it present! Leeuwenhoek estimated the population of a single drop of
stagnant water at 500,000,000: probably the population of a drop of our
turbid infusion would be this many times multiplied. The field of the
microscope is crowded with organisms, some wabbling slowly, others
shooting rapidly across the microscopic field. They dart hither and thither
like a rain of minute projectiles; they pirouette and spin so quickly round,
that the retention of the retinal impression transforms the little living rod
into a twirling wheel. And yet the most celebrated naturalists tell us they are
vegetables. From the rod-like shape which they so frequently assume, these
organisms are called 'bacteria' — a term, be it here remarked, which covers
organisms of very diverse kinds.
Has this multitudinous life been spontaneously generated in these six flasks,
or is it the progeny of living germinal matter carried into the flasks by the
entering air? If the infusions have a self-generative power, how are the
sterility and consequent clearness of the fifty-four uninjured flasks to be
accounted for? My colleague may urge — and fairly urge — that the
assumption of germinal matter is by no means necessary; that the air itself
may be the one thing needed to wake up the dormant infusions. We will
examine this point immediately. But meanwhile I would remind him that I
am working on the exact lines laid down by our most conspicuous
heterogenist. He distinctly affirms that the withdrawal of the atmospheric
pressure above the infusion favours the production of organisms; and he
containing strong infusions of beef, mutton, turnip, and cucumber, are
carefully packed in sawdust, and transported to the Alps. Thither, to an
elevation of about 7,000 feet above the sea, I invite my co-enquirer to
accompany me. It is the month of July, and the weather is favourable to
putrefaction. We open our box at the Bel-Alp, and count out fifty-four
flasks, with their liquids as clear as filtered drinking water. In six flasks,
however, the infusion is found muddy. We closely examine these, and
discover that every one of them has had its fragile end broken off in the
transit from London. Air has entered the flasks, and the observed muddiness
is the result. My colleague knows as well as I do what this means.
Examined with a pocket-lens, or even with a microscope of insufficient
power, nothing is seen in the muddy liquid; but regarded with a magnifying
power of a thousand diameters or so, what an astonishing appearance does
it present! Leeuwenhoek estimated the population of a single drop of
stagnant water at 500,000,000: probably the population of a drop of our
turbid infusion would be this many times multiplied. The field of the
microscope is crowded with organisms, some wabbling slowly, others
shooting rapidly across the microscopic field. They dart hither and thither
like a rain of minute projectiles; they pirouette and spin so quickly round,
that the retention of the retinal impression transforms the little living rod
into a twirling wheel. And yet the most celebrated naturalists tell us they are
vegetables. From the rod-like shape which they so frequently assume, these
organisms are called 'bacteria' — a term, be it here remarked, which covers
organisms of very diverse kinds.
Has this multitudinous life been spontaneously generated in these six flasks,
or is it the progeny of living germinal matter carried into the flasks by the
entering air? If the infusions have a self-generative power, how are the
sterility and consequent clearness of the fifty-four uninjured flasks to be
accounted for? My colleague may urge — and fairly urge — that the
assumption of germinal matter is by no means necessary; that the air itself
may be the one thing needed to wake up the dormant infusions. We will
examine this point immediately. But meanwhile I would remind him that I
am working on the exact lines laid down by our most conspicuous
heterogenist. He distinctly affirms that the withdrawal of the atmospheric
pressure above the infusion favours the production of organisms; and he
Page 630
accounts for their absence in tins of preserved meat, fruit, and vegetables,
by the hypothesis that fermentation has begun in such tins, that gases have
been generated, the pressure of which has stifled the incipient life and
stopped its further development. [Footnote: Beginnings of Life, vol. i. p.
418.] This is the new theory of preserved meats. Had its author pierced a tin
of preserved meat, fruit, or vegetable under water with the view of testing
its truth, he would have found it erroneous. In well-preserved tins he would
have found, not an outrush of gas, but an inrush of water. I have noticed this
recently in tins which have lain perfectly good for sixty-three years in the
Royal Institution. Modern tins, subjected to the same test, yielded the same
result. From time to time, moreover, during the last two years, I have placed
glass tubes, containing clear infusions of turnip, hay, beef, and mutton, in
iron bottles, and subjected them to air-pressures varying from ten to twenty-
seven atmospheres — pressures, it is needless to say, far more than
sufficient to tear a preserved meat tin to shreds. After ten days these
infusions were taken from their bottles rotten with putrefaction and teeming
with life. Thus collapses an hypothesis which had no rational foundation,
and which could never have seen the light had the slightest attempt been
made to verify it.
Our fifty-four vacuous and pellucid flasks also declare against the
heterogenist. We expose them to a warm Alpine sun by day, and at night we
suspend them in a warm kitchen. Four of them have been accidentally
broken; but at the end of a month we find the fifty remaining ones as clear
as at the commencement. There is no sign of putrefaction or of life in any of
them. We divide these flasks into two groups of twenty-three and twenty-
seven respectively (an accident of counting rendered the division uneven).
The question now is whether the admission of air can liberate any
generative energy in the infusions. Our next experiment will answer this
question and something more. We carry the flasks to a hayloft, and there,
with a pair of steel pliers, snip off the sealed ends of the group of three-and-
twenty. Each snipping off is of course followed by an inrush of air. We now
carry our twenty-seven flasks, our pliers, and a spirit-lamp, to a ledge
overlooking the Aletsch glacier, about 200 feet above the hayloft, from
which ledge the mountain falls almost precipitously to the north-east for
about a thousand feet. A gentle wind blows towards us from the north-east
— that is, across the crests and snow-fields of the Oberland mountains. We
by the hypothesis that fermentation has begun in such tins, that gases have
been generated, the pressure of which has stifled the incipient life and
stopped its further development. [Footnote: Beginnings of Life, vol. i. p.
418.] This is the new theory of preserved meats. Had its author pierced a tin
of preserved meat, fruit, or vegetable under water with the view of testing
its truth, he would have found it erroneous. In well-preserved tins he would
have found, not an outrush of gas, but an inrush of water. I have noticed this
recently in tins which have lain perfectly good for sixty-three years in the
Royal Institution. Modern tins, subjected to the same test, yielded the same
result. From time to time, moreover, during the last two years, I have placed
glass tubes, containing clear infusions of turnip, hay, beef, and mutton, in
iron bottles, and subjected them to air-pressures varying from ten to twenty-
seven atmospheres — pressures, it is needless to say, far more than
sufficient to tear a preserved meat tin to shreds. After ten days these
infusions were taken from their bottles rotten with putrefaction and teeming
with life. Thus collapses an hypothesis which had no rational foundation,
and which could never have seen the light had the slightest attempt been
made to verify it.
Our fifty-four vacuous and pellucid flasks also declare against the
heterogenist. We expose them to a warm Alpine sun by day, and at night we
suspend them in a warm kitchen. Four of them have been accidentally
broken; but at the end of a month we find the fifty remaining ones as clear
as at the commencement. There is no sign of putrefaction or of life in any of
them. We divide these flasks into two groups of twenty-three and twenty-
seven respectively (an accident of counting rendered the division uneven).
The question now is whether the admission of air can liberate any
generative energy in the infusions. Our next experiment will answer this
question and something more. We carry the flasks to a hayloft, and there,
with a pair of steel pliers, snip off the sealed ends of the group of three-and-
twenty. Each snipping off is of course followed by an inrush of air. We now
carry our twenty-seven flasks, our pliers, and a spirit-lamp, to a ledge
overlooking the Aletsch glacier, about 200 feet above the hayloft, from
which ledge the mountain falls almost precipitously to the north-east for
about a thousand feet. A gentle wind blows towards us from the north-east
— that is, across the crests and snow-fields of the Oberland mountains. We
Page 631
are therefore bathed by air which must have been for a good while out of
practical contact with either animal or vegetable life. I stand carefully to
leeward of the flasks, for no dust or particle from my clothes or body must
be blown towards them. An assistant ignites the spirit-lamp, into the flame
of which I plunge the pliers, thereby destroying all attached germs or
organisms. Then I snip off the sealed end of the flask. Prior to every
snipping the same process is gone through, no flask being opened without
the previous cleansing of the pliers by the flame. In this way we charge our
seven-and-twenty flasks with clean vivifying mountain air.
We place the fifty flasks, with their necks open, over a kitchen stove, in a
temperature varying from 50° to 90° Fahr., and in three days find twenty-
one out of the twenty-three flasks opened on the hayloft invaded by
organisms — two only of the group remaining free from them. After three
weeks' exposure to precisely the same conditions, not one of the twenty-
seven flasks opened in free air had given way. No germ from the kitchen air
had ascended the narrow necks, the flasks being shaped to produce this
result. They are still in the Alps, as clear, I doubt not, and as free from life
as they were when sent off from London. [Footnote: An actual experiment
made at the Bel Alp is here described.]
What is my colleague's conclusion from the experiment before us? Twenty-
seven putrescible infusions, first in vacuo, and afterwards supplied with the
most invigorating air, have shown no sign of putrefaction or of life. And as
to the others, I almost shrink from asking him whether the hayloft has
rendered them spontaneously generative. Is not the inference here
imperative that it is not the air of the loft — which is connected through a
constantly open door with the general atmosphere — but something
contained in the air, that has produced the effects observed? What is this
something? A sunbeam entering through a chink in the roof or wall, and
traversing the air of the loft, would show it to be laden with suspended dust
particles. Indeed the dust is distinctly visible in the diffused daylight. Can it
have been the origin of the observed life? If so, are we not bound by all
antecedent experience to regard these fruitful particles as the germs of the
life observed?
practical contact with either animal or vegetable life. I stand carefully to
leeward of the flasks, for no dust or particle from my clothes or body must
be blown towards them. An assistant ignites the spirit-lamp, into the flame
of which I plunge the pliers, thereby destroying all attached germs or
organisms. Then I snip off the sealed end of the flask. Prior to every
snipping the same process is gone through, no flask being opened without
the previous cleansing of the pliers by the flame. In this way we charge our
seven-and-twenty flasks with clean vivifying mountain air.
We place the fifty flasks, with their necks open, over a kitchen stove, in a
temperature varying from 50° to 90° Fahr., and in three days find twenty-
one out of the twenty-three flasks opened on the hayloft invaded by
organisms — two only of the group remaining free from them. After three
weeks' exposure to precisely the same conditions, not one of the twenty-
seven flasks opened in free air had given way. No germ from the kitchen air
had ascended the narrow necks, the flasks being shaped to produce this
result. They are still in the Alps, as clear, I doubt not, and as free from life
as they were when sent off from London. [Footnote: An actual experiment
made at the Bel Alp is here described.]
What is my colleague's conclusion from the experiment before us? Twenty-
seven putrescible infusions, first in vacuo, and afterwards supplied with the
most invigorating air, have shown no sign of putrefaction or of life. And as
to the others, I almost shrink from asking him whether the hayloft has
rendered them spontaneously generative. Is not the inference here
imperative that it is not the air of the loft — which is connected through a
constantly open door with the general atmosphere — but something
contained in the air, that has produced the effects observed? What is this
something? A sunbeam entering through a chink in the roof or wall, and
traversing the air of the loft, would show it to be laden with suspended dust
particles. Indeed the dust is distinctly visible in the diffused daylight. Can it
have been the origin of the observed life? If so, are we not bound by all
antecedent experience to regard these fruitful particles as the germs of the
life observed?
Page 632
The name of Baron Liebig has been constantly mixed up with these
discussions. 'We have,' it is said, 'his authority for assuming that dead
decaying matter can produce fermentation.' True, but with Liebig
fermentation was by no means synonymous with life. It meant, according to
him, the shaking asunder by chemical disturbance of unstable molecules.
Does the life of our flasks, then, proceed from dead particles? If my co-
enquirer should reply 'Yes,' then I would ask him, 'What warrant does
Nature offer for such an assumption? Where, amid the multitude of vital
phenomena in which her operations have been clearly traced, is the slightest
countenance given to the notion that the sowing of dead particles can
produce a living crop?' With regard to Baron Liebig, had he studied the
revelations of the microscope in relation to these questions, a mind so
penetrating could never have missed the significance of the facts revealed.
He, however, neglected the microscope, and fell into error — but not into
error so gross as that in support of which his authority has been invoked.
Were be now alive, he would, I doubt not, repudiate the use often made of
his name — Liebig's view of fermentation was at least a scientific one,
founded on profound conceptions of molecular instability. But this view by
no means involves the notion that the planting of dead particles —
'Stickstoffsplittern' as Cohn contemptuously calls them — is followed by
the sprouting of infusorial life.
-----
Let us now return to London and fix our attention on the dust of its air.
Suppose a room in which the housemaid has just finished her work to be
completely closed, with the exception of an aperture in a shutter through
which a sunbeam enters and crosses the room. The floating dust reveals the
track of the light. Let a lens be placed in the aperture to condense the beam.
Its parallel rays are now converged to a cone, at the apex of which the dust
is raised to almost unbroken whiteness by the intensity of its illumination.
Defended from all glare, the eye is peculiarly sensitive to this, scattered
light. The floating dust of London rooms is organic, and may be burned
without leaving visible residue. The action of a spirit-lamp flame upon the
floating matter has been elsewhere thus described:—
-----
discussions. 'We have,' it is said, 'his authority for assuming that dead
decaying matter can produce fermentation.' True, but with Liebig
fermentation was by no means synonymous with life. It meant, according to
him, the shaking asunder by chemical disturbance of unstable molecules.
Does the life of our flasks, then, proceed from dead particles? If my co-
enquirer should reply 'Yes,' then I would ask him, 'What warrant does
Nature offer for such an assumption? Where, amid the multitude of vital
phenomena in which her operations have been clearly traced, is the slightest
countenance given to the notion that the sowing of dead particles can
produce a living crop?' With regard to Baron Liebig, had he studied the
revelations of the microscope in relation to these questions, a mind so
penetrating could never have missed the significance of the facts revealed.
He, however, neglected the microscope, and fell into error — but not into
error so gross as that in support of which his authority has been invoked.
Were be now alive, he would, I doubt not, repudiate the use often made of
his name — Liebig's view of fermentation was at least a scientific one,
founded on profound conceptions of molecular instability. But this view by
no means involves the notion that the planting of dead particles —
'Stickstoffsplittern' as Cohn contemptuously calls them — is followed by
the sprouting of infusorial life.
-----
Let us now return to London and fix our attention on the dust of its air.
Suppose a room in which the housemaid has just finished her work to be
completely closed, with the exception of an aperture in a shutter through
which a sunbeam enters and crosses the room. The floating dust reveals the
track of the light. Let a lens be placed in the aperture to condense the beam.
Its parallel rays are now converged to a cone, at the apex of which the dust
is raised to almost unbroken whiteness by the intensity of its illumination.
Defended from all glare, the eye is peculiarly sensitive to this, scattered
light. The floating dust of London rooms is organic, and may be burned
without leaving visible residue. The action of a spirit-lamp flame upon the
floating matter has been elsewhere thus described:—
-----
Page 633
In a cylindrical beam which strongly illuminated the dust of our laboratory,
I placed an ignited spirit-lamp. Mingling with the flame, and round its rim,
were seen curious wreaths of darkness resembling an intensely black
smoke. On placing the flame at some distance below the beam, the same
dark masses stormed upwards. They were blacker than the blackest smoke
ever seen issuing from the funnel of a steamer; and their resemblance to
smoke was so perfect as to prompt the conclusion that the apparently pure
flame of the alcohol-lamp required but a beam of sufficient intensity to
reveal its clouds of liberated carbon.
But is the blackness smoke? This question presented itself in a moment, and
was thus answered: A red-hot poker was placed underneath the beam; from
it the black wreaths also ascended. A large hydrogen flame, which emits no
smoke, was next employed, and it also produced with augmented
copiousness those whirling masses of darkness. Smoke being out of the
question, what is the blackness? It is simply that of stellar space; that is to
say, blackness resulting from the absence from the track of the beam of all
matter competent to scatter its light. When the flame was placed below the
beam, the floating matter was destroyed in situ; and the heated air, freed
from this matter, rose into the beam, jostled aside the illuminated particles,
and substituted for their light the darkness due to its own perfect
transparency. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate the invisibility of the
agent which renders all things visible. The beam crossed, unseen, the black
chasm formed by the transparent air, while, at both sides of the gap, the
thick-strewn particles shone out like a luminous solid under the powerful
illumination. [Footnote: See Fragment: 'On Dust and Disease', vol. i.]
-----
Supposing an infusion intrinsically barren, but readily susceptible of
putrefaction when exposed to common air, to be brought into contact with
this unilluminable air, what would be the result? It would never putrefy. It
might, however, be urged that the air is spoiled by its violent calcination.
Oxygen passed through a spirit-lamp flame is, it may be thought, no longer
the oxygen suitable for the development and maintenance of life. We have
an easy escape from this difficulty, which is based, however, upon the
unproved assumption that the air has been affected by the flame. Let a
I placed an ignited spirit-lamp. Mingling with the flame, and round its rim,
were seen curious wreaths of darkness resembling an intensely black
smoke. On placing the flame at some distance below the beam, the same
dark masses stormed upwards. They were blacker than the blackest smoke
ever seen issuing from the funnel of a steamer; and their resemblance to
smoke was so perfect as to prompt the conclusion that the apparently pure
flame of the alcohol-lamp required but a beam of sufficient intensity to
reveal its clouds of liberated carbon.
But is the blackness smoke? This question presented itself in a moment, and
was thus answered: A red-hot poker was placed underneath the beam; from
it the black wreaths also ascended. A large hydrogen flame, which emits no
smoke, was next employed, and it also produced with augmented
copiousness those whirling masses of darkness. Smoke being out of the
question, what is the blackness? It is simply that of stellar space; that is to
say, blackness resulting from the absence from the track of the beam of all
matter competent to scatter its light. When the flame was placed below the
beam, the floating matter was destroyed in situ; and the heated air, freed
from this matter, rose into the beam, jostled aside the illuminated particles,
and substituted for their light the darkness due to its own perfect
transparency. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate the invisibility of the
agent which renders all things visible. The beam crossed, unseen, the black
chasm formed by the transparent air, while, at both sides of the gap, the
thick-strewn particles shone out like a luminous solid under the powerful
illumination. [Footnote: See Fragment: 'On Dust and Disease', vol. i.]
-----
Supposing an infusion intrinsically barren, but readily susceptible of
putrefaction when exposed to common air, to be brought into contact with
this unilluminable air, what would be the result? It would never putrefy. It
might, however, be urged that the air is spoiled by its violent calcination.
Oxygen passed through a spirit-lamp flame is, it may be thought, no longer
the oxygen suitable for the development and maintenance of life. We have
an easy escape from this difficulty, which is based, however, upon the
unproved assumption that the air has been affected by the flame. Let a
Page 634
condensed beam be sent through a large flask or bolthead containing
common air. The track of the beam is seen within the flask — the dust
revealing the light, and the light revealing the dust. Cork the flask, stuff its
neck with cotton-wool, or simply turn it mouth downwards and leave it
undisturbed for a day or two. Examined afterwards with the luminous beam,
no track is visible; the light passes through the flask as through a vacuum.
The floating matter has abolished itself, being now attached to the interior
surface of the flask.
Were it our object, as it will be subsequently, to effectually detain the dirt,
we might coat that surface with some sticky substance. Here, then, without
'torturing' the air in any way, we have found a means of ridding it, or rather
of enabling it to rid itself, of floating matter.
We have now to devise a means of testing the action of such spontaneously
purified air upon putrescible infusions. Wooden chambers, or cases, are
accordingly constructed, having glass fronts, side-windows, and back-
doors. Through the bottoms of the chambers test-tubes pass air-tight; their
open ends, for about one-fifth of the length of the tubes, being within the
chambers. Provision is made for a free connection rough sinuous channels
between the inner and the outer air. Through such channels, though open,
no dust will reach the chamber. The top of each chamber is perforated by a
circular hole two inches in diameter, closed air-tight by a sheet of India-
rubber. This is pierced in the middle by a pin, and through the pin-hole is
pushed the shank of a long pipette, ending above in a small funnel. The
shank also passes through a stuffing-box of cotton-wool moistened with
glycerine; so that, tightly clasped by the rubber and wool, the pipette is not
likely in its motions up and down to carry any dust into the chamber. The
annexed woodcut shows a chamber, with six test-tubes, its side-windows w
w, its pipette p c, and its sinuous channels a b which connect the air of the
chamber with the outer air.
The chamber is carefully closed and permitted to remain quiet for two or
three days. Examined at the beginning by a beam sent through its windows,
the air is found laden with floating matter, which in three days has wholly
disappeared. To prevent its ever rising again, the internal surface of the
chamber was at the outset coated with glycerine. The fresh but putrescible
common air. The track of the beam is seen within the flask — the dust
revealing the light, and the light revealing the dust. Cork the flask, stuff its
neck with cotton-wool, or simply turn it mouth downwards and leave it
undisturbed for a day or two. Examined afterwards with the luminous beam,
no track is visible; the light passes through the flask as through a vacuum.
The floating matter has abolished itself, being now attached to the interior
surface of the flask.
Were it our object, as it will be subsequently, to effectually detain the dirt,
we might coat that surface with some sticky substance. Here, then, without
'torturing' the air in any way, we have found a means of ridding it, or rather
of enabling it to rid itself, of floating matter.
We have now to devise a means of testing the action of such spontaneously
purified air upon putrescible infusions. Wooden chambers, or cases, are
accordingly constructed, having glass fronts, side-windows, and back-
doors. Through the bottoms of the chambers test-tubes pass air-tight; their
open ends, for about one-fifth of the length of the tubes, being within the
chambers. Provision is made for a free connection rough sinuous channels
between the inner and the outer air. Through such channels, though open,
no dust will reach the chamber. The top of each chamber is perforated by a
circular hole two inches in diameter, closed air-tight by a sheet of India-
rubber. This is pierced in the middle by a pin, and through the pin-hole is
pushed the shank of a long pipette, ending above in a small funnel. The
shank also passes through a stuffing-box of cotton-wool moistened with
glycerine; so that, tightly clasped by the rubber and wool, the pipette is not
likely in its motions up and down to carry any dust into the chamber. The
annexed woodcut shows a chamber, with six test-tubes, its side-windows w
w, its pipette p c, and its sinuous channels a b which connect the air of the
chamber with the outer air.
The chamber is carefully closed and permitted to remain quiet for two or
three days. Examined at the beginning by a beam sent through its windows,
the air is found laden with floating matter, which in three days has wholly
disappeared. To prevent its ever rising again, the internal surface of the
chamber was at the outset coated with glycerine. The fresh but putrescible
Page 635
liquid is introduced into the six tubes in succession by means of the pipette.
Permitted to remain without further precaution, every one of the tubes
would putrefy and fill itself with life. The liquid has been in contact with
the dust-laden air outside by which it has been infected, and the infection
must be destroyed. This is done by plunging the six tubes into a bath of
heated oil and boiling the infusion. The time requisite to destroy the
infection depends wholly upon its nature. Two minutes' boiling suffices to
destroy some contagia, whereas two hundred minutes' boiling fails to
destroy others. After the infusion has been sterilised, the oil-bath is
withdrawn, and the liquid, whose putrescibility has been in no way affected
by the boiling, is abandoned to the air of the chamber.
With such chambers I tested, in the autumn and winter of 1875-6, infusions
of the most various kinds, embracing natural animal liquids, the flesh and
viscera of domestic animals, game, fish, and vegetables. More than fifty
chambers, each with its series of infusions, were tested, many of them
repeatedly. There was no shade of uncertainty in any of the results. In every
instance we had, within the chamber, perfect limpidity and sweetness,
which in some cases lasted for more than a year — without the chamber,
with the same infusion, putridity and its characteristic smells. In no instance
was the least countenance lent to the notion that an infusion deprived by
heat of its inherent life, and placed in contact with air cleansed of its visibly
suspended matter, has any power to generate life anew.
Remembering then the number and variety of the infusions employed, and
the strictness of our adherence to the rules of preparation laid down by the
heterogenists themselves; remembering that we have operated upon the
very substances recommended by them as capable of furnishing, even in
untrained hands, easy and decisive proofs of spontaneous generation, and
that we have added to their substances many others of our own — if this
pretended generative power were a reality, surely it must have manifested
itself somewhere. Speaking roundly, I should say that in such closed
chambers at least five hundred chances have been given to it, but it has
nowhere appeared.
The argument is now to be clenched by an experiment which will remove
every residue of doubt as to the ability of the infusions here employed to
Permitted to remain without further precaution, every one of the tubes
would putrefy and fill itself with life. The liquid has been in contact with
the dust-laden air outside by which it has been infected, and the infection
must be destroyed. This is done by plunging the six tubes into a bath of
heated oil and boiling the infusion. The time requisite to destroy the
infection depends wholly upon its nature. Two minutes' boiling suffices to
destroy some contagia, whereas two hundred minutes' boiling fails to
destroy others. After the infusion has been sterilised, the oil-bath is
withdrawn, and the liquid, whose putrescibility has been in no way affected
by the boiling, is abandoned to the air of the chamber.
With such chambers I tested, in the autumn and winter of 1875-6, infusions
of the most various kinds, embracing natural animal liquids, the flesh and
viscera of domestic animals, game, fish, and vegetables. More than fifty
chambers, each with its series of infusions, were tested, many of them
repeatedly. There was no shade of uncertainty in any of the results. In every
instance we had, within the chamber, perfect limpidity and sweetness,
which in some cases lasted for more than a year — without the chamber,
with the same infusion, putridity and its characteristic smells. In no instance
was the least countenance lent to the notion that an infusion deprived by
heat of its inherent life, and placed in contact with air cleansed of its visibly
suspended matter, has any power to generate life anew.
Remembering then the number and variety of the infusions employed, and
the strictness of our adherence to the rules of preparation laid down by the
heterogenists themselves; remembering that we have operated upon the
very substances recommended by them as capable of furnishing, even in
untrained hands, easy and decisive proofs of spontaneous generation, and
that we have added to their substances many others of our own — if this
pretended generative power were a reality, surely it must have manifested
itself somewhere. Speaking roundly, I should say that in such closed
chambers at least five hundred chances have been given to it, but it has
nowhere appeared.
The argument is now to be clenched by an experiment which will remove
every residue of doubt as to the ability of the infusions here employed to
Page 636
sustain life. We open the back doors of our sealed chambers, and permit the
common air with its floating particles to have access to our tubes. For three
months they have remained pellucid and sweet — flesh, fish, and vegetable
extracts purer than ever cook manufactured. Three days' exposure to the
dusty air suffices to render them muddy, fetid, and swarming with infusorial
life. The liquids are thus proved, one and all, ready for putrefaction when
the contaminating agent is applied. I invite my colleague to reflect on these
facts. How will he account for the absolute immunity of a liquid exposed
for months in a warm room to optically pure air, and its infallible
putrefaction in a few days when exposed to dust-laden air? He must, I
submit, bow to the conclusion that the dust-particles are the cause of
putrefactive life. And unless he accepts the hypothesis that these particles,
being dead in the air, are in the liquid miraculously kindled into living
things, he must conclude that the life we have observed springs from germs
or organisms diffused through the atmosphere.
The experiments with hermetically sealed flasks have reached the number
of 940. A sample group of 130 of them were laid before the Royal Society
on January 13, 1876. They were utterly free from life, having been
completely sterilised by three minutes' boiling. Special care had been taken
that the temperatures to which the flasks were exposed should include those
previously alleged to be efficient. The conditions laid down by the
heterogenist were accurately copied, but there was no corroboration of his
results. Stress was then laid on the question of warmth, thirty degrees being
suddenly added to the temperatures with which both of us had previously
worked. Waiving all protest against the caprice thus manifested, I met this
new requirement also. The sealed tubes, which had proved barren in the
Royal Institution, were suspended in perforated boxes, and placed under the
supervision of an intelligent assistant in the Turkish Bath in Jermyn Street.
From two to six days had been allowed for the generation of organisms in
hermetically sealed tubes. Mine remained in the washing-room of the bath
for nine days. Thermometers placed in the boxes, and read off twice or three
times a day, showed the temperature to vary from a minimum of 101° to a
maximum of 112° Fahr. At the end of nine days the infusions were as clear
as at the beginning. They were then removed to a warmer position. A
temperature of 115° had been mentioned as particularly favourable to
spontaneous generation. For fourteen days the temperature of the Turkish
common air with its floating particles to have access to our tubes. For three
months they have remained pellucid and sweet — flesh, fish, and vegetable
extracts purer than ever cook manufactured. Three days' exposure to the
dusty air suffices to render them muddy, fetid, and swarming with infusorial
life. The liquids are thus proved, one and all, ready for putrefaction when
the contaminating agent is applied. I invite my colleague to reflect on these
facts. How will he account for the absolute immunity of a liquid exposed
for months in a warm room to optically pure air, and its infallible
putrefaction in a few days when exposed to dust-laden air? He must, I
submit, bow to the conclusion that the dust-particles are the cause of
putrefactive life. And unless he accepts the hypothesis that these particles,
being dead in the air, are in the liquid miraculously kindled into living
things, he must conclude that the life we have observed springs from germs
or organisms diffused through the atmosphere.
The experiments with hermetically sealed flasks have reached the number
of 940. A sample group of 130 of them were laid before the Royal Society
on January 13, 1876. They were utterly free from life, having been
completely sterilised by three minutes' boiling. Special care had been taken
that the temperatures to which the flasks were exposed should include those
previously alleged to be efficient. The conditions laid down by the
heterogenist were accurately copied, but there was no corroboration of his
results. Stress was then laid on the question of warmth, thirty degrees being
suddenly added to the temperatures with which both of us had previously
worked. Waiving all protest against the caprice thus manifested, I met this
new requirement also. The sealed tubes, which had proved barren in the
Royal Institution, were suspended in perforated boxes, and placed under the
supervision of an intelligent assistant in the Turkish Bath in Jermyn Street.
From two to six days had been allowed for the generation of organisms in
hermetically sealed tubes. Mine remained in the washing-room of the bath
for nine days. Thermometers placed in the boxes, and read off twice or three
times a day, showed the temperature to vary from a minimum of 101° to a
maximum of 112° Fahr. At the end of nine days the infusions were as clear
as at the beginning. They were then removed to a warmer position. A
temperature of 115° had been mentioned as particularly favourable to
spontaneous generation. For fourteen days the temperature of the Turkish
Page 637
Bath hovered about this point, falling once as low as 106°, reaching 116° on
three occasions, 118° on one, and 119° on two. The result was quite the
same as that just recorded. The higher temperatures proved perfectly
incompetent to develope life.
Taking the actual experiment we have made as a basis of calculation, if our
940 flasks were opened on the hayloft of the Bel Alp, 858 of them would
become filled with organisms. The escape of the remaining 82 strengthens
our case, proving as it does conclusively that not in the air, nor in the
infusions, nor in anything continuous diffused through the air, but in
discrete particles, suspended in the air and nourished by the infusions, we
are to seek the cause of life. Our experiment proves these particles to be in
some cases so far apart on the hayloft as to permit 10 per cent. of our flasks
to take in air without contracting contamination. A quarter of a century ago
Pasteur proved the cause of 'so-called spontaneous generation' to be
discontinuous. I have already referred to his observation that 12 out of 20
flasks opened on the plains escaped infection, while 19 out of 20 flasks
opened on the Mer de Glace escaped. Our own experiment at the Bel Alp is
a more emphatic instance of the same kind, 90 per cent. of the flasks
opened in the hayloft being smitten, while not one of those opened on the
free mountain ledge was attacked.
The power of the air as regards putrefactive infection is incessantly
changing through natural causes, and we are able to alter it at will. Of a
number of flasks opened in 1876 in the laboratory of the Royal Institution,
42 per cent. were smitten, while 58 per cent. escaped. In 1877 the
proportion in the same laboratory was 68 per cent. smitten, to 32 intact. The
greater mortality, so to speak, of the infusions in 1877 was due to the
presence of hay which diffused its germinal dust in the laboratory air,
causing it to approximate as regards infective virulence to the air of the
Alpine loft. I would ask my friend to bring his scientific penetration to bear
upon all the foregoing facts. They do not prove spontaneous generation to
be 'impossible.' My assertions, however, relate not to 'possibilities,' but to
proofs, and the experiments just described do most 'distinctly prove the
evidence on which the heterogenist relies to be written on waste paper.
three occasions, 118° on one, and 119° on two. The result was quite the
same as that just recorded. The higher temperatures proved perfectly
incompetent to develope life.
Taking the actual experiment we have made as a basis of calculation, if our
940 flasks were opened on the hayloft of the Bel Alp, 858 of them would
become filled with organisms. The escape of the remaining 82 strengthens
our case, proving as it does conclusively that not in the air, nor in the
infusions, nor in anything continuous diffused through the air, but in
discrete particles, suspended in the air and nourished by the infusions, we
are to seek the cause of life. Our experiment proves these particles to be in
some cases so far apart on the hayloft as to permit 10 per cent. of our flasks
to take in air without contracting contamination. A quarter of a century ago
Pasteur proved the cause of 'so-called spontaneous generation' to be
discontinuous. I have already referred to his observation that 12 out of 20
flasks opened on the plains escaped infection, while 19 out of 20 flasks
opened on the Mer de Glace escaped. Our own experiment at the Bel Alp is
a more emphatic instance of the same kind, 90 per cent. of the flasks
opened in the hayloft being smitten, while not one of those opened on the
free mountain ledge was attacked.
The power of the air as regards putrefactive infection is incessantly
changing through natural causes, and we are able to alter it at will. Of a
number of flasks opened in 1876 in the laboratory of the Royal Institution,
42 per cent. were smitten, while 58 per cent. escaped. In 1877 the
proportion in the same laboratory was 68 per cent. smitten, to 32 intact. The
greater mortality, so to speak, of the infusions in 1877 was due to the
presence of hay which diffused its germinal dust in the laboratory air,
causing it to approximate as regards infective virulence to the air of the
Alpine loft. I would ask my friend to bring his scientific penetration to bear
upon all the foregoing facts. They do not prove spontaneous generation to
be 'impossible.' My assertions, however, relate not to 'possibilities,' but to
proofs, and the experiments just described do most 'distinctly prove the
evidence on which the heterogenist relies to be written on waste paper.
Page 638
My colleague will not, I am persuaded, dispute these results; but he may be
disposed to urge that other able and honourable men working at the same
subject have arrived at conclusions different from mine. Most freely
granted; but let me here recur to the remarks already made in speaking of
the experiments of Spallanzani, to the effect that the failure of others to
confirm his results by no means upsets their evidence. To fix the ideas, let
us suppose that my colleague comes to the laboratory of the Royal
Institution, repeats there my experiments, and obtains confirmatory results;
and that he then goes to University or King's College where, operating with
the same infusions, be obtains contradictory results. Will he be disposed to
conclude that the selfsame substance is barren in Albemarle Street and
fruitful in Gower Street or the Strand? His Alpine experience has already
made known to him the literally infinite differences existing between
different samples of air as regards their capacity for putrefactive infection.
And, possessing this knowledge, will he not substitute for the adventurous
conclusion that an organic infusion is barren at one place and spontaneously
generative at another, the more rational and obvious one that the
atmospheres of the two localities which have had access to the infusion are
infective in different degrees?
As regards workmanship, moreover, he will not fail to bear in mind, that
fruitfulness may be due to errors of manipulation, while barrenness
involves the presumption of correct experiment. It is only the careful
worker that can secure the latter, while it is open to every novice to obtain
the former. Barrenness is the result at which the conscientious experimenter,
whatever his theoretic convictions may be, ought to aim, omitting no pains
to secure it, and resorting only when there is no escape from it to the
conclusion that the life observed comes from no source which correct
experiment could neutralise or avoid.
Let us again take a definite case. Supposing my colleague to operate with
the same apparent care on 100 infusions — or rather on 100 samples of the
same infusion — and that 50 of them prove fruitful and 50 barren. Are we
to say that the evidence for and against heterogeny is equally balanced?
There are some who would not only say this, but who would treasure up the
So fruitful flasks as 'positive' results, and lower the evidential value of the
50 barren flasks by labelling them 'negative' results. This, as shown by Dr.
disposed to urge that other able and honourable men working at the same
subject have arrived at conclusions different from mine. Most freely
granted; but let me here recur to the remarks already made in speaking of
the experiments of Spallanzani, to the effect that the failure of others to
confirm his results by no means upsets their evidence. To fix the ideas, let
us suppose that my colleague comes to the laboratory of the Royal
Institution, repeats there my experiments, and obtains confirmatory results;
and that he then goes to University or King's College where, operating with
the same infusions, be obtains contradictory results. Will he be disposed to
conclude that the selfsame substance is barren in Albemarle Street and
fruitful in Gower Street or the Strand? His Alpine experience has already
made known to him the literally infinite differences existing between
different samples of air as regards their capacity for putrefactive infection.
And, possessing this knowledge, will he not substitute for the adventurous
conclusion that an organic infusion is barren at one place and spontaneously
generative at another, the more rational and obvious one that the
atmospheres of the two localities which have had access to the infusion are
infective in different degrees?
As regards workmanship, moreover, he will not fail to bear in mind, that
fruitfulness may be due to errors of manipulation, while barrenness
involves the presumption of correct experiment. It is only the careful
worker that can secure the latter, while it is open to every novice to obtain
the former. Barrenness is the result at which the conscientious experimenter,
whatever his theoretic convictions may be, ought to aim, omitting no pains
to secure it, and resorting only when there is no escape from it to the
conclusion that the life observed comes from no source which correct
experiment could neutralise or avoid.
Let us again take a definite case. Supposing my colleague to operate with
the same apparent care on 100 infusions — or rather on 100 samples of the
same infusion — and that 50 of them prove fruitful and 50 barren. Are we
to say that the evidence for and against heterogeny is equally balanced?
There are some who would not only say this, but who would treasure up the
So fruitful flasks as 'positive' results, and lower the evidential value of the
50 barren flasks by labelling them 'negative' results. This, as shown by Dr.
Page 639
William Roberts, is an exact inversion of the true order of the terms positive
and negative. [Footnote: See his truly philosophical remarks on this head in
the 'British Medical Journal,' 1876, p. 282.] Not such, I trust, would be the
course pursued by my friend. As regards the 50 fruitful flasks he would, I
doubt not, repeat the experiment with redoubled care and scrutiny, and not
by one repetition only, but by many, assure himself that he had not fallen
into error. Such faithful scrutiny fully carried out would infallibly lead him
to the conclusion that here, as in all other cases, the evidence in favour of
spontaneous generation crumbles in the grasp of the competent enquirer.
The botanist knows that different seeds possess different powers of
resistance to heat. [Footnote: I am indebted to Dr. Thiselton Dyer for
various illustrations of such differences. It is, however, surprising that a
subject of such high scientific importance should not have been more
thoroughly explored. Here the scoundrels who deal in killed seeds might be
able to add to our knowledge.] Some are killed by a momentary exposure to
the boiling temperature, while others withstand it for several hours. Most of
our ordinary seeds are rapidly killed, while Pouchet made known to the
Paris Academy of Sciences in 1866, that certain seeds, which had been
transported in fleeces of wool from Brazil, germinated after four hours'
boiling. The germs of the air vary as much among themselves as the seeds
of the botanist. In some localities the diffused germs are so tender that
boiling for five minutes, or even less, would be sure to destroy them all; in
other localities the diffused germs are so obstinate, that many hours' boiling
would be requisite to deprive them of their power of germination. The
absence or presence of a truss of desiccated hay would produce differences
as great as those here described. The greatest endurance that I have ever
observed — and I believe it is the greatest on record – was a case of
survival after eight hours' boiling.
As regards their power of resisting heat, the infusorial germs of our
atmosphere might be classified under the following and intermediate heads
:— Killed in five minutes; not killed in five minutes but killed in fifteen;
not killed in fifteen minutes but killed in thirty; not killed in thirty minutes
but killed in an hour; not killed in an hour but killed in two hours; not killed
in two but killed in three hours; not killed in three but killed in four hours. I
have had several cases of survival after four and five hours' boiling, some
and negative. [Footnote: See his truly philosophical remarks on this head in
the 'British Medical Journal,' 1876, p. 282.] Not such, I trust, would be the
course pursued by my friend. As regards the 50 fruitful flasks he would, I
doubt not, repeat the experiment with redoubled care and scrutiny, and not
by one repetition only, but by many, assure himself that he had not fallen
into error. Such faithful scrutiny fully carried out would infallibly lead him
to the conclusion that here, as in all other cases, the evidence in favour of
spontaneous generation crumbles in the grasp of the competent enquirer.
The botanist knows that different seeds possess different powers of
resistance to heat. [Footnote: I am indebted to Dr. Thiselton Dyer for
various illustrations of such differences. It is, however, surprising that a
subject of such high scientific importance should not have been more
thoroughly explored. Here the scoundrels who deal in killed seeds might be
able to add to our knowledge.] Some are killed by a momentary exposure to
the boiling temperature, while others withstand it for several hours. Most of
our ordinary seeds are rapidly killed, while Pouchet made known to the
Paris Academy of Sciences in 1866, that certain seeds, which had been
transported in fleeces of wool from Brazil, germinated after four hours'
boiling. The germs of the air vary as much among themselves as the seeds
of the botanist. In some localities the diffused germs are so tender that
boiling for five minutes, or even less, would be sure to destroy them all; in
other localities the diffused germs are so obstinate, that many hours' boiling
would be requisite to deprive them of their power of germination. The
absence or presence of a truss of desiccated hay would produce differences
as great as those here described. The greatest endurance that I have ever
observed — and I believe it is the greatest on record – was a case of
survival after eight hours' boiling.
As regards their power of resisting heat, the infusorial germs of our
atmosphere might be classified under the following and intermediate heads
:— Killed in five minutes; not killed in five minutes but killed in fifteen;
not killed in fifteen minutes but killed in thirty; not killed in thirty minutes
but killed in an hour; not killed in an hour but killed in two hours; not killed
in two but killed in three hours; not killed in three but killed in four hours. I
have had several cases of survival after four and five hours' boiling, some
Page 640
survivals after six, and one after eight hours' boiling. Thus far has
experiment actually reached; but there is no valid warrant for fixing upon
even eight hours as the extreme limit of vital resistance. Probably more
extended researches (though mine have been very extensive) would reveal
germs more obstinate still. It is also certain that we might begin earlier, and
find germs which are destroyed by a temperature far below that of boiling
water. In the presence of such facts, to speak of a death-point of bacteria
and their germs would be unmeaning — but of this more anon.
'What present warrant,' it has been asked, 'is there for supposing that a
naked, or almost naked, speck of protoplasm can withstand four, six, or
eight hours' boiling?' Regarding naked specks of protoplasm I make no
assertion. I know nothing about them, save as the creatures of fancy. But I
do affirm, not as a 'supposition,' nor an 'assumption,' nor a 'probable guess,'
nor as 'a wild hypothesis,' but as a matter of the most undoubted fact, that
the spores of the hay bacillus, when thoroughly desiccated by age, have
withstood the ordeal mentioned. And I further affirm that these obdurate
germs, under the guidance of the knowledge that they are germs, can be
destroyed by five minutes' boiling, or even less. This needs explanation.
The finished bacterium perishes at a temperature far below that of boiling
water, and it is fair to assume that the nearer the germ is to its final sensitive
condition the more readily will it succumb to heat. Seeds soften before and
during germination. This premised, the simple description of the following
process will suffice to make its meaning understood.
An infusion infected with the most powerfully resistent germs, but
otherwise protected against the floating matters of the air, is gradually
raised to its boiling-point. Such germs as have reached the soft and plastic
state immediately preceding their development into bacteria are thus
destroyed. The infusion is then put aside in a warm room for ten or twelve
hours. If for twenty-four, we might have the liquid charged with well-
developed bacteria. To anticipate this, at the end of ten or twelve hours we
raise the infusion a second time to the boiling temperature, which, as
before, destroys all germs then approaching their point of final
development. The infusion is again put aside for ten or twelve hours, and
the process of heating is repeated. We thus kill the germs in the order of
their resistance, and finally kill the last of them. No infusion can withstand
experiment actually reached; but there is no valid warrant for fixing upon
even eight hours as the extreme limit of vital resistance. Probably more
extended researches (though mine have been very extensive) would reveal
germs more obstinate still. It is also certain that we might begin earlier, and
find germs which are destroyed by a temperature far below that of boiling
water. In the presence of such facts, to speak of a death-point of bacteria
and their germs would be unmeaning — but of this more anon.
'What present warrant,' it has been asked, 'is there for supposing that a
naked, or almost naked, speck of protoplasm can withstand four, six, or
eight hours' boiling?' Regarding naked specks of protoplasm I make no
assertion. I know nothing about them, save as the creatures of fancy. But I
do affirm, not as a 'supposition,' nor an 'assumption,' nor a 'probable guess,'
nor as 'a wild hypothesis,' but as a matter of the most undoubted fact, that
the spores of the hay bacillus, when thoroughly desiccated by age, have
withstood the ordeal mentioned. And I further affirm that these obdurate
germs, under the guidance of the knowledge that they are germs, can be
destroyed by five minutes' boiling, or even less. This needs explanation.
The finished bacterium perishes at a temperature far below that of boiling
water, and it is fair to assume that the nearer the germ is to its final sensitive
condition the more readily will it succumb to heat. Seeds soften before and
during germination. This premised, the simple description of the following
process will suffice to make its meaning understood.
An infusion infected with the most powerfully resistent germs, but
otherwise protected against the floating matters of the air, is gradually
raised to its boiling-point. Such germs as have reached the soft and plastic
state immediately preceding their development into bacteria are thus
destroyed. The infusion is then put aside in a warm room for ten or twelve
hours. If for twenty-four, we might have the liquid charged with well-
developed bacteria. To anticipate this, at the end of ten or twelve hours we
raise the infusion a second time to the boiling temperature, which, as
before, destroys all germs then approaching their point of final
development. The infusion is again put aside for ten or twelve hours, and
the process of heating is repeated. We thus kill the germs in the order of
their resistance, and finally kill the last of them. No infusion can withstand
Page 641
this process if it be repeated a sufficient number of times. Artichoke,
cucumber, and turnip infusions, which had proved specially obstinate when
infected with the germs of desiccated hay, were completely broken down by
this method of discontinuous heating, three minutes being found sufficient
to accomplish what three hundred minutes' continuous boiling failed to
accomplish. I applied the method, moreover, to infusions of various kinds
of hay, including those most tenacious of life. Not one of them bore the
ordeal. These results were clearly foreseen before they were realised, so that
the germ theory fulfils the test of every true theory, that test being the power
of prevision.
When 'naked or almost naked specks of protoplasm' are spoken of, the
imagination is drawn upon, not the objective truth of Nature. Such words
sound like the words of knowledge where knowledge is really nil. The
possibility of a 'thin covering' is conceded by those who speak in this way.
Such a covering may, however, exercise a powerful protective influence. A
thin pellicle of India-rubber, for example, surrounding a pea keeps it hard in
boiling water for a time sufficient to reduce an uncovered pea to a pulp. The
pellicle prevents imbibition, diffusion, and the consequent disintegration. A
greasy or oily surface, or even the layer of air which clings to certain
bodies, would act to some extent in a similar way. 'The singular resistance
of green vegetables to sterilisation,' says Dr. William Roberts, 'appears to be
due to some peculiarity of the surface, perhaps their smooth glistening
epidermis which prevented complete wetting of their surfaces.' I pointed out
in 1876 that the process by which an atmospheric germ is wetted would be
an interesting subject of investigation. A dry microscope covering-glass
may be caused to float on water for a year. A sewing-needle may be
similarly kept floating, though its specific gravity is nearly eight times that
of water.
Were it not for some specific relation between the matter of the germ and
that of the liquid into which it falls, wetting would be simply impossible.
Antecedent, to all development there must be an interchange of matter
between the germ and its environment; and this interchange must obviously
depend upon the relation of the germ to its encompassing liquid. Anything
that hinders this interchange retards the destruction of the germ in boiling
cucumber, and turnip infusions, which had proved specially obstinate when
infected with the germs of desiccated hay, were completely broken down by
this method of discontinuous heating, three minutes being found sufficient
to accomplish what three hundred minutes' continuous boiling failed to
accomplish. I applied the method, moreover, to infusions of various kinds
of hay, including those most tenacious of life. Not one of them bore the
ordeal. These results were clearly foreseen before they were realised, so that
the germ theory fulfils the test of every true theory, that test being the power
of prevision.
When 'naked or almost naked specks of protoplasm' are spoken of, the
imagination is drawn upon, not the objective truth of Nature. Such words
sound like the words of knowledge where knowledge is really nil. The
possibility of a 'thin covering' is conceded by those who speak in this way.
Such a covering may, however, exercise a powerful protective influence. A
thin pellicle of India-rubber, for example, surrounding a pea keeps it hard in
boiling water for a time sufficient to reduce an uncovered pea to a pulp. The
pellicle prevents imbibition, diffusion, and the consequent disintegration. A
greasy or oily surface, or even the layer of air which clings to certain
bodies, would act to some extent in a similar way. 'The singular resistance
of green vegetables to sterilisation,' says Dr. William Roberts, 'appears to be
due to some peculiarity of the surface, perhaps their smooth glistening
epidermis which prevented complete wetting of their surfaces.' I pointed out
in 1876 that the process by which an atmospheric germ is wetted would be
an interesting subject of investigation. A dry microscope covering-glass
may be caused to float on water for a year. A sewing-needle may be
similarly kept floating, though its specific gravity is nearly eight times that
of water.
Were it not for some specific relation between the matter of the germ and
that of the liquid into which it falls, wetting would be simply impossible.
Antecedent, to all development there must be an interchange of matter
between the germ and its environment; and this interchange must obviously
depend upon the relation of the germ to its encompassing liquid. Anything
that hinders this interchange retards the destruction of the germ in boiling
Page 642
water. In my paper published in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1877, I
add the following remark :—
It is not difficult to see that the surface of a seed or germ may be so affected
by desiccation and other causes as practically to prevent contact between it
and the surrounding liquid. The body of a germ, moreover, may be so
indurated by time and dryness as to resist powerfully the insinuation of
water between its constituent molecules. It would be difficult to cause such
a germ to imbibe the moisture necessary to produce the swelling and
softening which precede its destruction in a liquid of high temperature.
-----
However this may be — whatever be the state of the surface, or of the body,
of the spores of Bacillus subtilis, they do as a matter of certainty resist,
under some circumstances, exposure for hours to the heat of boiling water.
No theoretic scepticism can successfully stand in the way of this fact,
established as it has been by hundreds, if not thousands, of rigidly
conducted experiments.
-----
We have now to test one of the principal foundations of the doctrine of
spontaneous generation as formulated in this country. With this view, I
place before my friend and co-enquirer two liquids which have been kept
for six months in one of our sealed chambers, exposed to optically pure air.
The one is a mineral solution containing in proper proportions all the
substances which enter into the composition of bacteria, the other is an
infusion of turnip—it might be any one of a hundred other infusions, animal
or vegetable. Both liquids are as clear as distilled water, and there is no
trace of life in either of them. They are, in fact, completely sterilised. A
mutton-chop, over which a little water has been poured to keep its juices
from drying up, has lain for three days upon a plate in our warm room. It
smells offensively. Placing a drop of the fetid mutton-juice under a
microscope, it is found swarming with the bacteria of putrefaction. With a
speck of the swarming liquid I inoculate the clear mineral solution and the
clear turnip infusion, as a surgeon might inoculate an infant with vaccine
lymph. In four-and-twenty hours the transparent liquids have become turbid
add the following remark :—
It is not difficult to see that the surface of a seed or germ may be so affected
by desiccation and other causes as practically to prevent contact between it
and the surrounding liquid. The body of a germ, moreover, may be so
indurated by time and dryness as to resist powerfully the insinuation of
water between its constituent molecules. It would be difficult to cause such
a germ to imbibe the moisture necessary to produce the swelling and
softening which precede its destruction in a liquid of high temperature.
-----
However this may be — whatever be the state of the surface, or of the body,
of the spores of Bacillus subtilis, they do as a matter of certainty resist,
under some circumstances, exposure for hours to the heat of boiling water.
No theoretic scepticism can successfully stand in the way of this fact,
established as it has been by hundreds, if not thousands, of rigidly
conducted experiments.
-----
We have now to test one of the principal foundations of the doctrine of
spontaneous generation as formulated in this country. With this view, I
place before my friend and co-enquirer two liquids which have been kept
for six months in one of our sealed chambers, exposed to optically pure air.
The one is a mineral solution containing in proper proportions all the
substances which enter into the composition of bacteria, the other is an
infusion of turnip—it might be any one of a hundred other infusions, animal
or vegetable. Both liquids are as clear as distilled water, and there is no
trace of life in either of them. They are, in fact, completely sterilised. A
mutton-chop, over which a little water has been poured to keep its juices
from drying up, has lain for three days upon a plate in our warm room. It
smells offensively. Placing a drop of the fetid mutton-juice under a
microscope, it is found swarming with the bacteria of putrefaction. With a
speck of the swarming liquid I inoculate the clear mineral solution and the
clear turnip infusion, as a surgeon might inoculate an infant with vaccine
lymph. In four-and-twenty hours the transparent liquids have become turbid
Page 643
throughout, and instead of being barren as at first they are teeming with life.
The experiment may be repeated a thousand times with the same invariable
result. To the naked eye the liquids at the beginning were alike, being both
equally transparent—to the naked eye they are alike at the end, being both
equally muddy. Instead of putrid mutton-juice, we might take as a source of
infection any one of a hundred other putrid liquids, animal or vegetable. So
long as the liquid contains living bacteria a speck of it communicated either
to the clear mineral solution, or to the clear turnip infusion, produces in
twenty-four hours the effect here described.
We now vary the experiment thus :— Opening the back-door of another
closed chamber which has contained for months the pure mineral solution
and the pure turnip infusion side by side, I drop into each of them a small
pinch of laboratory dust. The effect here is tardier than when the speck of
putrid liquid was employed. In three days, however, after its infection with
the dust, the turnip infusion is muddy, and swarming as before with
bacteria. But what about the mineral solution which, in our first experiment,
behaved in a manner undistinguishable from the turnip-juice? At the end of
three days there is not a bacterium to be found in it. At the end of three
weeks it is equally innocent of bacterial life. We may repeat the experiment
with the solution and the infusion a hundred times with the same invariable
result. Always in the case of the latter the sowing, of the atmospheric dust
yields a crop of bacteria—never in the former does the dry germinal matter
kindle into active life. [Footnote: This is the deportment of the mineral
solution as described by others. My own experiments would lead me to say
that the development of the bacteria, though exceedingly slow and difficult,
is not impossible.] What is the inference which the reflecting mind must
draw from this experiment? Is it not as clear as day that while both liquids
are able to feed the bacteria and to enable them to increase and multiply,
after they have been once, fully developed, only one of the liquids is able to
develope into active bacteria the germinal dust of the air?
I invite my friend to reflect upon this conclusion he will, I think, see that
there is no escape from it. He may, if he prefers, hold the opinion, which I
consider erroneous, that bacteria exist in the air, not as germs but as
desiccated organisms. The inference remains, that while the one liquid is
The experiment may be repeated a thousand times with the same invariable
result. To the naked eye the liquids at the beginning were alike, being both
equally transparent—to the naked eye they are alike at the end, being both
equally muddy. Instead of putrid mutton-juice, we might take as a source of
infection any one of a hundred other putrid liquids, animal or vegetable. So
long as the liquid contains living bacteria a speck of it communicated either
to the clear mineral solution, or to the clear turnip infusion, produces in
twenty-four hours the effect here described.
We now vary the experiment thus :— Opening the back-door of another
closed chamber which has contained for months the pure mineral solution
and the pure turnip infusion side by side, I drop into each of them a small
pinch of laboratory dust. The effect here is tardier than when the speck of
putrid liquid was employed. In three days, however, after its infection with
the dust, the turnip infusion is muddy, and swarming as before with
bacteria. But what about the mineral solution which, in our first experiment,
behaved in a manner undistinguishable from the turnip-juice? At the end of
three days there is not a bacterium to be found in it. At the end of three
weeks it is equally innocent of bacterial life. We may repeat the experiment
with the solution and the infusion a hundred times with the same invariable
result. Always in the case of the latter the sowing, of the atmospheric dust
yields a crop of bacteria—never in the former does the dry germinal matter
kindle into active life. [Footnote: This is the deportment of the mineral
solution as described by others. My own experiments would lead me to say
that the development of the bacteria, though exceedingly slow and difficult,
is not impossible.] What is the inference which the reflecting mind must
draw from this experiment? Is it not as clear as day that while both liquids
are able to feed the bacteria and to enable them to increase and multiply,
after they have been once, fully developed, only one of the liquids is able to
develope into active bacteria the germinal dust of the air?
I invite my friend to reflect upon this conclusion he will, I think, see that
there is no escape from it. He may, if he prefers, hold the opinion, which I
consider erroneous, that bacteria exist in the air, not as germs but as
desiccated organisms. The inference remains, that while the one liquid is
Page 644
able to force the passage from the inactive to the active state, the other is
not.
But this is not at all the inference which has been drawn from experiments
with the mineral solution. Seeing its ability to nourish bacteria when once
inoculated with the living active organism, and observing that no bacteria
appeared in the solution after long exposure to the air, the inference was
drawn that neither bacteria nor their germs existed in the air. Throughout
Germany the ablest literature of the subject, even that opposed to
heterogeny, is infected with this error; while heterogenists at home and
abroad have based upon it a triumphant demonstration of, their doctrine. It
is proved, they say, by the deportment of the mineral solution that neither
bacteria nor their germs exist in the air; hence, if, on exposing a thoroughly
sterilised turnip infusion to the air, bacteria appear, they must of necessity
have been spontaneously generated. In the words of Dr. Bastian: 'We can
only infer that whilst the boiled saline solution is quite incapable of
engendering bacteria, such organisms are able to arise de novo in the boiled
organic infusion.' [Footnote: 'Proceedings of the Royal Society,' vol. xxi. p.
130.]
I would ask my eminent colleague what he thinks of this reasoning now?
The datum is — 'A mineral solution exposed to common air does not
develope bacteria;' the inference is — 'Therefore if a turnip infusion
similarly exposed develope bacteria, they must be spontaneously generated.'
The inference, on the face of it, is an unwarranted one. But while as matter
of logic it is inconclusive, as matter of fact it is chimerical. London air is as
surely charged with the germs of bacteria as London chimneys are with
smoke. The inference just referred to is completely disposed of by the
simple question: 'Why, when your sterilised organic infusion is exposed to
optically puree air, should this generation of life de novo utterly cease? Why
should I be able to preserve my turnip-juice side by side with your saline
solution for the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year, in free
connection with the general atmosphere, on the sole condition that the
portion of that atmosphere in contact with the juice shall be visibly free
from floating dust, while three days' exposure to that dust fills it with
bacteria?' Am I over sanguine in hoping that as regards the argument here
set forth he who runs may read, and he who reads may understand?
not.
But this is not at all the inference which has been drawn from experiments
with the mineral solution. Seeing its ability to nourish bacteria when once
inoculated with the living active organism, and observing that no bacteria
appeared in the solution after long exposure to the air, the inference was
drawn that neither bacteria nor their germs existed in the air. Throughout
Germany the ablest literature of the subject, even that opposed to
heterogeny, is infected with this error; while heterogenists at home and
abroad have based upon it a triumphant demonstration of, their doctrine. It
is proved, they say, by the deportment of the mineral solution that neither
bacteria nor their germs exist in the air; hence, if, on exposing a thoroughly
sterilised turnip infusion to the air, bacteria appear, they must of necessity
have been spontaneously generated. In the words of Dr. Bastian: 'We can
only infer that whilst the boiled saline solution is quite incapable of
engendering bacteria, such organisms are able to arise de novo in the boiled
organic infusion.' [Footnote: 'Proceedings of the Royal Society,' vol. xxi. p.
130.]
I would ask my eminent colleague what he thinks of this reasoning now?
The datum is — 'A mineral solution exposed to common air does not
develope bacteria;' the inference is — 'Therefore if a turnip infusion
similarly exposed develope bacteria, they must be spontaneously generated.'
The inference, on the face of it, is an unwarranted one. But while as matter
of logic it is inconclusive, as matter of fact it is chimerical. London air is as
surely charged with the germs of bacteria as London chimneys are with
smoke. The inference just referred to is completely disposed of by the
simple question: 'Why, when your sterilised organic infusion is exposed to
optically puree air, should this generation of life de novo utterly cease? Why
should I be able to preserve my turnip-juice side by side with your saline
solution for the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year, in free
connection with the general atmosphere, on the sole condition that the
portion of that atmosphere in contact with the juice shall be visibly free
from floating dust, while three days' exposure to that dust fills it with
bacteria?' Am I over sanguine in hoping that as regards the argument here
set forth he who runs may read, and he who reads may understand?
Page 645
We now proceed to the calm and thorough consideration of another subject,
more important if possible than the foregoing one, but like it somewhat
difficult to seize by reason of the very opulence of the phraseology, logical
and rhetorical, in which it has been set forth. The subject now to be
considered relates to what has been called 'the death-point of bacteria.'
Those who happen to be acquainted with the modern English literature of
the question will remember how challenge after challenge has been issued
to panspermatists in general, and to one or two home workers in particular,
to come to close quarters on this cardinal point. It is obviously the
stronghold of the English heterogenist. 'Water,' he says, `is boiling merrily
over a fire when some luckless person upsets the vessel so that the heated
fluid exercises its scathing influence upon an uncovered portion of the body
—hand, arm, or face. Here, at all events, there is no room for doubt. Boiling
water unquestionably exercises a most pernicious and rapidly destructive
effect upon the living matter of which we are composed.' [Footnote:
Bastian, 'Evolution,' p. 133.] And lest it should be supposed that it is the
high organisation which, in this case, renders the body susceptible to heat,
he refers to the action of boiling water on the hen's egg to dissipate the
notion. 'The conclusion,' he says, 'would seem to force itself upon us that
there is something intrinsically deleterious in the action of boiling water
upon living matter—whether this matter be of high or of low organisation.'
[Footnote: Bastian, 'Evolution,' p. 135.] Again, at another place: 'It has
been shown that the briefest exposure to the influence of boiling water is
destructive of all living matter.' [Footnote: Ibid. p. 46]
The experiments already recorded plainly show that there is a marked
difference between the dry bacterial matter of the air, and the wet, soft, and
active bacteria of putrefying organic liquids. The one can be luxuriantly
bred in the saline solution, the others refuse to be born there, while both of
them are copiously developed in a sterilised turnip infusion. Inferences, as
we have already seen, founded on the deportment of the one liquid cannot
with the warrant of scientific logic be extended to the other. But this is
exactly what the heterogenist has done, thus repeating as regards the death-
point of bacteria the error into which he fell concerning the germs of the air.
Let us boil our muddy mineral solution with its swarming bacteria for five
minutes. In the soft succulent condition in which they exist in the solution
not one of them escapes destruction. The same is true of the turnip infusion
more important if possible than the foregoing one, but like it somewhat
difficult to seize by reason of the very opulence of the phraseology, logical
and rhetorical, in which it has been set forth. The subject now to be
considered relates to what has been called 'the death-point of bacteria.'
Those who happen to be acquainted with the modern English literature of
the question will remember how challenge after challenge has been issued
to panspermatists in general, and to one or two home workers in particular,
to come to close quarters on this cardinal point. It is obviously the
stronghold of the English heterogenist. 'Water,' he says, `is boiling merrily
over a fire when some luckless person upsets the vessel so that the heated
fluid exercises its scathing influence upon an uncovered portion of the body
—hand, arm, or face. Here, at all events, there is no room for doubt. Boiling
water unquestionably exercises a most pernicious and rapidly destructive
effect upon the living matter of which we are composed.' [Footnote:
Bastian, 'Evolution,' p. 133.] And lest it should be supposed that it is the
high organisation which, in this case, renders the body susceptible to heat,
he refers to the action of boiling water on the hen's egg to dissipate the
notion. 'The conclusion,' he says, 'would seem to force itself upon us that
there is something intrinsically deleterious in the action of boiling water
upon living matter—whether this matter be of high or of low organisation.'
[Footnote: Bastian, 'Evolution,' p. 135.] Again, at another place: 'It has
been shown that the briefest exposure to the influence of boiling water is
destructive of all living matter.' [Footnote: Ibid. p. 46]
The experiments already recorded plainly show that there is a marked
difference between the dry bacterial matter of the air, and the wet, soft, and
active bacteria of putrefying organic liquids. The one can be luxuriantly
bred in the saline solution, the others refuse to be born there, while both of
them are copiously developed in a sterilised turnip infusion. Inferences, as
we have already seen, founded on the deportment of the one liquid cannot
with the warrant of scientific logic be extended to the other. But this is
exactly what the heterogenist has done, thus repeating as regards the death-
point of bacteria the error into which he fell concerning the germs of the air.
Let us boil our muddy mineral solution with its swarming bacteria for five
minutes. In the soft succulent condition in which they exist in the solution
not one of them escapes destruction. The same is true of the turnip infusion
Page 646
if it be inoculated with the living bacteria only—the aerial dust being
carefully excluded. In both cases the dead organisms sink to the bottom of
the liquid, and without re-inoculation no fresh organisms will arise. But the
case is entirely different when we inoculate our turnip infusion with the
desiccated germinal matter afloat in the air.
The 'death-point' of bacteria is the maximum temperature at which they can
live, or the minimum temperature at which they cease to live. If, for
example, they survive a temperature of 140°, and do not survive a
temperature of 150°, the death-point lies somewhere between these two
temperatures. Vaccine lymph, for example, is proved by Messrs. Braidwood
and Vacher to be deprived of its power of infection by brief exposure to a
temperature between 140° and 150° Fahr. This may be regarded as the
death-point of the lymph, or rather of the particles diffused in the lymph,
which constitute the real contagium. If no time, however, be named for the
application of the heat, the term 'death-point' is a vague one. An infusion,
for example, which will resist five hours' continuous exposure to the boiling
temperature, will succumb to five days' exposure to a temperature 50° Fahr.
below that of boiling. The fully developed soft bacteria of putrefying liquids
are not only killed by five minutes' boiling, but by less than a single
minute's boiling — indeed, they are slain at about the same temperature as
the vaccine. The same is true of the plastic, active bacteria of the turnip
infusion [Footnote: In my paper in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for
1876, I pointed out and illustrated experimentally the difference, as regards
rapidity of development, between water-germs and air-germs; the growth
from the already softened water-germs proving to be practically as rapid as
from developed bacteria. This preparedness of the germ for rapid
development is associated with its preparedness for rapid destruction.]
But, instead of choosing a putrefying liquid for inoculation, let us prepare
and employ our inoculating substance in the following simple way :—Let a
small wisp of hay, desiccated by age, be washed in a glass of water, and let
a perfectly sterilised turnip infusion be inoculated with the washing liquid.
After three hours' continuous boiling the infusion thus infected will often
develope luxuriant bacterial life. Precisely the same occurs if a turnip
infusion be prepared in an atmosphere well charged with desiccated hay-
germs. The infusion in this case infects itself without special inoculation,
carefully excluded. In both cases the dead organisms sink to the bottom of
the liquid, and without re-inoculation no fresh organisms will arise. But the
case is entirely different when we inoculate our turnip infusion with the
desiccated germinal matter afloat in the air.
The 'death-point' of bacteria is the maximum temperature at which they can
live, or the minimum temperature at which they cease to live. If, for
example, they survive a temperature of 140°, and do not survive a
temperature of 150°, the death-point lies somewhere between these two
temperatures. Vaccine lymph, for example, is proved by Messrs. Braidwood
and Vacher to be deprived of its power of infection by brief exposure to a
temperature between 140° and 150° Fahr. This may be regarded as the
death-point of the lymph, or rather of the particles diffused in the lymph,
which constitute the real contagium. If no time, however, be named for the
application of the heat, the term 'death-point' is a vague one. An infusion,
for example, which will resist five hours' continuous exposure to the boiling
temperature, will succumb to five days' exposure to a temperature 50° Fahr.
below that of boiling. The fully developed soft bacteria of putrefying liquids
are not only killed by five minutes' boiling, but by less than a single
minute's boiling — indeed, they are slain at about the same temperature as
the vaccine. The same is true of the plastic, active bacteria of the turnip
infusion [Footnote: In my paper in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for
1876, I pointed out and illustrated experimentally the difference, as regards
rapidity of development, between water-germs and air-germs; the growth
from the already softened water-germs proving to be practically as rapid as
from developed bacteria. This preparedness of the germ for rapid
development is associated with its preparedness for rapid destruction.]
But, instead of choosing a putrefying liquid for inoculation, let us prepare
and employ our inoculating substance in the following simple way :—Let a
small wisp of hay, desiccated by age, be washed in a glass of water, and let
a perfectly sterilised turnip infusion be inoculated with the washing liquid.
After three hours' continuous boiling the infusion thus infected will often
develope luxuriant bacterial life. Precisely the same occurs if a turnip
infusion be prepared in an atmosphere well charged with desiccated hay-
germs. The infusion in this case infects itself without special inoculation,
Page 647
and its subsequent resistance to sterilisation is often very great. On the 1st
of March last I purposely infected the air of our laboratory with the
germinal dust of a sapless kind of hay mown in 1875. Ten groups of flasks
were charged with turnip infusion prepared in the infected laboratory, and
were afterwards subjected to the boiling temperature for periods varying
from 15 minutes to 240 minutes. Out of the ten groups only one was
sterilised — that, namely, which had been boiled for four hours. Every flask
of the nine groups which had been boiled for 15, 30, 45, 60, 75, 90, 105,
120, and 180 minutes respectively, bred organisms afterwards. The same is
true of other vegetable infusions. On the 28th of February last, for example,
I boiled six flasks, containing cucumber infusion prepared in an infected
atmosphere, for periods of 15, 30, 45, 60, 120, and 180 minutes. Every flask
of the group subsequently developed organisms. On the same day, in the
case of three flasks, the boiling was prolonged to 240, 300, and 360
minutes; and these three flasks were completely sterilised. Animal
infusions, which under ordinary circumstances are rendered infallibly
barren by five minutes' boiling, behave like the vegetable infusions in an
atmosphere infected with hay-germs. On the 30th of March, for example,
five flasks were charged with a clear infusion of beef and boiled for 60
minutes, 120 minutes, 180 minutes, 240 minutes, and 300 minutes
respectively. Every one of them became subsequently crowded with
organisms, and the same happened to a perfectly pellucid mutton infusion
prepared at the same time. The cases are to be numbered by hundreds in
which similar powers of resistance were manifested by infusions of the
most diverse kinds.
In the presence of such facts I would ask my colleague whether it is
necessary to dwell for a single instant on the one-sidedness of the evidence
which led the conclusion that all living matter has its life destroyed by 'the
briefest exposure to the influence of boiling water.' An infusion proved to be
barren by six months' exposure to moteless air maintained at a temperature
of 90° Fahr., when inoculated with full-grown active bacteria, fills itself in
two days with organisms so sensitive as to be killed by a few minutes'
exposure to a temperature much below that of boiling water. But the
extension of this result to the desiccated germinal matter of the air is
without warrant or justification. This is obvious without going beyond the
argument itself. But we have gone far beyond the argument, and proved by
of March last I purposely infected the air of our laboratory with the
germinal dust of a sapless kind of hay mown in 1875. Ten groups of flasks
were charged with turnip infusion prepared in the infected laboratory, and
were afterwards subjected to the boiling temperature for periods varying
from 15 minutes to 240 minutes. Out of the ten groups only one was
sterilised — that, namely, which had been boiled for four hours. Every flask
of the nine groups which had been boiled for 15, 30, 45, 60, 75, 90, 105,
120, and 180 minutes respectively, bred organisms afterwards. The same is
true of other vegetable infusions. On the 28th of February last, for example,
I boiled six flasks, containing cucumber infusion prepared in an infected
atmosphere, for periods of 15, 30, 45, 60, 120, and 180 minutes. Every flask
of the group subsequently developed organisms. On the same day, in the
case of three flasks, the boiling was prolonged to 240, 300, and 360
minutes; and these three flasks were completely sterilised. Animal
infusions, which under ordinary circumstances are rendered infallibly
barren by five minutes' boiling, behave like the vegetable infusions in an
atmosphere infected with hay-germs. On the 30th of March, for example,
five flasks were charged with a clear infusion of beef and boiled for 60
minutes, 120 minutes, 180 minutes, 240 minutes, and 300 minutes
respectively. Every one of them became subsequently crowded with
organisms, and the same happened to a perfectly pellucid mutton infusion
prepared at the same time. The cases are to be numbered by hundreds in
which similar powers of resistance were manifested by infusions of the
most diverse kinds.
In the presence of such facts I would ask my colleague whether it is
necessary to dwell for a single instant on the one-sidedness of the evidence
which led the conclusion that all living matter has its life destroyed by 'the
briefest exposure to the influence of boiling water.' An infusion proved to be
barren by six months' exposure to moteless air maintained at a temperature
of 90° Fahr., when inoculated with full-grown active bacteria, fills itself in
two days with organisms so sensitive as to be killed by a few minutes'
exposure to a temperature much below that of boiling water. But the
extension of this result to the desiccated germinal matter of the air is
without warrant or justification. This is obvious without going beyond the
argument itself. But we have gone far beyond the argument, and proved by
Page 648
multiplied experiment the alleged destruction of all living matter by the
briefest exposure to the influence of boiling water to be a defusion. The
whole logical edifice raised upon this basis falls therefore to the ground;
and the argument that bacteria and their germs, being destroyed at 140°,
must, if they appear after exposure to 212°, be spontaneously generated, is,
I trust, silenced for ever.
Through the precautions, variations, and repetitions observed and executed
with the view of rendering its results secure, the separate vessels employed
in this enquiry have mounted up in two years to nearly ten thousand.
Besides the philosophic interest attaching to the problem of life's origin,
which will be always immense, there are the practical interests involved in
the application of the doctrines here discussed to surgery and medicine. The
antiseptic system, at which I have already glanced, illustrates the manner in
which beneficent results of the gravest moment follow in the wake of clear
theoretic insight. Surgery was once a noble art; it is now, as well, a noble
science. Prior to the introduction of the antiseptic system, the thoughtful
surgeon could not have failed to learn empirically that there was something
in the air which often defeated the most consummate operative skill. That
something the antiseptic treatment destroys or renders innocuous. At King's
College Mr. Lister operates and dresses while a fine shower of mixed
carbolic acid and water, produced in the simplest manner, falls upon the
wound, the lint and gauze employed in the subsequent dressing being duly
saturated with the antiseptic. At St. Bartholomew's Mr. Callender employs
the dilute carbolic acid without the spray; but, as regards the real point
aimed at — the preventing of the wound from becoming a nidus for the
propagation of septic bacteria — the practice in both hospitals is the same.
Commending itself as it does to the scientifically trained mind, the
antiseptic system has struck deep root in Germany.
Had space allowed, it would have given me pleasure to point out the present
position of the 'germ theory' in reference to the phenomena of infectious
disease, distinguishing arguments based on analogy — which, however, are
terribly strong — from those based on actual observation. I should have
liked to follow up the account I have already given [Footnote: 'Fortnightly
Review,' November 1876, see article 'Fermentation.'] of the truly excellent
briefest exposure to the influence of boiling water to be a defusion. The
whole logical edifice raised upon this basis falls therefore to the ground;
and the argument that bacteria and their germs, being destroyed at 140°,
must, if they appear after exposure to 212°, be spontaneously generated, is,
I trust, silenced for ever.
Through the precautions, variations, and repetitions observed and executed
with the view of rendering its results secure, the separate vessels employed
in this enquiry have mounted up in two years to nearly ten thousand.
Besides the philosophic interest attaching to the problem of life's origin,
which will be always immense, there are the practical interests involved in
the application of the doctrines here discussed to surgery and medicine. The
antiseptic system, at which I have already glanced, illustrates the manner in
which beneficent results of the gravest moment follow in the wake of clear
theoretic insight. Surgery was once a noble art; it is now, as well, a noble
science. Prior to the introduction of the antiseptic system, the thoughtful
surgeon could not have failed to learn empirically that there was something
in the air which often defeated the most consummate operative skill. That
something the antiseptic treatment destroys or renders innocuous. At King's
College Mr. Lister operates and dresses while a fine shower of mixed
carbolic acid and water, produced in the simplest manner, falls upon the
wound, the lint and gauze employed in the subsequent dressing being duly
saturated with the antiseptic. At St. Bartholomew's Mr. Callender employs
the dilute carbolic acid without the spray; but, as regards the real point
aimed at — the preventing of the wound from becoming a nidus for the
propagation of septic bacteria — the practice in both hospitals is the same.
Commending itself as it does to the scientifically trained mind, the
antiseptic system has struck deep root in Germany.
Had space allowed, it would have given me pleasure to point out the present
position of the 'germ theory' in reference to the phenomena of infectious
disease, distinguishing arguments based on analogy — which, however, are
terribly strong — from those based on actual observation. I should have
liked to follow up the account I have already given [Footnote: 'Fortnightly
Review,' November 1876, see article 'Fermentation.'] of the truly excellent
Page 649
researches of a young and an unknown German physician named Koch, on
splenic fever, by an account of what Pasteur has recently done with
reference to the same subject. Here we have before us a living contagium of
the most deadly power, which we can follow from the beginning to the end
of its life cycle. [Footnote: Dallinger and Drysdale had previously shown
what skill and patience can accomplish, by their admirable observations on
the life history of the monads.] We find it in the blood or spleen of a smitten
animal in the state say of short motionless rods. When these rods are placed
in a nutritive liquid on the warm stage of the microscope, we soon see them
lengthening into filaments which lie, in some cases, side by side, forming in
others graceful loops, or becoming coiled into knots of a complexity not to
be unravelled. We finally see those filaments resolving themselves into
innumerable spores, each with death potentially housed within it, yet not to
be distinguished microscopically from the harmless germs of Bacillus
subtilis. The bacterium of splenic fever is called Bacillus Anthracis. This
formidable organism was shown to me by M. Pasteur in Paris last July. His
recent investigations regarding the part it plays pathologically certainly rank
amongst the most remarkable labours of that remarkable man. Observer
after observer had strayed and fallen in this land of pitfalls, a multitude of
opposing conclusions and mutually destructive theories being the result. In
association with a younger physiological colleague, M. Joubert, Pasteur
struck in amidst the chaos, and soon reduced it to harmony. They proved,
among other things, that in cases where previous observers in France had
supposed themselves to be dealing solely with splenic fever, another equally
virulent factor was simultaneously active. Splenic fever was often
overmastered by septicaemia, and results due solely to the latter had been
frequently made the ground of pathological inferences regarding the
character and cause of the former. Combining duly the two factors, all the
previous irregularities disappeared, every result obtained receiving the
fullest explanation. On studying the account of this masterly investigation,
the words wherewith Pasteur himself feelingly alludes to the difficulties and
dangers of the experimenter's art came home to me with especial force: 'J'ai
tant de fois éprouvé que dans cet art difficile de l'expérimentation les plus
habiles bronchent à chaque pas, et que l'interprétation des faits nest pas
moins périlleuse.' [Footnote: Comptes-Rendus,' lxxxiii. p. 177.]
.
splenic fever, by an account of what Pasteur has recently done with
reference to the same subject. Here we have before us a living contagium of
the most deadly power, which we can follow from the beginning to the end
of its life cycle. [Footnote: Dallinger and Drysdale had previously shown
what skill and patience can accomplish, by their admirable observations on
the life history of the monads.] We find it in the blood or spleen of a smitten
animal in the state say of short motionless rods. When these rods are placed
in a nutritive liquid on the warm stage of the microscope, we soon see them
lengthening into filaments which lie, in some cases, side by side, forming in
others graceful loops, or becoming coiled into knots of a complexity not to
be unravelled. We finally see those filaments resolving themselves into
innumerable spores, each with death potentially housed within it, yet not to
be distinguished microscopically from the harmless germs of Bacillus
subtilis. The bacterium of splenic fever is called Bacillus Anthracis. This
formidable organism was shown to me by M. Pasteur in Paris last July. His
recent investigations regarding the part it plays pathologically certainly rank
amongst the most remarkable labours of that remarkable man. Observer
after observer had strayed and fallen in this land of pitfalls, a multitude of
opposing conclusions and mutually destructive theories being the result. In
association with a younger physiological colleague, M. Joubert, Pasteur
struck in amidst the chaos, and soon reduced it to harmony. They proved,
among other things, that in cases where previous observers in France had
supposed themselves to be dealing solely with splenic fever, another equally
virulent factor was simultaneously active. Splenic fever was often
overmastered by septicaemia, and results due solely to the latter had been
frequently made the ground of pathological inferences regarding the
character and cause of the former. Combining duly the two factors, all the
previous irregularities disappeared, every result obtained receiving the
fullest explanation. On studying the account of this masterly investigation,
the words wherewith Pasteur himself feelingly alludes to the difficulties and
dangers of the experimenter's art came home to me with especial force: 'J'ai
tant de fois éprouvé que dans cet art difficile de l'expérimentation les plus
habiles bronchent à chaque pas, et que l'interprétation des faits nest pas
moins périlleuse.' [Footnote: Comptes-Rendus,' lxxxiii. p. 177.]
.
Page 650
.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
XIV. SCIENCE AND MAN.
[Footnote: Presidential Address, delivered before the Birmingham and
Midland Institute, October 1877; with additions.]
A MAGNET attracts iron; but when we analyse the effect we learn that the
metal is not only attracted but repelled, the final approach to the magnet
being due to the difference of two unequal and opposing forces. Social
progress is for the most part typified by this duplex or polar action. As a
general rule, every advance is balanced by a partial retreat, every
amelioration is associated more or less with deterioration. No great
mechanical improvement, for example, is introduced for the benefit of
society at large that does not bear hardly upon individuals. Science, like
other things, is subject to the operation of this polar law, what is good for it
under one aspect being bad for it under another.
Science demands above all things personal concentration. Its home is the
study of the mathematician, the quiet laboratory of the experimenter, and
the cabinet of the meditative observer of nature. Different atmospheres are
required by the man of science, as such, and the man of action. Thus the
facilities of social and international intercourse, the railway, the telegraph,
and the post-office, which are such undoubted boons to the man of action,
react to some extent injuriously on the man of science. Their tendency is to
break up that concentrativeness which, as I have said, is an absolute
necessity to the scientific investigator.
.
.
----------------------------
.
.
XIV. SCIENCE AND MAN.
[Footnote: Presidential Address, delivered before the Birmingham and
Midland Institute, October 1877; with additions.]
A MAGNET attracts iron; but when we analyse the effect we learn that the
metal is not only attracted but repelled, the final approach to the magnet
being due to the difference of two unequal and opposing forces. Social
progress is for the most part typified by this duplex or polar action. As a
general rule, every advance is balanced by a partial retreat, every
amelioration is associated more or less with deterioration. No great
mechanical improvement, for example, is introduced for the benefit of
society at large that does not bear hardly upon individuals. Science, like
other things, is subject to the operation of this polar law, what is good for it
under one aspect being bad for it under another.
Science demands above all things personal concentration. Its home is the
study of the mathematician, the quiet laboratory of the experimenter, and
the cabinet of the meditative observer of nature. Different atmospheres are
required by the man of science, as such, and the man of action. Thus the
facilities of social and international intercourse, the railway, the telegraph,
and the post-office, which are such undoubted boons to the man of action,
react to some extent injuriously on the man of science. Their tendency is to
break up that concentrativeness which, as I have said, is an absolute
necessity to the scientific investigator.
Page 651
The men who have most profoundly influenced the world from the
scientific side have habitually sought isolation. Faraday, at a certain period
of his career, formally renounced dining out. Darwin lives apart from the
bustle of the world in his quiet home in Kent. Mayer and Joule dealt in
unobtrusive retirement with the weightiest scientific questions. There is,
however, one motive power in the world which no man, be he a scientific
student or otherwise, can afford to treat with indifference; and that is, the
cultivation of right relations with his fellow-men — the performance of his
duty, not as an isolated individual, but as a member of society. It is duty in
this aspect, overcoming alike the sense of possible danger and the desire for
repose, that has placed me in your presence here to-night.
To look at his picture as a whole, a painter requires distance; and to judge of
the total scientific achievement of any age, the standpoint of a succeeding
age is desirable. We may, however, transport ourselves in idea into the
future, and thus survey with more or less completeness the science of our
time. We sometimes hear it decried, and contrasted to its disadvantage with
the science of other times. I do not think that this will be the verdict of
posterity. I think, on the contrary, that posterity will acknowledge that in the
history of science no higher samples of intellectual conquest are recorded
than those which this age has made its own. One of the most salient of these
I propose, with your permission, to make the subject of our consideration
during the coming hour.
It is now generally admitted that the man of to-day is the child and product
of incalculable antecedent time. His physical and intellectual textures have
been woven for him during his passage through phases of history and forms
of existence which lead the mind back to an abysmal past. One of the
qualities which he has derived from that past is the yearning to let in the
light of principles on the otherwise bewildering flux of phenomena. He has
been described by the German Lichtenberg as 'das rastlose Ursachenthier '
— the restless cause-seeking animal — in whom facts excite a kind of
hunger to know the sources from which they spring. Never, I venture to say,
in the history of the world has this longing been more liberally responded
to, both among men of science and the general public, than during the last
thirty or forty years. I say 'the general public,' because it is a feature of our
time that the man of science no longer limits his labours to the society of his
scientific side have habitually sought isolation. Faraday, at a certain period
of his career, formally renounced dining out. Darwin lives apart from the
bustle of the world in his quiet home in Kent. Mayer and Joule dealt in
unobtrusive retirement with the weightiest scientific questions. There is,
however, one motive power in the world which no man, be he a scientific
student or otherwise, can afford to treat with indifference; and that is, the
cultivation of right relations with his fellow-men — the performance of his
duty, not as an isolated individual, but as a member of society. It is duty in
this aspect, overcoming alike the sense of possible danger and the desire for
repose, that has placed me in your presence here to-night.
To look at his picture as a whole, a painter requires distance; and to judge of
the total scientific achievement of any age, the standpoint of a succeeding
age is desirable. We may, however, transport ourselves in idea into the
future, and thus survey with more or less completeness the science of our
time. We sometimes hear it decried, and contrasted to its disadvantage with
the science of other times. I do not think that this will be the verdict of
posterity. I think, on the contrary, that posterity will acknowledge that in the
history of science no higher samples of intellectual conquest are recorded
than those which this age has made its own. One of the most salient of these
I propose, with your permission, to make the subject of our consideration
during the coming hour.
It is now generally admitted that the man of to-day is the child and product
of incalculable antecedent time. His physical and intellectual textures have
been woven for him during his passage through phases of history and forms
of existence which lead the mind back to an abysmal past. One of the
qualities which he has derived from that past is the yearning to let in the
light of principles on the otherwise bewildering flux of phenomena. He has
been described by the German Lichtenberg as 'das rastlose Ursachenthier '
— the restless cause-seeking animal — in whom facts excite a kind of
hunger to know the sources from which they spring. Never, I venture to say,
in the history of the world has this longing been more liberally responded
to, both among men of science and the general public, than during the last
thirty or forty years. I say 'the general public,' because it is a feature of our
time that the man of science no longer limits his labours to the society of his
Page 652
colleagues and his peers, but shares, as far as it is possible to share, with the
world at large the fruits of enquiry.
The celebrated Robert Boyle regarded the universe as a machine; Mr.
Carlyle prefers regarding it as a tree. He loves the image of the umbrageous
Igdrasil better than that of the Strasburg clock. A machine may be defined
as an organism with life and direction outside; a tree may be defined as an
organism with life and direction within. In the light of these definitions, I
close with the conception of Carlyle. The order and energy of the universe I
hold to be inherent, and not imposed from without, the expression of fixed
law and not of arbitrary will, exercised by what Carlyle would call an
Almighty Clockmaker. But the two conceptions are not so much opposed to
each other after all. In one fundamental particular they at all events agree.
They equally imply the interdependence and harmonious interaction of
parts, and the subordination of the individual powers of the universal
organism to the working of the whole.
Never were the harmony and interdependence just referred to so clearly
recognised as now. Our insight regarding them is not that vague and general
insight to which our fathers had attained, and which, in early times, was
more frequently affirmed by the synthetic poet than by the scientific man.
The interdependence of our day has become quantitative — expressible by
numbers — leading, it must be added, directly into that inexorable reign of
law which so many gentle people regard with dread. In the domain now
under review men of science had first to work their way from darkness into
twilight, and from twilight into day. There is no solution of continuity in
science. It is not given to any man, however endowed, to rise spontaneously
into intellectual splendour without the parentage of antecedent thought.
Great discoveries grow. Here, as in other cases, we have first the seed, then
the ear, then the full corn in the ear, the last member of the series implying
the first. Thus, as regards the discovery of gravitation with which the name
of Newton is identified, notions more or less clear concerning it had entered
many minds before Newton's transcendent mathematical genius raised it to
the level of a demonstration. The whole of his deductions, moreover, rested
upon the inductions of Kepler. Newton shot beyond his predecessors; but
his thoughts were rooted in their thoughts, and a just distribution of merit
would assign to them a fair portion of the honour of discovery.
world at large the fruits of enquiry.
The celebrated Robert Boyle regarded the universe as a machine; Mr.
Carlyle prefers regarding it as a tree. He loves the image of the umbrageous
Igdrasil better than that of the Strasburg clock. A machine may be defined
as an organism with life and direction outside; a tree may be defined as an
organism with life and direction within. In the light of these definitions, I
close with the conception of Carlyle. The order and energy of the universe I
hold to be inherent, and not imposed from without, the expression of fixed
law and not of arbitrary will, exercised by what Carlyle would call an
Almighty Clockmaker. But the two conceptions are not so much opposed to
each other after all. In one fundamental particular they at all events agree.
They equally imply the interdependence and harmonious interaction of
parts, and the subordination of the individual powers of the universal
organism to the working of the whole.
Never were the harmony and interdependence just referred to so clearly
recognised as now. Our insight regarding them is not that vague and general
insight to which our fathers had attained, and which, in early times, was
more frequently affirmed by the synthetic poet than by the scientific man.
The interdependence of our day has become quantitative — expressible by
numbers — leading, it must be added, directly into that inexorable reign of
law which so many gentle people regard with dread. In the domain now
under review men of science had first to work their way from darkness into
twilight, and from twilight into day. There is no solution of continuity in
science. It is not given to any man, however endowed, to rise spontaneously
into intellectual splendour without the parentage of antecedent thought.
Great discoveries grow. Here, as in other cases, we have first the seed, then
the ear, then the full corn in the ear, the last member of the series implying
the first. Thus, as regards the discovery of gravitation with which the name
of Newton is identified, notions more or less clear concerning it had entered
many minds before Newton's transcendent mathematical genius raised it to
the level of a demonstration. The whole of his deductions, moreover, rested
upon the inductions of Kepler. Newton shot beyond his predecessors; but
his thoughts were rooted in their thoughts, and a just distribution of merit
would assign to them a fair portion of the honour of discovery.
Page 653
Scientific theories sometimes float like rumours in the air before they
receive complete expression. The doom of a doctrine is often practically
sealed, and the truth of one is often practically accepted, long prior to the
demonstration of either the error or the truth.
Perpetual motion was discarded before it was proved to be opposed to
natural law; and, as regards the connection and interaction of natural forces,
intimations of modern discoveries are strewn through the writings of
Leibnitz, Boyle, Hooke, Locke and others.
Confining ourselves to recent times, Dr. Ingleby has pointed out to me some
singularly sagacious remarks bearing upon this question, which were
published by: an anonymous writer in 1820. Roget's penetration was
conspicuous in 1829. Mohr had grasped in 1837 some deep-lying truth. The
writings of Faraday furnish frequent illustrations of his profound belief in
he unity of nature. 'I have long,' he writes in 1845, 'held an opinion almost
amounting to conviction, in common, I believe, with other lovers of natural
knowledge, that the various forms under which the forces of matter are
made manifest have one common origin, or, in other words, are so directly
related and mutually dependent, that they are convertible, as it were, one
into another, and possess equivalence of power in their action.' His own
researches on magneto-electricity, on electro-chemistry, and on the
'magnetisation of light led him directly to this belief. At an early date Mr.
Justice Grove made his mark upon this question. Colding, though starting
from a metaphysical basis, grasped eventually the relation between heat and
mechanical work, and sought to determine it experimentally. And here let
me say, that to him who has only the truth at heart, and who in his dealings
with scientific history keeps his soul unwarped by envy, hatred, or malice,
personal or national, every fresh accession to historic knowledge must be
welcome. For every new-comer of proved merit, more especially if that
merit should have been previously overlooked, he makes ready room in his
recognition or his reverence. But no retrospect of scientific literature has as
yet brought to light a claim which can sensibly affect the positions accorded
to two great Path-hewers, as the Germans call them, whose names in
relation to this subject are linked in indissoluble association. These names
are Julius Robert Mayer and James Prescott Joule.
receive complete expression. The doom of a doctrine is often practically
sealed, and the truth of one is often practically accepted, long prior to the
demonstration of either the error or the truth.
Perpetual motion was discarded before it was proved to be opposed to
natural law; and, as regards the connection and interaction of natural forces,
intimations of modern discoveries are strewn through the writings of
Leibnitz, Boyle, Hooke, Locke and others.
Confining ourselves to recent times, Dr. Ingleby has pointed out to me some
singularly sagacious remarks bearing upon this question, which were
published by: an anonymous writer in 1820. Roget's penetration was
conspicuous in 1829. Mohr had grasped in 1837 some deep-lying truth. The
writings of Faraday furnish frequent illustrations of his profound belief in
he unity of nature. 'I have long,' he writes in 1845, 'held an opinion almost
amounting to conviction, in common, I believe, with other lovers of natural
knowledge, that the various forms under which the forces of matter are
made manifest have one common origin, or, in other words, are so directly
related and mutually dependent, that they are convertible, as it were, one
into another, and possess equivalence of power in their action.' His own
researches on magneto-electricity, on electro-chemistry, and on the
'magnetisation of light led him directly to this belief. At an early date Mr.
Justice Grove made his mark upon this question. Colding, though starting
from a metaphysical basis, grasped eventually the relation between heat and
mechanical work, and sought to determine it experimentally. And here let
me say, that to him who has only the truth at heart, and who in his dealings
with scientific history keeps his soul unwarped by envy, hatred, or malice,
personal or national, every fresh accession to historic knowledge must be
welcome. For every new-comer of proved merit, more especially if that
merit should have been previously overlooked, he makes ready room in his
recognition or his reverence. But no retrospect of scientific literature has as
yet brought to light a claim which can sensibly affect the positions accorded
to two great Path-hewers, as the Germans call them, whose names in
relation to this subject are linked in indissoluble association. These names
are Julius Robert Mayer and James Prescott Joule.
Page 654
In his essay on 'Circles' Mr. Emerson, if I remember rightly, pictured
intellectual progress as rhythmic. At a given moment knowledge is
surrounded by a barrier which marks its limit. It gradually gathers clearness
and strength until by-and-by some thinker of exceptional power bursts the
barrier and wins a wider circle, within which thought once more entrenches
itself. But the internal force again accumulates, the new barrier is in its turn
broken, and the mind finds itself surrounded by a still wider horizon. Thus,
according to Emerson, knowledge spreads by intermittent victories instead
of progressing at a uniform rate.
When Dr. Joule first proved that a weight of one pound, falling through a
height of seven hundred and seventy-two feet, generated an amount of heat
competent to warm a pound of water one degree Fahrenheit, and that in
lifting the weight so much heat exactly disappeared, he broke an
Emersonian 'circle,' releasing by the act an amount of scientific energy
which rapidly overran a vast domain, and embodied itself in the great
doctrine known as the 'Conservation of Energy.' This doctrine recognises in
the material universe a constant sum of power made up of items among
which the most Protean fluctuations are incessantly going on. It is as if the
body of Nature were alive, the thrill and interchange of its energies
resembling those of an organism. The parts of the 'stupendous whole' shift
and change, augment and diminish, appear and disappear, while the total of
which they are the parts remains quantitatively immutable. Immutable,
because when change occurs it is always polar — plus accompanies minus,
gain accompanies loss, no item varying in the slightest degree without an
absolutely equal change of some other item in the opposite direction.
-----
The sun warms the tropical ocean, converting a portion of its liquid into
vapour, which rises in the air and is recondensed on mountain heights,
returning in rivers to the ocean from which it came. Up to the point where
condensation begins, an amount of heat exactly equivalent to the molecular
work of vaporisation and the mechanical work of lifting the vapour to the
mountain-tops has disappeared from the universe. What is the gain
corresponding to this loss? It will seem when mentioned to be expressed in
a foreign currency. The loss is a loss of heat; the gain is a gain of distance,
intellectual progress as rhythmic. At a given moment knowledge is
surrounded by a barrier which marks its limit. It gradually gathers clearness
and strength until by-and-by some thinker of exceptional power bursts the
barrier and wins a wider circle, within which thought once more entrenches
itself. But the internal force again accumulates, the new barrier is in its turn
broken, and the mind finds itself surrounded by a still wider horizon. Thus,
according to Emerson, knowledge spreads by intermittent victories instead
of progressing at a uniform rate.
When Dr. Joule first proved that a weight of one pound, falling through a
height of seven hundred and seventy-two feet, generated an amount of heat
competent to warm a pound of water one degree Fahrenheit, and that in
lifting the weight so much heat exactly disappeared, he broke an
Emersonian 'circle,' releasing by the act an amount of scientific energy
which rapidly overran a vast domain, and embodied itself in the great
doctrine known as the 'Conservation of Energy.' This doctrine recognises in
the material universe a constant sum of power made up of items among
which the most Protean fluctuations are incessantly going on. It is as if the
body of Nature were alive, the thrill and interchange of its energies
resembling those of an organism. The parts of the 'stupendous whole' shift
and change, augment and diminish, appear and disappear, while the total of
which they are the parts remains quantitatively immutable. Immutable,
because when change occurs it is always polar — plus accompanies minus,
gain accompanies loss, no item varying in the slightest degree without an
absolutely equal change of some other item in the opposite direction.
-----
The sun warms the tropical ocean, converting a portion of its liquid into
vapour, which rises in the air and is recondensed on mountain heights,
returning in rivers to the ocean from which it came. Up to the point where
condensation begins, an amount of heat exactly equivalent to the molecular
work of vaporisation and the mechanical work of lifting the vapour to the
mountain-tops has disappeared from the universe. What is the gain
corresponding to this loss? It will seem when mentioned to be expressed in
a foreign currency. The loss is a loss of heat; the gain is a gain of distance,
Page 655
both as regards masses and molecules. Water which was formerly at the sea-
level has been lifted to a position from which it can fall; molecules which
have been locked together as a liquid are now separate as vapour which can
recondense. After condensation gravity comes into effectual play, pulling
the showers down upon the hills, and the rivers thus created through their
gorges to the sea. Every raindrop which smites the mountain produces its
definite amount of heat; every river in its course develops heat by the clash
of its cataracts and the friction of its bed. In the act of condensation,
moreover, the molecular work of vaporisation is accurately reversed.
'Compare, then, the primitive loss of solar warmth with the heat generated
by the condensation of the vapour, and by the subsequent fall of the water
from cloud to sea. They are mathematically equal to each other. No particle
of vapour was formed and lifted without being paid for in the currency of
solar heat; no particle returns as water to the sea without the exact
quantitative restitution of that heat. There is nothing gratuitous in physical
nature, no expenditure without equivalent gain, no gain without equivalent
expenditure. With inexorable constancy the one accompanies the other,
leaving no nook or crevice between them for spontaneity to mingle with the
pure and necessary play of natural force. Has this uniformity of nature ever
been broken? The reply is: 'Not to the knowledge of science.'
What has been here stated regarding heat and gravity applies to the whole
of inorganic nature. Let us take an illustration from chemistry. The metal
zinc may be burnt in oxygen, a perfectly definite amount of heat being
produced by the combustion of a given weight of the metal. But zinc may
also be burnt in a liquid which contains a supply of oxygen — in water, for
example. It does not in this case produce flame or fire, but it does produce
heat which is capable of accurate measurement. But the heat of zinc burnt
in water falls short of that produced in pure oxygen, the reason being that to
obtain its oxygen from the water the zinc must first dislodge the hydrogen.
It is in the performance of this molecular work that the missing heat is
absorbed. Mix the liberated hydrogen with oxygen and cause them to
recombine; the heat developed is mathematically equal to the missing heat.
Thus in pulling the oxygen and hydrogen asunder an amount of heat is
consumed which is accurately restored by their reunion.
level has been lifted to a position from which it can fall; molecules which
have been locked together as a liquid are now separate as vapour which can
recondense. After condensation gravity comes into effectual play, pulling
the showers down upon the hills, and the rivers thus created through their
gorges to the sea. Every raindrop which smites the mountain produces its
definite amount of heat; every river in its course develops heat by the clash
of its cataracts and the friction of its bed. In the act of condensation,
moreover, the molecular work of vaporisation is accurately reversed.
'Compare, then, the primitive loss of solar warmth with the heat generated
by the condensation of the vapour, and by the subsequent fall of the water
from cloud to sea. They are mathematically equal to each other. No particle
of vapour was formed and lifted without being paid for in the currency of
solar heat; no particle returns as water to the sea without the exact
quantitative restitution of that heat. There is nothing gratuitous in physical
nature, no expenditure without equivalent gain, no gain without equivalent
expenditure. With inexorable constancy the one accompanies the other,
leaving no nook or crevice between them for spontaneity to mingle with the
pure and necessary play of natural force. Has this uniformity of nature ever
been broken? The reply is: 'Not to the knowledge of science.'
What has been here stated regarding heat and gravity applies to the whole
of inorganic nature. Let us take an illustration from chemistry. The metal
zinc may be burnt in oxygen, a perfectly definite amount of heat being
produced by the combustion of a given weight of the metal. But zinc may
also be burnt in a liquid which contains a supply of oxygen — in water, for
example. It does not in this case produce flame or fire, but it does produce
heat which is capable of accurate measurement. But the heat of zinc burnt
in water falls short of that produced in pure oxygen, the reason being that to
obtain its oxygen from the water the zinc must first dislodge the hydrogen.
It is in the performance of this molecular work that the missing heat is
absorbed. Mix the liberated hydrogen with oxygen and cause them to
recombine; the heat developed is mathematically equal to the missing heat.
Thus in pulling the oxygen and hydrogen asunder an amount of heat is
consumed which is accurately restored by their reunion.
Page 656
This leads up to a few remarks upon the Voltaic battery. It is not my design
to dwell upon the technical features of this wonderful instrument, but
simply, by means of it, to show what varying shapes a given amount of
energy can assume while maintaining unvarying quantitative stability.
When that form of power which we call an electric current passes through
Grove's battery, zinc is consumed in acidulated water; and in the battery we
are able so to arrange matters that when no current passes no zinc shall be
consumed. Now the current, whatever it may be, possesses the power of
generating heat outside the battery. We can fuse with it iridium, the most
refractory of metals, or we can produce with it the dazzling electric light,
and that at any terrestrial distance from the battery itself.
We will now, however, content ourselves with causing the current to raise a
given length of platinum wire, first to a blood-heat, then to redness, and
finally to a white heat. The heat under these circumstances generated in the
battery by the combustion of a fixed quantity of zinc is no longer constant,
but it varies inversely as the heat generated outside. If the outside heat be
nil, the inside heat is a maximum; if the external wire be raised to a blood-
heat, the internal heat falls slightly short of the maximum. If the wire be
rendered red-hot, the quantity of missing heat within the battery is greater,
and if the external wire be rendered white-hot, the defect is greater still.
Add together the internal and external heat produced by the combustion of a
given weight of zinc, and you have an absolutely constant total. The heat
generated without is so much lost within, the heat generated within is so
much lost without, the polar changes already adverted to coming here
conspicuously into play. Thus in a variety of ways we can distribute the
items of a never-varying sum, but even the subtle agency of the electric
current places no creative power in our hands.
Instead of generating external heat, we may cause the current to effect
chemical decomposition at a distance from the battery. Let it, for example,
decompose water into oxygen and hydrogen. The heat generated in the
battery under these circumstances by the combustion of a given weight of
zinc falls short of what is produced when there is no decomposition. How
far short? The question admits of a perfectly exact answer. When the
oxygen and hydrogen recombine, the heat absorbed in the decomposition is
accurately restored, and it is exactly equal in amount to that missing in the
to dwell upon the technical features of this wonderful instrument, but
simply, by means of it, to show what varying shapes a given amount of
energy can assume while maintaining unvarying quantitative stability.
When that form of power which we call an electric current passes through
Grove's battery, zinc is consumed in acidulated water; and in the battery we
are able so to arrange matters that when no current passes no zinc shall be
consumed. Now the current, whatever it may be, possesses the power of
generating heat outside the battery. We can fuse with it iridium, the most
refractory of metals, or we can produce with it the dazzling electric light,
and that at any terrestrial distance from the battery itself.
We will now, however, content ourselves with causing the current to raise a
given length of platinum wire, first to a blood-heat, then to redness, and
finally to a white heat. The heat under these circumstances generated in the
battery by the combustion of a fixed quantity of zinc is no longer constant,
but it varies inversely as the heat generated outside. If the outside heat be
nil, the inside heat is a maximum; if the external wire be raised to a blood-
heat, the internal heat falls slightly short of the maximum. If the wire be
rendered red-hot, the quantity of missing heat within the battery is greater,
and if the external wire be rendered white-hot, the defect is greater still.
Add together the internal and external heat produced by the combustion of a
given weight of zinc, and you have an absolutely constant total. The heat
generated without is so much lost within, the heat generated within is so
much lost without, the polar changes already adverted to coming here
conspicuously into play. Thus in a variety of ways we can distribute the
items of a never-varying sum, but even the subtle agency of the electric
current places no creative power in our hands.
Instead of generating external heat, we may cause the current to effect
chemical decomposition at a distance from the battery. Let it, for example,
decompose water into oxygen and hydrogen. The heat generated in the
battery under these circumstances by the combustion of a given weight of
zinc falls short of what is produced when there is no decomposition. How
far short? The question admits of a perfectly exact answer. When the
oxygen and hydrogen recombine, the heat absorbed in the decomposition is
accurately restored, and it is exactly equal in amount to that missing in the
Page 657
battery. We may, if we like, bottle up the gases, carry in this form the heat
of the battery to the polar regions, and liberate it there. The battery, in fact is
a hearth on which fuel is consumed; but the heat of the combustion, instead
of being confined in the usual manner to the hearth itself, may be first
liberated at the other side of the world.
And here we are able to solve an enigma which long perplexed scientific
men, and which could not be solved until the bearing of the mechanical
theory of heat upon the phenomena of the Voltaic battery was understood.
The puzzle was, that a single cell could not decompose water. The reason is
now plain enough. The solution of an equivalent of zinc in a single cell
develops not much more than half the amount of heat required to
decompose an equivalent of water, and the single cell cannot cede an
amount of force which it does not possess. But by forming a battery of two
cells instead of one, we develop an amount of heat slightly in excess of that
needed for the decomposition of the water. The two-celled battery is
therefore rich enough to pay for that decomposition, and to maintain the
excess referred to within its own cells.
Similar reflections apply to the thermo-electric pile, an instrument usually
composed of small bars of bismuth and antimony soldered alternately
together. The electric current is here evoked by warming the soldered
junctions of one face of the pile. Like the Voltaic current, the thermo-
electric current can heat wires, produce decomposition, magnetise iron, and
deflect a magnetic needle at any distance from its origin. You will be
disposed, and rightly disposed, to refer those distant manifestations of
power to the heat communicated to the face of the pile, but the case is
worthy of closer examination. In 1826 Thomas Seebeck discovered thermo-
electricity, and six years subsequently Peltier made an observation which
comes with singular felicity to our aid in determining the material used up
in the formation of the thermo-electric current. He found that when a weak
extraneous current was sent from antimony to bismuth the junction of the
two metals was always heated, but that when the direction was from
bismuth to antimony the junction was chilled. Now the current in the
thermo-pile itself is always from bismuth to antimony, across the heated
junction — a direction in which it cannot possibly establish itself without
consuming the heat imparted to the junction. This heat is the nutriment of
of the battery to the polar regions, and liberate it there. The battery, in fact is
a hearth on which fuel is consumed; but the heat of the combustion, instead
of being confined in the usual manner to the hearth itself, may be first
liberated at the other side of the world.
And here we are able to solve an enigma which long perplexed scientific
men, and which could not be solved until the bearing of the mechanical
theory of heat upon the phenomena of the Voltaic battery was understood.
The puzzle was, that a single cell could not decompose water. The reason is
now plain enough. The solution of an equivalent of zinc in a single cell
develops not much more than half the amount of heat required to
decompose an equivalent of water, and the single cell cannot cede an
amount of force which it does not possess. But by forming a battery of two
cells instead of one, we develop an amount of heat slightly in excess of that
needed for the decomposition of the water. The two-celled battery is
therefore rich enough to pay for that decomposition, and to maintain the
excess referred to within its own cells.
Similar reflections apply to the thermo-electric pile, an instrument usually
composed of small bars of bismuth and antimony soldered alternately
together. The electric current is here evoked by warming the soldered
junctions of one face of the pile. Like the Voltaic current, the thermo-
electric current can heat wires, produce decomposition, magnetise iron, and
deflect a magnetic needle at any distance from its origin. You will be
disposed, and rightly disposed, to refer those distant manifestations of
power to the heat communicated to the face of the pile, but the case is
worthy of closer examination. In 1826 Thomas Seebeck discovered thermo-
electricity, and six years subsequently Peltier made an observation which
comes with singular felicity to our aid in determining the material used up
in the formation of the thermo-electric current. He found that when a weak
extraneous current was sent from antimony to bismuth the junction of the
two metals was always heated, but that when the direction was from
bismuth to antimony the junction was chilled. Now the current in the
thermo-pile itself is always from bismuth to antimony, across the heated
junction — a direction in which it cannot possibly establish itself without
consuming the heat imparted to the junction. This heat is the nutriment of
Page 658
the current. Thus the heat generated by the thermo-current in a distant wire
is simply that originally imparted to the pile, which has been first
transmuted into electricity, and then retransmuted into its first form at a
distance from its origin. As water in a state of vapour passes from a boiler
to a distant condenser, and there assumes its primitive form without gain or
loss, so the heat communicated to the thermo-pile distils into the subtler
electric current, which is, as it were, recondensed into heat in the distant
platinum wire.
In my youth I thought an electro-magnetic engine which was shown to me a
veritable perpetual motion — a machine, that is to say, which performed
work without the expenditure of power. Let us consider the action of such a
machine. Suppose it to be employed to pump water from a lower to a higher
level. On examining the battery which works the engine we find that the
zinc consumed does not yield its full amount of heat. The quantity of heat
thus missing within is the exact thermal equivalent of the mechanical work
performed without. Let the water fall again to the lower level; it is warmed
by the fall. Add the heat thus produced to that generated by the friction,
mechanical and magnetical, of the engine; we thus obtain the precise
amount of heat missing in the battery. All the effects obtained from the
machine are thus strictly paid for; this 'payment for results' being, I would
repeat, the inexorable method of nature.
No engine, however subtly devised, can evade this law of equivalence, or
perform on its own account the smallest modicum of work. The machine
distributes, but it cannot create. Is the animal body, then, to be classed
among machines? When I lift a weight, or throw a stone, or climb a
mountain, or wrestle with my comrade, am I not conscious of actually
creating and expending force? Let us look at the antecedents of this force.
We derive the muscle and fat of our bodies from what we eat. Animal heat
you know to be due to the slow combustion of this fuel. My arm is now
inactive, and the ordinary slow combustion of my blood and tissue is going
on. For every grain of fuel thus burnt a perfectly definite amount of heat has
been produced. I now contract my biceps muscle without causing it to
perform external work. The combustion is quickened, and the heat is
increased; this additional heat being liberated in the muscle itself. I lay hold
of a 56 lb. weight, and by the contraction of my biceps lift it through the
is simply that originally imparted to the pile, which has been first
transmuted into electricity, and then retransmuted into its first form at a
distance from its origin. As water in a state of vapour passes from a boiler
to a distant condenser, and there assumes its primitive form without gain or
loss, so the heat communicated to the thermo-pile distils into the subtler
electric current, which is, as it were, recondensed into heat in the distant
platinum wire.
In my youth I thought an electro-magnetic engine which was shown to me a
veritable perpetual motion — a machine, that is to say, which performed
work without the expenditure of power. Let us consider the action of such a
machine. Suppose it to be employed to pump water from a lower to a higher
level. On examining the battery which works the engine we find that the
zinc consumed does not yield its full amount of heat. The quantity of heat
thus missing within is the exact thermal equivalent of the mechanical work
performed without. Let the water fall again to the lower level; it is warmed
by the fall. Add the heat thus produced to that generated by the friction,
mechanical and magnetical, of the engine; we thus obtain the precise
amount of heat missing in the battery. All the effects obtained from the
machine are thus strictly paid for; this 'payment for results' being, I would
repeat, the inexorable method of nature.
No engine, however subtly devised, can evade this law of equivalence, or
perform on its own account the smallest modicum of work. The machine
distributes, but it cannot create. Is the animal body, then, to be classed
among machines? When I lift a weight, or throw a stone, or climb a
mountain, or wrestle with my comrade, am I not conscious of actually
creating and expending force? Let us look at the antecedents of this force.
We derive the muscle and fat of our bodies from what we eat. Animal heat
you know to be due to the slow combustion of this fuel. My arm is now
inactive, and the ordinary slow combustion of my blood and tissue is going
on. For every grain of fuel thus burnt a perfectly definite amount of heat has
been produced. I now contract my biceps muscle without causing it to
perform external work. The combustion is quickened, and the heat is
increased; this additional heat being liberated in the muscle itself. I lay hold
of a 56 lb. weight, and by the contraction of my biceps lift it through the
Page 659
vertical space of a foot. The blood and tissue consumed during this
contraction have not developed in the muscle their due amount of heat. A
quantity of heat is at this moment missing in my muscle which would raise
the temperature of an ounce of water somewhat more than one degree
Fahrenheit. I liberate the weight: it falls to the earth, and by its collision
generates the precise amount of heat missing in the muscle. My muscular
heat is thus transferred from its local hearth to external space. The fuel is
consumed in my body, but the heat of combustion is produced outside my
body. The case is substantially the same as that of the Voltaic battery when
it performs external work, or produces external heat. All this points to the
conclusion that the force we employ in muscular exertion is the force of
burning fuel and not of creative will. In the light of these facts the body is
seen to be as incapable of generating energy without expenditure, as the
solids and liquids of the Voltaic battery. The body, in other words, falls into
the catagory of machines.
We can do with the body all that we have already done with the battery —
heat platinum wires, decompose water, magnetise iron, and deflect a
magnetic needle. The combustion of muscle may be made to produce all
these effects, as the combustion of zinc may be caused to produce them. By
turning the handle of a magneto-electric machine a coil of wire may be
caused to rotate between the poles of a magnet. As long as the two ends of
the coil are unconnected we have simply to overcome the ordinary inertia
and friction of the machine in turning the handle. But the moment the two
ends of the coil are united by a thin platinum wire a sudden addition of
labour is thrown upon the turning arm. When the necessary labour is
expended, its equivalent immediately appears. The platinum wire glows.
You can readily maintain it at a white heat, or even fuse it. This is a very
remarkable result. From the muscles of the arm, with a temperature of 100
degrees, we extract the temperature of molten platinum, which is nearly
four thousand degrees. The miracle here is the reverse of that of the burning
bush mentioned in Exodus. There the bush burned, but was not consumed
— here the body is consumed, but does not burn. The similarity of the
action with that of the Voltaic battery when it heats an external wire is too
obvious to need pointing out. When the machine is used to decompose
water, the heat of the muscle, like that of the battery, is consumed in
molecular work, being fully restored when the gases recombine. As before,
contraction have not developed in the muscle their due amount of heat. A
quantity of heat is at this moment missing in my muscle which would raise
the temperature of an ounce of water somewhat more than one degree
Fahrenheit. I liberate the weight: it falls to the earth, and by its collision
generates the precise amount of heat missing in the muscle. My muscular
heat is thus transferred from its local hearth to external space. The fuel is
consumed in my body, but the heat of combustion is produced outside my
body. The case is substantially the same as that of the Voltaic battery when
it performs external work, or produces external heat. All this points to the
conclusion that the force we employ in muscular exertion is the force of
burning fuel and not of creative will. In the light of these facts the body is
seen to be as incapable of generating energy without expenditure, as the
solids and liquids of the Voltaic battery. The body, in other words, falls into
the catagory of machines.
We can do with the body all that we have already done with the battery —
heat platinum wires, decompose water, magnetise iron, and deflect a
magnetic needle. The combustion of muscle may be made to produce all
these effects, as the combustion of zinc may be caused to produce them. By
turning the handle of a magneto-electric machine a coil of wire may be
caused to rotate between the poles of a magnet. As long as the two ends of
the coil are unconnected we have simply to overcome the ordinary inertia
and friction of the machine in turning the handle. But the moment the two
ends of the coil are united by a thin platinum wire a sudden addition of
labour is thrown upon the turning arm. When the necessary labour is
expended, its equivalent immediately appears. The platinum wire glows.
You can readily maintain it at a white heat, or even fuse it. This is a very
remarkable result. From the muscles of the arm, with a temperature of 100
degrees, we extract the temperature of molten platinum, which is nearly
four thousand degrees. The miracle here is the reverse of that of the burning
bush mentioned in Exodus. There the bush burned, but was not consumed
— here the body is consumed, but does not burn. The similarity of the
action with that of the Voltaic battery when it heats an external wire is too
obvious to need pointing out. When the machine is used to decompose
water, the heat of the muscle, like that of the battery, is consumed in
molecular work, being fully restored when the gases recombine. As before,
Page 660
also, the transmuted heat of the muscles may be bottled up, carried to the
polar regions, and there restored to its pristine form.
-----
The matter of the human body is the same as that of the world around us;
and here we find the forces of the human body identical with those of
inorganic nature. Just as little as the Voltaic battery is the animal body a
creator of force. It is an apparatus exquisite and effectual beyond all others
in transforming and distributing the energy with which it is supplied, but it
possesses no creative power. Compared with the notions previously
entertained regarding the play of 'Vital force' this is a great result. The
problem of vital dynamics has been described by a competent authority as
'the grandest of all.' I subscribe to this opinion, and honour correspondingly
the man who first successfully grappled with the problem. He was no pope,
in the sense of being infallible, but he was a man of genius whose work will
be held in honour as long as science endures I have already named him in
connection with our illustrious countryman Dr. Joule. Other eminent men
took up this subject subsequently and independently, but all that has been
done hitherto enhances instead of diminishing the merits of Dr Mayer.
Consider the vigour of his reasoning. 'Beyond the power of generating
internal heat, the animal organism can generate heat external to itself. A
blacksmith by hammering can warm a nail, and a savage by friction can
heat wood to its point of ignition. Unless, then, we abandon the
physiological axiom that the animal body cannot create heat out of nothing,
we are driven to the conclusion that it is the total heat, within and without,
that ought to be regarded as the real calorific effect of the oxidation within
the body.' Mayer, however, not only states the principle, but illustrates
numerically the transfer of muscular heat to external space. A bowler who
imparts a velocity of 30 feet to an 8-lb. ball consumes in the act 0.1 of a
grain of carbon. The heat of the muscle is here distributed over the track of
the ball, being developed there by mechanical friction. A man weighing 150
lbs. consumes in lifting his own body to a height of 8 feet the heat of a grain
of carbon. Jumping from this height the heat is restored. The consumption
of 2 oz. 4 drs. 20 grs. of carbon would place the same man on the summit of
a mountain 10,000 feet high. In descending the mountain an amount of heat
polar regions, and there restored to its pristine form.
-----
The matter of the human body is the same as that of the world around us;
and here we find the forces of the human body identical with those of
inorganic nature. Just as little as the Voltaic battery is the animal body a
creator of force. It is an apparatus exquisite and effectual beyond all others
in transforming and distributing the energy with which it is supplied, but it
possesses no creative power. Compared with the notions previously
entertained regarding the play of 'Vital force' this is a great result. The
problem of vital dynamics has been described by a competent authority as
'the grandest of all.' I subscribe to this opinion, and honour correspondingly
the man who first successfully grappled with the problem. He was no pope,
in the sense of being infallible, but he was a man of genius whose work will
be held in honour as long as science endures I have already named him in
connection with our illustrious countryman Dr. Joule. Other eminent men
took up this subject subsequently and independently, but all that has been
done hitherto enhances instead of diminishing the merits of Dr Mayer.
Consider the vigour of his reasoning. 'Beyond the power of generating
internal heat, the animal organism can generate heat external to itself. A
blacksmith by hammering can warm a nail, and a savage by friction can
heat wood to its point of ignition. Unless, then, we abandon the
physiological axiom that the animal body cannot create heat out of nothing,
we are driven to the conclusion that it is the total heat, within and without,
that ought to be regarded as the real calorific effect of the oxidation within
the body.' Mayer, however, not only states the principle, but illustrates
numerically the transfer of muscular heat to external space. A bowler who
imparts a velocity of 30 feet to an 8-lb. ball consumes in the act 0.1 of a
grain of carbon. The heat of the muscle is here distributed over the track of
the ball, being developed there by mechanical friction. A man weighing 150
lbs. consumes in lifting his own body to a height of 8 feet the heat of a grain
of carbon. Jumping from this height the heat is restored. The consumption
of 2 oz. 4 drs. 20 grs. of carbon would place the same man on the summit of
a mountain 10,000 feet high. In descending the mountain an amount of heat
Page 661
equal to that produced by the combustion of the foregoing amount of
carbon is restored. The muscles of a labourer whose weight is 150 lbs.
weigh 64 lbs. When dried they are reduced to 15 lbs. Were the oxidation
corresponding to a day-labourer's ordinary work exerted on the muscles
alone, they would be wholly consumed in 80 days. Were the oxidation
necessary to sustain the heart's action concentrated on the heart itself, it
would be consumed in 8 days. And if we confine our attention to the two
ventricles, their action would consume the associated muscular tissue in 31
days. With a fulness and precision of which this is but a sample did Mayer,
between 1842 and, 1845, deal with the great question of vital dynamics.
In direct opposition, moreover, to the foremost scientific authorities of that
day, with Liebig at their head, this solitary Heilbronn worker was led by his
calculations to maintain that the muscles, in the main, played the part of
machinery, converting the fat, which had been previously considered a mere
heat-producer, into the motive power of the organism. Mayer's prevision
has been justified by events, for the scientific world is now upon his side.
We place, then, food in our stomachs as so much combustible matter. It is
first dissolved by purely chemical processes, and the nutritive fluid is
poured into the blood. Here it comes into contact with atmospheric oxygen
admitted by the lungs. It unites with the oxygen as wood or coal might unite
with it in a furnace. The matter-products of the union, if I may use the term,
are the same in both cases, viz. carbonic acid and water. The force-products
are also the same — heat within the body, or heat and work outside the
body. Thus far every action of the organism belongs to the domain either of
physics or of chemistry. But you saw me contract the muscle of my arm.
What enabled me to do, so? Was it or was it not the direct action of my
will? The answer is, the action of the will is mediate, not direct. Over and
above the muscles the human organism is provided with long whitish
filaments of medullary matter, which issue from the spinal column, being
connected by it on the one side with the brain, and on the other side losing
themselves in the muscles. Those filaments or cords are the nerves, which
you know are divided into two kinds, sensor and motor, or, if you like the
terms better, afferent and efferent nerves. The former carry impressions
from the external world to the brain; the latter convey the behests of the
brain to the muscles. Here, as elsewhere, we find ourselves aided by the
carbon is restored. The muscles of a labourer whose weight is 150 lbs.
weigh 64 lbs. When dried they are reduced to 15 lbs. Were the oxidation
corresponding to a day-labourer's ordinary work exerted on the muscles
alone, they would be wholly consumed in 80 days. Were the oxidation
necessary to sustain the heart's action concentrated on the heart itself, it
would be consumed in 8 days. And if we confine our attention to the two
ventricles, their action would consume the associated muscular tissue in 31
days. With a fulness and precision of which this is but a sample did Mayer,
between 1842 and, 1845, deal with the great question of vital dynamics.
In direct opposition, moreover, to the foremost scientific authorities of that
day, with Liebig at their head, this solitary Heilbronn worker was led by his
calculations to maintain that the muscles, in the main, played the part of
machinery, converting the fat, which had been previously considered a mere
heat-producer, into the motive power of the organism. Mayer's prevision
has been justified by events, for the scientific world is now upon his side.
We place, then, food in our stomachs as so much combustible matter. It is
first dissolved by purely chemical processes, and the nutritive fluid is
poured into the blood. Here it comes into contact with atmospheric oxygen
admitted by the lungs. It unites with the oxygen as wood or coal might unite
with it in a furnace. The matter-products of the union, if I may use the term,
are the same in both cases, viz. carbonic acid and water. The force-products
are also the same — heat within the body, or heat and work outside the
body. Thus far every action of the organism belongs to the domain either of
physics or of chemistry. But you saw me contract the muscle of my arm.
What enabled me to do, so? Was it or was it not the direct action of my
will? The answer is, the action of the will is mediate, not direct. Over and
above the muscles the human organism is provided with long whitish
filaments of medullary matter, which issue from the spinal column, being
connected by it on the one side with the brain, and on the other side losing
themselves in the muscles. Those filaments or cords are the nerves, which
you know are divided into two kinds, sensor and motor, or, if you like the
terms better, afferent and efferent nerves. The former carry impressions
from the external world to the brain; the latter convey the behests of the
brain to the muscles. Here, as elsewhere, we find ourselves aided by the
Page 662
sagacity of Mayer, who was the first clearly to formulate the part played by
the nerves in the organism. Mayer saw that neither nerves nor brain, nor
both together, possessed the energy necessary to animal motion; but he also
saw that the nerve could lift a latch and open a door, by which floods of
energy are let loose. 'As an engineer,' he says with admirable lucidity, 'by
the motion of his finger in opening a valve or loosening a detent can
liberate an amount of mechanical energy almost infinite compared with its
exciting cause; so the nerves, acting on the muscles, can unlock an amount
of power out of all proportion to the work done by the nerves themselves.'
The nerves, according to Mayer, pull the trigger, but the gunpowder which
they ignite is stored in the muscles. This is the view now universally
entertained.
The quickness of thought has passed into a proverb, and the notion that any
measurable time elapsed between the infliction of a wound and the feeling
of the injury would have been rejected as preposterous thirty years ago.
Nervous impressions, notwithstanding the results of Haller, were thought to
be transmitted, if not instantaneously, at all events with the rapidity of
electricity. Hence, when Helmholtz, in 1851, affirmed, as the result of
experiment, nervous transmission to be a comparatively sluggish process,
very few believed him. His experiments may now be made in the lecture-
room.
Sound in air moves at the rate of 1,100 feet a second; sound in water moves
at the rate of 5,000 feet a second; light in aether moves at the rate of
186,000 miles a second, and electricity in free wires moves probably at the
same rate. But the nerves transmit their messages at the rate of only 70 feet
a second, a progress which in these quick times might well be regarded as
inordinately slow.
Your townsman, Mr. Gore, has produced by electrolysis a kind of antimony
which exhibits an action strikingly analogous to that of nervous
propagation. A rod of this antimony is in such a molecular condition that
when you scratch or heat one end of the rod, the disturbance propagates
itself before your eyes to the other end, the onward march of the
disturbance being announced by the development of heat and fumes along
the line of propagation. In some such way the molecules of the nerves are
the nerves in the organism. Mayer saw that neither nerves nor brain, nor
both together, possessed the energy necessary to animal motion; but he also
saw that the nerve could lift a latch and open a door, by which floods of
energy are let loose. 'As an engineer,' he says with admirable lucidity, 'by
the motion of his finger in opening a valve or loosening a detent can
liberate an amount of mechanical energy almost infinite compared with its
exciting cause; so the nerves, acting on the muscles, can unlock an amount
of power out of all proportion to the work done by the nerves themselves.'
The nerves, according to Mayer, pull the trigger, but the gunpowder which
they ignite is stored in the muscles. This is the view now universally
entertained.
The quickness of thought has passed into a proverb, and the notion that any
measurable time elapsed between the infliction of a wound and the feeling
of the injury would have been rejected as preposterous thirty years ago.
Nervous impressions, notwithstanding the results of Haller, were thought to
be transmitted, if not instantaneously, at all events with the rapidity of
electricity. Hence, when Helmholtz, in 1851, affirmed, as the result of
experiment, nervous transmission to be a comparatively sluggish process,
very few believed him. His experiments may now be made in the lecture-
room.
Sound in air moves at the rate of 1,100 feet a second; sound in water moves
at the rate of 5,000 feet a second; light in aether moves at the rate of
186,000 miles a second, and electricity in free wires moves probably at the
same rate. But the nerves transmit their messages at the rate of only 70 feet
a second, a progress which in these quick times might well be regarded as
inordinately slow.
Your townsman, Mr. Gore, has produced by electrolysis a kind of antimony
which exhibits an action strikingly analogous to that of nervous
propagation. A rod of this antimony is in such a molecular condition that
when you scratch or heat one end of the rod, the disturbance propagates
itself before your eyes to the other end, the onward march of the
disturbance being announced by the development of heat and fumes along
the line of propagation. In some such way the molecules of the nerves are
Page 663
successively overthrown; and if Mr. Gore could only devise some means of
winding up his exhausted antimony, as the nutritive blood winds up
exhausted nerves, the comparison would be complete. The subject may be
summed up, as Du Bois-Reymond has summed it up, by reference to the
case of a whale struck by a harpoon in the tail. If the animal were 70 feet
long, a second would elapse before the disturbance could reach the brain.
But the impression after its arrival has to diffuse itself and throw the brain
into the molecular condition necessary to consciousness. Then, and not till
then, the command to the tail to defend itself is shot through the motor
nerves. Another second must elapse before the command can reach the tail,
so that more than two seconds transpire between the infliction of the wound
and the muscular response of the part wounded. The interval required for
the kindling of consciousness would probably more than suffice for the
destruction of the brain by lightning, or even by a rifle-bullet. Before the
organ can arrange itself it may, therefore, be destroyed, and in such a case
we may safely conclude that death is painless.
-----
The experiences of common life supply us with copious instances of the
liberation of vast stores of muscular power by an infinitesimal 'priming' of
the muscles by the nerves. We all know the effect produced on a 'nervous'
organisation by a slight sound which causes affright. An aërial wave, the
energy of which would not reach a minute fraction of that necessary to raise
the thousandth of a grain through the thousandth of an inch, can throw the
whole human frame into a powerful mechanical spasm, followed by violent
respiration and palpitation. The eye of course, may be appealed to as well as
the ear. Of this the lamented Lange gives the following vivid illustration:
A merchant sits complacently in his easy chair, not knowing whether
smoking, sleeping, newspaper reading, or the digestion of food occupies the
largest portion of his personality. A servant enters the room with a telegram
bearing the words, 'Antwerp, &c. . . . Jonas and Co. have failed.' 'Tell James
to harness the horses!' The servant flies. Upstairs the merchant, wide awake;
makes a dozen paces through the room, descends to the counting-house,
dictates letters, and forwards despatches. He jumps into his carriage, the
horses snort, and their driver is immediately at the Bank, on the Bourse, and
winding up his exhausted antimony, as the nutritive blood winds up
exhausted nerves, the comparison would be complete. The subject may be
summed up, as Du Bois-Reymond has summed it up, by reference to the
case of a whale struck by a harpoon in the tail. If the animal were 70 feet
long, a second would elapse before the disturbance could reach the brain.
But the impression after its arrival has to diffuse itself and throw the brain
into the molecular condition necessary to consciousness. Then, and not till
then, the command to the tail to defend itself is shot through the motor
nerves. Another second must elapse before the command can reach the tail,
so that more than two seconds transpire between the infliction of the wound
and the muscular response of the part wounded. The interval required for
the kindling of consciousness would probably more than suffice for the
destruction of the brain by lightning, or even by a rifle-bullet. Before the
organ can arrange itself it may, therefore, be destroyed, and in such a case
we may safely conclude that death is painless.
-----
The experiences of common life supply us with copious instances of the
liberation of vast stores of muscular power by an infinitesimal 'priming' of
the muscles by the nerves. We all know the effect produced on a 'nervous'
organisation by a slight sound which causes affright. An aërial wave, the
energy of which would not reach a minute fraction of that necessary to raise
the thousandth of a grain through the thousandth of an inch, can throw the
whole human frame into a powerful mechanical spasm, followed by violent
respiration and palpitation. The eye of course, may be appealed to as well as
the ear. Of this the lamented Lange gives the following vivid illustration:
A merchant sits complacently in his easy chair, not knowing whether
smoking, sleeping, newspaper reading, or the digestion of food occupies the
largest portion of his personality. A servant enters the room with a telegram
bearing the words, 'Antwerp, &c. . . . Jonas and Co. have failed.' 'Tell James
to harness the horses!' The servant flies. Upstairs the merchant, wide awake;
makes a dozen paces through the room, descends to the counting-house,
dictates letters, and forwards despatches. He jumps into his carriage, the
horses snort, and their driver is immediately at the Bank, on the Bourse, and
Page 664
among his commercial friends. Before an hour has elapsed he is again at
home, where he throws himself once more into his easy chair with a deep-
drawn sigh, 'Thank God I am protected against the worst, and now for
further reflection.'
This complex mass of action, emotional, intellectual, and mechanical, is
evoked by the impact upon the retina of the infinitesimal waves of light
coming from a few pencil marks on a bit of paper. We have, as Lange says,
terror, hope, sensation, calculation, possible ruin, and victory compressed
into a moment. What caused the merchant to spring out of his chair? The
contraction of his muscles. What made his muscles contract? An impulse of
the nerves, which lifted the proper latch, and liberated the muscular power.
Whence this impulse? From the centre of the nervous system. But how did
it originate there? This is the critical question, to which some will reply that
it had its origin in the human soul.
The aim and effort of science is to explain the unknown in terms of the
known. Explanation, therefore, is conditioned by knowledge. You have
probably heard the story of the German peasant, who, in early railway days,
was taken to see the performance of a locomotive. He had never known
carriages to be moved except by animal power. Every explanation outside
of this conception lay beyond his experience, and could not be invoked.
After long reflection therefore, and seeing no possible escape from the
conclusion, he exclaimed confidently to his companion, 'Es muessen doch
Pferde darin sein ' — There must be horses inside. Amusing as this
locomotive theory may seem, it illustrates a deep-lying truth.
With reference to our present question, some may be disposed to press upon
me such considerations as these :— Your motor nerves are so many
speaking-tubes, through which messages are sent from the man to the
world; and your sensor nerves are so many conduits through which the
whispers of the world are sent back to the man. But you have not told us
where is the man. Who or what is it that sends and receives those messages
through the bodily organism? Do not the phenomena point to the existence
of a self within the self, which acts through the body as through a skilfully
constructed instrument? You picture the muscles as hearkening to the
commands sent through the motor nerves, and you picture the sensor nerves
home, where he throws himself once more into his easy chair with a deep-
drawn sigh, 'Thank God I am protected against the worst, and now for
further reflection.'
This complex mass of action, emotional, intellectual, and mechanical, is
evoked by the impact upon the retina of the infinitesimal waves of light
coming from a few pencil marks on a bit of paper. We have, as Lange says,
terror, hope, sensation, calculation, possible ruin, and victory compressed
into a moment. What caused the merchant to spring out of his chair? The
contraction of his muscles. What made his muscles contract? An impulse of
the nerves, which lifted the proper latch, and liberated the muscular power.
Whence this impulse? From the centre of the nervous system. But how did
it originate there? This is the critical question, to which some will reply that
it had its origin in the human soul.
The aim and effort of science is to explain the unknown in terms of the
known. Explanation, therefore, is conditioned by knowledge. You have
probably heard the story of the German peasant, who, in early railway days,
was taken to see the performance of a locomotive. He had never known
carriages to be moved except by animal power. Every explanation outside
of this conception lay beyond his experience, and could not be invoked.
After long reflection therefore, and seeing no possible escape from the
conclusion, he exclaimed confidently to his companion, 'Es muessen doch
Pferde darin sein ' — There must be horses inside. Amusing as this
locomotive theory may seem, it illustrates a deep-lying truth.
With reference to our present question, some may be disposed to press upon
me such considerations as these :— Your motor nerves are so many
speaking-tubes, through which messages are sent from the man to the
world; and your sensor nerves are so many conduits through which the
whispers of the world are sent back to the man. But you have not told us
where is the man. Who or what is it that sends and receives those messages
through the bodily organism? Do not the phenomena point to the existence
of a self within the self, which acts through the body as through a skilfully
constructed instrument? You picture the muscles as hearkening to the
commands sent through the motor nerves, and you picture the sensor nerves
Page 665
as the vehicles of incoming intelligence; are you not bound to supplement
this mechanism by the assumption of an entity which uses it? In other
words, are you not forced by Tour own exposition into the hypothesis of a
free human soul?
This is fair reasoning now, and at a certain stage of the world's knowledge,
it might well have been deemed conclusive. Adequate reflection, however,
shows that instead of introducing light into our minds, this hypothesis
considered scientifically increases our darkness. You do not in this case
explain the unknown in terms of the known, which, as stated above, is the
method of science, but you explain the unknown in terms of the more
unknown. Try to mentally visualise this soul as an entity distinct from the
body, and the difficulty immediately appears. From the side of science all
that we are warranted in stating is that the terror, hope, sensation, and
calculation of Lange's merchant, are psychical phenomena produced by, or
associated with, the molecular processes set up by waves of light in a
previously prepared brain.
When facts present themselves let us dare to face them, but let the man of
science equally dare to confess ignorance where it prevails. What then is the
causal connection, if any, between the objective and subjective — between
molecular motions and states of consciousness? My answer is: I do not see
the connection, nor have I as yet met anybody who does.
It is no explanation to say that the objective and subjective effects are two
sides of one and the same phenomenon. Why should the phenomenon have
two sides? This is the very core of the difficulty. There are plenty of
molecular motions which do not exhibit this two-sidedness. Does water
think or feel when it runs into frost-ferns upon a window-pane? If not, why
should the molecular motion of the brain be yoked to this mysterious
companion — consciousness? We can form a coherent picture of the
physical processes — the stirring of the brain, the thrilling of the nerves, the
discharging of the muscles, and all the subsequent mechanical motions of
the organism. But we can present to our minds no picture of the process
whereby consciousness emerges, either as a necessary link or as an
accidental by-product of this series of actions. Yet it certainly does emerge
— the prick of a pin suffices to prove that molecular motion can produce
this mechanism by the assumption of an entity which uses it? In other
words, are you not forced by Tour own exposition into the hypothesis of a
free human soul?
This is fair reasoning now, and at a certain stage of the world's knowledge,
it might well have been deemed conclusive. Adequate reflection, however,
shows that instead of introducing light into our minds, this hypothesis
considered scientifically increases our darkness. You do not in this case
explain the unknown in terms of the known, which, as stated above, is the
method of science, but you explain the unknown in terms of the more
unknown. Try to mentally visualise this soul as an entity distinct from the
body, and the difficulty immediately appears. From the side of science all
that we are warranted in stating is that the terror, hope, sensation, and
calculation of Lange's merchant, are psychical phenomena produced by, or
associated with, the molecular processes set up by waves of light in a
previously prepared brain.
When facts present themselves let us dare to face them, but let the man of
science equally dare to confess ignorance where it prevails. What then is the
causal connection, if any, between the objective and subjective — between
molecular motions and states of consciousness? My answer is: I do not see
the connection, nor have I as yet met anybody who does.
It is no explanation to say that the objective and subjective effects are two
sides of one and the same phenomenon. Why should the phenomenon have
two sides? This is the very core of the difficulty. There are plenty of
molecular motions which do not exhibit this two-sidedness. Does water
think or feel when it runs into frost-ferns upon a window-pane? If not, why
should the molecular motion of the brain be yoked to this mysterious
companion — consciousness? We can form a coherent picture of the
physical processes — the stirring of the brain, the thrilling of the nerves, the
discharging of the muscles, and all the subsequent mechanical motions of
the organism. But we can present to our minds no picture of the process
whereby consciousness emerges, either as a necessary link or as an
accidental by-product of this series of actions. Yet it certainly does emerge
— the prick of a pin suffices to prove that molecular motion can produce
Page 666
consciousness. The reverse process of the production of motion by
consciousness is equally unpresentable to the mind. We are here, in fact,
upon the boundary line of the intellect, where the ordinary canons of
science fail to extricate us from our difficulties. If we are true to these
canons, we must deny to subjective phenomena all influence on physical
processes. Observation proves that they interact, but in passing from one to
the other, we meet a blank which mechanical deduction is unable to fill.
Frankly stated, we have here to deal with facts almost as difficult to seize
mentally as the idea of a soul. And if you are content to make your 'soul' a
poetic rendering of a phenomenon which refuses the yoke of ordinary
physical laws, I, for one, would not object to this exercise of ideality. Amid
all our speculative uncertainty, however, there is one practical point as clear
as the day; namely, that the brightness and the usefulness of life, as well as
its darkness and disaster, depend to a great extent upon our own use or
abuse of this miraculous organ.
Accustomed as I am to harsh language, I am quite prepared to hear my
'poetic rendering' branded as a 'falsehood' and a 'fib.' The vituperation is
unmerited, for poetry or ideality, and untruth are assuredly very different
things. The one may vivify, while the other, kills. When St. John extends the
notion of a soul to 'souls washed in the blood of Christ' does he 'fib'?
Indeed, if the appeal to ideality is censurable, Christ himself ought not to
have escaped censure. Nor did he escape it. 'How can this man give us his
flesh to eat?' expressed the sceptical flouting of unpoetic natures. Such are
still amongst us. Cardinal Manning would doubtless tell any Protestant who
rejects the doctrine of transubstantiation that he 'fibs' away the plain words
of his Saviour when he reduces 'the Body of the Lord' in the sacrament to a
mere figure of speech.
Though misuse may render it grotesque or insincere, the idealisation of
ancient conceptions, when done consciously and above board, has, in my
opinion, an important future. We are not radically different from our historic
ancestors, and any feeling which affected them profoundly, requires only
appropriate clothing to affect us. The world will not lightly relinquish its
heritage of poetic feeling, and metaphysic will be welcomed when it
abandons its pretensions to scientific discovery and consents to be ranked as
a kind of poetry. 'A good symbol,' says Emerson, 'is a missionary to
consciousness is equally unpresentable to the mind. We are here, in fact,
upon the boundary line of the intellect, where the ordinary canons of
science fail to extricate us from our difficulties. If we are true to these
canons, we must deny to subjective phenomena all influence on physical
processes. Observation proves that they interact, but in passing from one to
the other, we meet a blank which mechanical deduction is unable to fill.
Frankly stated, we have here to deal with facts almost as difficult to seize
mentally as the idea of a soul. And if you are content to make your 'soul' a
poetic rendering of a phenomenon which refuses the yoke of ordinary
physical laws, I, for one, would not object to this exercise of ideality. Amid
all our speculative uncertainty, however, there is one practical point as clear
as the day; namely, that the brightness and the usefulness of life, as well as
its darkness and disaster, depend to a great extent upon our own use or
abuse of this miraculous organ.
Accustomed as I am to harsh language, I am quite prepared to hear my
'poetic rendering' branded as a 'falsehood' and a 'fib.' The vituperation is
unmerited, for poetry or ideality, and untruth are assuredly very different
things. The one may vivify, while the other, kills. When St. John extends the
notion of a soul to 'souls washed in the blood of Christ' does he 'fib'?
Indeed, if the appeal to ideality is censurable, Christ himself ought not to
have escaped censure. Nor did he escape it. 'How can this man give us his
flesh to eat?' expressed the sceptical flouting of unpoetic natures. Such are
still amongst us. Cardinal Manning would doubtless tell any Protestant who
rejects the doctrine of transubstantiation that he 'fibs' away the plain words
of his Saviour when he reduces 'the Body of the Lord' in the sacrament to a
mere figure of speech.
Though misuse may render it grotesque or insincere, the idealisation of
ancient conceptions, when done consciously and above board, has, in my
opinion, an important future. We are not radically different from our historic
ancestors, and any feeling which affected them profoundly, requires only
appropriate clothing to affect us. The world will not lightly relinquish its
heritage of poetic feeling, and metaphysic will be welcomed when it
abandons its pretensions to scientific discovery and consents to be ranked as
a kind of poetry. 'A good symbol,' says Emerson, 'is a missionary to
Page 667
persuade thousands. The Vedas, the Edda, the Koran, are each remembered
by its happiest figure. There is no more welcome gift to men than a new
symbol. They assimilate themselves to it, deal with it in all ways, and it will
last a hundred years. Then comes a new genius and brings another.' Our
ideas of God and the soul are obviously subject to this symbolic mutation.
They are not now what they were a century ago. They will not be a century
hence what they are now. Such ideas constitute a kind of central energy in
the human mind, capable, like the energy of the physical universe, of
assuming various shapes and undergoing various transformations. They
baffle and elude the theological mechanic who would carve them to
dogmatic forms. They offer themselves freely to the poet who understands
his vocation, and whose function is, or ought to be, to find 'local habitation'
for thoughts woven into our subjective life, but which refuse to be
mechanically defined.
-----
We now stand face to face with the final problem. It is this: Are the brain,
and the moral and intellectual processes known to be associated with the
brain — and, as far as our experience goes, indissolubly associated —
subject to the laws which we find paramount in physical nature? Is the will
of man, in other words, free, or are it and nature equally 'bound fast in fate'?
From this latter conclusion, after he had established it to the entire
satisfaction of his understanding, the great German thinker Fichte recoiled.
You will find the record of this struggle between head and heart in his book,
entitled 'Die Bestimmung des Menschen' — The Vocation of Man.
[Footnote: Translated by Dr. William Smith of Edinburgh; Truebner, 1873.]
Fichte was determined at all hazards to maintain his freedom, but the price
he paid for it indicates the difficulty of the task. To escape from the iron
necessity seen everywhere reigning in physical nature, he turned defiantly
round upon nature and law, and affirmed both of them to be the products of
his own mind. He was not going to be the slave of a thing which he had
himself created. There is a good deal to be said in favour of this view, but
few of us probably would be able to bring into play the solvent
transcendentalism whereby Fichte melted his chains.
by its happiest figure. There is no more welcome gift to men than a new
symbol. They assimilate themselves to it, deal with it in all ways, and it will
last a hundred years. Then comes a new genius and brings another.' Our
ideas of God and the soul are obviously subject to this symbolic mutation.
They are not now what they were a century ago. They will not be a century
hence what they are now. Such ideas constitute a kind of central energy in
the human mind, capable, like the energy of the physical universe, of
assuming various shapes and undergoing various transformations. They
baffle and elude the theological mechanic who would carve them to
dogmatic forms. They offer themselves freely to the poet who understands
his vocation, and whose function is, or ought to be, to find 'local habitation'
for thoughts woven into our subjective life, but which refuse to be
mechanically defined.
-----
We now stand face to face with the final problem. It is this: Are the brain,
and the moral and intellectual processes known to be associated with the
brain — and, as far as our experience goes, indissolubly associated —
subject to the laws which we find paramount in physical nature? Is the will
of man, in other words, free, or are it and nature equally 'bound fast in fate'?
From this latter conclusion, after he had established it to the entire
satisfaction of his understanding, the great German thinker Fichte recoiled.
You will find the record of this struggle between head and heart in his book,
entitled 'Die Bestimmung des Menschen' — The Vocation of Man.
[Footnote: Translated by Dr. William Smith of Edinburgh; Truebner, 1873.]
Fichte was determined at all hazards to maintain his freedom, but the price
he paid for it indicates the difficulty of the task. To escape from the iron
necessity seen everywhere reigning in physical nature, he turned defiantly
round upon nature and law, and affirmed both of them to be the products of
his own mind. He was not going to be the slave of a thing which he had
himself created. There is a good deal to be said in favour of this view, but
few of us probably would be able to bring into play the solvent
transcendentalism whereby Fichte melted his chains.
Page 668
Why do some regard this notion of necessity with terror, while others do not
fear it at all? Has not Carlyle somewhere said that a belief in destiny is the
bias of all earnest minds? 'It is not Nature,' says Fichte, 'it is Freedom itself,
by which the greatest and most terrible disorders incident to our race are
produced. Man is the cruellest enemy of man.' But the question of moral
responsibility here emerges, and it is the possible loosening of this
responsibility that so many of us dread. The notion of necessity certainly
failed to frighten Bishop Butler. He thought it untrue even absurd — but he
did not fear its practical consequences. He showed, on the contrary, in the
'Analogy,' that as far as human conduct is concerned, the two theories of
free-will and necessity would come to the same in the end.
What is meant by free-will? Does it imply the power of producing events
without antecedents? — of starting, as it were, upon a creative tour of
occurrences without any impulse from within or from without? Let us
consider the point. If there be absolutely or relatively no reason why a tree
should fall, it will not fall; and if there be absolutely or relatively no reason
why a man should act, he will not act. It is true that the united voice of this
assembly could not persuade me that I have not, at this moment, the power
to lift my arm if I wished to do so. Within this range the conscious freedom
of my will cannot be questioned. But what about the origin of the 'wish'?
Are we, or are we not, complete masters of the circumstances which create
our wishes, motives, and tendencies to action? Adequate reflection will, I
think, prove that we are not. What, for example, have I had to do with the
generation and development of that which some will consider my total
being, and others a most potent factor of my total being — the living,
speaking organism which now addresses you? As stated at the beginning of
this discourse, my physical and intellectual textures were woven for me, not
by me. Processes in the conduct or regulation of which I had no share have
made me what I am. Here, surely, if anywhere, we are as clay in the hands
of the potter. It is the greatest of delusions to suppose that we come into this
world as sheets of white paper on which the age can write anything it likes,
making us good or bad, noble or mean, as the age pleases. The age can
stunt, promote, or pervert pre-existent capacities, but it cannot create them.
The worthy Robert Owen, who saw in external circumstances the great
moulders of human character, was obliged to supplement his doctrine by
making the man himself one of the circumstances. It is as fatal as it is
fear it at all? Has not Carlyle somewhere said that a belief in destiny is the
bias of all earnest minds? 'It is not Nature,' says Fichte, 'it is Freedom itself,
by which the greatest and most terrible disorders incident to our race are
produced. Man is the cruellest enemy of man.' But the question of moral
responsibility here emerges, and it is the possible loosening of this
responsibility that so many of us dread. The notion of necessity certainly
failed to frighten Bishop Butler. He thought it untrue even absurd — but he
did not fear its practical consequences. He showed, on the contrary, in the
'Analogy,' that as far as human conduct is concerned, the two theories of
free-will and necessity would come to the same in the end.
What is meant by free-will? Does it imply the power of producing events
without antecedents? — of starting, as it were, upon a creative tour of
occurrences without any impulse from within or from without? Let us
consider the point. If there be absolutely or relatively no reason why a tree
should fall, it will not fall; and if there be absolutely or relatively no reason
why a man should act, he will not act. It is true that the united voice of this
assembly could not persuade me that I have not, at this moment, the power
to lift my arm if I wished to do so. Within this range the conscious freedom
of my will cannot be questioned. But what about the origin of the 'wish'?
Are we, or are we not, complete masters of the circumstances which create
our wishes, motives, and tendencies to action? Adequate reflection will, I
think, prove that we are not. What, for example, have I had to do with the
generation and development of that which some will consider my total
being, and others a most potent factor of my total being — the living,
speaking organism which now addresses you? As stated at the beginning of
this discourse, my physical and intellectual textures were woven for me, not
by me. Processes in the conduct or regulation of which I had no share have
made me what I am. Here, surely, if anywhere, we are as clay in the hands
of the potter. It is the greatest of delusions to suppose that we come into this
world as sheets of white paper on which the age can write anything it likes,
making us good or bad, noble or mean, as the age pleases. The age can
stunt, promote, or pervert pre-existent capacities, but it cannot create them.
The worthy Robert Owen, who saw in external circumstances the great
moulders of human character, was obliged to supplement his doctrine by
making the man himself one of the circumstances. It is as fatal as it is
Page 669
cowardly to blink facts because they are not to our taste. How many
disorders, ghostly and bodily, are transmitted to us by inheritance? In our
courts of law, whenever it is a question whether a crime has been
committed under the influence of insanity, the best guidance the judge and
jury can have is derived from the parental antecedents of the accused. If
among these insanity be exhibited in any marked degree, the presumption in
the prisoner's favour is enormously enhanced, because the experience of life
has taught both judge and jury that insanity is frequently transmitted from
parent to child.
I met, some years ago, in a railway carriage the governor of one of our
largest prisons. He was evidently an observant and reflective man,
possessed of wide experience gathered in various parts of the world, and a
thorough student of the duties of his vocation. He told me that the prisoners
in his charge might be divided into three distinct classes. The first class
consisted of persons who ought never to have been in prison. External
accident, and not internal taint, had brought them within the grasp of the
law, and what had happened to them might happen to most of us. They were
essentially men of sound moral stamina, though wearing the prison garb.
Then came the largest class, formed of individuals possessing no strong
bias, moral or immoral, plastic to the touch of circumstances, which could
mould them into either good or evil members of society. Thirdly came a
class — happily not a large one — whom no kindness could conciliate and
no discipline tame. They were sent into this world labelled 'incorrigible',
wickedness being stamped, as it were, upon their organisations. It was an
unpleasant truth, but as a truth it ought to be faced. For such criminals the
prison over which he ruled was certainly not the proper place. If confined at
all, their prison should be on a desert island where the deadly contagium of
their example could not taint the moral air. But the sea itself he was
disposed to regard as a cheap and appropriate substitute for the island. It
seemed to him evident that the State would benefit if prisoners of the first
class were liberated; prisoners of the second class educated; and prisoners
of the third class put compendiously under water.
It is not, however, from the observation of individuals that the argument
against 'free-will,' as commonly understood, derives its principal force. It is,
as already hinted, indefinitely strengthened when extended to the race. Most
disorders, ghostly and bodily, are transmitted to us by inheritance? In our
courts of law, whenever it is a question whether a crime has been
committed under the influence of insanity, the best guidance the judge and
jury can have is derived from the parental antecedents of the accused. If
among these insanity be exhibited in any marked degree, the presumption in
the prisoner's favour is enormously enhanced, because the experience of life
has taught both judge and jury that insanity is frequently transmitted from
parent to child.
I met, some years ago, in a railway carriage the governor of one of our
largest prisons. He was evidently an observant and reflective man,
possessed of wide experience gathered in various parts of the world, and a
thorough student of the duties of his vocation. He told me that the prisoners
in his charge might be divided into three distinct classes. The first class
consisted of persons who ought never to have been in prison. External
accident, and not internal taint, had brought them within the grasp of the
law, and what had happened to them might happen to most of us. They were
essentially men of sound moral stamina, though wearing the prison garb.
Then came the largest class, formed of individuals possessing no strong
bias, moral or immoral, plastic to the touch of circumstances, which could
mould them into either good or evil members of society. Thirdly came a
class — happily not a large one — whom no kindness could conciliate and
no discipline tame. They were sent into this world labelled 'incorrigible',
wickedness being stamped, as it were, upon their organisations. It was an
unpleasant truth, but as a truth it ought to be faced. For such criminals the
prison over which he ruled was certainly not the proper place. If confined at
all, their prison should be on a desert island where the deadly contagium of
their example could not taint the moral air. But the sea itself he was
disposed to regard as a cheap and appropriate substitute for the island. It
seemed to him evident that the State would benefit if prisoners of the first
class were liberated; prisoners of the second class educated; and prisoners
of the third class put compendiously under water.
It is not, however, from the observation of individuals that the argument
against 'free-will,' as commonly understood, derives its principal force. It is,
as already hinted, indefinitely strengthened when extended to the race. Most
Page 670
of you have been forced to listen to the outcries and denunciations which
rang discordant through the land for some years after the publication of Mr.
Darwin's 'Origin of Species.' Well, the world — even the clerical world —
for the most part settled down in the belief that Mr. Darwin's book simply
reflects the truth of nature: that we who are now 'foremost in the files of
time' have come to the front through almost endless stages of promotion
from lower to higher forms of life.
If to any one of us were given the privilege of looking back through the
aeons across which life has crept towards its present outcome, his vision,
according to Darwin, would ultimately reach a point when the progenitors
of this assembly could not be called human. From that humble society,
through the interaction of its members and the storing up of their best
qualities, a better one emerged; from this again a better still; until at length,
by the integration of infinitesimals through ages of amelioration, we came
to be what we are to-day. We of this generation had no conscious share in
the production of this grand and beneficent result. Any and every generation
which preceded us had just as little share. The favoured organisms whose
garnered excellence constitutes our present store owed their advantages,
first, to what we in our ignorance are obliged to call accidental variation;'
and, secondly, to a law of heredity in the passing of which our suffrages
were not collected. With characteristic felicity and precision Mr. Matthew
Arnold lifts this question into the free air of poetry, but not out of the
atmosphere of truth, when he ascribes the process of amelioration to 'a
power not ourselves which makes for righteousness.' If, then, our
organisms, with all their tendencies and capacities, are given to us without
our being consulted; and if, while capable of acting within certain limits in
accordance with our wishes, we are not masters of the circumstances in
which motives and wishes originate; if, finally, our motives and wishes
determine our actions — in what sense can these actions be said to be the
result of free-will?
-----
Here, again, we are confronted with the question of moral responsibility,
which, as it has been much talked of lately, it is desirable to meet. With the
view of removing the fear of our falling back into the condition of 'the ape
rang discordant through the land for some years after the publication of Mr.
Darwin's 'Origin of Species.' Well, the world — even the clerical world —
for the most part settled down in the belief that Mr. Darwin's book simply
reflects the truth of nature: that we who are now 'foremost in the files of
time' have come to the front through almost endless stages of promotion
from lower to higher forms of life.
If to any one of us were given the privilege of looking back through the
aeons across which life has crept towards its present outcome, his vision,
according to Darwin, would ultimately reach a point when the progenitors
of this assembly could not be called human. From that humble society,
through the interaction of its members and the storing up of their best
qualities, a better one emerged; from this again a better still; until at length,
by the integration of infinitesimals through ages of amelioration, we came
to be what we are to-day. We of this generation had no conscious share in
the production of this grand and beneficent result. Any and every generation
which preceded us had just as little share. The favoured organisms whose
garnered excellence constitutes our present store owed their advantages,
first, to what we in our ignorance are obliged to call accidental variation;'
and, secondly, to a law of heredity in the passing of which our suffrages
were not collected. With characteristic felicity and precision Mr. Matthew
Arnold lifts this question into the free air of poetry, but not out of the
atmosphere of truth, when he ascribes the process of amelioration to 'a
power not ourselves which makes for righteousness.' If, then, our
organisms, with all their tendencies and capacities, are given to us without
our being consulted; and if, while capable of acting within certain limits in
accordance with our wishes, we are not masters of the circumstances in
which motives and wishes originate; if, finally, our motives and wishes
determine our actions — in what sense can these actions be said to be the
result of free-will?
-----
Here, again, we are confronted with the question of moral responsibility,
which, as it has been much talked of lately, it is desirable to meet. With the
view of removing the fear of our falling back into the condition of 'the ape
Page 671
and tiger,' so sedulously excited by certain writers, I propose to grapple with
this question in its rudest form, and in the most uncompromising way. 'If,'
says the robber, the ravisher, or the murderer, 'I act because I must act, what
right have you to hold me responsible for my deeds?' The reply is, 'The
right of society to protect itself against aggressive and injurious forces,
whether they be bond or free, forces of nature or forces of man.' 'Then,'
retorts the criminal, 'you punish me for what I cannot help.' 'Let it be
granted,' says society, 'but had you known that the treadmill or the gallows
was certainly in store for you, you might have "helped." Let us reason the
matter fully and frankly out. We may entertain no malice or hatred against
you; it is enough that with a view to our own safety and purification we are
determined that you and such as you shall not enjoy liberty of evil action in
our midst. You, who have behaved as a wild beast, we claim the right to
cage or kill as we should a wild beast. The public safety is a matter of more
importance than the very limited chance of your moral renovation, while
the knowledge that you have been hanged by the neck may furnish to others
about to do as you have done the precise motive which will hold them back.
If your act be such as to invoke a minor penalty, then not only others, but
yourself, may profit by the punishment which we inflict. On the homely
principle that "a burnt child dreads the fire," it will make you think twice
before venturing on a repetition of your crime. Observe, finally, the
consistency of our conduct. You offend, you say, because you cannot help
offending, to the public detriment. We punish, is our reply, because we
cannot help punishing, for the public good. Practically, then, as Bishop
Butler predicted, we act as the world acted when it supposed the evil deeds
of its criminals to be the products of free-will.' [Footnote: An eminent
Church dignitary describes all this, not unkindly, as 'truculent logic.' I think
it worthy of his Grace's graver consideration.]
'What,' I have heard it argued, 'is the use of preaching about duty, if a man's
predetermined position in the moral world renders him incapable of
profiting by advice?' Who knows that he is incapable? The preacher's last
word is a factor in the man's conduct, and it may be a most important factor,
unlocking moral energies which might otherwise remain imprisoned and
unused. If the preacher thoroughly feel that words of enlightenment,
courage, and admonition enter into the list of forces employed by Nature
herself for man's amelioration, since she gifted man with speech, he will
this question in its rudest form, and in the most uncompromising way. 'If,'
says the robber, the ravisher, or the murderer, 'I act because I must act, what
right have you to hold me responsible for my deeds?' The reply is, 'The
right of society to protect itself against aggressive and injurious forces,
whether they be bond or free, forces of nature or forces of man.' 'Then,'
retorts the criminal, 'you punish me for what I cannot help.' 'Let it be
granted,' says society, 'but had you known that the treadmill or the gallows
was certainly in store for you, you might have "helped." Let us reason the
matter fully and frankly out. We may entertain no malice or hatred against
you; it is enough that with a view to our own safety and purification we are
determined that you and such as you shall not enjoy liberty of evil action in
our midst. You, who have behaved as a wild beast, we claim the right to
cage or kill as we should a wild beast. The public safety is a matter of more
importance than the very limited chance of your moral renovation, while
the knowledge that you have been hanged by the neck may furnish to others
about to do as you have done the precise motive which will hold them back.
If your act be such as to invoke a minor penalty, then not only others, but
yourself, may profit by the punishment which we inflict. On the homely
principle that "a burnt child dreads the fire," it will make you think twice
before venturing on a repetition of your crime. Observe, finally, the
consistency of our conduct. You offend, you say, because you cannot help
offending, to the public detriment. We punish, is our reply, because we
cannot help punishing, for the public good. Practically, then, as Bishop
Butler predicted, we act as the world acted when it supposed the evil deeds
of its criminals to be the products of free-will.' [Footnote: An eminent
Church dignitary describes all this, not unkindly, as 'truculent logic.' I think
it worthy of his Grace's graver consideration.]
'What,' I have heard it argued, 'is the use of preaching about duty, if a man's
predetermined position in the moral world renders him incapable of
profiting by advice?' Who knows that he is incapable? The preacher's last
word is a factor in the man's conduct, and it may be a most important factor,
unlocking moral energies which might otherwise remain imprisoned and
unused. If the preacher thoroughly feel that words of enlightenment,
courage, and admonition enter into the list of forces employed by Nature
herself for man's amelioration, since she gifted man with speech, he will
Page 672
suffer no paralysis to fall upon his tongue. Dung the fig-tree hopefully, and
not until its barrenness has been demonstrated beyond a doubt let the
sentence go forth, 'Cut it down, why cumbereth it the ground?'
I remember when a youth in the town of Halifax, some two-and-thirty years
ago, attending a lecture given by a young man to a small but select
audience. The aspect of the lecturer was earnest and practical, and his voice
soon rivetted attention. He spoke of duty, defining it as a debt owed, and
there was a kindling vigour in his words which must have strengthened the
sense of duty in the minds of those who heard him. No speculations
regarding the freedom of the will could alter the fact that the words of that
young man did me good. His name was George Dawson. He also spoke, if
you will allow me to allude to it, of a social subject much discussed at the
time — the Chartist subject of levelling.' Suppose, he says, two men to be
equal at night, and that one rises at six, while the other sleeps till nine next
morning, what becomes of your levelling? And in so speaking be made
himself the mouthpiece of Nature, which, as we have seen, secures advance,
not by the reduction of all to a common level, but by the encouragement
and conservation of what is best.
It may be urged that, in dealing as above with my hypothetical criminal, I
am assuming a state of things brought about by the influence of religions
which include the dogmas of theology and the belief in freewill — a state,
namely, in which a moral majority control and keep in awe an immoral
minority. The heart of man is deceitful above all things, and desperately
wicked. Withdraw, then, our theologic sanctions, including the belief in
free-will, and the condition of the race will be typified by the samples of
individual wickedness which have been above adduced. We shall all, that is,
become robbers, and ravishers, and murderers. From much that has been
written of late it would seem that this astounding inference finds house-
room in many minds. Possibly, the people who hold such views might be
able to illustrate them by individual instances.
not until its barrenness has been demonstrated beyond a doubt let the
sentence go forth, 'Cut it down, why cumbereth it the ground?'
I remember when a youth in the town of Halifax, some two-and-thirty years
ago, attending a lecture given by a young man to a small but select
audience. The aspect of the lecturer was earnest and practical, and his voice
soon rivetted attention. He spoke of duty, defining it as a debt owed, and
there was a kindling vigour in his words which must have strengthened the
sense of duty in the minds of those who heard him. No speculations
regarding the freedom of the will could alter the fact that the words of that
young man did me good. His name was George Dawson. He also spoke, if
you will allow me to allude to it, of a social subject much discussed at the
time — the Chartist subject of levelling.' Suppose, he says, two men to be
equal at night, and that one rises at six, while the other sleeps till nine next
morning, what becomes of your levelling? And in so speaking be made
himself the mouthpiece of Nature, which, as we have seen, secures advance,
not by the reduction of all to a common level, but by the encouragement
and conservation of what is best.
It may be urged that, in dealing as above with my hypothetical criminal, I
am assuming a state of things brought about by the influence of religions
which include the dogmas of theology and the belief in freewill — a state,
namely, in which a moral majority control and keep in awe an immoral
minority. The heart of man is deceitful above all things, and desperately
wicked. Withdraw, then, our theologic sanctions, including the belief in
free-will, and the condition of the race will be typified by the samples of
individual wickedness which have been above adduced. We shall all, that is,
become robbers, and ravishers, and murderers. From much that has been
written of late it would seem that this astounding inference finds house-
room in many minds. Possibly, the people who hold such views might be
able to illustrate them by individual instances.
Page 673
The fear of hell's a hangman's whip,
To keep the wretch in order.
Remove the fear, and the wretch, following his natural instinct, may
become disorderly; but I refuse to accept him as a sample of humanity. 'Let
us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die' is by no means the ethical
consequence of a rejection of dogma. To many of you the name of George
Jacob Holyoake is doubtless familiar, and you are probably aware that at no
man in England has the term 'atheist' been more frequently pelted. There
are, moreover, really few who have more completely liberated themselves
from theologic notions. Among working-class politicians Mr. Holyoake is a
leader. Does he exhort his followers to 'Eat and drink, for to-morrow we
die'? Not so. In the August number of the 'Nineteenth Century' you will find
these words from his pen: 'The gospel of dirt is bad enough, but the gospel
of mere material comfort is much worse.' He contemptuously calls the
Comtist championship of the working man, 'the championship of the
trencher.' He would place 'the leanest liberty which brought with it the
dignity and power of self-help' higher than 'any prospect of a full plate
without it.' Such is the moral doctrine taught by this 'atheistic' leader; and
no Christian, I apprehend, need be ashamed of it.
Most heartily do I recognise and admire the spiritual radiance, if I may use
the term, shed by religion on the minds and lives of many personally known
to me. At the same time I cannot but observe how signally, as regards the
production of anything beautiful, religion fails in other cases. Its professor
and defender is sometimes at bottom a brawler and a clown. These
differences depend upon primary distinctions of character which religion
does not remove. It may comfort some to know that there are amongst us
many whom the gladiators of the pulpit would call 'atheists' and
'materialists,' whose lives, nevertheless, as tested by any accessible standard
of morality, would contrast more than favourably with the lives of those
who seek to stamp them with this offensive brand. When I say 'offensive,' I
refer simply to the intention of those who use such terms, and not because
atheism or materialism, when compared with many of the notions ventilated
in the columns of religious newspapers, has any particular offensiveness for
me. If I wished to find men who are scrupulous in their adherence to
To keep the wretch in order.
Remove the fear, and the wretch, following his natural instinct, may
become disorderly; but I refuse to accept him as a sample of humanity. 'Let
us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die' is by no means the ethical
consequence of a rejection of dogma. To many of you the name of George
Jacob Holyoake is doubtless familiar, and you are probably aware that at no
man in England has the term 'atheist' been more frequently pelted. There
are, moreover, really few who have more completely liberated themselves
from theologic notions. Among working-class politicians Mr. Holyoake is a
leader. Does he exhort his followers to 'Eat and drink, for to-morrow we
die'? Not so. In the August number of the 'Nineteenth Century' you will find
these words from his pen: 'The gospel of dirt is bad enough, but the gospel
of mere material comfort is much worse.' He contemptuously calls the
Comtist championship of the working man, 'the championship of the
trencher.' He would place 'the leanest liberty which brought with it the
dignity and power of self-help' higher than 'any prospect of a full plate
without it.' Such is the moral doctrine taught by this 'atheistic' leader; and
no Christian, I apprehend, need be ashamed of it.
Most heartily do I recognise and admire the spiritual radiance, if I may use
the term, shed by religion on the minds and lives of many personally known
to me. At the same time I cannot but observe how signally, as regards the
production of anything beautiful, religion fails in other cases. Its professor
and defender is sometimes at bottom a brawler and a clown. These
differences depend upon primary distinctions of character which religion
does not remove. It may comfort some to know that there are amongst us
many whom the gladiators of the pulpit would call 'atheists' and
'materialists,' whose lives, nevertheless, as tested by any accessible standard
of morality, would contrast more than favourably with the lives of those
who seek to stamp them with this offensive brand. When I say 'offensive,' I
refer simply to the intention of those who use such terms, and not because
atheism or materialism, when compared with many of the notions ventilated
in the columns of religious newspapers, has any particular offensiveness for
me. If I wished to find men who are scrupulous in their adherence to
Page 674
engagements, whose words are their bond, and to whom moral shiftiness of
any kind is subjectively unknown; if I wanted a loving father, a faithful
husband, an honourable neighbour, and a just citizen — I should seek him,
and find him among the band of 'atheists' to which I refer. I have known
some of the most pronounced among them not only in life but in death seen
them approaching with open eyes the inexorable goal, with no dread of a
'hangman's whip,' with no hope of a heavenly crown, and still as mindful of
their duties, and as faithful in the discharge of them, as if their eternal future
depended upon their latest deeds.
In letters addressed to myself, and in utterances addressed to the public,
Faraday is often referred to as a sample of the association of religious faith
with moral elevation. I was locally intimate with him for fourteen or fifteen
years of my life, and had thus occasion to observe how nearly his character
approached what might, without extravagance, be called perfection. He was
strong but gentle, impetuous but self-restrained; a sweet and lofty courtesy
marked his dealings with men and women; and though he sprang from the
body of the people, a nature so fine might well have been distilled from the
flower of antecedent chivalry. Not only in its broader sense was the
Christian religion necessary to Faraday's spiritual peace, but in what many
would call the narrow sense held by those described by Faraday himself as
'a very small and despised sect of Christians, known, if known at all, as
Sandemanians,' it constituted the light and comfort of his days.
Were our experience confined to such cases, it would furnish an irresistible
argument in favour of the association of dogmatic religion with moral
purity and grace. But, as already intimated, our experience is not thus
confined. In further illustration of this point, we may compare with Faraday
a philosopher of equal magnitude, whose character, including gentleness
and strength, candour and simplicity, intellectual power and moral
elevation, singularly resembles that of the great Sandemanian, but who has
neither shared the theologic views nor the religious emotions which formed
so dominant a factor in Faraday's life. I allude to Mr. Charles Darwin, the
Abraham of scientific men — a searcher as obedient to the command of
truth as was the patriarch to the command of God. I cannot therefore, as so
many desire, look upon Faraday's religious belief as the exclusive source of
qualities shared so conspicuously by one uninfluenced by that belief. To a
any kind is subjectively unknown; if I wanted a loving father, a faithful
husband, an honourable neighbour, and a just citizen — I should seek him,
and find him among the band of 'atheists' to which I refer. I have known
some of the most pronounced among them not only in life but in death seen
them approaching with open eyes the inexorable goal, with no dread of a
'hangman's whip,' with no hope of a heavenly crown, and still as mindful of
their duties, and as faithful in the discharge of them, as if their eternal future
depended upon their latest deeds.
In letters addressed to myself, and in utterances addressed to the public,
Faraday is often referred to as a sample of the association of religious faith
with moral elevation. I was locally intimate with him for fourteen or fifteen
years of my life, and had thus occasion to observe how nearly his character
approached what might, without extravagance, be called perfection. He was
strong but gentle, impetuous but self-restrained; a sweet and lofty courtesy
marked his dealings with men and women; and though he sprang from the
body of the people, a nature so fine might well have been distilled from the
flower of antecedent chivalry. Not only in its broader sense was the
Christian religion necessary to Faraday's spiritual peace, but in what many
would call the narrow sense held by those described by Faraday himself as
'a very small and despised sect of Christians, known, if known at all, as
Sandemanians,' it constituted the light and comfort of his days.
Were our experience confined to such cases, it would furnish an irresistible
argument in favour of the association of dogmatic religion with moral
purity and grace. But, as already intimated, our experience is not thus
confined. In further illustration of this point, we may compare with Faraday
a philosopher of equal magnitude, whose character, including gentleness
and strength, candour and simplicity, intellectual power and moral
elevation, singularly resembles that of the great Sandemanian, but who has
neither shared the theologic views nor the religious emotions which formed
so dominant a factor in Faraday's life. I allude to Mr. Charles Darwin, the
Abraham of scientific men — a searcher as obedient to the command of
truth as was the patriarch to the command of God. I cannot therefore, as so
many desire, look upon Faraday's religious belief as the exclusive source of
qualities shared so conspicuously by one uninfluenced by that belief. To a
Page 675
deeper virtue belonging to human nature in its purer forms I am disposed to
refer the excellence of both.
Superstition may be defined as constructive religion which has grown
incongruous with intelligence. We may admit, with Fichte, 'that superstition
has unquestionably constrained its subjects to abandon many pernicious
practices and to adopt many useful ones;' the real loss accompanying its
decay at the present day has been thus clearly stated by the same
philosopher: 'In so far as these lamentations do not proceed from the priests
themselves — whose grief at the loss of their dominion over the human
mind we can well understand — but from the politicians, the whole matter
resolves itself into this, that government has thereby become more difficult
and expensive. The judge was spared the exercise of his own sagacity and
penetration when, by threats of relentless damnation, he could compel the
accused to make confession. The evil spirit formerly performed without
reward services for which in later times judges and policemen have to be
paid.'
No man ever felt the need of a high and ennobling religion more thoroughly
than this powerful and fervid teacher, who, by the way, did not escape the
brand of 'atheist.' But Fichte asserted emphatically the power and
sufficiency of morality in its own sphere. 'Let us consider,' he says, 'the
highest which man can possess in the absence of religion — I mean pure
morality. The moral man obeys the law of duty in his breast absolutely,
because it is a law unto him; and he does whatever reveals itself to him as
his duty simply because it is duty. Let not the impudent assertion be
repeated that such an obedience, without regard for consequences, and
without desire for consequences, is in itself impossible and opposed to
human nature.' So much for Fichte. Faraday was equally distinct. 'I have no
intention,' he says, 'of substituting anything for religion, but I wish to take
that part of human nature which is independent of it. Morality, philosophy,
commerce, the various institutions and habits of society, are independent of
religion and may exist without it.' These were the words of his youth, but
they expressed his latest convictions. I would add, that the muse of
Tennyson never reached a higher strain than when it embodied the
sentiment of duty in AEnone :—
refer the excellence of both.
Superstition may be defined as constructive religion which has grown
incongruous with intelligence. We may admit, with Fichte, 'that superstition
has unquestionably constrained its subjects to abandon many pernicious
practices and to adopt many useful ones;' the real loss accompanying its
decay at the present day has been thus clearly stated by the same
philosopher: 'In so far as these lamentations do not proceed from the priests
themselves — whose grief at the loss of their dominion over the human
mind we can well understand — but from the politicians, the whole matter
resolves itself into this, that government has thereby become more difficult
and expensive. The judge was spared the exercise of his own sagacity and
penetration when, by threats of relentless damnation, he could compel the
accused to make confession. The evil spirit formerly performed without
reward services for which in later times judges and policemen have to be
paid.'
No man ever felt the need of a high and ennobling religion more thoroughly
than this powerful and fervid teacher, who, by the way, did not escape the
brand of 'atheist.' But Fichte asserted emphatically the power and
sufficiency of morality in its own sphere. 'Let us consider,' he says, 'the
highest which man can possess in the absence of religion — I mean pure
morality. The moral man obeys the law of duty in his breast absolutely,
because it is a law unto him; and he does whatever reveals itself to him as
his duty simply because it is duty. Let not the impudent assertion be
repeated that such an obedience, without regard for consequences, and
without desire for consequences, is in itself impossible and opposed to
human nature.' So much for Fichte. Faraday was equally distinct. 'I have no
intention,' he says, 'of substituting anything for religion, but I wish to take
that part of human nature which is independent of it. Morality, philosophy,
commerce, the various institutions and habits of society, are independent of
religion and may exist without it.' These were the words of his youth, but
they expressed his latest convictions. I would add, that the muse of
Tennyson never reached a higher strain than when it embodied the
sentiment of duty in AEnone :—
Page 676
And, because right is right, to follow right
Were wisdom in the scorn of consequence.
Not in the way assumed by our dogmatic teachers has the morality of
human nature been built up. The power which has moulded us thus far has
worked with stern tools upon a very rigid stuff. What it has done cannot be
so readily undone; and it has endowed us with moral constitutions which
take pleasure in the noble, the beautiful, and the true, just as surely as it has
endowed us with sentient organisms, which find aloes bitter and sugar
sweet. That power did not work with delusions, nor will it stay its hand
when such are removed. Facts, rather than dogmas, have been its ministers
— hunger and thirst, heat and cold, pleasure and pain, fervour, sympathy,
aspiration, shame, pride, love, hate, terror, awe — such were the forces
whose interaction and adjustment throughout an immeasurable past wove
the triplex web of man's physical, intellectual, and moral nature, and such
are the forces that will be effectual to the end.
You may retort that even on my own showing 'the power which makes for
righteousness' has dealt in delusions; for it cannot be denied that the beliefs
of religion, including the dogmas of theology and the freedom of the will,
have had some effect in moulding the moral world. Granted; but I do not
think that this goes to the root of the matter. Are you quite sure that those
beliefs and dogmas are primary, and not derived? — that they are not the
products, instead of being the creators, of man's moral nature? I think it is
in one of the Latter-Day Pamphlets that Carlyle corrects a reasoner, who
deduced the nobility of man from a belief in heaven, by telling him that he
puts the cart before the horse, the real truth being that the belief in heaven is
derived from the nobility of man. The bird's instinct to weave its nest is
referred to by Emerson as typical of the force which built cathedrals,
temples, and pyramids :—
Knowest thou what wove yon woodbird's nest
Of leaves and feathers from her breast,
Or how the fish outbuilt its shell,
Painting with morn each annual cell?
Such and so grew these holy piles
While love and terror laid the tiles;
Were wisdom in the scorn of consequence.
Not in the way assumed by our dogmatic teachers has the morality of
human nature been built up. The power which has moulded us thus far has
worked with stern tools upon a very rigid stuff. What it has done cannot be
so readily undone; and it has endowed us with moral constitutions which
take pleasure in the noble, the beautiful, and the true, just as surely as it has
endowed us with sentient organisms, which find aloes bitter and sugar
sweet. That power did not work with delusions, nor will it stay its hand
when such are removed. Facts, rather than dogmas, have been its ministers
— hunger and thirst, heat and cold, pleasure and pain, fervour, sympathy,
aspiration, shame, pride, love, hate, terror, awe — such were the forces
whose interaction and adjustment throughout an immeasurable past wove
the triplex web of man's physical, intellectual, and moral nature, and such
are the forces that will be effectual to the end.
You may retort that even on my own showing 'the power which makes for
righteousness' has dealt in delusions; for it cannot be denied that the beliefs
of religion, including the dogmas of theology and the freedom of the will,
have had some effect in moulding the moral world. Granted; but I do not
think that this goes to the root of the matter. Are you quite sure that those
beliefs and dogmas are primary, and not derived? — that they are not the
products, instead of being the creators, of man's moral nature? I think it is
in one of the Latter-Day Pamphlets that Carlyle corrects a reasoner, who
deduced the nobility of man from a belief in heaven, by telling him that he
puts the cart before the horse, the real truth being that the belief in heaven is
derived from the nobility of man. The bird's instinct to weave its nest is
referred to by Emerson as typical of the force which built cathedrals,
temples, and pyramids :—
Knowest thou what wove yon woodbird's nest
Of leaves and feathers from her breast,
Or how the fish outbuilt its shell,
Painting with morn each annual cell?
Such and so grew these holy piles
While love and terror laid the tiles;
Page 677
Earth proudly wears the Parthenon
As the best gem upon her zone;
And Morning opes with haste her lids
To gaze upon the Pyramids;
O'er England's abbeys bends the sky
As on its friends with kindred eye;
For out of Thought's interior sphere
These wonders rose to upper air,
And nature gladly gave them place,
Adopted them into her race,
And granted them an equal date
With Andes and with Ararat.
Surely, many utterances which have been accepted as descriptions ought to
be interpreted as aspirations, or, as having their roots in aspiration instead of
in objective knowledge. Does the song of the herald angels, 'Glory to God
in the highest, and on earth peace, goodwill toward men,' express the
exaltation and the yearning of a human soul? or does it describe an optical
and acoustical fact — a visible host and an audible song? If the former, the
exaltation and the yearning are man's imperishable possession — a ferment
long confined to individuals, but which may by-and-by become the leaven
of the race. If the latter, then belief in the entire transaction is wrecked by
non-fulfilment. Look to the East at the present moment as a comment on the
promise of peace' on earth and goodwill toward men. That promise is a
dream ruined by the experience of eighteen centuries, and in that ruin is
involved the claim of the 'heavenly host' to prophetic vision. But though the
mechanical theory proves untenable, the immortal song and the feelings it
expresses are still ours, to be incorporated, let us hope, in purer and less
shadowy forms in the poetry, philosophy, and practice of the future.
Thus, following the lead of physical science, we are brought without
solution of continuity into the presence of problems which, as usually
classified, lie entirely outside the domain of physics. To these problems
thoughtful and penetrative minds are now applying those methods of
research which in physical science have proved their truth by their fruits.
There is on all hands a growing repugnance to invoke the supernatural in
accounting for the phenomena of human life; and the thoughtful minds just
As the best gem upon her zone;
And Morning opes with haste her lids
To gaze upon the Pyramids;
O'er England's abbeys bends the sky
As on its friends with kindred eye;
For out of Thought's interior sphere
These wonders rose to upper air,
And nature gladly gave them place,
Adopted them into her race,
And granted them an equal date
With Andes and with Ararat.
Surely, many utterances which have been accepted as descriptions ought to
be interpreted as aspirations, or, as having their roots in aspiration instead of
in objective knowledge. Does the song of the herald angels, 'Glory to God
in the highest, and on earth peace, goodwill toward men,' express the
exaltation and the yearning of a human soul? or does it describe an optical
and acoustical fact — a visible host and an audible song? If the former, the
exaltation and the yearning are man's imperishable possession — a ferment
long confined to individuals, but which may by-and-by become the leaven
of the race. If the latter, then belief in the entire transaction is wrecked by
non-fulfilment. Look to the East at the present moment as a comment on the
promise of peace' on earth and goodwill toward men. That promise is a
dream ruined by the experience of eighteen centuries, and in that ruin is
involved the claim of the 'heavenly host' to prophetic vision. But though the
mechanical theory proves untenable, the immortal song and the feelings it
expresses are still ours, to be incorporated, let us hope, in purer and less
shadowy forms in the poetry, philosophy, and practice of the future.
Thus, following the lead of physical science, we are brought without
solution of continuity into the presence of problems which, as usually
classified, lie entirely outside the domain of physics. To these problems
thoughtful and penetrative minds are now applying those methods of
research which in physical science have proved their truth by their fruits.
There is on all hands a growing repugnance to invoke the supernatural in
accounting for the phenomena of human life; and the thoughtful minds just
Page 678
referred to, finding no trace of evidence in favour of any other origin, are
driven to seek in the interaction of social forces the genesis and
development of man's moral nature. If they succeed in their search — and I
think they are sure to succeed — social duty will be raised to a higher level
of significance and the deepening sense of social duty will, it is to be hoped,
lessen, if not obliterate, the strifes and heartburnings which now beset and
disfigure our social life. Towards this great end it behoves us one and all to
work; and devoutly wishing its consummation, I have the honour, ladies
and gentlemen, to bid you a friendly farewell.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XV. PROFESSOR VIRCHOW AND EVOLUTION.
THIS world of ours has, on the whole, been an inclement region for the
growth of natural truth; but it may be that the plant is all the hardier for the
bendings and buffetings it has undergone. The torturing of a shrub, within
certain limits, strengthens it. Through the struggles and passions of the
brute, man reaches his estate; through savagery and barbarism his
civilisation; and through illusion and persecution his knowledge of nature,
including that of his own frame. The bias towards natural truth must have
been strong to have withstood and overcome the opposing forces. Feeling
appeared in the world before Knowledge; and thoughts, conceptions, and
creeds, founded on emotion, had, before the dawn of science, taken root in
man. Such thoughts, conceptions, and creeds must have met a deep and
general want; otherwise their growth could not have been so luxuriant, nor
driven to seek in the interaction of social forces the genesis and
development of man's moral nature. If they succeed in their search — and I
think they are sure to succeed — social duty will be raised to a higher level
of significance and the deepening sense of social duty will, it is to be hoped,
lessen, if not obliterate, the strifes and heartburnings which now beset and
disfigure our social life. Towards this great end it behoves us one and all to
work; and devoutly wishing its consummation, I have the honour, ladies
and gentlemen, to bid you a friendly farewell.
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XV. PROFESSOR VIRCHOW AND EVOLUTION.
THIS world of ours has, on the whole, been an inclement region for the
growth of natural truth; but it may be that the plant is all the hardier for the
bendings and buffetings it has undergone. The torturing of a shrub, within
certain limits, strengthens it. Through the struggles and passions of the
brute, man reaches his estate; through savagery and barbarism his
civilisation; and through illusion and persecution his knowledge of nature,
including that of his own frame. The bias towards natural truth must have
been strong to have withstood and overcome the opposing forces. Feeling
appeared in the world before Knowledge; and thoughts, conceptions, and
creeds, founded on emotion, had, before the dawn of science, taken root in
man. Such thoughts, conceptions, and creeds must have met a deep and
general want; otherwise their growth could not have been so luxuriant, nor
Page 679
their abiding power so strong. This general need — this hunger for the ideal
and wonderful — led eventually to the differentiation of a caste, whose
vocation it was to cultivate the mystery of life and its surroundings, and to
give shape, name, and habitation to the emotions which that mystery
aroused. Even the savage lived, not by bread alone, but in a mental world
peopled with forms answering to his capacities and needs. As time
advanced — in other words, as the savage opened out into civilised man —
these forms were purified and ennobled until they finally emerged in the
mythology and art of Greece:—
Where still the magic robe of Poesy
Wound itself lovingly around the Truth.
[Footnote:
Da der Dichtung zauberische Huelle
Sich noch lieblich um die Wahrheit wand.'
— Schiller. ]
As poets, the priesthood would have been justified, their deities, celestial
and otherwise, with all their retinue and appliances, being more or less
legitimate symbols and personifications of the aspects of nature and the
phases of the human soul. The priests, however, or those among them who
were mechanics, and not poets, claimed objective validity for their
conceptions, and tried to base upon external evidence that which sprang
from the innermost need and nature of man. It is against this objective
rendering of the emotions — this thrusting into the region of fact and
positive knowledge of conceptions essentially ideal and poetic — that
science, consciously or unconsciously, wages war. Religious feeling is as
much a verity as any other part of human consciousness; and against it, on
its subjective side, the waves of science beat in vain. But when,
manipulated by the constructive imagination, mixed with imperfect or
inaccurate historic data, and moulded by misapplied logic, this feeling
makes claims which traverse our knowledge of nature, science, as in duty
bound, stands as a hostile power in its path. It is against the mythologic
scenery, if I may use the term, rather than against the life and substance of
religion, that Science enters her protest. Sooner or later among thinking
people, that scenery will be taken for what it is worth — as an effort on the
and wonderful — led eventually to the differentiation of a caste, whose
vocation it was to cultivate the mystery of life and its surroundings, and to
give shape, name, and habitation to the emotions which that mystery
aroused. Even the savage lived, not by bread alone, but in a mental world
peopled with forms answering to his capacities and needs. As time
advanced — in other words, as the savage opened out into civilised man —
these forms were purified and ennobled until they finally emerged in the
mythology and art of Greece:—
Where still the magic robe of Poesy
Wound itself lovingly around the Truth.
[Footnote:
Da der Dichtung zauberische Huelle
Sich noch lieblich um die Wahrheit wand.'
— Schiller. ]
As poets, the priesthood would have been justified, their deities, celestial
and otherwise, with all their retinue and appliances, being more or less
legitimate symbols and personifications of the aspects of nature and the
phases of the human soul. The priests, however, or those among them who
were mechanics, and not poets, claimed objective validity for their
conceptions, and tried to base upon external evidence that which sprang
from the innermost need and nature of man. It is against this objective
rendering of the emotions — this thrusting into the region of fact and
positive knowledge of conceptions essentially ideal and poetic — that
science, consciously or unconsciously, wages war. Religious feeling is as
much a verity as any other part of human consciousness; and against it, on
its subjective side, the waves of science beat in vain. But when,
manipulated by the constructive imagination, mixed with imperfect or
inaccurate historic data, and moulded by misapplied logic, this feeling
makes claims which traverse our knowledge of nature, science, as in duty
bound, stands as a hostile power in its path. It is against the mythologic
scenery, if I may use the term, rather than against the life and substance of
religion, that Science enters her protest. Sooner or later among thinking
people, that scenery will be taken for what it is worth — as an effort on the
Page 680
part of man to bring the mystery of life and nature within the range of his
capacities; as a temporary and essentially fluxional rendering in terms of
knowledge of that which transcends all knowledge, and admits only of ideal
approach.
The signs of the times, I think, point in this direction. It is, for example, the
obvious aim of Mr. Matthew Arnold to protect, amid the wreck of dogma,
the poetic basis of religion. And it is to be remembered that under the
circumstances poetry may be the purest accessible truth. In other influential
quarters a similar spirit is at work. In a remarkable article published by
Professor Knight of St. Andrews in the September number of the
'Nineteenth Century,' amid other free utterances, we have this one :— 'If
matter is not eternal, its first emergence into being is a miracle beside which
all others dwindle into absolute insignificance. But, as has often been
pointed out, the process is unthinkable; the sudden apocalypse of a material
world out of blank nonentity cannot be imagined; [Footnote: Professor
Knight will have to reckon with the English Marriage Service, one of whose
Collects begins thus: `O God, who by thy mighty power halt made all things
of nothing.] its emergence into order out of chaos when "without form and
void" of life, is merely a poetic rendering of the doctrine of its slow
evolution.' These are all bold words to be spoken before the moral
philosophy class of a Scotch university, while those I have underlined show
a remarkable freedom of dealing with the sacred text. They repeat in terser
language what I ventured to utter four years ago regarding the Book of
Genesis. 'Profoundly interesting and indeed pathetic to me are those
attempts of the opening mind of man to appease its hunger for a Cause. But
the Book of Genesis has no voice in scientific questions. It is a poem, not a
scientific treatise. In the former aspect it is for ever beautiful; in the latter it
has been, and it will continue to be, purely obstructive and hurtful.' My
agreement with Professor Knight extends still further.' Does the vital,' he
asks, 'proceed by a still remoter development from the non-vital? Or was it
created by a fiat of volition? Or' — and here he emphasises his question —
'has it always existed in some form or other as an eternal constituent of the
universe? I do not see,' he replies, 'how we can escape from the last
alternative.' With the whole force of my conviction I say, Nor do I, though
our modes of regarding the 'eternal constituent' may not be the same.
capacities; as a temporary and essentially fluxional rendering in terms of
knowledge of that which transcends all knowledge, and admits only of ideal
approach.
The signs of the times, I think, point in this direction. It is, for example, the
obvious aim of Mr. Matthew Arnold to protect, amid the wreck of dogma,
the poetic basis of religion. And it is to be remembered that under the
circumstances poetry may be the purest accessible truth. In other influential
quarters a similar spirit is at work. In a remarkable article published by
Professor Knight of St. Andrews in the September number of the
'Nineteenth Century,' amid other free utterances, we have this one :— 'If
matter is not eternal, its first emergence into being is a miracle beside which
all others dwindle into absolute insignificance. But, as has often been
pointed out, the process is unthinkable; the sudden apocalypse of a material
world out of blank nonentity cannot be imagined; [Footnote: Professor
Knight will have to reckon with the English Marriage Service, one of whose
Collects begins thus: `O God, who by thy mighty power halt made all things
of nothing.] its emergence into order out of chaos when "without form and
void" of life, is merely a poetic rendering of the doctrine of its slow
evolution.' These are all bold words to be spoken before the moral
philosophy class of a Scotch university, while those I have underlined show
a remarkable freedom of dealing with the sacred text. They repeat in terser
language what I ventured to utter four years ago regarding the Book of
Genesis. 'Profoundly interesting and indeed pathetic to me are those
attempts of the opening mind of man to appease its hunger for a Cause. But
the Book of Genesis has no voice in scientific questions. It is a poem, not a
scientific treatise. In the former aspect it is for ever beautiful; in the latter it
has been, and it will continue to be, purely obstructive and hurtful.' My
agreement with Professor Knight extends still further.' Does the vital,' he
asks, 'proceed by a still remoter development from the non-vital? Or was it
created by a fiat of volition? Or' — and here he emphasises his question —
'has it always existed in some form or other as an eternal constituent of the
universe? I do not see,' he replies, 'how we can escape from the last
alternative.' With the whole force of my conviction I say, Nor do I, though
our modes of regarding the 'eternal constituent' may not be the same.
Page 681
When matter was defined by Descartes, he deliberately excluded the idea of
force or motion from its attributes and from his definition. Extension only
was taken into account. And, inasmuch as the impotence of matter to
generate motion was assumed, its observed motions were referred to an
external cause. God, resident outside of matter, gave the impulse. In this
connection the argument in Young's 'Night Thoughts' will occur to most
readers :—
Motion foreign to the smallest grain
Shot through vast masses of enormous weight?
Who bid brute Matter's restive lump assume
Such various forms, and gave it wings to fly?
Against this notion of Descartes the great deist John Toland, whose ashes
lie unmarked in Putney Churchyard, strenuously contended. He affirmed
motion to be an inherent attribute of matter — that no portion of matter was
at rest, and that even the most quiescent solids were animated by a motion
of their ultimate particles. The success of his contention, according to the
learned and laborious Dr. Berthold, [Footnote: 'John Toland und der
Monismus der Gegenwart,' Heidelberg, Carl Winter. ] entitles Toland to be
regarded as the founder of that monistic doctrine which is now so rapidly
spreading.
It seems to me that the idea of vitality entertained in our day by Professor
Knight, closely resembles the idea of motion entertained by his opponents
in Toland's day. Motion was then virtually asserted to be a thing sui generis,
distinct from matter, and incapable of being generated out of matter. Hence
the obvious inference when matter was observed to move. It was the vehicle
of an energy not its own — the repository of forces impressed on it from
without — the purely passive recipient of the shock of the Divine. The
logical form continues, but the subject-matter is changed. 'The evolution of
nature,' says Professor Knight, 'may be a fact; a daily and hourly
apocalypse. But we have no evidence of the non-vital passing into the vital.
Spontaneous generation is, as yet, an imaginative guess, unverified by
scientific tests. And matter is not itself alive. Vitality, whether seen in a
single cell of protoplasm or in the human brain, is a thing sui generis,
distinct from matter, and incapable of being generated out of matter.' It may
force or motion from its attributes and from his definition. Extension only
was taken into account. And, inasmuch as the impotence of matter to
generate motion was assumed, its observed motions were referred to an
external cause. God, resident outside of matter, gave the impulse. In this
connection the argument in Young's 'Night Thoughts' will occur to most
readers :—
Motion foreign to the smallest grain
Shot through vast masses of enormous weight?
Who bid brute Matter's restive lump assume
Such various forms, and gave it wings to fly?
Against this notion of Descartes the great deist John Toland, whose ashes
lie unmarked in Putney Churchyard, strenuously contended. He affirmed
motion to be an inherent attribute of matter — that no portion of matter was
at rest, and that even the most quiescent solids were animated by a motion
of their ultimate particles. The success of his contention, according to the
learned and laborious Dr. Berthold, [Footnote: 'John Toland und der
Monismus der Gegenwart,' Heidelberg, Carl Winter. ] entitles Toland to be
regarded as the founder of that monistic doctrine which is now so rapidly
spreading.
It seems to me that the idea of vitality entertained in our day by Professor
Knight, closely resembles the idea of motion entertained by his opponents
in Toland's day. Motion was then virtually asserted to be a thing sui generis,
distinct from matter, and incapable of being generated out of matter. Hence
the obvious inference when matter was observed to move. It was the vehicle
of an energy not its own — the repository of forces impressed on it from
without — the purely passive recipient of the shock of the Divine. The
logical form continues, but the subject-matter is changed. 'The evolution of
nature,' says Professor Knight, 'may be a fact; a daily and hourly
apocalypse. But we have no evidence of the non-vital passing into the vital.
Spontaneous generation is, as yet, an imaginative guess, unverified by
scientific tests. And matter is not itself alive. Vitality, whether seen in a
single cell of protoplasm or in the human brain, is a thing sui generis,
distinct from matter, and incapable of being generated out of matter.' It may
Page 682
be, however, that, in process of time, vitality will follow the example of
motion, and, after the necessary antecedent wrangling, take its place among
the attributes of that 'universal mother' who has been so often misdefined.
That 'matter is not itself alive' Professor Knight seems to regard as an
axiomatic truth. Let us place in contrast with this the notion entertained by
the philosopher Ueberweg, one of the subtlest heads that Germany has
produced. 'What occurs in the brain' says Ueberweg 'would, in my opinion,
not be possible, if the process which here appears in its greatest
concentration did not obtain generally, only in a vastly diminished degree.
Take a pair of mice and a cask of flour. By copious nourishment the animals
increase and multiply, and in the same proportion sensations and feelings
augment. The quantity of these latter possessed by the first pair, is not
simply diffused among their descendants, for in that case the last must feel
more feebly than the first. The sensations and feelings must necessarily be
referred back to the flour, where they exist, weak and pale it is true, and not
concentrated as they are in the brain." [Footnote: Letter to Lange:
'Geschichte des Materialismus,' zweite Aufl, vol. ii. p. 521.] We may not be
able to taste or smell alcohol in a tub of fermented cherries, but by
distillation we obtain from them concentrated Kirschwasser. Hence
Ueberweg's comparison of the brain to a still, which concentrates the
sensation and feeling, pre-existing, but diluted in the food.
'Definitions,' says Mr. Holyoake, [Footnote: 'Nineteenth Century,'
September 1878.] 'grow as the horizon of experience expands. They are not
inventions, but descriptions of the state of a question. No man sees all
through a discovery at once.' Thus Descartes's notion of matter, and his
explanation of motion, would be put aside as trivial by a physiologist or a
crystallographer of the present day. They are not descriptions of the state of
the question. And yet a desire sometimes shows itself in distinguished
quarters to bind us own to conceptions which passed muster in the infancy
of knowledge, but which are wholly incompatible with our present
enlightenment. Mr. Martineau, I think, errs when he seeks to hold me to
views enunciated by 'Democritus and the mathematicians.' That definitions
should change as knowledge advances is in accordance both with sound
sense and scientific practice. When, for example, the undulatory theory was
started, it was not imagined that the vibrations of light could be transverse
motion, and, after the necessary antecedent wrangling, take its place among
the attributes of that 'universal mother' who has been so often misdefined.
That 'matter is not itself alive' Professor Knight seems to regard as an
axiomatic truth. Let us place in contrast with this the notion entertained by
the philosopher Ueberweg, one of the subtlest heads that Germany has
produced. 'What occurs in the brain' says Ueberweg 'would, in my opinion,
not be possible, if the process which here appears in its greatest
concentration did not obtain generally, only in a vastly diminished degree.
Take a pair of mice and a cask of flour. By copious nourishment the animals
increase and multiply, and in the same proportion sensations and feelings
augment. The quantity of these latter possessed by the first pair, is not
simply diffused among their descendants, for in that case the last must feel
more feebly than the first. The sensations and feelings must necessarily be
referred back to the flour, where they exist, weak and pale it is true, and not
concentrated as they are in the brain." [Footnote: Letter to Lange:
'Geschichte des Materialismus,' zweite Aufl, vol. ii. p. 521.] We may not be
able to taste or smell alcohol in a tub of fermented cherries, but by
distillation we obtain from them concentrated Kirschwasser. Hence
Ueberweg's comparison of the brain to a still, which concentrates the
sensation and feeling, pre-existing, but diluted in the food.
'Definitions,' says Mr. Holyoake, [Footnote: 'Nineteenth Century,'
September 1878.] 'grow as the horizon of experience expands. They are not
inventions, but descriptions of the state of a question. No man sees all
through a discovery at once.' Thus Descartes's notion of matter, and his
explanation of motion, would be put aside as trivial by a physiologist or a
crystallographer of the present day. They are not descriptions of the state of
the question. And yet a desire sometimes shows itself in distinguished
quarters to bind us own to conceptions which passed muster in the infancy
of knowledge, but which are wholly incompatible with our present
enlightenment. Mr. Martineau, I think, errs when he seeks to hold me to
views enunciated by 'Democritus and the mathematicians.' That definitions
should change as knowledge advances is in accordance both with sound
sense and scientific practice. When, for example, the undulatory theory was
started, it was not imagined that the vibrations of light could be transverse
Page 683
to the direction of propagation. The example of sound was at hand, which
was a case of longitudinal vibration. Now the substitution of transverse for
longitudinal vibrations in the case of light involved a radical change of
conception as to the mechanical properties of the luminiferous medium. But
though this change went so far as to fill space with a substance, possessing
the properties of a solid, rather than those of a gas, the change was
accepted, because the newly discovered facts imperatively demanded it.
Following Mr. Martineau's example, the opponent of the undulatory theory
might effectually twit the holder of it on his change of front. 'This aether of
yours,' he might say, 'alters its style with every change of service. Starting
as a beggar, with scarce a rag of 'property' to cover its bones, it turns up as a
prince when large undertakings are wanted. You had some show of reason
when, with the case of sound before you, you assumed your aether to be a
gas in the last extremity of attenuation. But now that new service is
rendered necessary by new facts, you drop the beggar's rags, and
accomplish an undertaking, great and princely enough in all conscience; for
it implies that not only planets of enormous weight, but comets with hardly
any weight at all, fly through your hypothetical solid without perceptible
loss of motion.' This would sound very cogent, but it would be very vain.
Equally vain, in my opinion, is Mr. Martineau's contention that we are not
justified in modifying, in accordance with advancing knowledge, our
notions of matter.
Before parting from Professor Knight, let me commend his courage as well
as his insight. We have heard much of late of the peril to morality involved
in the decay of religious belief. What Mr. Knight says under this head is
worthy of all respect and attention. 'I admit,' he writes, 'that were it proved
that the moral faculty was derived as well as developed, its present
decisions would not be invalidated. The child of experience has a father
whose teachings are grave, peremptory, and august; and an earthborn rule
may be as stringent as any derived from a celestial source. It does not even
follow that a belief in the material origin of spiritual existence,
accompanied by a corresponding decay of belief in immortality, must
necessarily lead to a relaxation of the moral fibre of the race. [Footnote: Is
this really certain? Instead of standing in the relation of cause and effect,
may not the 'decay' and 'relaxation' be merely coexistent, both, perhaps,
flowing from common historic antecedents?] It is certain that it has often
was a case of longitudinal vibration. Now the substitution of transverse for
longitudinal vibrations in the case of light involved a radical change of
conception as to the mechanical properties of the luminiferous medium. But
though this change went so far as to fill space with a substance, possessing
the properties of a solid, rather than those of a gas, the change was
accepted, because the newly discovered facts imperatively demanded it.
Following Mr. Martineau's example, the opponent of the undulatory theory
might effectually twit the holder of it on his change of front. 'This aether of
yours,' he might say, 'alters its style with every change of service. Starting
as a beggar, with scarce a rag of 'property' to cover its bones, it turns up as a
prince when large undertakings are wanted. You had some show of reason
when, with the case of sound before you, you assumed your aether to be a
gas in the last extremity of attenuation. But now that new service is
rendered necessary by new facts, you drop the beggar's rags, and
accomplish an undertaking, great and princely enough in all conscience; for
it implies that not only planets of enormous weight, but comets with hardly
any weight at all, fly through your hypothetical solid without perceptible
loss of motion.' This would sound very cogent, but it would be very vain.
Equally vain, in my opinion, is Mr. Martineau's contention that we are not
justified in modifying, in accordance with advancing knowledge, our
notions of matter.
Before parting from Professor Knight, let me commend his courage as well
as his insight. We have heard much of late of the peril to morality involved
in the decay of religious belief. What Mr. Knight says under this head is
worthy of all respect and attention. 'I admit,' he writes, 'that were it proved
that the moral faculty was derived as well as developed, its present
decisions would not be invalidated. The child of experience has a father
whose teachings are grave, peremptory, and august; and an earthborn rule
may be as stringent as any derived from a celestial source. It does not even
follow that a belief in the material origin of spiritual existence,
accompanied by a corresponding decay of belief in immortality, must
necessarily lead to a relaxation of the moral fibre of the race. [Footnote: Is
this really certain? Instead of standing in the relation of cause and effect,
may not the 'decay' and 'relaxation' be merely coexistent, both, perhaps,
flowing from common historic antecedents?] It is certain that it has often
Page 684
done so.' But it is equally certain that there have been individuals, and great
historical communities, in which the absence of the latter belief has neither
weakened moral earnestness, nor prevented devotional fervour.' I have
elsewhere stated that some of the best men of my acquaintance — men lofty
in thought and beneficent in act — belong to a class who assiduously let the
belief referred to alone. They derive from it neither stimulus nor inspiration,
while — I say it with regret — were I in quest of persons who, in regard to
the finer endowments of human character, are to be ranked with the
unendowed, I should find some characteristic samples among the noisier
defenders of the orthodox belief. These, however, are but 'hand-specimens'
on both sides; the wider data referred to by Professor Knight constitute,
therefore, a welcome corroboration of my experience. Again, my excellent
critic, Professor Blackie, describes Buddha as being 'a great deal more than
a prophet; a rare, exceptional, and altogether transcendental incarnation of
moral perfection.' [Footnote: 'Natural History of Atheism,' p. 136.] And yet,
'what Buddha preached was a gospel of pure human ethics, divorced not
only from Brahma and the Brahminic Trinity, but even from the existence
of God.' [Footnote: Natural History of Atheism,' p. 125.] These civilised
and gallant voices from the North contrast pleasantly with the barbarous
whoops which sometimes come to us along the same meridian.
-----
Looking backwards from my present standpoint over the earnest past, a
boyhood fond of play and physical action, but averse to schoolwork, lies
before me. The aversion did not arise from intellectual apathy or want of
appetite for knowledge, but simply from the fact that my earliest teachers
lacked the power of imparting vitality to what they taught. Athwart all play
and amusement, however, a thread of seriousness ran through my character;
and many a sleepless night of my childhood has been passed, fretted by the
question 'Who made God?' I was well versed in Scripture; for I loved the
Bible, and was prompted by that love to commit large portions of it to
memory. Later on I became adroit in turning my Scriptural knowledge
against the Church of Rome, but the characteristic doctrines of that Church
marked only for a time the limits of enquiry. The eternal Sonship of Christ,
for example, as enunciated in the Athanasian Creed, perplexed me. The
historical communities, in which the absence of the latter belief has neither
weakened moral earnestness, nor prevented devotional fervour.' I have
elsewhere stated that some of the best men of my acquaintance — men lofty
in thought and beneficent in act — belong to a class who assiduously let the
belief referred to alone. They derive from it neither stimulus nor inspiration,
while — I say it with regret — were I in quest of persons who, in regard to
the finer endowments of human character, are to be ranked with the
unendowed, I should find some characteristic samples among the noisier
defenders of the orthodox belief. These, however, are but 'hand-specimens'
on both sides; the wider data referred to by Professor Knight constitute,
therefore, a welcome corroboration of my experience. Again, my excellent
critic, Professor Blackie, describes Buddha as being 'a great deal more than
a prophet; a rare, exceptional, and altogether transcendental incarnation of
moral perfection.' [Footnote: 'Natural History of Atheism,' p. 136.] And yet,
'what Buddha preached was a gospel of pure human ethics, divorced not
only from Brahma and the Brahminic Trinity, but even from the existence
of God.' [Footnote: Natural History of Atheism,' p. 125.] These civilised
and gallant voices from the North contrast pleasantly with the barbarous
whoops which sometimes come to us along the same meridian.
-----
Looking backwards from my present standpoint over the earnest past, a
boyhood fond of play and physical action, but averse to schoolwork, lies
before me. The aversion did not arise from intellectual apathy or want of
appetite for knowledge, but simply from the fact that my earliest teachers
lacked the power of imparting vitality to what they taught. Athwart all play
and amusement, however, a thread of seriousness ran through my character;
and many a sleepless night of my childhood has been passed, fretted by the
question 'Who made God?' I was well versed in Scripture; for I loved the
Bible, and was prompted by that love to commit large portions of it to
memory. Later on I became adroit in turning my Scriptural knowledge
against the Church of Rome, but the characteristic doctrines of that Church
marked only for a time the limits of enquiry. The eternal Sonship of Christ,
for example, as enunciated in the Athanasian Creed, perplexed me. The
Page 685
resurrection of the body was also a thorn in my mind, and here I remember
that a passage in Blair's 'Grave' gave me momentary rest.
Sure the same power
That rear'd the piece at first and took it down
Can reassemble the loose, scatter'd parts
And put them as they were.
The conclusion seemed for the moment entirely fair, but with further
thought, my difficulties came back to me. I had seen cows and sheep
browsing upon churchyard grass, which sprang from the decaying mould of
dead men. The flesh of these animals was undoubtedly a modification of
human flesh, and the persons who fed upon them were as undoubtedly, in
part, a more remote modification of the same substance. I figured the self-
same molecules as belonging first to one body and afterwards to a different
one, and I asked myself how two bodies so related could possibly arrange
their claims at the day of resurrection. The scattered parts of each were to
be reassembled and set as they were. But if handed over to the one, how
could they possibly enter into the composition of the other? Omnipotence
itself, I concluded, could not reconcile the contradiction. Thus the plank
which Blair's mechanical theory of the resurrection brought momentarily
into sight, disappeared, and I was again cast abroad on the waste ocean of
speculation.
At the same time I could by no means get rid of the idea that the aspects of
nature and the consciousness of man implied the operation of a power
altogether beyond my grasp — an energy the thought of which raised the
temperature of the mind, though it refused to accept shape, personal or
otherwise, from the intellect. Perhaps the able critics of the 'Saturday
Review' are justified in speaking as they sometimes do of Mr. Carlyle. They
owe him nothing, and have a right to announce the fact in their own way. I,
however, owe him a great deal, and am also in honour bound to
acknowledge the debt. Few, perhaps, who are privileged to come into
contact with that illustrious man have shown him a sturdier front than I
have, or in discussing modern science have more frequently withstood him.
But I could see that his contention at bottom always was that the human
soul has claims and yearnings which physical science cannot satisfy.
that a passage in Blair's 'Grave' gave me momentary rest.
Sure the same power
That rear'd the piece at first and took it down
Can reassemble the loose, scatter'd parts
And put them as they were.
The conclusion seemed for the moment entirely fair, but with further
thought, my difficulties came back to me. I had seen cows and sheep
browsing upon churchyard grass, which sprang from the decaying mould of
dead men. The flesh of these animals was undoubtedly a modification of
human flesh, and the persons who fed upon them were as undoubtedly, in
part, a more remote modification of the same substance. I figured the self-
same molecules as belonging first to one body and afterwards to a different
one, and I asked myself how two bodies so related could possibly arrange
their claims at the day of resurrection. The scattered parts of each were to
be reassembled and set as they were. But if handed over to the one, how
could they possibly enter into the composition of the other? Omnipotence
itself, I concluded, could not reconcile the contradiction. Thus the plank
which Blair's mechanical theory of the resurrection brought momentarily
into sight, disappeared, and I was again cast abroad on the waste ocean of
speculation.
At the same time I could by no means get rid of the idea that the aspects of
nature and the consciousness of man implied the operation of a power
altogether beyond my grasp — an energy the thought of which raised the
temperature of the mind, though it refused to accept shape, personal or
otherwise, from the intellect. Perhaps the able critics of the 'Saturday
Review' are justified in speaking as they sometimes do of Mr. Carlyle. They
owe him nothing, and have a right to announce the fact in their own way. I,
however, owe him a great deal, and am also in honour bound to
acknowledge the debt. Few, perhaps, who are privileged to come into
contact with that illustrious man have shown him a sturdier front than I
have, or in discussing modern science have more frequently withstood him.
But I could see that his contention at bottom always was that the human
soul has claims and yearnings which physical science cannot satisfy.
Page 686
England to come will assuredly thank him for his affirmation of the ethical
and ideal side of human nature. Be this as it may, at the period now reached
in my story the feeling referred to was indefinitely strengthened, my whole
life being at the same time rendered more earnest, resolute, and laborious
by the writings of Carlyle. Others also ministered to this result. Emerson
kindled me, while Fichte powerfully stirred my moral pulse. [Footnote: The
reader will find in the Seventeenth Lecture of Fichte's course on the
'Characteristics of the Present Age' a sample of the vital power of this
philosopher.] In this relation I cared little for political theories or
philosophic systems, but a great deal for the propagated life and strength of
pure and powerful minds. In my later school-days, under a clever teacher,
some knowledge of mathematics and physics had been picked up: my stock
of both was, however, scanty, and I resolved to augment it. But it was really
with the view of learning whether mathematics and physics could help me
in other spheres, rather than with the desire of acquiring distinction in either
science, that I ventured, in 1848, to break the continuity of my life, and
devote the meagre funds then at my disposal to the study of science in
Germany.
But science soon fascinated me on its own account. To carry it duly and
honestly out, moral qualities were incessantly invoked. There was no room
allowed for insincerity — no room even for carelessness. The edifice of
science had been raised by men who had unswervingly followed the truth as
it is in nature; and in doing so had often sacrificed interests which are
usually potent in this world. Among these rationalistic men of Germany I
found conscientiousness in work as much insisted on as it could be among
theologians. And why, since they had not the rewards or penalties of the
theologian to offer to their disciples? Because they assumed, and were
justified in assuming, that those whom they addressed had that within them
which would respond to their appeal. If Germany should ever change for
something less noble the simple earnestness and fidelity to duty, which in
those days characterised her teachers, and through them her sons generally,
it will not be because of rationalism. Such a decadent Germany might
coexist with the most rampant rationalism without their standing to each
other in the relation of cause and effect.
and ideal side of human nature. Be this as it may, at the period now reached
in my story the feeling referred to was indefinitely strengthened, my whole
life being at the same time rendered more earnest, resolute, and laborious
by the writings of Carlyle. Others also ministered to this result. Emerson
kindled me, while Fichte powerfully stirred my moral pulse. [Footnote: The
reader will find in the Seventeenth Lecture of Fichte's course on the
'Characteristics of the Present Age' a sample of the vital power of this
philosopher.] In this relation I cared little for political theories or
philosophic systems, but a great deal for the propagated life and strength of
pure and powerful minds. In my later school-days, under a clever teacher,
some knowledge of mathematics and physics had been picked up: my stock
of both was, however, scanty, and I resolved to augment it. But it was really
with the view of learning whether mathematics and physics could help me
in other spheres, rather than with the desire of acquiring distinction in either
science, that I ventured, in 1848, to break the continuity of my life, and
devote the meagre funds then at my disposal to the study of science in
Germany.
But science soon fascinated me on its own account. To carry it duly and
honestly out, moral qualities were incessantly invoked. There was no room
allowed for insincerity — no room even for carelessness. The edifice of
science had been raised by men who had unswervingly followed the truth as
it is in nature; and in doing so had often sacrificed interests which are
usually potent in this world. Among these rationalistic men of Germany I
found conscientiousness in work as much insisted on as it could be among
theologians. And why, since they had not the rewards or penalties of the
theologian to offer to their disciples? Because they assumed, and were
justified in assuming, that those whom they addressed had that within them
which would respond to their appeal. If Germany should ever change for
something less noble the simple earnestness and fidelity to duty, which in
those days characterised her teachers, and through them her sons generally,
it will not be because of rationalism. Such a decadent Germany might
coexist with the most rampant rationalism without their standing to each
other in the relation of cause and effect.
Page 687
My first really laborious investigation, conducted jointly with my friend
Professor Knoblauch, landed me in a region which harmonised with my
speculative tastes. It was essentially an enquiry in molecular physics,
having reference to the curious, and then perplexing, phenomena exhibited
by crystals when freely suspended in the magnetic field. I here lived amid
the most complex operations of magnetism in its twofold aspect of an
attractive and a repellent force. Iron was attracted by a magnet, bismuth was
repelled, and the crystals operated on ranged themselves under these two
heads. Faraday and Pluecker had worked assiduously at the subject, and had
invoked the aid of new forces to account for the phenomena. It was soon,
however, found that the displacement in a crystal of an atom of the iron
class by an atom of the bismuth class, involving no change of crystalline
form, produced a complete reversal of the phenomena. The lines through
the crystal which were in the one case drawn towards the poles of the
magnet, were driven, in the other case, from these poles. By such instances
and the reasoning which they suggested, magne-crystallic action was
proved to be due, not to the operation of new forces, but to the modification
of the old ones by molecular arrangement. Whether diamagnetism, like
magnetism, was a polar force, was in those days a subject of the most lively
contention. It was finally proved to be so; and the most complicated cases
of magne-crystallic action were immediately shown to be simple
mechanical consequences of the principle of diamagnetic polarity. These
early researches, which occupied in all five years of my life, and throughout
which the molecular architecture of crystals was an incessant subject of
mental contemplation, gave a tinge and bias to my subsequent scientific
thought, and their influence is easily traced in my subsequent enquiries. For
example, during nine years of labour on the subject of radiation, heat and
light were handled throughout by me, not as ends, but as instruments by the
aid of which the mind might perchance lay hold upon the ultimate particles
of matter.
Scientific progress depends mainly upon two factors which incessantly
interact — the strengthening of the mind by exercise, and the illumination
of phenomena by knowledge. There seems no limit to the insight regarding
physical processes which this interaction carries in its train. Through such
insight we are enabled to enter and explore that subsensible world into
which all natural phenomena strike their roots, and from which they derive
Professor Knoblauch, landed me in a region which harmonised with my
speculative tastes. It was essentially an enquiry in molecular physics,
having reference to the curious, and then perplexing, phenomena exhibited
by crystals when freely suspended in the magnetic field. I here lived amid
the most complex operations of magnetism in its twofold aspect of an
attractive and a repellent force. Iron was attracted by a magnet, bismuth was
repelled, and the crystals operated on ranged themselves under these two
heads. Faraday and Pluecker had worked assiduously at the subject, and had
invoked the aid of new forces to account for the phenomena. It was soon,
however, found that the displacement in a crystal of an atom of the iron
class by an atom of the bismuth class, involving no change of crystalline
form, produced a complete reversal of the phenomena. The lines through
the crystal which were in the one case drawn towards the poles of the
magnet, were driven, in the other case, from these poles. By such instances
and the reasoning which they suggested, magne-crystallic action was
proved to be due, not to the operation of new forces, but to the modification
of the old ones by molecular arrangement. Whether diamagnetism, like
magnetism, was a polar force, was in those days a subject of the most lively
contention. It was finally proved to be so; and the most complicated cases
of magne-crystallic action were immediately shown to be simple
mechanical consequences of the principle of diamagnetic polarity. These
early researches, which occupied in all five years of my life, and throughout
which the molecular architecture of crystals was an incessant subject of
mental contemplation, gave a tinge and bias to my subsequent scientific
thought, and their influence is easily traced in my subsequent enquiries. For
example, during nine years of labour on the subject of radiation, heat and
light were handled throughout by me, not as ends, but as instruments by the
aid of which the mind might perchance lay hold upon the ultimate particles
of matter.
Scientific progress depends mainly upon two factors which incessantly
interact — the strengthening of the mind by exercise, and the illumination
of phenomena by knowledge. There seems no limit to the insight regarding
physical processes which this interaction carries in its train. Through such
insight we are enabled to enter and explore that subsensible world into
which all natural phenomena strike their roots, and from which they derive
Page 688
nutrition. By it we are enabled to place before the mind's eye atoms and
atomic motions which lie far beyond the range of the senses, and to apply to
them reasoning as stringent as that applied by the mechanician to the
motions and collisions of sensible masses. But once committed to such
conceptions, there is a risk of being irresistibly led beyond the bounds of
inorganic nature. Even in those early stages of scientific growth, I found
myself more and more compelled to regard not only crystals, but organic
structures, the body of man inclusive, as cases of molecular architecture,
infinitely more complex, it is true, than those of inorganic nature, but
reducible, in the long run, to the same mechanical laws. In ancient journals
I find recorded ponderings and speculations relating to these subjects, and
attempts made, by reference to magnetic and crystalline phenomena, to
present some satisfactory image to the mind of the way in which plants and
animals are built up. Perhaps I may be excused for noting a sample of these
early speculations, already possibly known to a few of my readers, but
which here finds a more suitable place than that which it formerly occupied.
-----
Sitting, in the summer of 1855, with my friend Dr. Rebus under the shadow
of a massive elm on the bank of a river in Normandy, the current of our
thoughts and conversation was substantially this :— We regarded the tree
above us. In opposition to gravity its molecules had ascended, diverged into
branches, and budded into innumerable leaves. What caused them to do so
— a power external to themselves, or an inherent force? Science rejects the
outside builder; let us, therefore, consider from the other point of view the
experience of the present year. A low temperature had kept back for weeks
the life of the vegetable world. But at length the sun gained power — or,
rather, the cloud-screen which our atmosphere had drawn between him and
us was removed — and life immediately kindled under his warmth. But
what is life, and how can solar light and heat thus affect it? Near our elm
was a silver birch, with its leaves rapidly quivering in the morning air. We
had here motion, but not the motion of life. Each leaf moved as a mass
under the influence of an outside force, while the motion of life was
inherent and molecular. How are we to figure this molecular motion — the
forces which it implies, and the results which flow from them? Suppose the
leaves to be shaken from the tree and enabled
atomic motions which lie far beyond the range of the senses, and to apply to
them reasoning as stringent as that applied by the mechanician to the
motions and collisions of sensible masses. But once committed to such
conceptions, there is a risk of being irresistibly led beyond the bounds of
inorganic nature. Even in those early stages of scientific growth, I found
myself more and more compelled to regard not only crystals, but organic
structures, the body of man inclusive, as cases of molecular architecture,
infinitely more complex, it is true, than those of inorganic nature, but
reducible, in the long run, to the same mechanical laws. In ancient journals
I find recorded ponderings and speculations relating to these subjects, and
attempts made, by reference to magnetic and crystalline phenomena, to
present some satisfactory image to the mind of the way in which plants and
animals are built up. Perhaps I may be excused for noting a sample of these
early speculations, already possibly known to a few of my readers, but
which here finds a more suitable place than that which it formerly occupied.
-----
Sitting, in the summer of 1855, with my friend Dr. Rebus under the shadow
of a massive elm on the bank of a river in Normandy, the current of our
thoughts and conversation was substantially this :— We regarded the tree
above us. In opposition to gravity its molecules had ascended, diverged into
branches, and budded into innumerable leaves. What caused them to do so
— a power external to themselves, or an inherent force? Science rejects the
outside builder; let us, therefore, consider from the other point of view the
experience of the present year. A low temperature had kept back for weeks
the life of the vegetable world. But at length the sun gained power — or,
rather, the cloud-screen which our atmosphere had drawn between him and
us was removed — and life immediately kindled under his warmth. But
what is life, and how can solar light and heat thus affect it? Near our elm
was a silver birch, with its leaves rapidly quivering in the morning air. We
had here motion, but not the motion of life. Each leaf moved as a mass
under the influence of an outside force, while the motion of life was
inherent and molecular. How are we to figure this molecular motion — the
forces which it implies, and the results which flow from them? Suppose the
leaves to be shaken from the tree and enabled
Page 689
to attract and repel each other. To fix the ideas, suppose the point of each
leaf to repel all the other points and to attract the roots, and the root of each
leaf to repel all other roots, but to attract the points. The leaves would then
resemble an assemblage of little magnets abandoned freely to the
interaction of their own forces. In obedience to these they would arrange
themselves, and finally assume positions of rest, forming a coherent mass.
Let us suppose the breeze, which now causes them to quiver, to disturb the
assumed equilibrium. As often as disturbed there would be a constant effort
on the part of the leaves to re-establish it; and in making this effort the mass
of leaves would pass through different shapes and forms. If other leaves,
moreover, were at hand endowed with similar forces, the attraction would
extend to them — a growth of the mass of leaves being the consequence.
We have strong reason for assuming that the ultimate particles of matter —
the atoms and molecules of which it is made up — are endowed with forces
coarsely typified by those here ascribed to the leaves. The phenomena of
crystallisation load, of necessity, to this conception of molecular polarity.
Under the operation of such forces the molecules of a seed, like our fallen
leaves in the first instance, take up positions from which they would never
move if undisturbed by an external impulse. But solar light and heat, which
come to us as waves through space, are the great agents of molecular
disturbance. On the inert molecules of seed and soil these waves impinge,
disturbing the atomic equilibrium, which there is an immediate effort to
restore. The effort, incessantly defeated — for the waves continue to pour in
— is incessantly renewed; in the molecular struggle matter is gathered from
the soil and from the atmosphere, and built, in obedience to the forces
which guide the molecules, into the special form of the tree. In a general
way, therefore, the life of the tree might be defined as an unceasing effort to
restore a disturbed equilibrium. In the building of crystals Nature makes her
first structural effort; we have here the earliest groping of the so-called 'vital
force,' and the manifestations of this force in plants and animals, though, as
already stated, indefinitely more complex, are to be regarded of the same
mechanical quality as those concerned in the building of the crystal.
Consider the cycle of operations by which the seed produces the plant, the
plant the flower, the flower again the seed, the causal line, returning with
the fidelity of a planetary orbit to its original point of departure. Who or
leaf to repel all the other points and to attract the roots, and the root of each
leaf to repel all other roots, but to attract the points. The leaves would then
resemble an assemblage of little magnets abandoned freely to the
interaction of their own forces. In obedience to these they would arrange
themselves, and finally assume positions of rest, forming a coherent mass.
Let us suppose the breeze, which now causes them to quiver, to disturb the
assumed equilibrium. As often as disturbed there would be a constant effort
on the part of the leaves to re-establish it; and in making this effort the mass
of leaves would pass through different shapes and forms. If other leaves,
moreover, were at hand endowed with similar forces, the attraction would
extend to them — a growth of the mass of leaves being the consequence.
We have strong reason for assuming that the ultimate particles of matter —
the atoms and molecules of which it is made up — are endowed with forces
coarsely typified by those here ascribed to the leaves. The phenomena of
crystallisation load, of necessity, to this conception of molecular polarity.
Under the operation of such forces the molecules of a seed, like our fallen
leaves in the first instance, take up positions from which they would never
move if undisturbed by an external impulse. But solar light and heat, which
come to us as waves through space, are the great agents of molecular
disturbance. On the inert molecules of seed and soil these waves impinge,
disturbing the atomic equilibrium, which there is an immediate effort to
restore. The effort, incessantly defeated — for the waves continue to pour in
— is incessantly renewed; in the molecular struggle matter is gathered from
the soil and from the atmosphere, and built, in obedience to the forces
which guide the molecules, into the special form of the tree. In a general
way, therefore, the life of the tree might be defined as an unceasing effort to
restore a disturbed equilibrium. In the building of crystals Nature makes her
first structural effort; we have here the earliest groping of the so-called 'vital
force,' and the manifestations of this force in plants and animals, though, as
already stated, indefinitely more complex, are to be regarded of the same
mechanical quality as those concerned in the building of the crystal.
Consider the cycle of operations by which the seed produces the plant, the
plant the flower, the flower again the seed, the causal line, returning with
the fidelity of a planetary orbit to its original point of departure. Who or
Page 690
what planned this molecular rhythm? We do not know — science fails even
to inform us whether it was ever 'planned' at all. Yonder butterfly has a spot
of orange on its wing; and if we look at a drawing made a century ago, of
one of the ancestors of that butterfly, we probably find the selfsame spot
upon the wing. For a century the molecules have described their cycles.
Butterflies have been begotten, have been born, and have died; still we find
the molecular architecture unchanged. Who or what determined this
persistency of recurrence? We do not know; but we stand within our
intellectual range when we say that there is probably nothing in that wing
which may not yet find its Newton to prove that the principles involved in
its construction are qualitatively the same as those brought into play in the
formation of the solar system. We may even take a step further, and affirm
that the brain of man — the organ of his reason — without which he can
neither think nor feel, is also an assemblage of molecules, acting and
reacting according to law. Here, however, the methods pursued in
mechanical science come to an end; and if asked to deduce from the
physical interaction of the brain molecules the least of the phenomena of
sensation or thought, I acknowledge my helplessness. The association of
both with the matter of the brain may be as certain as the association of
light with the rising of the sun. But whereas in the latter case we have
unbroken mechanical connection between the sun and our organs, in the
former case logical continuity disappears. Between molecular mechanics
and consciousness is interposed a fissure over which the ladder of physical
reasoning is incompetent to carry us. We must, therefore, accept the
observed association as an empirical fact, without being able to bring it
under the yoke of à priori deduction.
-----
Such were the ponderings which ran habitually through my mind in the
days of my scientific youth. They illustrate two things — a determination to
push physical considerations to their utmost legitimate limit; and an
acknowledgment that physical considerations do not lead to the final
explanation of all that we feel and know. This acknowledgment, be it said in
passing, was by no means made with the view of providing room for the
play of considerations other than physical. The same intellectual duality, if I
may use the phrase, manifests itself in the following extract from an article
to inform us whether it was ever 'planned' at all. Yonder butterfly has a spot
of orange on its wing; and if we look at a drawing made a century ago, of
one of the ancestors of that butterfly, we probably find the selfsame spot
upon the wing. For a century the molecules have described their cycles.
Butterflies have been begotten, have been born, and have died; still we find
the molecular architecture unchanged. Who or what determined this
persistency of recurrence? We do not know; but we stand within our
intellectual range when we say that there is probably nothing in that wing
which may not yet find its Newton to prove that the principles involved in
its construction are qualitatively the same as those brought into play in the
formation of the solar system. We may even take a step further, and affirm
that the brain of man — the organ of his reason — without which he can
neither think nor feel, is also an assemblage of molecules, acting and
reacting according to law. Here, however, the methods pursued in
mechanical science come to an end; and if asked to deduce from the
physical interaction of the brain molecules the least of the phenomena of
sensation or thought, I acknowledge my helplessness. The association of
both with the matter of the brain may be as certain as the association of
light with the rising of the sun. But whereas in the latter case we have
unbroken mechanical connection between the sun and our organs, in the
former case logical continuity disappears. Between molecular mechanics
and consciousness is interposed a fissure over which the ladder of physical
reasoning is incompetent to carry us. We must, therefore, accept the
observed association as an empirical fact, without being able to bring it
under the yoke of à priori deduction.
-----
Such were the ponderings which ran habitually through my mind in the
days of my scientific youth. They illustrate two things — a determination to
push physical considerations to their utmost legitimate limit; and an
acknowledgment that physical considerations do not lead to the final
explanation of all that we feel and know. This acknowledgment, be it said in
passing, was by no means made with the view of providing room for the
play of considerations other than physical. The same intellectual duality, if I
may use the phrase, manifests itself in the following extract from an article
Page 691
entitled 'Physics and Metaphysics,' published in the 'Saturday Review' for
August 4, 1860:—
'The philosophy of the future will assuredly take more account than that of
the past of the dependence of thought and feeling on physical processes;
and it may be that the qualities of the mind will be studied through organic
combinations as we now study the character of a force through the
affections of ordinary matter. We believe that every thought and every
feeling has its definite mechanical correlative — that it is accompanied by a
certain breaking up and remarshalling of the atoms of the brain. This latter
process is purely physical; and were the faculties we now possess
sufficiently expanded, without the creation of any new faculty, it would
doubtless be within the range of our augmented powers to infer from the
molecular state of the brain the character of the thought acting on it, and,
conversely, to infer from the thought the exact molecular condition of the
brain. We do not say — and this, as will be seen, is all-important — that the
inference here referred to would be an à priori one. But by observing, with
the faculties we assume, the state of the brain and the associated mental
affections, both might be so tabulated side by side that, if one were given, a
mere reference to the table would declare the other. Our present powers, it
is true, shrivel into nothingness when brought to bear on such a problem,
but it is because of its complexity and our limits that this is the case. The
quality of the problem and of our powers are, we believe, so related, that a
mere expansion of the latter would enable them to cope with the former.
Why, then, in scientific speculation should we turn our eyes exclusively to
the past? May it not be that a time is coming — ages no doubt distant, but
still advancing — when the dwellers upon this fair earth, starting from the
gross human brain of to-day as a rudiment, may be able to apply to these
mighty questions faculties of commensurate extent? Given the requisite
expansibility to the present senses and intelligence of man — given also the
time necessary for their expansion — and this high goal may be attained.
Development is all that is required, and not a change of quality. There need
be no absolute breach of continuity between us and our loftier brothers yet
to come.
We have guarded ourselves against saying that the inferring of thought from
material combinations and arrangements would be an inference à priori.
August 4, 1860:—
'The philosophy of the future will assuredly take more account than that of
the past of the dependence of thought and feeling on physical processes;
and it may be that the qualities of the mind will be studied through organic
combinations as we now study the character of a force through the
affections of ordinary matter. We believe that every thought and every
feeling has its definite mechanical correlative — that it is accompanied by a
certain breaking up and remarshalling of the atoms of the brain. This latter
process is purely physical; and were the faculties we now possess
sufficiently expanded, without the creation of any new faculty, it would
doubtless be within the range of our augmented powers to infer from the
molecular state of the brain the character of the thought acting on it, and,
conversely, to infer from the thought the exact molecular condition of the
brain. We do not say — and this, as will be seen, is all-important — that the
inference here referred to would be an à priori one. But by observing, with
the faculties we assume, the state of the brain and the associated mental
affections, both might be so tabulated side by side that, if one were given, a
mere reference to the table would declare the other. Our present powers, it
is true, shrivel into nothingness when brought to bear on such a problem,
but it is because of its complexity and our limits that this is the case. The
quality of the problem and of our powers are, we believe, so related, that a
mere expansion of the latter would enable them to cope with the former.
Why, then, in scientific speculation should we turn our eyes exclusively to
the past? May it not be that a time is coming — ages no doubt distant, but
still advancing — when the dwellers upon this fair earth, starting from the
gross human brain of to-day as a rudiment, may be able to apply to these
mighty questions faculties of commensurate extent? Given the requisite
expansibility to the present senses and intelligence of man — given also the
time necessary for their expansion — and this high goal may be attained.
Development is all that is required, and not a change of quality. There need
be no absolute breach of continuity between us and our loftier brothers yet
to come.
We have guarded ourselves against saying that the inferring of thought from
material combinations and arrangements would be an inference à priori.
Page 692
The inference meant would be the same in kind as that which the
observation of the effects of food and drink upon the mind would enable us
to make, differing only from the latter in the degree of analytical insight
which we suppose attained. Given the masses and distances of the planets,
we can infer the perturbations consequent on their mutual attractions. Given
the nature of a disturbance in water, air, or aether — knowing the physical
qualities of the medium we can infer how its particles will be affected. In all
this we deal with physical laws. The mind runs with certainty along the line
of thought which connects the phenomena, and from beginning to end there
is no break in the chain. But when we endeavour to pass by a similar
process from the phenomena of physics to those of thought, we meet a
problem which transcends any conceivable expansion of the powers which
we now possess. We may think over the subject again and again, but it
eludes all intellectual presentation. We stand at length face to face with the
Incomprehensible. The territory of physics is wide, but it has its limits from
which we look with vacant gaze into the region beyond. Let us follow
matter to its utmost bounds, let us claim it in all its forms — even in the
muscles, blood, and brain of man himself — as ours to experiment with and
to speculate upon. Casting the term "vital force" from our vocabulary, let us
reduce, if we can, the visible phenomena of life to mechanical attractions
and repulsions. Having thus exhausted physics, and reached its very rim, a
mighty Mystery still looms beyond us. We have, in fact, made no step
towards its solution. And thus it will ever loom, compelling the
philosophies of successive ages to confess that
"We are such stuff
As dreams are made of, and our little life
Is rounded by a sleep."'
In my work on 'Heat,' published in 1863 and republished many times since,
I employ the precise language thus extracted from the 'Saturday Review.'
The distinction is here clearly brought out which I had resolved at all
hazards to draw — that, namely, between what men knew or might know,
and what they could never hope to know. Impart simple magnifying power
to our present vision, and the atomic motions of the brain itself might be
brought into view. Compare these motions with the corresponding states of
observation of the effects of food and drink upon the mind would enable us
to make, differing only from the latter in the degree of analytical insight
which we suppose attained. Given the masses and distances of the planets,
we can infer the perturbations consequent on their mutual attractions. Given
the nature of a disturbance in water, air, or aether — knowing the physical
qualities of the medium we can infer how its particles will be affected. In all
this we deal with physical laws. The mind runs with certainty along the line
of thought which connects the phenomena, and from beginning to end there
is no break in the chain. But when we endeavour to pass by a similar
process from the phenomena of physics to those of thought, we meet a
problem which transcends any conceivable expansion of the powers which
we now possess. We may think over the subject again and again, but it
eludes all intellectual presentation. We stand at length face to face with the
Incomprehensible. The territory of physics is wide, but it has its limits from
which we look with vacant gaze into the region beyond. Let us follow
matter to its utmost bounds, let us claim it in all its forms — even in the
muscles, blood, and brain of man himself — as ours to experiment with and
to speculate upon. Casting the term "vital force" from our vocabulary, let us
reduce, if we can, the visible phenomena of life to mechanical attractions
and repulsions. Having thus exhausted physics, and reached its very rim, a
mighty Mystery still looms beyond us. We have, in fact, made no step
towards its solution. And thus it will ever loom, compelling the
philosophies of successive ages to confess that
"We are such stuff
As dreams are made of, and our little life
Is rounded by a sleep."'
In my work on 'Heat,' published in 1863 and republished many times since,
I employ the precise language thus extracted from the 'Saturday Review.'
The distinction is here clearly brought out which I had resolved at all
hazards to draw — that, namely, between what men knew or might know,
and what they could never hope to know. Impart simple magnifying power
to our present vision, and the atomic motions of the brain itself might be
brought into view. Compare these motions with the corresponding states of
Page 693
consciousness, and an empirical nexus might be established; but 'we try to
soar in a vacuum when we endeavour to pass by logical deduction from the
one to the other.' Among these brain-effects a new product appears which
defies mechanical treatment. We cannot deduce motion from consciousness
or consciousness from motion as we deduce one motion from another.
Nevertheless observation is open to us, and by it relations may be
established which are at least as valid as those of the deductive reason. The
difficulty may really lie in the attempt to convert a datum into an inference
— an ultimate fact into a product of logic. My desire for the moment,
however, is not to theorise, but to let facts speak in reply to accusation.
The most 'materialistic' speculation for which I was responsible, prior to the
'Belfast Address,' is embodied in the following extract from a brief article
written as far back as 1865 :— 'Supposing the molecules of the human
body, instead of replacing others, and thus renewing a pre-existing form, to
be gathered first-hand from nature, and placed in the exact relative positions
which they occupy in the body. Supposing them to have the same forces
and distribution of forces, the same motions and distribution of motions —
would this organised concourse of molecules stand before us as a sentient,
thinking being? There seems no valid reason to assume that it would not. Or
supposing a planet carved from the sun, set spinning round an axis, and sent
revolving round the sun at a distance equal to that of our earth, would one
consequence of the refrigeration of the mass be the development of organic
forms? I lean to the affirmative.' This is plain speaking, but it is without
'dogmatism.' An opinion is expressed, a belief, a leaning — not an
established 'doctrine.'
The burthen of my writings in this connection is as much a recognition of
the weakness of science as an assertion of its strength. In 1867, I told the
working men of Dundee that while making the largest demand for freedom
of investigation; while considering science to be alike powerful as an
instrument of intellectual culture, and as a ministrant to the material wants
of men; if asked whether science has solved, or is likely in our day to solve,
'the problem of the universe,' I must shake my head in doubt. I compare the
mind of man to a musical instrument with a certain range of notes, beyond
which in both directions exists infinite silence. The phenomena of matter
and force come within our intellectual range; but behind, and above, and
soar in a vacuum when we endeavour to pass by logical deduction from the
one to the other.' Among these brain-effects a new product appears which
defies mechanical treatment. We cannot deduce motion from consciousness
or consciousness from motion as we deduce one motion from another.
Nevertheless observation is open to us, and by it relations may be
established which are at least as valid as those of the deductive reason. The
difficulty may really lie in the attempt to convert a datum into an inference
— an ultimate fact into a product of logic. My desire for the moment,
however, is not to theorise, but to let facts speak in reply to accusation.
The most 'materialistic' speculation for which I was responsible, prior to the
'Belfast Address,' is embodied in the following extract from a brief article
written as far back as 1865 :— 'Supposing the molecules of the human
body, instead of replacing others, and thus renewing a pre-existing form, to
be gathered first-hand from nature, and placed in the exact relative positions
which they occupy in the body. Supposing them to have the same forces
and distribution of forces, the same motions and distribution of motions —
would this organised concourse of molecules stand before us as a sentient,
thinking being? There seems no valid reason to assume that it would not. Or
supposing a planet carved from the sun, set spinning round an axis, and sent
revolving round the sun at a distance equal to that of our earth, would one
consequence of the refrigeration of the mass be the development of organic
forms? I lean to the affirmative.' This is plain speaking, but it is without
'dogmatism.' An opinion is expressed, a belief, a leaning — not an
established 'doctrine.'
The burthen of my writings in this connection is as much a recognition of
the weakness of science as an assertion of its strength. In 1867, I told the
working men of Dundee that while making the largest demand for freedom
of investigation; while considering science to be alike powerful as an
instrument of intellectual culture, and as a ministrant to the material wants
of men; if asked whether science has solved, or is likely in our day to solve,
'the problem of the universe,' I must shake my head in doubt. I compare the
mind of man to a musical instrument with a certain range of notes, beyond
which in both directions exists infinite silence. The phenomena of matter
and force come within our intellectual range; but behind, and above, and
Page 694
around us the real mystery of the universe lies unsolved, and, as far as we
are concerned, is incapable of solution.
While refreshing my mind on these old themes I appear to myself as a
person possessing one idea, which so over-masters him that he is never
weary of repeating it. That idea is the polar conception of the grandeur and
the littleness of man — the vastness of his range in some respects and
directions, and his powerlessness to take a single step in others. In 1868,
before the Mathematical and Physical Section of the British Association,
then assembled at Norwich, I repeat the same well-worn note :-
'In thus affirming the growth of the human body to be mechanical, and
thought as exercised by us to have its correlative in the physics of the brain,
the position of the "materialist," as far as that position is tenable, is stated. I
think the materialist will be able finally to maintain this position against all
attacks, but I do not think he can pass beyond it. The problem of the
connection of body and soul is as insoluble in its modern form as it was in
the pre-scientific ages. Phosphorus is a constituent of the human brain, and
a trenchant German writer has exclaimed, "Ohne Phosphor kein Gedanke!"
That may or may not be the case; but, even if we knew it to be the case, the
knowledge would not lighten our darkness. On both sides of the zone here
assigned to the materialist, he is equally helpless. If you ask him whence is
this "matter" of which we have been discoursing — who or what divided it
into molecules, and impressed upon them this necessity of running into
organic forms — he has no answer. Science is also mute in regard to such
questions. But if the materialist is confounded and science is rendered
dumb, who else is prepared with an answer? Let us lower our heads and
acknowledge our ignorance, priest and philosopher, one and all.'
-----
The roll of echoes which succeeded the Lecture delivered by Professor
Virchow at Munich on September 22, 1877, was long and loud. The 'Times'
published a nearly full translation of the lecture, and it was eagerly
commented on in other journals. Glances from it to an Address delivered by
me before the Midland Institute in the autumn of 1877, and published in
this volume, were very frequent. Professor Virchow was held up to me in
some quarters as a model of philosophic caution, who by his reasonableness
are concerned, is incapable of solution.
While refreshing my mind on these old themes I appear to myself as a
person possessing one idea, which so over-masters him that he is never
weary of repeating it. That idea is the polar conception of the grandeur and
the littleness of man — the vastness of his range in some respects and
directions, and his powerlessness to take a single step in others. In 1868,
before the Mathematical and Physical Section of the British Association,
then assembled at Norwich, I repeat the same well-worn note :-
'In thus affirming the growth of the human body to be mechanical, and
thought as exercised by us to have its correlative in the physics of the brain,
the position of the "materialist," as far as that position is tenable, is stated. I
think the materialist will be able finally to maintain this position against all
attacks, but I do not think he can pass beyond it. The problem of the
connection of body and soul is as insoluble in its modern form as it was in
the pre-scientific ages. Phosphorus is a constituent of the human brain, and
a trenchant German writer has exclaimed, "Ohne Phosphor kein Gedanke!"
That may or may not be the case; but, even if we knew it to be the case, the
knowledge would not lighten our darkness. On both sides of the zone here
assigned to the materialist, he is equally helpless. If you ask him whence is
this "matter" of which we have been discoursing — who or what divided it
into molecules, and impressed upon them this necessity of running into
organic forms — he has no answer. Science is also mute in regard to such
questions. But if the materialist is confounded and science is rendered
dumb, who else is prepared with an answer? Let us lower our heads and
acknowledge our ignorance, priest and philosopher, one and all.'
-----
The roll of echoes which succeeded the Lecture delivered by Professor
Virchow at Munich on September 22, 1877, was long and loud. The 'Times'
published a nearly full translation of the lecture, and it was eagerly
commented on in other journals. Glances from it to an Address delivered by
me before the Midland Institute in the autumn of 1877, and published in
this volume, were very frequent. Professor Virchow was held up to me in
some quarters as a model of philosophic caution, who by his reasonableness
Page 695
reproved my rashness, and by his depth reproved my shallowness. With true
theologic courtesy I was sedulously emptied, not only of the 'principles of
scientific thought,' but of 'common modesty' and 'common sense.' And
though I am indebted to Professor Clifford for recalling in the 'Nineteenth
Century' for April the public mind in this connection from heated fancy to
sober fact, I do not think a brief additional examination of Virchow's views,
and of my relation to them, will be out of place here.
The key-note of his position is struck in the preface to the excellent English
translation of his lecture — a preface written expressly by himself.
'Nothing,' he says, 'was farther from his intention than any wish to disparage
the great services rendered by Mr. Darwin to the advancement of biological
science, of which no one has expressed more admiration than himself. On
the other hand, it seemed high time to him to enter an energetic protest
against the attempts that are made to proclaim the problems of research as
actual facts, and the opinions of scientists as established science.' On the
ground, among others, that it promotes the pernicious delusions of the
Socialist, Virchow considers the theory of evolution dangerous; but his
fidelity to truth is so great that he would brave the danger and teach the
theory, if it were only proved. 'However dangerous the state of things might
be, let the confederates be as mischievous as they might, still I do not
hesitate to say that from the moment when we had become convinced that
the evolution theory was a perfectly established doctrine — so certain that
we could pledge our oath to it, so sure that we could say, "Thus it is" —
from that moment we could not dare to feel any scruple about introducing it
into our actual life, so as not only to communicate it to every educated man,
but to impart it to every child, to make it the foundation of our whole ideas
of the world, of society, and the State, and to base upon it our whole system
of education. This I hold to be a necessity.'
It would be interesting to know the persons designated by the pronoun 'we'
in the first sentence of the foregoing quotation. No doubt Professor Haeckel
would accept this canon in all its fulness, and found on it his justification.
He would say without hesitation: 'I am convinced that the theory of
evolution is a perfectly established doctrine, and hence on your own
showing I am justified in urging its introduction into our schools.' It is plain,
however, that Professor Virchow would not accept this retort as valid. His
theologic courtesy I was sedulously emptied, not only of the 'principles of
scientific thought,' but of 'common modesty' and 'common sense.' And
though I am indebted to Professor Clifford for recalling in the 'Nineteenth
Century' for April the public mind in this connection from heated fancy to
sober fact, I do not think a brief additional examination of Virchow's views,
and of my relation to them, will be out of place here.
The key-note of his position is struck in the preface to the excellent English
translation of his lecture — a preface written expressly by himself.
'Nothing,' he says, 'was farther from his intention than any wish to disparage
the great services rendered by Mr. Darwin to the advancement of biological
science, of which no one has expressed more admiration than himself. On
the other hand, it seemed high time to him to enter an energetic protest
against the attempts that are made to proclaim the problems of research as
actual facts, and the opinions of scientists as established science.' On the
ground, among others, that it promotes the pernicious delusions of the
Socialist, Virchow considers the theory of evolution dangerous; but his
fidelity to truth is so great that he would brave the danger and teach the
theory, if it were only proved. 'However dangerous the state of things might
be, let the confederates be as mischievous as they might, still I do not
hesitate to say that from the moment when we had become convinced that
the evolution theory was a perfectly established doctrine — so certain that
we could pledge our oath to it, so sure that we could say, "Thus it is" —
from that moment we could not dare to feel any scruple about introducing it
into our actual life, so as not only to communicate it to every educated man,
but to impart it to every child, to make it the foundation of our whole ideas
of the world, of society, and the State, and to base upon it our whole system
of education. This I hold to be a necessity.'
It would be interesting to know the persons designated by the pronoun 'we'
in the first sentence of the foregoing quotation. No doubt Professor Haeckel
would accept this canon in all its fulness, and found on it his justification.
He would say without hesitation: 'I am convinced that the theory of
evolution is a perfectly established doctrine, and hence on your own
showing I am justified in urging its introduction into our schools.' It is plain,
however, that Professor Virchow would not accept this retort as valid. His
Page 696
'we' must cover something more than Professor Haeckel. It would probably
cover more even than the audience he addressed; for he would hardly
affirm, even if every one of his hearers accepted the theory of evolution,
that that would be a sufficient warrant for forcing it upon the public at large.
His 'we,' I submit, needs definition. If he means that the theory of evolution
ought to be introduced into our schools, not when experts are agreed as to
its truth, but when the community is prepared for its introduction, then, I
think, he is right, and that, as a matter of social policy, Dr. Haeckel would
be wrong in seeking to antedate the period of its introduction. In dealing
with the community great changes must have timeliness as well as truth
upon their side. But if the mouths of thinkers be stopped, the necessary
social preparation will be impossible; an unwholesome divorce will be
established between the expert and the public, and the slow and natural
process of leavening the social lump by discovery and discussion will be
displaced by something far less safe and salutary.
The burthen, however, of this celebrated lecture is a warning that a marked
distinction ought to be made between that which is experimentally proved
and that which is still in the region of speculation. As to the latter, Virchow
by no means imposes silence. He is far too sagacious a man to commit
himself, at the present time of day, to any such absurdity. But he insists that
it ought not to be put on the same evidential level as the former. 'It ought,'
as he poetically expresses it, I to be written in small letters under the text.'
The audience ought to be warned that the speculative matter is only
possible, not actual truth — that it belongs to the region of 'belief,' and not
to that of demonstration. As long as a problem continues in this speculative
stage it would be mischievous, he considers, to teach it in our schools. 'We
ought not,' he urges, 'to represent our conjecture as a certainty, nor our
hypothesis as a doctrine: this is inadmissible.' With regard to the connection
between physical processes and mental phenomena he says: 'I will, indeed,
willingly grant that we can find certain gradations, certain definite points at
which we trace a passage from mental processes to processes purely
physical, or of a physical character. Throughout this discourse I am not
asserting that it will never be possible to bring psychical processes into an
immediate connection with those that are physical. All I say is that we have
at present no right to set up this possible connection as a doctrine of
science.' In the next paragraph be reiterates his position with reference to
cover more even than the audience he addressed; for he would hardly
affirm, even if every one of his hearers accepted the theory of evolution,
that that would be a sufficient warrant for forcing it upon the public at large.
His 'we,' I submit, needs definition. If he means that the theory of evolution
ought to be introduced into our schools, not when experts are agreed as to
its truth, but when the community is prepared for its introduction, then, I
think, he is right, and that, as a matter of social policy, Dr. Haeckel would
be wrong in seeking to antedate the period of its introduction. In dealing
with the community great changes must have timeliness as well as truth
upon their side. But if the mouths of thinkers be stopped, the necessary
social preparation will be impossible; an unwholesome divorce will be
established between the expert and the public, and the slow and natural
process of leavening the social lump by discovery and discussion will be
displaced by something far less safe and salutary.
The burthen, however, of this celebrated lecture is a warning that a marked
distinction ought to be made between that which is experimentally proved
and that which is still in the region of speculation. As to the latter, Virchow
by no means imposes silence. He is far too sagacious a man to commit
himself, at the present time of day, to any such absurdity. But he insists that
it ought not to be put on the same evidential level as the former. 'It ought,'
as he poetically expresses it, I to be written in small letters under the text.'
The audience ought to be warned that the speculative matter is only
possible, not actual truth — that it belongs to the region of 'belief,' and not
to that of demonstration. As long as a problem continues in this speculative
stage it would be mischievous, he considers, to teach it in our schools. 'We
ought not,' he urges, 'to represent our conjecture as a certainty, nor our
hypothesis as a doctrine: this is inadmissible.' With regard to the connection
between physical processes and mental phenomena he says: 'I will, indeed,
willingly grant that we can find certain gradations, certain definite points at
which we trace a passage from mental processes to processes purely
physical, or of a physical character. Throughout this discourse I am not
asserting that it will never be possible to bring psychical processes into an
immediate connection with those that are physical. All I say is that we have
at present no right to set up this possible connection as a doctrine of
science.' In the next paragraph be reiterates his position with reference to
Page 697
the introduction of such topics into school teaching. 'We must draw,' he
says, 'a strict distinction between what we wish to teach, and what we wish
to search for. The objects of our research are expressed as problems (or
hypotheses). We need not keep them to ourselves; we are ready to
communicate them to all the world, and say "There is the problem; that is
what we strive for." ... The investigation of such problems, in which the
whole nation may be interested, cannot be restricted to any one. This is
Freedom of Enquiry. But the problem (or hypothesis) is not, without further
debate, to be made a doctrine.' He will not concede to Dr. Haeckel 'that it is
a question for the schoolmasters to decide, whether the Darwinian theory of
man's descent should be at once laid down as the basis of instruction, and
the protoplastic soul be assumed as the foundation of all ideas concerning
spiritual being.' The Professor concludes his lecture thus: 'With perfect truth
did Bacon say of old "Scientia est potentia." But he also defined that
knowledge; and the knowledge he meant was not speculative knowledge,
not the knowledge of hypotheses, but it was objective and actual
knowledge. Gentlemen, I think we should be abusing our power, we should
be imperilling our power, unless in our teaching we restrict ourselves to this
perfectly safe and unassailable domain. From this domain we may make
incursions into the field of problems, and I am sure that every venture of
that kind will then find all needful security and support.' I have emphasised
by italics two sentences in the foregoing series of quotations; the other
italics are the author's own.
Virchow's position could not be made clearer by any comments of mine
than he has here made it himself. That position is one of the highest
practical importance. Throughout our whole German Fatherland,' he says,
men are busied in renovating, extending, and developing the system of
education, and in inventing fixed forms in which to mould it. On the
threshold of coming events stands the Prussian law of education. In all the
German States larger schools are being built, new educational
establishments are set up, the universities are extended, "higher" and
"middle" schools are founded. Finally comes the question, What is to be the
chief substance of the teaching?' What Virchow thinks it ought and ought
not to be, is disclosed by the foregoing quotations. There ought to be a clear
distinction made between science in the state of hypothesis, and science in
the state of fact. In school teaching the former ought to be excluded. And, as
says, 'a strict distinction between what we wish to teach, and what we wish
to search for. The objects of our research are expressed as problems (or
hypotheses). We need not keep them to ourselves; we are ready to
communicate them to all the world, and say "There is the problem; that is
what we strive for." ... The investigation of such problems, in which the
whole nation may be interested, cannot be restricted to any one. This is
Freedom of Enquiry. But the problem (or hypothesis) is not, without further
debate, to be made a doctrine.' He will not concede to Dr. Haeckel 'that it is
a question for the schoolmasters to decide, whether the Darwinian theory of
man's descent should be at once laid down as the basis of instruction, and
the protoplastic soul be assumed as the foundation of all ideas concerning
spiritual being.' The Professor concludes his lecture thus: 'With perfect truth
did Bacon say of old "Scientia est potentia." But he also defined that
knowledge; and the knowledge he meant was not speculative knowledge,
not the knowledge of hypotheses, but it was objective and actual
knowledge. Gentlemen, I think we should be abusing our power, we should
be imperilling our power, unless in our teaching we restrict ourselves to this
perfectly safe and unassailable domain. From this domain we may make
incursions into the field of problems, and I am sure that every venture of
that kind will then find all needful security and support.' I have emphasised
by italics two sentences in the foregoing series of quotations; the other
italics are the author's own.
Virchow's position could not be made clearer by any comments of mine
than he has here made it himself. That position is one of the highest
practical importance. Throughout our whole German Fatherland,' he says,
men are busied in renovating, extending, and developing the system of
education, and in inventing fixed forms in which to mould it. On the
threshold of coming events stands the Prussian law of education. In all the
German States larger schools are being built, new educational
establishments are set up, the universities are extended, "higher" and
"middle" schools are founded. Finally comes the question, What is to be the
chief substance of the teaching?' What Virchow thinks it ought and ought
not to be, is disclosed by the foregoing quotations. There ought to be a clear
distinction made between science in the state of hypothesis, and science in
the state of fact. In school teaching the former ought to be excluded. And, as
Page 698
he assumes it to be still in its hypothetical stage, the ban of exclusion ought,
he thinks, to fall upon the theory of evolution.
-----
I now freely offer myself for judgment before the tribunal whose law is here
laid down. First and foremost, then, I have never advocated the introduction
of the theory of evolution into our schools. I should even be disposed to
resist its introduction before its meaning had been better understood and its
utility more fully recognised than it is now by the great body of the
community. The theory ought, I think, to bide its time until the free conflict
of discovery, argument, and opinion has won for it this recognition. A
necessary condition here, however, is that free discussion should not be
prevented, either by the ferocity of reviewers or the arm of the law;
otherwise, as I said before, the work of social preparation cannot go on. On
this count, then, I claim acquittal, being for the moment on the side of
Virchow.
Besides the duties of the chair, which I have been privileged to occupy in
London for more than a quarter of a century, and which never involved a
word on my part, pro or con, in reference to the theory of evolution, I have
had the honour of addressing audiences in Liverpool, Belfast, and
Birmingham; and in these addresses the theory of evolution, and the
connected doctrine of spontaneous generation, have been more or less
touched upon. Let us now examine whether in my references I have
departed from the views of Virchow or not.
In the Liverpool discourse, after speaking of the theory of evolution when
applied to the primitive condition of matter, as belonging to 'the dim
twilight of conjecture,' and affirming that 'the certainty of experimental
enquiry is here shut out,' I sketch the nebular theory as enunciated by Kant
and Laplace, and afterwards proceed thus: 'Accepting some such view of
the construction of our system as probable, a desire immediately arises to
connect the present life of our planet with the past. We wish to know
something of our remotest ancestry. On its first detachment from the sun,
life, as we understand it, could not have been present on the earth. How,
then, did it come there? The thing to be encouraged here is a reverent
freedom — a freedom preceded by the hard discipline which checks
he thinks, to fall upon the theory of evolution.
-----
I now freely offer myself for judgment before the tribunal whose law is here
laid down. First and foremost, then, I have never advocated the introduction
of the theory of evolution into our schools. I should even be disposed to
resist its introduction before its meaning had been better understood and its
utility more fully recognised than it is now by the great body of the
community. The theory ought, I think, to bide its time until the free conflict
of discovery, argument, and opinion has won for it this recognition. A
necessary condition here, however, is that free discussion should not be
prevented, either by the ferocity of reviewers or the arm of the law;
otherwise, as I said before, the work of social preparation cannot go on. On
this count, then, I claim acquittal, being for the moment on the side of
Virchow.
Besides the duties of the chair, which I have been privileged to occupy in
London for more than a quarter of a century, and which never involved a
word on my part, pro or con, in reference to the theory of evolution, I have
had the honour of addressing audiences in Liverpool, Belfast, and
Birmingham; and in these addresses the theory of evolution, and the
connected doctrine of spontaneous generation, have been more or less
touched upon. Let us now examine whether in my references I have
departed from the views of Virchow or not.
In the Liverpool discourse, after speaking of the theory of evolution when
applied to the primitive condition of matter, as belonging to 'the dim
twilight of conjecture,' and affirming that 'the certainty of experimental
enquiry is here shut out,' I sketch the nebular theory as enunciated by Kant
and Laplace, and afterwards proceed thus: 'Accepting some such view of
the construction of our system as probable, a desire immediately arises to
connect the present life of our planet with the past. We wish to know
something of our remotest ancestry. On its first detachment from the sun,
life, as we understand it, could not have been present on the earth. How,
then, did it come there? The thing to be encouraged here is a reverent
freedom — a freedom preceded by the hard discipline which checks
Page 699
licentiousness in speculation — while the thing to be repressed, both in
science and out of it, is dogmatism. And here I am in the hands of the
meeting, willing to end but ready to go on. I have no right to intrude upon
you unasked the unformed notions which are floating like clouds, or
gathering to more solid consistency in the modern speculative mind.'
I then notice more especially the basis of the theory. Those who hold the
doctrine of evolution are by no means ignorant of the uncertainty of their
data, and they only yield to it a provisional assent. They regard the nebular
hypothesis as probable; and, in the utter absence of any proof of the
illegality of the act, they prolong the method of nature from the present into
the past. Here the observed uniformity of nature is their only guide. Having
determined the elements of their curve in a world of observation and
experiment, they prolong that curve into an antecedent world, and accept as
probable the unbroken sequence of development from the nebula to the
present time.' Thus it appears that, long antecedent to the publication of his
advice, I did exactly what Professor Virchow recommends, showing myself
as careful as he could be not to claim for a scientific doctrine a certainty
which did not belong to it.
I now pass on to the Belfast Address, and will cite at once from it the
passage which has given rise to the most violent animadversion. 'Believing
as I do in the continuity of nature, I cannot stop abruptly where our
microscopes cease to be of use. At this point the vision of the mind
authoritatively supplements that of the eye. By an intellectual necessity I
cross the boundary of the experimental evidence, and discern in that
"matter" which we, in our ignorance of its latent powers, and
notwithstanding our professed reverence for its Creator, have hitherto
covered with opprobrium, the promise and potency of all terrestrial life.'
Without halting for a moment I go on to do the precise thing which
Professor Virchow declares to be necessary. 'If you ask me,' I say, 'whether
there exists the least evidence to prove that any form of life can be
developed out of matter independently of antecedent life, my reply is that
evidence considered perfectly conclusive by many has been adduced, and
that were we to follow a common example, and accept testimony because it
falls in with our belief, we should eagerly close with the evidence referred
to. But there is in the true man of science a desire stronger than the wish to
science and out of it, is dogmatism. And here I am in the hands of the
meeting, willing to end but ready to go on. I have no right to intrude upon
you unasked the unformed notions which are floating like clouds, or
gathering to more solid consistency in the modern speculative mind.'
I then notice more especially the basis of the theory. Those who hold the
doctrine of evolution are by no means ignorant of the uncertainty of their
data, and they only yield to it a provisional assent. They regard the nebular
hypothesis as probable; and, in the utter absence of any proof of the
illegality of the act, they prolong the method of nature from the present into
the past. Here the observed uniformity of nature is their only guide. Having
determined the elements of their curve in a world of observation and
experiment, they prolong that curve into an antecedent world, and accept as
probable the unbroken sequence of development from the nebula to the
present time.' Thus it appears that, long antecedent to the publication of his
advice, I did exactly what Professor Virchow recommends, showing myself
as careful as he could be not to claim for a scientific doctrine a certainty
which did not belong to it.
I now pass on to the Belfast Address, and will cite at once from it the
passage which has given rise to the most violent animadversion. 'Believing
as I do in the continuity of nature, I cannot stop abruptly where our
microscopes cease to be of use. At this point the vision of the mind
authoritatively supplements that of the eye. By an intellectual necessity I
cross the boundary of the experimental evidence, and discern in that
"matter" which we, in our ignorance of its latent powers, and
notwithstanding our professed reverence for its Creator, have hitherto
covered with opprobrium, the promise and potency of all terrestrial life.'
Without halting for a moment I go on to do the precise thing which
Professor Virchow declares to be necessary. 'If you ask me,' I say, 'whether
there exists the least evidence to prove that any form of life can be
developed out of matter independently of antecedent life, my reply is that
evidence considered perfectly conclusive by many has been adduced, and
that were we to follow a common example, and accept testimony because it
falls in with our belief, we should eagerly close with the evidence referred
to. But there is in the true man of science a desire stronger than the wish to
Page 700
have his beliefs upheld; namely, the desire to have them true. And those to
whom I refer as having studied this question, believing the evidence offered
in favour of "spontaneous generation" to be vitiated by error, cannot accept
it. They know full well that the chemist now prepares from inorganic matter
a vast array of substances, which were some time ago regarded as the
products solely of vitality. They are intimately acquainted with the
structural power of matter, as evidenced in the phenomena of
crystallisation. They can justify scientifically their belief in its potency,
under the proper conditions, to produce organisms. But, in reply to your
question, they will frankly admit their inability to point to any satisfactory
experimental proof that life can be developed, save from demonstrable
antecedent life.' [Footnote: Quoted by Clifford, 'Nineteenth Century,' 3, p.
726.]
Comparing the theory of evolution with other theories, I thus express
myself: 'The basis of the doctrine of evolution consists, not in an
experimental demonstration — for the subject is hardly accessible to this
mode of proof — but in its general harmony with scientific thought. From
contrast, moreover, it derives enormous relative strength. On the one side
we have a theory, which converts the Power whose garment is seen in the
visible universe into an Artificer, fashioned after the human model, and
acting by broken efforts, as man is seen to act. On the other side we have
the conception that all we see around us and feel within us — the
phenomena of physical nature as well as those of the human mind — have
their unsearchable roots in a cosmical life, if I dare apply the term, an
infinitesimal span of which is offered to the investigation of man.' Among
thinking people, in my opinion, this last conception has a higher ethical
value than that of a personal artificer. Be that as it may, I make here no
claim for the theory of evolution which can reasonably be refused.
'Ten years have elapsed' said Dr. Hooker at Norwich in 1868 [Footnote:
President's Address to the British Association. ] 'since the publication of
"The Origin of Species by Natural Selection," and it is therefore not too
early now to ask what progress that bold theory has made in scientific
estimation. Since the "Origin" appeared it has passed through four English
editions,' [Footnote: Published by Mr. John Murray, the English publisher
of Virchow's Lecture. Bane and antidote are thus impartially distributed by
whom I refer as having studied this question, believing the evidence offered
in favour of "spontaneous generation" to be vitiated by error, cannot accept
it. They know full well that the chemist now prepares from inorganic matter
a vast array of substances, which were some time ago regarded as the
products solely of vitality. They are intimately acquainted with the
structural power of matter, as evidenced in the phenomena of
crystallisation. They can justify scientifically their belief in its potency,
under the proper conditions, to produce organisms. But, in reply to your
question, they will frankly admit their inability to point to any satisfactory
experimental proof that life can be developed, save from demonstrable
antecedent life.' [Footnote: Quoted by Clifford, 'Nineteenth Century,' 3, p.
726.]
Comparing the theory of evolution with other theories, I thus express
myself: 'The basis of the doctrine of evolution consists, not in an
experimental demonstration — for the subject is hardly accessible to this
mode of proof — but in its general harmony with scientific thought. From
contrast, moreover, it derives enormous relative strength. On the one side
we have a theory, which converts the Power whose garment is seen in the
visible universe into an Artificer, fashioned after the human model, and
acting by broken efforts, as man is seen to act. On the other side we have
the conception that all we see around us and feel within us — the
phenomena of physical nature as well as those of the human mind — have
their unsearchable roots in a cosmical life, if I dare apply the term, an
infinitesimal span of which is offered to the investigation of man.' Among
thinking people, in my opinion, this last conception has a higher ethical
value than that of a personal artificer. Be that as it may, I make here no
claim for the theory of evolution which can reasonably be refused.
'Ten years have elapsed' said Dr. Hooker at Norwich in 1868 [Footnote:
President's Address to the British Association. ] 'since the publication of
"The Origin of Species by Natural Selection," and it is therefore not too
early now to ask what progress that bold theory has made in scientific
estimation. Since the "Origin" appeared it has passed through four English
editions,' [Footnote: Published by Mr. John Murray, the English publisher
of Virchow's Lecture. Bane and antidote are thus impartially distributed by
Page 701
the same hand.] two American, two German, two French, several Russian, a
Dutch, and an Italian edition. So far from Natural Selection being a thing of
the past [the 'Athenaeum' had stated it to be so] it is an accepted doctrine
with almost every philosophical naturalist, including, it will always be
understood, a considerable proportion who are not prepared to admit that it
accounts for all Mr. Darwin assigns to it.' In the following year, at
Innsbruck, Helmholtz took up the same ground. [Footnote: 'Noch besteht
lebhafter Streit um die Wahrheit oder Wahrscheinlichkeit von Darwin's
Theorie; er dreht sich aber doch eigentlich nur um die Grenzen, welche wir
fuer die Veraenderlichkeit der Arten annehmen duerfen. Dass innerhalb
derselben Species erbliche Racenverschiedenheiten auf die von Darwin
beschriebene Weise zu kommen koennen, ja dass viele der bisher als
verschiedene Species derselben Gattung betrachteten Formen von
derselben Urform abstammen, werden auch seine Gegner kaum leugnen.' —
(Populaere Vortraege.)] Another decade has now passed, and he is simply
blind who cannot see the enormous progress made by the theory during that
time. Some of the outward and visible signs of this advance are readily
indicated. The hostility and fear which so long prevented the recognition of
Mr. Darwin by his own university have vanished, and this year Cambridge,
amid universal acclamation, conferred on him her Doctor's degree. The
Academy of Sciences in Paris, which had so long persistently closed its
doors against Mr. Darwin, has also yielded at last; while sermons, lectures,
and published articles plainly show that even the clergy have, to a great
extent, become acclimatised to the Darwinian air. My brief reference to Mr.
Darwin in the Birmingham Address was based upon the knowledge that
such changes had been accomplished, and were still going on.
That the lecture of Professor Virchow can, to any practical extent disturb
this progress of public faith in the theory of evolution, I do not believe. That
the special lessons of caution which he inculcates were exemplified by me,
years before his voice was heard upon this subject, has been proved in the
foregoing pages. In point of fact, if he had preceded me instead of following
me, and if my desire had been to incorporate his wishes in my words, I
could not have accomplished this more completely. It is possible, moreover,
to draw the coincident lines still further, for most of what he has said about
spontaneous generation might have been uttered by me. I share his opinion
that the theory of evolution in its complete form involves the passage from
Dutch, and an Italian edition. So far from Natural Selection being a thing of
the past [the 'Athenaeum' had stated it to be so] it is an accepted doctrine
with almost every philosophical naturalist, including, it will always be
understood, a considerable proportion who are not prepared to admit that it
accounts for all Mr. Darwin assigns to it.' In the following year, at
Innsbruck, Helmholtz took up the same ground. [Footnote: 'Noch besteht
lebhafter Streit um die Wahrheit oder Wahrscheinlichkeit von Darwin's
Theorie; er dreht sich aber doch eigentlich nur um die Grenzen, welche wir
fuer die Veraenderlichkeit der Arten annehmen duerfen. Dass innerhalb
derselben Species erbliche Racenverschiedenheiten auf die von Darwin
beschriebene Weise zu kommen koennen, ja dass viele der bisher als
verschiedene Species derselben Gattung betrachteten Formen von
derselben Urform abstammen, werden auch seine Gegner kaum leugnen.' —
(Populaere Vortraege.)] Another decade has now passed, and he is simply
blind who cannot see the enormous progress made by the theory during that
time. Some of the outward and visible signs of this advance are readily
indicated. The hostility and fear which so long prevented the recognition of
Mr. Darwin by his own university have vanished, and this year Cambridge,
amid universal acclamation, conferred on him her Doctor's degree. The
Academy of Sciences in Paris, which had so long persistently closed its
doors against Mr. Darwin, has also yielded at last; while sermons, lectures,
and published articles plainly show that even the clergy have, to a great
extent, become acclimatised to the Darwinian air. My brief reference to Mr.
Darwin in the Birmingham Address was based upon the knowledge that
such changes had been accomplished, and were still going on.
That the lecture of Professor Virchow can, to any practical extent disturb
this progress of public faith in the theory of evolution, I do not believe. That
the special lessons of caution which he inculcates were exemplified by me,
years before his voice was heard upon this subject, has been proved in the
foregoing pages. In point of fact, if he had preceded me instead of following
me, and if my desire had been to incorporate his wishes in my words, I
could not have accomplished this more completely. It is possible, moreover,
to draw the coincident lines still further, for most of what he has said about
spontaneous generation might have been uttered by me. I share his opinion
that the theory of evolution in its complete form involves the passage from
Page 702
matter which we now hold to be inorganic into organised matter; in other
words, involves the assumption that at some period or other of the earth's
history there occurred what would be now called 'spontaneous generation.' I
agree with him that the proofs of it are still wanting.' 'Whoever,' he says,
recalls to mind the lamentable failure of all the attempts made very recently
to discover a decided support for the generatio aequivoca in the lower
forms of transition from the inorganic to the organic world will feel it
doubly serious to demand that this theory, so utterly discredited, should be
in any way accepted as the basis of all our views of life.' I hold with
Virchow that the failures have been lamentable, that the doctrine is utterly
discredited. But my position here is so well known that I need not dwell
upon it further.
With one special utterance of Professor Virchow his translator connects me
by name. 'I have no objection,' observes the Professor, 'to your saying that
atoms of carbon also possess mind, or that in their connection with the
Plastidule company they acquire mind; only I do not know how I am to
perceive this.' This is substantially what I had said seventeen years
previously in the 'Saturday Review.' The Professor continues: 'If I explain
attraction and repulsion as exhibitions of mind, as psychical phenomena, I
simply throw the Psyche out of the window, and the Psyche ceases to be a
Psyche.' I may say, in passing, that the Psyche that could be cast out of the
window is not worth houseroom. At this point the translator, who is
evidently a man of culture, strikes in with a foot-note. 'As an illustration of
Professor Virchow's meaning, we may quote the conclusion at which
Doctor Tyndall arrives respecting the hypothesis of a human soul, offered as
an explanation or a simplification of a series of obscure phenomena —
psychical phenomena, as he calls them. "If you are content to make your
soul a poetic rendering of a phenomenon which refuses the yoke of ordinary
physical laws, I, for one, would not object to this exercise of ideality."'
[Footnote: 'Presidential Address delivered before the Birmingham and
Midland Institute, October 1, 1877. Fortnightly Review,' Nov. 1, 1877, p.
60.] Professor Virchow's meaning, I admit, required illustration; but I do
not clearly see how the quotation from me subserves this purpose. I do not
even know whether I am cited as meriting praise or deserving opprobrium.
In a far coarser fashion this utterance of mine has been dealt with in other
places: it may therefore be worth while to spend a few words upon it.
words, involves the assumption that at some period or other of the earth's
history there occurred what would be now called 'spontaneous generation.' I
agree with him that the proofs of it are still wanting.' 'Whoever,' he says,
recalls to mind the lamentable failure of all the attempts made very recently
to discover a decided support for the generatio aequivoca in the lower
forms of transition from the inorganic to the organic world will feel it
doubly serious to demand that this theory, so utterly discredited, should be
in any way accepted as the basis of all our views of life.' I hold with
Virchow that the failures have been lamentable, that the doctrine is utterly
discredited. But my position here is so well known that I need not dwell
upon it further.
With one special utterance of Professor Virchow his translator connects me
by name. 'I have no objection,' observes the Professor, 'to your saying that
atoms of carbon also possess mind, or that in their connection with the
Plastidule company they acquire mind; only I do not know how I am to
perceive this.' This is substantially what I had said seventeen years
previously in the 'Saturday Review.' The Professor continues: 'If I explain
attraction and repulsion as exhibitions of mind, as psychical phenomena, I
simply throw the Psyche out of the window, and the Psyche ceases to be a
Psyche.' I may say, in passing, that the Psyche that could be cast out of the
window is not worth houseroom. At this point the translator, who is
evidently a man of culture, strikes in with a foot-note. 'As an illustration of
Professor Virchow's meaning, we may quote the conclusion at which
Doctor Tyndall arrives respecting the hypothesis of a human soul, offered as
an explanation or a simplification of a series of obscure phenomena —
psychical phenomena, as he calls them. "If you are content to make your
soul a poetic rendering of a phenomenon which refuses the yoke of ordinary
physical laws, I, for one, would not object to this exercise of ideality."'
[Footnote: 'Presidential Address delivered before the Birmingham and
Midland Institute, October 1, 1877. Fortnightly Review,' Nov. 1, 1877, p.
60.] Professor Virchow's meaning, I admit, required illustration; but I do
not clearly see how the quotation from me subserves this purpose. I do not
even know whether I am cited as meriting praise or deserving opprobrium.
In a far coarser fashion this utterance of mine has been dealt with in other
places: it may therefore be worth while to spend a few words upon it.
Page 703
The sting of a wasp at the finger-end announces itself to the brain as pain.
The impression made by the sting travels, in the first place, with
comparative slowness along the nerves affected; and only when it reaches
the brain have we the fact of consciousness. Those who think most
profoundly on this subject hold that a chemical change, which, strictly
interpreted, is atomic motion, is, in such a case, propagated along the nerve,
and communicated to the brain. Again, on feeling the sting I flap the insect
violently away. What has caused this motion of my hand? The command
from the brain to remove the insect travels along the motor nerves to the
proper muscles, and, their force being unlocked, they perform the work
demanded of them. But what moved the nerve molecules which unlocked
the muscle? The sense of pain, it may be replied. But how can a sense of
pain, or any other state of consciousness, make matter move? Not all the
sense of pain or pleasure in the world could lift a stone or move a billiard-
ball; why should it stir a molecule? Try to express the motion numerically
in terms of the sensation, and the difficulty immediately appears. Hence the
idea long ago entertained by philosophers, but lately brought into special
prominence, that the physical processes are complete in themselves, and
would go on just as they do if consciousness were not at all implicated.
Consciousness, on this view, is a kind of by-product inexpressible in terms
of force and motion, and unessential to the molecular changes going on in
the brain.
Four years ago, I wrote thus: 'Do states of consciousness enter as links into
the chain of antecedence and sequence, which gives rise to bodily actions?
Speaking for myself, it is certain that I have no power of imagining such
states interposed between the molecules of the brain, and influencing the
transference of motion among the molecules. The thing "eludes all mental
presentation." Hence an iron strength seems to belong to the logic which
claims for the brain an automatic action uninfluenced by consciousness. But
it is, I believe, admitted by those who hold the automaton theory, that states
of consciousness are produced by the motion of the molecules of the brain;
and this production of consciousness by molecular motion is to me quite as
unpresentable to the mental vision as the production of molecular motion by
consciousness. If I reject one result I must reject both. I, however, reject
neither, and thus stand in the presence of two Incomprehensibles, instead of
one Incomprehensible.' Here I secede from the automaton theory, though
The impression made by the sting travels, in the first place, with
comparative slowness along the nerves affected; and only when it reaches
the brain have we the fact of consciousness. Those who think most
profoundly on this subject hold that a chemical change, which, strictly
interpreted, is atomic motion, is, in such a case, propagated along the nerve,
and communicated to the brain. Again, on feeling the sting I flap the insect
violently away. What has caused this motion of my hand? The command
from the brain to remove the insect travels along the motor nerves to the
proper muscles, and, their force being unlocked, they perform the work
demanded of them. But what moved the nerve molecules which unlocked
the muscle? The sense of pain, it may be replied. But how can a sense of
pain, or any other state of consciousness, make matter move? Not all the
sense of pain or pleasure in the world could lift a stone or move a billiard-
ball; why should it stir a molecule? Try to express the motion numerically
in terms of the sensation, and the difficulty immediately appears. Hence the
idea long ago entertained by philosophers, but lately brought into special
prominence, that the physical processes are complete in themselves, and
would go on just as they do if consciousness were not at all implicated.
Consciousness, on this view, is a kind of by-product inexpressible in terms
of force and motion, and unessential to the molecular changes going on in
the brain.
Four years ago, I wrote thus: 'Do states of consciousness enter as links into
the chain of antecedence and sequence, which gives rise to bodily actions?
Speaking for myself, it is certain that I have no power of imagining such
states interposed between the molecules of the brain, and influencing the
transference of motion among the molecules. The thing "eludes all mental
presentation." Hence an iron strength seems to belong to the logic which
claims for the brain an automatic action uninfluenced by consciousness. But
it is, I believe, admitted by those who hold the automaton theory, that states
of consciousness are produced by the motion of the molecules of the brain;
and this production of consciousness by molecular motion is to me quite as
unpresentable to the mental vision as the production of molecular motion by
consciousness. If I reject one result I must reject both. I, however, reject
neither, and thus stand in the presence of two Incomprehensibles, instead of
one Incomprehensible.' Here I secede from the automaton theory, though
Page 704
maintained by friends who have all my esteem, and fall back upon the
avowal which occurs with such wearisome iteration throughout the
foregoing pages; namely, my own utter incapacity to grasp the problem.
This avowal is repeated with emphasis in the passage to which Professor
Virchow's translator draws attention. What, I there ask, is the causal
connection between the objective and the subjective — between molecular
motions and states of consciousness? My answer is: I do not see the
connection, nor am I acquainted with anybody who does. It is no
explanation to say that the objective and subjective are two sides of one and
the same phenomenon. Why should the phenomenon have two sides? This
is the very core of the difficulty. There are plenty of molecular motions
which do not exhibit this two-sidedness. Does water think or feel when it
runs into frost-ferns upon a window pane? If not, why should the molecular
motion of the brain be yoked to this mysterious companion —
consciousness? We can form a coherent picture of all the purely physical
processes — the stirring of the brain, the thrilling of the nerves, the
discharging of the muscles, and all the subsequent motions of the organism.
We are here dealing with mechanical problems which are mentally
presentable. But we can form no picture of the process whereby
consciousness emerges, either as a necessary link, or as an accidental by-
product, of this series of actions. The reverse process of the production of
motion by consciousness is equally unpresentable to the mind. We are here
in fact on the boundary line of the intellect, where the ordinary canons of
science fail to extricate us. If we are true to these canons, we must deny to
subjective phenomena all influence on physical processes. The mechanical
philosopher, as such, will never place a state of consciousness and a group
of molecules in the relation of mover and moved. Observation proves them
to interact; but, in passing from the one to the other, we meet a blank which
the logic of deduction is unable to fill. This, the reader will remember, is the
conclusion at which I had arrived more than twenty years ago. I lay bare
unsparingly the central difficulty of the materialist, and tell him that the
facts of observation which he considers so simple are 'almost as difficult to
be seized mentally as the idea of a soul.' I go further, and say, in effect, to
those who wish to retain this idea, 'If you abandon the interpretations of
grosser minds, who image the soul as a Psyche which could be thrown out
of the window — an entity which is usually occupied, we know not how,
avowal which occurs with such wearisome iteration throughout the
foregoing pages; namely, my own utter incapacity to grasp the problem.
This avowal is repeated with emphasis in the passage to which Professor
Virchow's translator draws attention. What, I there ask, is the causal
connection between the objective and the subjective — between molecular
motions and states of consciousness? My answer is: I do not see the
connection, nor am I acquainted with anybody who does. It is no
explanation to say that the objective and subjective are two sides of one and
the same phenomenon. Why should the phenomenon have two sides? This
is the very core of the difficulty. There are plenty of molecular motions
which do not exhibit this two-sidedness. Does water think or feel when it
runs into frost-ferns upon a window pane? If not, why should the molecular
motion of the brain be yoked to this mysterious companion —
consciousness? We can form a coherent picture of all the purely physical
processes — the stirring of the brain, the thrilling of the nerves, the
discharging of the muscles, and all the subsequent motions of the organism.
We are here dealing with mechanical problems which are mentally
presentable. But we can form no picture of the process whereby
consciousness emerges, either as a necessary link, or as an accidental by-
product, of this series of actions. The reverse process of the production of
motion by consciousness is equally unpresentable to the mind. We are here
in fact on the boundary line of the intellect, where the ordinary canons of
science fail to extricate us. If we are true to these canons, we must deny to
subjective phenomena all influence on physical processes. The mechanical
philosopher, as such, will never place a state of consciousness and a group
of molecules in the relation of mover and moved. Observation proves them
to interact; but, in passing from the one to the other, we meet a blank which
the logic of deduction is unable to fill. This, the reader will remember, is the
conclusion at which I had arrived more than twenty years ago. I lay bare
unsparingly the central difficulty of the materialist, and tell him that the
facts of observation which he considers so simple are 'almost as difficult to
be seized mentally as the idea of a soul.' I go further, and say, in effect, to
those who wish to retain this idea, 'If you abandon the interpretations of
grosser minds, who image the soul as a Psyche which could be thrown out
of the window — an entity which is usually occupied, we know not how,
Page 705
among the molecules of the brain, but which on due occasion, such as the
intrusion of a bullet or the blow of a club, can fly away into other regions of
space — if, abandoning this heathen notion, you consent to approach the
subject in the only way in which approach is possible — if you consent to
make your soul a poetic rendering of a phenomenon which, as I have taken
more pains than anybody else to show you, refuses the yoke of ordinary
physical laws — then I, for one, would not object to this exercise of
ideality.' I say it strongly, but with good temper, that the theologian, or the
defender of theology, who hacks and scourges me for putting the question
in this light is guilty of black ingratitude.
-----
Notwithstanding the agreement thus far pointed out, there are certain points
in Professor Virchow's lecture to which I should feel inclined to take
exception. I think it was hardly necessary to associate the theory of
evolution with Socialism; it may be even questioned whether it was correct
to do so. As Lange remarks, the aim of Socialism, or of its extreme leaders,
is to overthrow the existing systems of government, and anything that helps
them to this end is welcomed, whether it be atheism or papal infallibility.
For long years the Socialists saw Church and State united against them, and
both were therefore regarded with a common hatred. But no sooner does a
serious difference arise between Church and State, than a portion of the
Socialists begin immediately to dally with the former. [Footnote:
'Geschichte des Materialismus,' 2e Auflage, vol. ii. p. 538.] The experience
of the last German elections illustrates Lange's position. Far nobler and
truer to my mind than this fear of promoting Socialism by a scientific
theory which the best and soberest heads in the world have substantially
accepted, is the position assumed by Helmholtz, who in his 'Popular
Lectures' describes Darwin's theory as embracing 'an essentially new
creative thought' (einen wesentlich neuen schoepferischen Gedanken), and
who illustrates the greatness of this thought by copious references to the
solutions, previously undreamt of, which it offers of the enigmas of life and
organisation. He points to the clouds of error and confusion which it has
already dispersed, and shows how the progress of discovery since its first
enunciation is simply a record of the approach of the theory towards
complete demonstration. One point in this 'popular' exposition deserves
intrusion of a bullet or the blow of a club, can fly away into other regions of
space — if, abandoning this heathen notion, you consent to approach the
subject in the only way in which approach is possible — if you consent to
make your soul a poetic rendering of a phenomenon which, as I have taken
more pains than anybody else to show you, refuses the yoke of ordinary
physical laws — then I, for one, would not object to this exercise of
ideality.' I say it strongly, but with good temper, that the theologian, or the
defender of theology, who hacks and scourges me for putting the question
in this light is guilty of black ingratitude.
-----
Notwithstanding the agreement thus far pointed out, there are certain points
in Professor Virchow's lecture to which I should feel inclined to take
exception. I think it was hardly necessary to associate the theory of
evolution with Socialism; it may be even questioned whether it was correct
to do so. As Lange remarks, the aim of Socialism, or of its extreme leaders,
is to overthrow the existing systems of government, and anything that helps
them to this end is welcomed, whether it be atheism or papal infallibility.
For long years the Socialists saw Church and State united against them, and
both were therefore regarded with a common hatred. But no sooner does a
serious difference arise between Church and State, than a portion of the
Socialists begin immediately to dally with the former. [Footnote:
'Geschichte des Materialismus,' 2e Auflage, vol. ii. p. 538.] The experience
of the last German elections illustrates Lange's position. Far nobler and
truer to my mind than this fear of promoting Socialism by a scientific
theory which the best and soberest heads in the world have substantially
accepted, is the position assumed by Helmholtz, who in his 'Popular
Lectures' describes Darwin's theory as embracing 'an essentially new
creative thought' (einen wesentlich neuen schoepferischen Gedanken), and
who illustrates the greatness of this thought by copious references to the
solutions, previously undreamt of, which it offers of the enigmas of life and
organisation. He points to the clouds of error and confusion which it has
already dispersed, and shows how the progress of discovery since its first
enunciation is simply a record of the approach of the theory towards
complete demonstration. One point in this 'popular' exposition deserves
Page 706
especial mention here. Helmholtz refers to the dominant position acquired
by Germany in physiology and medicine, while other nations have kept
abreast of her in the investigation of inorganic nature. He claims for
German men the credit of pursuing with unflagging and self-denying
industry, with purely ideal aims, and without any immediate prospect of
practical utility, the cultivation of pure science. But that which has
determined German superiority in the fields referred to was, in his opinion,
something different from this. Enquiries into the nature of life are intimately
connected with psychological and ethical questions; and he claims for his
countrymen a greater fearlessness of the consequences which a full
knowledge of the truth may here carry along with it, than reigns among the
enquirers of other nations. And why is this the case? 'England and France,'
he says, 'possess distinguished investigators — men competent to follow up
and illustrate with vigorous energy the methods of natural science; but they
have hitherto been compelled to bend before social and theological
prejudices, and could only utter their convictions under the penalty of
injuring their social influence and usefulness. Germany has gone forward
more courageously. She has cherished the trust, which has never been
deceived, that complete truth carries with it the antidote against the bane
and danger which follow in the train of half knowledge. A cheerfully
laborious and temperate people — a people morally strong — can well
afford to look truth full in the face. Nor are they to be ruined by the
enunciation of one-sided theories, even when these may appear to threaten
the bases of society.' These words of Helmholtz are, in my opinion, wiser
and more applicable to the condition of Germany at the present moment
than those which express the fears of Professor Virchow. It will be
remembered that at the time of his lecture his chief anxieties were directed
towards France; but France has since that time given ample evidence of her
ability to crush, not only Socialists, but anti-Socialists, who would impose
on her a yoke which she refuses to bear.
In close connection with these utterances of Helmholtz, I place another
utterance not less noble, which I trust was understood and appreciated by
those to whom it was addressed. 'If,' said the President of the British
Association in his opening address in Dublin, we could lay down
beforehand the precise limits of possible knowledge, the problem of
physical science would be already half solved. But the question to which
by Germany in physiology and medicine, while other nations have kept
abreast of her in the investigation of inorganic nature. He claims for
German men the credit of pursuing with unflagging and self-denying
industry, with purely ideal aims, and without any immediate prospect of
practical utility, the cultivation of pure science. But that which has
determined German superiority in the fields referred to was, in his opinion,
something different from this. Enquiries into the nature of life are intimately
connected with psychological and ethical questions; and he claims for his
countrymen a greater fearlessness of the consequences which a full
knowledge of the truth may here carry along with it, than reigns among the
enquirers of other nations. And why is this the case? 'England and France,'
he says, 'possess distinguished investigators — men competent to follow up
and illustrate with vigorous energy the methods of natural science; but they
have hitherto been compelled to bend before social and theological
prejudices, and could only utter their convictions under the penalty of
injuring their social influence and usefulness. Germany has gone forward
more courageously. She has cherished the trust, which has never been
deceived, that complete truth carries with it the antidote against the bane
and danger which follow in the train of half knowledge. A cheerfully
laborious and temperate people — a people morally strong — can well
afford to look truth full in the face. Nor are they to be ruined by the
enunciation of one-sided theories, even when these may appear to threaten
the bases of society.' These words of Helmholtz are, in my opinion, wiser
and more applicable to the condition of Germany at the present moment
than those which express the fears of Professor Virchow. It will be
remembered that at the time of his lecture his chief anxieties were directed
towards France; but France has since that time given ample evidence of her
ability to crush, not only Socialists, but anti-Socialists, who would impose
on her a yoke which she refuses to bear.
In close connection with these utterances of Helmholtz, I place another
utterance not less noble, which I trust was understood and appreciated by
those to whom it was addressed. 'If,' said the President of the British
Association in his opening address in Dublin, we could lay down
beforehand the precise limits of possible knowledge, the problem of
physical science would be already half solved. But the question to which
Page 707
the scientific explorer has often to address himself is, not merely whether he
is able to solve this or that problem; but whether he can so far unravel the
tangled threads of the matter with which he has to deal, as to weave them
into a definite problem at all... If his eye seem dim, he must look steadfastly
and with hope into the misty vision, until the very clouds wreathe
themselves into definite forms. If his ear seem dull, he must listen patiently
and with sympathetic trust to the intricate whisperings of Nature — the
goddess, as she has been called, of a hundred voices — until here and there
he can pick out a few simple notes to which his own powers can resound. If,
then, at a moment when he finds himself placed on a pinnacle from which
he is called upon to take a perspective survey of the range of science, and to
tell us what he can see from his vantage ground; if at such a moment after
straining his gaze to the very verge of the horizon, and after describing the
most distant of well-defined objects, he should give utterance also to some
of the subjective impressions which he is conscious of receiving from
regions beyond; if he should depict possibilities which seem opening to his
view; if he should explain why he thinks this a mere blind alley and that an
open path; then the fault and the loss would be alike ours if we refused to
listen calmly, and temperately to form our own judgment on what we hear;
then assuredly it is we who would be committing the error of confounding
matters of fact with matters of opinion, if we failed to discriminate between
the various elements contained in such a discourse, and assumed that they
had been all put on the same footing.'
-----
While largely agreeing with him, I cannot quite accept the setting in which
Professor Virchow places the confessedly abortive attempts to secure an
experimental basis for the doctrine of spontaneous generation. It is not a
doctrine 'so discredited' that some of the scientific thinkers of England
accept 'as the basis of all their views of life.' Their induction is by no means
thus limited. They have on their side more than the 'reasonable probability'
deemed sufficient by Bishop Butler for practical guidance in the gravest
affairs, that the members of the solar system which are now discrete once
formed a continuous mass; that in the course of untold ages, during which
the work of condensation, through the waste of heat in space, went on, the
planets were detached; and that our present sun is the residual nucleus of
is able to solve this or that problem; but whether he can so far unravel the
tangled threads of the matter with which he has to deal, as to weave them
into a definite problem at all... If his eye seem dim, he must look steadfastly
and with hope into the misty vision, until the very clouds wreathe
themselves into definite forms. If his ear seem dull, he must listen patiently
and with sympathetic trust to the intricate whisperings of Nature — the
goddess, as she has been called, of a hundred voices — until here and there
he can pick out a few simple notes to which his own powers can resound. If,
then, at a moment when he finds himself placed on a pinnacle from which
he is called upon to take a perspective survey of the range of science, and to
tell us what he can see from his vantage ground; if at such a moment after
straining his gaze to the very verge of the horizon, and after describing the
most distant of well-defined objects, he should give utterance also to some
of the subjective impressions which he is conscious of receiving from
regions beyond; if he should depict possibilities which seem opening to his
view; if he should explain why he thinks this a mere blind alley and that an
open path; then the fault and the loss would be alike ours if we refused to
listen calmly, and temperately to form our own judgment on what we hear;
then assuredly it is we who would be committing the error of confounding
matters of fact with matters of opinion, if we failed to discriminate between
the various elements contained in such a discourse, and assumed that they
had been all put on the same footing.'
-----
While largely agreeing with him, I cannot quite accept the setting in which
Professor Virchow places the confessedly abortive attempts to secure an
experimental basis for the doctrine of spontaneous generation. It is not a
doctrine 'so discredited' that some of the scientific thinkers of England
accept 'as the basis of all their views of life.' Their induction is by no means
thus limited. They have on their side more than the 'reasonable probability'
deemed sufficient by Bishop Butler for practical guidance in the gravest
affairs, that the members of the solar system which are now discrete once
formed a continuous mass; that in the course of untold ages, during which
the work of condensation, through the waste of heat in space, went on, the
planets were detached; and that our present sun is the residual nucleus of
Page 708
the flocculent or gaseous ball from which the planets were successively
separated. Life, as we define it, was not possible for aeons subsequent to
this separation. When and how did it appear? I have already pressed this
question, but have received no answer. [Footnote: In the 'Apology for the
Belfast Address,' the question is reasoned out.] If, with Professor Knight,
we regard the Bible account of the introduction of life upon the earth as a
poem, not as a statement of fact, where are we to seek for guidance as to the
fact? There does not exist a barrier possessing the strength of a cobweb to
oppose to the hypothesis, which ascribes the appearance of life to that
'potency of matter' which finds expression in natural evolution. [Footnote:
'We feel it an undeniable necessity,' says Professor Virchow, not to sever the
organic world from the whole, as if it were something disjoined from the
whole.' This grave statement cannot be weakened by the subsequent
pleasantry regarding 'Carbon & Co.']
This hypothesis is not without its difficulties, but they vanish when
compared with those which encumber its rivals. There are various facts in
science obviously connected, and whose connections we are unable to trace;
but we do not think of filling the gap between them by the intrusion of a
separable spiritual agent. In like manner though we are unable to trace the
course of things from the nebula, when there was no life in our sense, to the
present earth where life abounds, the spirit and practice of science
pronounce against the intrusion of an anthropomorphic creator. Theologians
must liberate and refine their conceptions or be prepared for the rejection of
them by thoughtful minds. It is they, not we, who lay claim to knowledge
never given to man. Our refusal of the creative hypothesis is less an
assertion of knowledge than a protest against the assumption of knowledge
which must long, if not always, lie beyond us, and the claim to which is a
source of perpetual confusion.' At the same time, when I look with
strenuous gaze into the whole problem as far as my capacities allow,
overwhelming wonder is the predominant feeling. This wonder has come to
me from the ages just as much as my understanding, and it has an equal
right to satisfaction. Hence I say, if, abandoning your illegitimate claim to
knowledge, you place, with Job, your forehead in the dust and acknowledge
the authorship of this universe to be past finding out — if, having made this
confession, and relinquished the views of the mechanical theologian, you
desire for the satisfaction of feelings which I admit to be, in great part,
separated. Life, as we define it, was not possible for aeons subsequent to
this separation. When and how did it appear? I have already pressed this
question, but have received no answer. [Footnote: In the 'Apology for the
Belfast Address,' the question is reasoned out.] If, with Professor Knight,
we regard the Bible account of the introduction of life upon the earth as a
poem, not as a statement of fact, where are we to seek for guidance as to the
fact? There does not exist a barrier possessing the strength of a cobweb to
oppose to the hypothesis, which ascribes the appearance of life to that
'potency of matter' which finds expression in natural evolution. [Footnote:
'We feel it an undeniable necessity,' says Professor Virchow, not to sever the
organic world from the whole, as if it were something disjoined from the
whole.' This grave statement cannot be weakened by the subsequent
pleasantry regarding 'Carbon & Co.']
This hypothesis is not without its difficulties, but they vanish when
compared with those which encumber its rivals. There are various facts in
science obviously connected, and whose connections we are unable to trace;
but we do not think of filling the gap between them by the intrusion of a
separable spiritual agent. In like manner though we are unable to trace the
course of things from the nebula, when there was no life in our sense, to the
present earth where life abounds, the spirit and practice of science
pronounce against the intrusion of an anthropomorphic creator. Theologians
must liberate and refine their conceptions or be prepared for the rejection of
them by thoughtful minds. It is they, not we, who lay claim to knowledge
never given to man. Our refusal of the creative hypothesis is less an
assertion of knowledge than a protest against the assumption of knowledge
which must long, if not always, lie beyond us, and the claim to which is a
source of perpetual confusion.' At the same time, when I look with
strenuous gaze into the whole problem as far as my capacities allow,
overwhelming wonder is the predominant feeling. This wonder has come to
me from the ages just as much as my understanding, and it has an equal
right to satisfaction. Hence I say, if, abandoning your illegitimate claim to
knowledge, you place, with Job, your forehead in the dust and acknowledge
the authorship of this universe to be past finding out — if, having made this
confession, and relinquished the views of the mechanical theologian, you
desire for the satisfaction of feelings which I admit to be, in great part,
Page 709
those of humanity at large, to give ideal form to the Power that moves all
things — it is not by me that you will find objections raised to this exercise
of ideality, if it be only consciously and worthily carried out.
-----
Again, I think Professor Virchow's position, in regard to the question of
contagium animatum, is not altogether that of true philosophy. He points to
the antiquity of the doctrine. 'It is lost,' he says, I in the darkness of the
middle ages. We have received this name from our forefathers, and it
already appears distinctly in the sixteenth century. We possess several
works of that time which put forward contagium animatum as a scientific
doctrine, with the same confidence, with the same sort of proof, with which
the "Plastidulic soul" is now set forth.'
These speculations of our 'forefathers' will appeal differently to different
minds. By some they will be dismissed with a sneer; to others they will
appeal as proofs of genius on the part of those who enunciated them. There
are men, and by no means the minority, who, however wealthy in regard to
facts, can never rise into the region of principles; and they are sometimes
intolerant of those who can. They are formed to plod meritoriously on the
lower levels of thought, unpossessed of the pinions necessary to reach the
heights. They cannot realise the mental act — the act of inspiration it might
well be called — by which a man of genius, after long pondering and
proving, reaches a theoretic conception which unravels and illuminates the
tangle of centuries of observation and experiment. There are minds, it may
be said in passing, who at the present moment stand in this relation to Mr.
Darwin. For my part, I should be inclined to ascribe to penetration rather
than to presumption the notion of a contagium animatum. He who invented
the term ought, I think, to be held in esteem; for he had before him the
quantity of fact, and the measure of analogy, that would justify a man of
genius in taking a step so bold. 'Nevertheless,' says Professor Virchow, 'no
one was able throughout a long time to discover these living germs of
disease. The sixteenth century did not find them, nor did the seventeenth,
nor the eighteenth.' But it may be urged, in reply to this, that the theoretic
conjecture often legitimately comes first. It is the forecast of genius which
anticipates the fact and constitutes a spur towards its discovery. If, instead
things — it is not by me that you will find objections raised to this exercise
of ideality, if it be only consciously and worthily carried out.
-----
Again, I think Professor Virchow's position, in regard to the question of
contagium animatum, is not altogether that of true philosophy. He points to
the antiquity of the doctrine. 'It is lost,' he says, I in the darkness of the
middle ages. We have received this name from our forefathers, and it
already appears distinctly in the sixteenth century. We possess several
works of that time which put forward contagium animatum as a scientific
doctrine, with the same confidence, with the same sort of proof, with which
the "Plastidulic soul" is now set forth.'
These speculations of our 'forefathers' will appeal differently to different
minds. By some they will be dismissed with a sneer; to others they will
appeal as proofs of genius on the part of those who enunciated them. There
are men, and by no means the minority, who, however wealthy in regard to
facts, can never rise into the region of principles; and they are sometimes
intolerant of those who can. They are formed to plod meritoriously on the
lower levels of thought, unpossessed of the pinions necessary to reach the
heights. They cannot realise the mental act — the act of inspiration it might
well be called — by which a man of genius, after long pondering and
proving, reaches a theoretic conception which unravels and illuminates the
tangle of centuries of observation and experiment. There are minds, it may
be said in passing, who at the present moment stand in this relation to Mr.
Darwin. For my part, I should be inclined to ascribe to penetration rather
than to presumption the notion of a contagium animatum. He who invented
the term ought, I think, to be held in esteem; for he had before him the
quantity of fact, and the measure of analogy, that would justify a man of
genius in taking a step so bold. 'Nevertheless,' says Professor Virchow, 'no
one was able throughout a long time to discover these living germs of
disease. The sixteenth century did not find them, nor did the seventeenth,
nor the eighteenth.' But it may be urged, in reply to this, that the theoretic
conjecture often legitimately comes first. It is the forecast of genius which
anticipates the fact and constitutes a spur towards its discovery. If, instead
Page 710
of being a spur, the theoretic guess rendered men content with imperfect
knowledge, it would be a thing to be deprecated. But in modern
investigation this is distinctly not the case; Darwin's theory, for example,
like the undulatory theory, has been a motive power and not an anodyne. 'At
last,' continues Professor Virchow, 'in the nineteenth century we have begun
little by little really to find contagia animata.' So much the more honour, I
infer, is due to those who, three centuries in advance, so put together the
facts and analogies of contagious disease as to divine its root and character.
Professor Virchow seems to deprecate the 'obstinacy' with which this notion
of a contagium vivum emerged. Here I should not be inclined to follow him;
because I do not know, nor does he tell me, how much the discovery of
facts in the nineteenth century is indebted to the stimulus derived from the
theoretic discussions of preceding centuries. The genesis of scientific ideas
is a subject of profound interest and importance. He would be but a poor
philosopher who would sever modern chemistry from the efforts of the
alchemists, who would detach modern atomic doctrines from the
speculations of Lucretius and his predecessors, or who would claim for our
present knowledge of contagia an origin altogether independent of the
efforts of our 'forefathers' to penetrate this enigma.
-----
Finally, I do not know that I should agree with Professor Virchow as to
what a theory is or ought to be. I call a theory a principle or conception of
the mind which accounts for observed facts, and which helps us to look for
and predict facts not yet observed. Every new discovery which fits into a
theory strengthens it. The theory is not a thing complete from the first, but a
thing which grows, as it were asymptotically, towards certainty. Darwin's
theory, as pointed out nine and ten years ago by Helmholtz and Hooker, was
then exactly in this condition of growth; and had they to speak of the
subject to-day they would be able to announce an enormous strengthening
of the theoretic fibre. Fissures in continuity which then existed, and which
left little hope of being ever spanned, have been since filled in, so that the
further the theory is tested the more fully does it harmonise with
progressive experience and discovery. We shall probably never fill all the
gaps; but this will not prevent a profound belief in the truth of the theory
from taking root in the general mind. Much less will it justify a total denial
knowledge, it would be a thing to be deprecated. But in modern
investigation this is distinctly not the case; Darwin's theory, for example,
like the undulatory theory, has been a motive power and not an anodyne. 'At
last,' continues Professor Virchow, 'in the nineteenth century we have begun
little by little really to find contagia animata.' So much the more honour, I
infer, is due to those who, three centuries in advance, so put together the
facts and analogies of contagious disease as to divine its root and character.
Professor Virchow seems to deprecate the 'obstinacy' with which this notion
of a contagium vivum emerged. Here I should not be inclined to follow him;
because I do not know, nor does he tell me, how much the discovery of
facts in the nineteenth century is indebted to the stimulus derived from the
theoretic discussions of preceding centuries. The genesis of scientific ideas
is a subject of profound interest and importance. He would be but a poor
philosopher who would sever modern chemistry from the efforts of the
alchemists, who would detach modern atomic doctrines from the
speculations of Lucretius and his predecessors, or who would claim for our
present knowledge of contagia an origin altogether independent of the
efforts of our 'forefathers' to penetrate this enigma.
-----
Finally, I do not know that I should agree with Professor Virchow as to
what a theory is or ought to be. I call a theory a principle or conception of
the mind which accounts for observed facts, and which helps us to look for
and predict facts not yet observed. Every new discovery which fits into a
theory strengthens it. The theory is not a thing complete from the first, but a
thing which grows, as it were asymptotically, towards certainty. Darwin's
theory, as pointed out nine and ten years ago by Helmholtz and Hooker, was
then exactly in this condition of growth; and had they to speak of the
subject to-day they would be able to announce an enormous strengthening
of the theoretic fibre. Fissures in continuity which then existed, and which
left little hope of being ever spanned, have been since filled in, so that the
further the theory is tested the more fully does it harmonise with
progressive experience and discovery. We shall probably never fill all the
gaps; but this will not prevent a profound belief in the truth of the theory
from taking root in the general mind. Much less will it justify a total denial
Page 711
of the theory. The man of science who assumes in such a case the position
of a denier is sure to be stranded and isolated. The proper attitude, in my
opinion, is to give to the theory during the phases of its growth as nearly as
possible a proportionate assent; and, if it be a theory which influences
practice, our wisdom is to follow its probable suggestions where more than
probability is for the moment unattainable. I write thus with the theory of
contagium vivum, more especially in my mind, and must regret the attitude
of denial assumed by Professor Virchow towards that theory. 'I must beg my
friend Klebs to pardon me,' he says, 'if, notwithstanding the late advances
made by the doctrine of infectious fungi, I still persist in my reserve so far
as to admit only the fungus which is really proved while I deny all other
fungi so long as they are not actually brought before me.' Professor
Virchow, that is to say, will continue to deny the Germ Theory, however
great the probabilities on its side, however numerous be the cases of which
it renders a just account, until it has ceased to be a theory at all, and has
become a congeries of sensible facts. Had he said, 'As long as a single
fungus of disease remains to be discovered, it is your bounden duty to
search for it,' I should cordially agree with him. But by his unreserved
denial he quenches the light of probability which ought to guide the practice
of the medical man. Both here and in relation to the theory of evolution
excess upon one side has begotten excess upon the other.
.
-------------------
.
NOTE. — As might have been expected, Professor Virchow, shows himself
in practice far too sound a philosopher to be restricted by the canon laid
down in his critique of Dr. Haeckel. In his recent discourse upon the plague,
he asks and answers the question, 'What is the contagium?' in the following
words:— 'Et qu'est-ce que le contagium? A mon avis, l'analogie de la peste
aver le charbon contagieux me paraît si grande qu'il me semble possible de
trouver un organisme microscopique qui contient le germe de l'affection.
Mais jusqu' à présent on a peu cherché à trouver cet organisme.' – Revue
Scientifique, March, 1879.
of a denier is sure to be stranded and isolated. The proper attitude, in my
opinion, is to give to the theory during the phases of its growth as nearly as
possible a proportionate assent; and, if it be a theory which influences
practice, our wisdom is to follow its probable suggestions where more than
probability is for the moment unattainable. I write thus with the theory of
contagium vivum, more especially in my mind, and must regret the attitude
of denial assumed by Professor Virchow towards that theory. 'I must beg my
friend Klebs to pardon me,' he says, 'if, notwithstanding the late advances
made by the doctrine of infectious fungi, I still persist in my reserve so far
as to admit only the fungus which is really proved while I deny all other
fungi so long as they are not actually brought before me.' Professor
Virchow, that is to say, will continue to deny the Germ Theory, however
great the probabilities on its side, however numerous be the cases of which
it renders a just account, until it has ceased to be a theory at all, and has
become a congeries of sensible facts. Had he said, 'As long as a single
fungus of disease remains to be discovered, it is your bounden duty to
search for it,' I should cordially agree with him. But by his unreserved
denial he quenches the light of probability which ought to guide the practice
of the medical man. Both here and in relation to the theory of evolution
excess upon one side has begotten excess upon the other.
.
-------------------
.
NOTE. — As might have been expected, Professor Virchow, shows himself
in practice far too sound a philosopher to be restricted by the canon laid
down in his critique of Dr. Haeckel. In his recent discourse upon the plague,
he asks and answers the question, 'What is the contagium?' in the following
words:— 'Et qu'est-ce que le contagium? A mon avis, l'analogie de la peste
aver le charbon contagieux me paraît si grande qu'il me semble possible de
trouver un organisme microscopique qui contient le germe de l'affection.
Mais jusqu' à présent on a peu cherché à trouver cet organisme.' – Revue
Scientifique, March, 1879.
Page 712
.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVI. THE ELECTRIC LIGHT.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on
Friday, January 17, 1879, and introduced here as the latest Fragment.]
THE subject of this evening's discourse was proposed by our late honorary
secretary. [Footnote: Mr. William Spottiswoode, now President of the Royal
Societ] That word 'late' has for me its own connotations. It implies, among
other things, the loss of a comrade by whose side I have worked for thirteen
years. On the other hand, regret is not without its opposite in the feeling
with which I have seen him rise by sheer intrinsic merit, moral and
intellectual, to the highest official position which it is in the power of
English science to bestow. Well, he, whose constant desire and practice
were to promote the interests and extend the usefulness of this institution,
thought that at a time when the electric light occupied so much of public
attention, a few sound notions regarding it, on the more purely scientific
side, might, to use his own pithy expression, be 'planted' in the public mind.
I am here to-night with the view of trying, to the best of my ability, to
realise the idea of our friend.
In the year 1800, Volta announced his immortal discovery of the pile.
Whetted to eagerness by the previous conflict between him and Galvani, the
scientific men of the age flung themselves with ardour upon the new
discovery, repeating Volta's experiments, and extending them in many ways.
.
.
.
--------------------
.
.
XVI. THE ELECTRIC LIGHT.
[Footnote: A discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on
Friday, January 17, 1879, and introduced here as the latest Fragment.]
THE subject of this evening's discourse was proposed by our late honorary
secretary. [Footnote: Mr. William Spottiswoode, now President of the Royal
Societ] That word 'late' has for me its own connotations. It implies, among
other things, the loss of a comrade by whose side I have worked for thirteen
years. On the other hand, regret is not without its opposite in the feeling
with which I have seen him rise by sheer intrinsic merit, moral and
intellectual, to the highest official position which it is in the power of
English science to bestow. Well, he, whose constant desire and practice
were to promote the interests and extend the usefulness of this institution,
thought that at a time when the electric light occupied so much of public
attention, a few sound notions regarding it, on the more purely scientific
side, might, to use his own pithy expression, be 'planted' in the public mind.
I am here to-night with the view of trying, to the best of my ability, to
realise the idea of our friend.
In the year 1800, Volta announced his immortal discovery of the pile.
Whetted to eagerness by the previous conflict between him and Galvani, the
scientific men of the age flung themselves with ardour upon the new
discovery, repeating Volta's experiments, and extending them in many ways.
Page 713
The light and heat of the voltaic circuit attracted marked attention, and in
the innumerable tests and trials to which this question was subjected, the
utility of platinum and charcoal as means of exalting the light was on all
hands recognised. Mr. Children, with a battery surpassing in strength all its
predecessors, fused platinum wires eighteen inches long, while 'points of
charcoal produced a light so vivid that the sunshine, compared with it,
appeared feeble.' [Footnote: Davy, 'Chemical Philosophy,' p. 110.] Such
effects reached their culmination when, in 1808, through the liberality of a
few members of the Royal Institution, Davy was enabled to construct a
battery of two thousand pairs of plates, with which he afterwards obtained
calorific and luminous effects far transcending anything previously
observed. The arc of flame between the carbon terminals was four inches
long, and by its heat quartz, sapphire, magnesia, and lime, were melted like
wax in a candle flame; while fragments of diamond and plumbago rapidly
disappeared as if reduced to vapour. [Footnote: In the concluding lecture at
the Royal Institution in June, 1810, Davy showed the action of this battery.
He then fused iridium, the alloy of iridium and osmium, and other
refractory substances. 'Philosophical Magazine,' vol. xxxv. p. 463. Quetelet
assigns the first production of the spark between coal-points to Curtet in
1802. Davy certainly in that year showed the carbon light with a battery of
150 pairs of plates in the theatre of the Royal Institution ('Jour. Roy. Inst.'
vol. i. p. 166).]
The first condition to be fulfilled in the development of heat and light by
the electric current is that it shall encounter and overcome resistance.
Flowing through a perfect conductor, no matter what the strength of the
current might be, neither heat nor light could be developed. A rod of
unresisting copper carries away uninjured and unwarmed an atmospheric
discharge competent to shiver to splinters a resisting oak. I send the self-
same current through a wire composed of alternate lengths of silver and
platinum. The silver offers little resistance, the platinum offers much. The
consequence is that the platinum is raised to a white heat, while the silver is
not visibly warmed. The same holds good with regard to the carbon
terminals employed for the production of the electric light. The interval
between them offers a powerful resistance to the passage of the current, and
it is by the gathering up of the force necessary to burst across this interval
that the voltaic current is able to throw the carbon into that state of violent
the innumerable tests and trials to which this question was subjected, the
utility of platinum and charcoal as means of exalting the light was on all
hands recognised. Mr. Children, with a battery surpassing in strength all its
predecessors, fused platinum wires eighteen inches long, while 'points of
charcoal produced a light so vivid that the sunshine, compared with it,
appeared feeble.' [Footnote: Davy, 'Chemical Philosophy,' p. 110.] Such
effects reached their culmination when, in 1808, through the liberality of a
few members of the Royal Institution, Davy was enabled to construct a
battery of two thousand pairs of plates, with which he afterwards obtained
calorific and luminous effects far transcending anything previously
observed. The arc of flame between the carbon terminals was four inches
long, and by its heat quartz, sapphire, magnesia, and lime, were melted like
wax in a candle flame; while fragments of diamond and plumbago rapidly
disappeared as if reduced to vapour. [Footnote: In the concluding lecture at
the Royal Institution in June, 1810, Davy showed the action of this battery.
He then fused iridium, the alloy of iridium and osmium, and other
refractory substances. 'Philosophical Magazine,' vol. xxxv. p. 463. Quetelet
assigns the first production of the spark between coal-points to Curtet in
1802. Davy certainly in that year showed the carbon light with a battery of
150 pairs of plates in the theatre of the Royal Institution ('Jour. Roy. Inst.'
vol. i. p. 166).]
The first condition to be fulfilled in the development of heat and light by
the electric current is that it shall encounter and overcome resistance.
Flowing through a perfect conductor, no matter what the strength of the
current might be, neither heat nor light could be developed. A rod of
unresisting copper carries away uninjured and unwarmed an atmospheric
discharge competent to shiver to splinters a resisting oak. I send the self-
same current through a wire composed of alternate lengths of silver and
platinum. The silver offers little resistance, the platinum offers much. The
consequence is that the platinum is raised to a white heat, while the silver is
not visibly warmed. The same holds good with regard to the carbon
terminals employed for the production of the electric light. The interval
between them offers a powerful resistance to the passage of the current, and
it is by the gathering up of the force necessary to burst across this interval
that the voltaic current is able to throw the carbon into that state of violent
Page 714
intestine commotion which we call heat, and to which its effulgence is due.
The smallest interval of air usually suffices to stop the current. But when
the carbon points are first brought together and then separated, there occurs
between them a discharge of incandescent matter which carries, or may
carry, the current over a considerable space. The light comes almost wholly
from the incandescent carbons. The space between them is filled with a blue
flame which, being usually bent by the earth's magnetism, receives the
name of the Voltaic Arc. [Footnote: The part played by resistance is
strikingly illustrated by the deportment of silver and thallium when mixed
together and volatilised in the arc. The current first selects as its carrier the
most volatile metal, which in this case is thallium. While it continues
abundant, the passage of the current is so free — the resistance to it is so
small — that the heat generated is incompetent to volatilise the silver. As
the thallium disappears the current is forced to concentrate its power; it
presses the silver into its service, and finally fills the space between the
carbons with a vapour — which, as long as the necessary resistance is
absent, it is incompetent to produce. I have on a former occasion drawn
attention to a danger which besets the spectroscopist when operating upon
a mixture of constituents volatile in different degrees. When, in 1872, I first
observed the effect here described, had I not known that silver was present,
I should have inferred its absence.]
For seventy years, then, we have been in possession of this transcendent
light without applying it to the illumination of our streets and houses. Such
applications suggested themselves at the outset, but there were grave
difficulties in their way. The first difficulty arose from the waste of the
carbons, which are dissipated in part by ordinary combustion, and in part by
the electric transfer of matter from the one carbon to the other. To keep the
carbons at the proper distance asunder regulators were devised, the earliest,
I believe, by Staite, and the most successful by Duboscq, Foucault, and
Serrin, who have been succeeded by Holmes, Siemens, Browning, Carré,
Gramme, Lontin, and others. By such arrangements the first difficulty was
practically overcome; but the second, a graver one, is probably inseparable
from the construction of the voltaic battery. It arises from the operation of
that inexorable law which throughout the material universe demands an eye
for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, refusing to yield the faintest glow of heat
or glimmer of light without the expenditure of an absolutely equal quantity
The smallest interval of air usually suffices to stop the current. But when
the carbon points are first brought together and then separated, there occurs
between them a discharge of incandescent matter which carries, or may
carry, the current over a considerable space. The light comes almost wholly
from the incandescent carbons. The space between them is filled with a blue
flame which, being usually bent by the earth's magnetism, receives the
name of the Voltaic Arc. [Footnote: The part played by resistance is
strikingly illustrated by the deportment of silver and thallium when mixed
together and volatilised in the arc. The current first selects as its carrier the
most volatile metal, which in this case is thallium. While it continues
abundant, the passage of the current is so free — the resistance to it is so
small — that the heat generated is incompetent to volatilise the silver. As
the thallium disappears the current is forced to concentrate its power; it
presses the silver into its service, and finally fills the space between the
carbons with a vapour — which, as long as the necessary resistance is
absent, it is incompetent to produce. I have on a former occasion drawn
attention to a danger which besets the spectroscopist when operating upon
a mixture of constituents volatile in different degrees. When, in 1872, I first
observed the effect here described, had I not known that silver was present,
I should have inferred its absence.]
For seventy years, then, we have been in possession of this transcendent
light without applying it to the illumination of our streets and houses. Such
applications suggested themselves at the outset, but there were grave
difficulties in their way. The first difficulty arose from the waste of the
carbons, which are dissipated in part by ordinary combustion, and in part by
the electric transfer of matter from the one carbon to the other. To keep the
carbons at the proper distance asunder regulators were devised, the earliest,
I believe, by Staite, and the most successful by Duboscq, Foucault, and
Serrin, who have been succeeded by Holmes, Siemens, Browning, Carré,
Gramme, Lontin, and others. By such arrangements the first difficulty was
practically overcome; but the second, a graver one, is probably inseparable
from the construction of the voltaic battery. It arises from the operation of
that inexorable law which throughout the material universe demands an eye
for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, refusing to yield the faintest glow of heat
or glimmer of light without the expenditure of an absolutely equal quantity
Page 715
of some other power. Hence, in practice, the desirability of any
transformation must depend upon the value of the product in relation to that
of the power expended. The metal zinc can be burnt like paper; it might be
ignited in a flame, but it is possible to avoid the introduction of all foreign
heat and to burn the zinc in air of the temperature of this room. This is done
by placing zinc foil at the focus of a concave mirror, which concentrates to
a point the divergent electric beam, but which does not warm the air. The
zinc burns at the focus with a violet flame, and we could readily determine
the amount of heat generated by its combustion. But zinc can be burnt not
only in air but in liquids. It is thus burnt when acidulated water is poured
over it; it is also thus burnt in the voltaic battery. Here, however, to obtain
the oxygen necessary for its combustion, the zinc has to dislodge the
hydrogen with which the oxygen is combined. The consequence is that the
heat due to the combustion of the metal in the liquid falls short of that
developed by its combustion in air, by the exact quantity necessary to
separate the oxygen from the hydrogen. Fully four-fifths of the total heat
are used up in this molecular work, only one-fifth remaining to warm the
battery. It is upon this residue that we must now fix our attention, for it is
solely out of it that we manufacture our electric light.
Before you are two small voltaic batteries of ten cells each. The two ends of
one of them are united by a thick copper wire, while into the circuit of the
other a thin platinum wire is introduced. The platinum glows with a white
heat, while the copper wire is not sensibly warmed. Now an ounce of zinc,
like an ounce of coal, produces by its complete combustion in air a constant
quantity of heat. The total heat developed by an ounce of zinc through its
union with oxygen in the battery is also absolutely invariable. Let our two
batteries, then, continue in action until an ounce of zinc in each of them is
consumed. In the one case the heat generated is purely domestic, being
liberated on the hearth where the fuel is burnt, that is to say in the cells of
the battery itself. In the other case, the heat is in part domestic and in part
foreign — in part within the battery and in part outside. One of the
fundamental truths to be borne in mind is that the sum of the foreign and
domestic — of the external and internal — heats is fixed and invariable.
Hence, to have heat outside, you must draw upon the heat within. These
remarks apply to the electric light. By the inter-mediation of the electric
current the moderate warmth of the battery is not only carried away, but
transformation must depend upon the value of the product in relation to that
of the power expended. The metal zinc can be burnt like paper; it might be
ignited in a flame, but it is possible to avoid the introduction of all foreign
heat and to burn the zinc in air of the temperature of this room. This is done
by placing zinc foil at the focus of a concave mirror, which concentrates to
a point the divergent electric beam, but which does not warm the air. The
zinc burns at the focus with a violet flame, and we could readily determine
the amount of heat generated by its combustion. But zinc can be burnt not
only in air but in liquids. It is thus burnt when acidulated water is poured
over it; it is also thus burnt in the voltaic battery. Here, however, to obtain
the oxygen necessary for its combustion, the zinc has to dislodge the
hydrogen with which the oxygen is combined. The consequence is that the
heat due to the combustion of the metal in the liquid falls short of that
developed by its combustion in air, by the exact quantity necessary to
separate the oxygen from the hydrogen. Fully four-fifths of the total heat
are used up in this molecular work, only one-fifth remaining to warm the
battery. It is upon this residue that we must now fix our attention, for it is
solely out of it that we manufacture our electric light.
Before you are two small voltaic batteries of ten cells each. The two ends of
one of them are united by a thick copper wire, while into the circuit of the
other a thin platinum wire is introduced. The platinum glows with a white
heat, while the copper wire is not sensibly warmed. Now an ounce of zinc,
like an ounce of coal, produces by its complete combustion in air a constant
quantity of heat. The total heat developed by an ounce of zinc through its
union with oxygen in the battery is also absolutely invariable. Let our two
batteries, then, continue in action until an ounce of zinc in each of them is
consumed. In the one case the heat generated is purely domestic, being
liberated on the hearth where the fuel is burnt, that is to say in the cells of
the battery itself. In the other case, the heat is in part domestic and in part
foreign — in part within the battery and in part outside. One of the
fundamental truths to be borne in mind is that the sum of the foreign and
domestic — of the external and internal — heats is fixed and invariable.
Hence, to have heat outside, you must draw upon the heat within. These
remarks apply to the electric light. By the inter-mediation of the electric
current the moderate warmth of the battery is not only carried away, but
Page 716
concentrated, so as to produce, at any distance from its origin, a heat next in
order to that of the sun. The current might therefore be defined as the swift
carrier of heat. Loading itself here with invisible power, by a process of
transmutation which outstrips the dreams of the alchemist, it can discharge
its load, in the fraction of a second, as light and heat, at the opposite side of
the world.
Thus, the light and heat produced outside the battery are derived from the
metallic fuel burnt within the battery; and, as zinc happens to be an
expensive fuel, though we have possessed the electric light for more than
seventy years, it has been too costly to come into general use. But within
these walls, in the autumn of 1831, Faraday discovered a new source of
electricity, which we have now to investigate. On the table before me lies a
coil of covered copper wire, with its ends disunited. I lift one side of the
coil from the table, and in doing so exert the muscular effort necessary to
overcome the simple weight of the coil. I unite its two ends and repeat the
experiment. The effort now required, if accurately measured, would be
found greater than before. In lifting the coil I cut the lines of the earth's
magnetic force, such cutting, as proved by Faraday, being always
accompanied, in a closed conductor, by the production of an 'induced'
electric current which, as long as the ends of the coil remained separate, had
no circuit through which it could pass. The current here evoked subsides
immediately as heat; this heat being the exact equivalent of the excess of
effort just referred to as over and above that necessary to overcome the
simple weight of the coil. When the coil is liberated it falls back to the
table, and when its ends are united it encounters a resistance over and above
that of the air. It generates an electric current opposed in direction to the
first, and reaches the table with a diminished shock. The amount of the
diminution is accurately represented by the warmth which the momentary
current developer in the coil. Various devices were employed to exalt these
induced currents, among which the instruments of Pixii, Clarke, and Saxton
were long conspicuous. Faraday, indeed, foresaw that such attempts were
sure to be made; but he chose to leave them in the hands of the
mechanician, while he himself pursued the deeper study of facts and
principles. 'I have rather,' he writes in 1831, 'been desirous of discovering
new facts and new relations dependent on magneto-electric induction, than
order to that of the sun. The current might therefore be defined as the swift
carrier of heat. Loading itself here with invisible power, by a process of
transmutation which outstrips the dreams of the alchemist, it can discharge
its load, in the fraction of a second, as light and heat, at the opposite side of
the world.
Thus, the light and heat produced outside the battery are derived from the
metallic fuel burnt within the battery; and, as zinc happens to be an
expensive fuel, though we have possessed the electric light for more than
seventy years, it has been too costly to come into general use. But within
these walls, in the autumn of 1831, Faraday discovered a new source of
electricity, which we have now to investigate. On the table before me lies a
coil of covered copper wire, with its ends disunited. I lift one side of the
coil from the table, and in doing so exert the muscular effort necessary to
overcome the simple weight of the coil. I unite its two ends and repeat the
experiment. The effort now required, if accurately measured, would be
found greater than before. In lifting the coil I cut the lines of the earth's
magnetic force, such cutting, as proved by Faraday, being always
accompanied, in a closed conductor, by the production of an 'induced'
electric current which, as long as the ends of the coil remained separate, had
no circuit through which it could pass. The current here evoked subsides
immediately as heat; this heat being the exact equivalent of the excess of
effort just referred to as over and above that necessary to overcome the
simple weight of the coil. When the coil is liberated it falls back to the
table, and when its ends are united it encounters a resistance over and above
that of the air. It generates an electric current opposed in direction to the
first, and reaches the table with a diminished shock. The amount of the
diminution is accurately represented by the warmth which the momentary
current developer in the coil. Various devices were employed to exalt these
induced currents, among which the instruments of Pixii, Clarke, and Saxton
were long conspicuous. Faraday, indeed, foresaw that such attempts were
sure to be made; but he chose to leave them in the hands of the
mechanician, while he himself pursued the deeper study of facts and
principles. 'I have rather,' he writes in 1831, 'been desirous of discovering
new facts and new relations dependent on magneto-electric induction, than
Page 717
of exalting the force of those already obtained; being assured that the latter
would find their full development hereafter.'
For more than twenty years magneto-electricity had subserved its first and
noblest purpose of augmenting our knowledge of the powers of nature. It
had been discovered and applied to intellectual ends, its application to
practical ends being still unrealised. The Drummond light had raised
thoughts and hopes of vast improvements in public illumination. Many
inventors tried to obtain it cheaply; and in 1853 an attempt was made to
organise a company in Paris for the purpose of procuring, through the
decomposition of water by a powerful magneto-electric machine
constructed by M. Nollet, the oxygen and hydrogen necessary for the lime
light. The experiment failed, but the apparatus by which it was attempted
suggested to Mr. Holmes other and more hopeful applications. Abandoning
the attempt to produce the lime light, with persevering skill Holmes
continued to improve the apparatus and to augment its power, until it was
finally able to yield a magneto-electric light comparable to that of the
voltaic battery. Judged by later knowledge, this first machine would be
considered cumbrous and defective in the extreme; but judged by the light
of antecedent events, it marked a great step forward.
Faraday was profoundly interested in the growth of his own discovery. The
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House had had the wisdom to make him their
'Scientific Adviser;' and it is interesting to notice in his reports regarding the
light, the mixture of enthusiasm and caution which characterised him.
Enthusiasm was with him a motive power, guided and controlled by a
disciplined judgment. He rode it as a charger, holding it in by a strong rein.
While dealing with Holmes, he states the case of the light pro and con. He
checks the ardour of the inventor, and, as regards cost, rejecting sanguine
estimates, he insists over and over again on the necessity of continued
experiment for the solution of this important question. His matured opinion
was, however, strongly in favour of the light. With reference to an
experiment made at the South Foreland on the 20th of April, 1859, he thus
expresses himself:— 'The beauty of the light was wonderful. At a mile off,
the Apparent streams of light issuing from the lantern were twice as long as
those from the lower lighthouse, and apparently three or four times as
bright. The horizontal plane in which they chiefly took their way made all
would find their full development hereafter.'
For more than twenty years magneto-electricity had subserved its first and
noblest purpose of augmenting our knowledge of the powers of nature. It
had been discovered and applied to intellectual ends, its application to
practical ends being still unrealised. The Drummond light had raised
thoughts and hopes of vast improvements in public illumination. Many
inventors tried to obtain it cheaply; and in 1853 an attempt was made to
organise a company in Paris for the purpose of procuring, through the
decomposition of water by a powerful magneto-electric machine
constructed by M. Nollet, the oxygen and hydrogen necessary for the lime
light. The experiment failed, but the apparatus by which it was attempted
suggested to Mr. Holmes other and more hopeful applications. Abandoning
the attempt to produce the lime light, with persevering skill Holmes
continued to improve the apparatus and to augment its power, until it was
finally able to yield a magneto-electric light comparable to that of the
voltaic battery. Judged by later knowledge, this first machine would be
considered cumbrous and defective in the extreme; but judged by the light
of antecedent events, it marked a great step forward.
Faraday was profoundly interested in the growth of his own discovery. The
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House had had the wisdom to make him their
'Scientific Adviser;' and it is interesting to notice in his reports regarding the
light, the mixture of enthusiasm and caution which characterised him.
Enthusiasm was with him a motive power, guided and controlled by a
disciplined judgment. He rode it as a charger, holding it in by a strong rein.
While dealing with Holmes, he states the case of the light pro and con. He
checks the ardour of the inventor, and, as regards cost, rejecting sanguine
estimates, he insists over and over again on the necessity of continued
experiment for the solution of this important question. His matured opinion
was, however, strongly in favour of the light. With reference to an
experiment made at the South Foreland on the 20th of April, 1859, he thus
expresses himself:— 'The beauty of the light was wonderful. At a mile off,
the Apparent streams of light issuing from the lantern were twice as long as
those from the lower lighthouse, and apparently three or four times as
bright. The horizontal plane in which they chiefly took their way made all
Page 718
above or below it black. The tops of the bills, the churches, and the houses
illuminated by it were striking in their effect upon the eye.' Further on in his
report he expresses himself thus :— 'In fulfilment of this part of my duty, I
beg to state that, in my opinion, Professor Holmes has practically
established the fitness and sufficiency of the magneto-electric light for
lighthouse purposes, so far as its nature and management are concerned.
The light produced is powerful beyond any other that I have yet seen so
applied, and in principle may be accumulated to any degree; its regularity in
the lantern is great; its management easy, and its care there may be confided
to attentive keepers of the ordinary degree of intellect and knowledge.'
Finally, as regards the conduct of Professor Holmes during these
memorable experiments, it is only fair to add the following remark with
which Faraday closes the report submitted to the Elder Brethren of the
Trinity House on the 29th of April, 1859:- 'I must bear my testimony,' he
says, 'to the perfect openness, candour, and honour of Professor Holmes. He
has answered every question, concealed no weak point, explained every
applied principle, given every reason for a change either in this or that
direction, during several periods of close questioning, in a manner that was
very agreeable to me, whose duty it was to search for real faults or possible
objections, in respect both of the present time and the future.' [Footnote:
Holmes's first offer of his machine to the Trinity House bears date February
2, 1857.]
Soon afterwards the Elder Brethren of the Trinity House had the intelligent
courage to establish the machines of Holmes permanently at Dungeness,
where the magneto-electric light continued to shine for many years.
The magneto-electric machine of the Alliance Company soon succeeded to
that of Holmes, being in various ways a very marked improvement on the
latter. Its currents were stronger and its light was brighter than those of its
predecessor. In it, moreover, the commutator, the flashing and destruction of
which were sources of irregularity and deterioration in the machine of
Holmes, was, at the suggestion of M. Masson, entirely abandoned;
alternating currents instead of the direct current being employed. [Footnote:
Du Moncel, 'l'Electricité,' August, 1878, p. 150.] M. Serrin modified his
excellent lamp with the express view of enabling it to cope with alternating
currents. During the International Exhibition of 1862, where the machine
illuminated by it were striking in their effect upon the eye.' Further on in his
report he expresses himself thus :— 'In fulfilment of this part of my duty, I
beg to state that, in my opinion, Professor Holmes has practically
established the fitness and sufficiency of the magneto-electric light for
lighthouse purposes, so far as its nature and management are concerned.
The light produced is powerful beyond any other that I have yet seen so
applied, and in principle may be accumulated to any degree; its regularity in
the lantern is great; its management easy, and its care there may be confided
to attentive keepers of the ordinary degree of intellect and knowledge.'
Finally, as regards the conduct of Professor Holmes during these
memorable experiments, it is only fair to add the following remark with
which Faraday closes the report submitted to the Elder Brethren of the
Trinity House on the 29th of April, 1859:- 'I must bear my testimony,' he
says, 'to the perfect openness, candour, and honour of Professor Holmes. He
has answered every question, concealed no weak point, explained every
applied principle, given every reason for a change either in this or that
direction, during several periods of close questioning, in a manner that was
very agreeable to me, whose duty it was to search for real faults or possible
objections, in respect both of the present time and the future.' [Footnote:
Holmes's first offer of his machine to the Trinity House bears date February
2, 1857.]
Soon afterwards the Elder Brethren of the Trinity House had the intelligent
courage to establish the machines of Holmes permanently at Dungeness,
where the magneto-electric light continued to shine for many years.
The magneto-electric machine of the Alliance Company soon succeeded to
that of Holmes, being in various ways a very marked improvement on the
latter. Its currents were stronger and its light was brighter than those of its
predecessor. In it, moreover, the commutator, the flashing and destruction of
which were sources of irregularity and deterioration in the machine of
Holmes, was, at the suggestion of M. Masson, entirely abandoned;
alternating currents instead of the direct current being employed. [Footnote:
Du Moncel, 'l'Electricité,' August, 1878, p. 150.] M. Serrin modified his
excellent lamp with the express view of enabling it to cope with alternating
currents. During the International Exhibition of 1862, where the machine
Page 719
was shown, M. Berlioz offered to dispose of the invention to the Elder
Brethren of the Trinity House. They referred the matter to Faraday, and he
replied as follows :— 'I am not aware that the Trinity House authorities
have advanced so far as to be able to decide whether they will require more
magneto-electric machines, or whether, if they should require them, they
see reason to suppose the means of their supply in this country, from the
source already open to them, would not be sufficient. Therefore I do not see
that at present they want to purchase a machine.' Faraday was obviously
swayed by the desire to protect the interests of Holmes, who had borne the
burden and heat which fall upon the pioneer. The Alliance machines were
introduced with success at Cape la Hève, near Havre; and the Elder
Brethren of the Trinity House, determined to have the best available
apparatus, decided, in 1868, on the introduction of machines on the Alliance
principle into the lighthouses at Souter Point and the South Foreland. These,
machines were constructed by Professor Holmes, and they still continue in
operation. With regard, then, to the application of electricity to lighthouse
purposes, the course of events was this: The Dungeness light was
introduced on January 31, 1862; the light at La Hève on December 26,
1863, or nearly two years later. But Faraday's experimental trial at the South
Foreland preceded the lighting of Dungeness by more than two years. The
electric light was afterwards established at Cape Grisnez. The light was
started at Souter Point on January 11, 1871; and at the South Foreland on
January 1, 1872. At the Lizard, which enjoys the newest and most powerful
development of the electric light, it began to shine on January 1, 1878.
-----
I have now to revert to a point of apparently small moment, but which
really constitutes an important step in the development of this subject. I
refer to the form given in 1857 to the rotating armature by Dr. Werner
Siemens, of Berlin. Instead of employing coils wound transversely round
cores of iron, as in the machine of Saxton, Siemens, after giving a bar of
iron the proper shape, wound his wire longitudinally round it, and obtained
thereby greatly augmented effects between suitably placed magnetic poles.
Such an armature is employed in the small magneto-electric machine which
I now introduce to your notice, and for which the institution is indebted to
Mr. Henry Wilde, of Manchester. There are here sixteen permanent horse-
Brethren of the Trinity House. They referred the matter to Faraday, and he
replied as follows :— 'I am not aware that the Trinity House authorities
have advanced so far as to be able to decide whether they will require more
magneto-electric machines, or whether, if they should require them, they
see reason to suppose the means of their supply in this country, from the
source already open to them, would not be sufficient. Therefore I do not see
that at present they want to purchase a machine.' Faraday was obviously
swayed by the desire to protect the interests of Holmes, who had borne the
burden and heat which fall upon the pioneer. The Alliance machines were
introduced with success at Cape la Hève, near Havre; and the Elder
Brethren of the Trinity House, determined to have the best available
apparatus, decided, in 1868, on the introduction of machines on the Alliance
principle into the lighthouses at Souter Point and the South Foreland. These,
machines were constructed by Professor Holmes, and they still continue in
operation. With regard, then, to the application of electricity to lighthouse
purposes, the course of events was this: The Dungeness light was
introduced on January 31, 1862; the light at La Hève on December 26,
1863, or nearly two years later. But Faraday's experimental trial at the South
Foreland preceded the lighting of Dungeness by more than two years. The
electric light was afterwards established at Cape Grisnez. The light was
started at Souter Point on January 11, 1871; and at the South Foreland on
January 1, 1872. At the Lizard, which enjoys the newest and most powerful
development of the electric light, it began to shine on January 1, 1878.
-----
I have now to revert to a point of apparently small moment, but which
really constitutes an important step in the development of this subject. I
refer to the form given in 1857 to the rotating armature by Dr. Werner
Siemens, of Berlin. Instead of employing coils wound transversely round
cores of iron, as in the machine of Saxton, Siemens, after giving a bar of
iron the proper shape, wound his wire longitudinally round it, and obtained
thereby greatly augmented effects between suitably placed magnetic poles.
Such an armature is employed in the small magneto-electric machine which
I now introduce to your notice, and for which the institution is indebted to
Mr. Henry Wilde, of Manchester. There are here sixteen permanent horse-
Page 720
shoe magnets placed parallel to each other, and between their poles a
Siemens armature. The two ends of the wire which surrounds the armature
are now disconnected. In turning the handle and causing the armature to
rotate, I simply overcome ordinary mechanical friction. But the two ends of
the armature coil can be united in a moment, and when this is done I
immediately experience a greatly increased resistance to rotation.
Something over and above the ordinary friction of the machine is now to be
overcome, and by the expenditure of an additional amount of muscular
force I am able to overcome it. The excess of labour thus thrown upon my
arm has its exact equivalent in the electric currents generated, and the heat
produced by their subsidence in the coil of the armature. A portion of this
heat may be rendered visible by connecting the two ends of the coil with a
thin platinum wire. When the handle of the machine is rapidly turned the
wire glows, first with a red heat, then with a white heat, and finally with the
heat of fusion. The moment the wire melts, the circuit round the armature is
broken, an instant relief from the labour thrown upon the arm being the
consequence. Clearly realise the equivalent of the heat here developed.
During the period of turning the machine a certain amount of combustible
substance was oxidised or burnt in the muscles of my arm. Had it done no
external work, the matter consumed would have produced a definite amount
of heat. Now, the muscular heat actually developed during the rotation of
the machine fell short of this definite amount, the missing heat being
reproduced to the last fraction in the glowing platinum wire and the other
parts of the machine. Here, then, the electric current intervenes between my
muscles and the generated heat, exactly as it did a moment ago between the
voltaic battery and its generated heat. The electric current is to all intents
and purposes a vehicle which transports the heat both of muscle and battery
to any distance from the hearth where the fuel is consumed. Not only is the
current a messenger, but it is also an intensifier of magical power. The
temperature of my arm is, in round numbers, 100° Fahr., and it is by the
intensification of this heat that one of the most refractory of metals, which
requires a heat of 3,600° Fahr. to fuse it, has been reduced to the molten
condition.
Zinc, as I have said, is a fuel far too expensive to permit of the electric light
produced by its combustion being used for the common purposes of life,
and you will readily perceive that the human muscles, or even the muscles
Siemens armature. The two ends of the wire which surrounds the armature
are now disconnected. In turning the handle and causing the armature to
rotate, I simply overcome ordinary mechanical friction. But the two ends of
the armature coil can be united in a moment, and when this is done I
immediately experience a greatly increased resistance to rotation.
Something over and above the ordinary friction of the machine is now to be
overcome, and by the expenditure of an additional amount of muscular
force I am able to overcome it. The excess of labour thus thrown upon my
arm has its exact equivalent in the electric currents generated, and the heat
produced by their subsidence in the coil of the armature. A portion of this
heat may be rendered visible by connecting the two ends of the coil with a
thin platinum wire. When the handle of the machine is rapidly turned the
wire glows, first with a red heat, then with a white heat, and finally with the
heat of fusion. The moment the wire melts, the circuit round the armature is
broken, an instant relief from the labour thrown upon the arm being the
consequence. Clearly realise the equivalent of the heat here developed.
During the period of turning the machine a certain amount of combustible
substance was oxidised or burnt in the muscles of my arm. Had it done no
external work, the matter consumed would have produced a definite amount
of heat. Now, the muscular heat actually developed during the rotation of
the machine fell short of this definite amount, the missing heat being
reproduced to the last fraction in the glowing platinum wire and the other
parts of the machine. Here, then, the electric current intervenes between my
muscles and the generated heat, exactly as it did a moment ago between the
voltaic battery and its generated heat. The electric current is to all intents
and purposes a vehicle which transports the heat both of muscle and battery
to any distance from the hearth where the fuel is consumed. Not only is the
current a messenger, but it is also an intensifier of magical power. The
temperature of my arm is, in round numbers, 100° Fahr., and it is by the
intensification of this heat that one of the most refractory of metals, which
requires a heat of 3,600° Fahr. to fuse it, has been reduced to the molten
condition.
Zinc, as I have said, is a fuel far too expensive to permit of the electric light
produced by its combustion being used for the common purposes of life,
and you will readily perceive that the human muscles, or even the muscles
Page 721
of a horse, would be more expensive still. Here, however, we can employ
the force of burning coal to turn our machine, and it is this employment of
our cheapest fuel, rendered possible by Faraday's discovery, which opens
out to us the prospect of being able to apply the electric light to public use.
In 1866 a great step in the intensification of induced currents, and the
consequent augmentation of the magneto-electric light, was taken by Mr.
Henry Wilde. It fell to my lot to report upon them to the Royal Society, but
before doing so I took the trouble of going to Manchester to witness Mr.
Wilde's experiments. He operated in this way: starting from a small
machine like that worked in your presence a moment ago, he employed its
current to excite an electro-magnet of a peculiar shape, between whose
poles rotated a Siemens armature; [Footnote: Page and Moigno had
previously shown that the magneto-electric current could produce powerful
electro-magnets.] from this armature currents were obtained vastly stronger
than those generated by the small magneto-electric machine. These currents
might have been immediately employed to produce the electric light; but
instead of this they were conducted round a second electro-magnet of vast
size, between whose poles rotated a Siemens armature of corresponding
dimensions. Three armatures therefore were involved in this series of
operations: first, the armature of the small magneto-electric machine;
secondly, the armature of the first electro-magnet, which was of
considerable size; and, thirdly, the armature of the second electro-magnet,
which was of vast dimensions. With the currents drawn from this third
armature, Mr. Wilde obtained effects, both as regards heat and light,
enormously transcending those previously known. [Footnote: Mr. Wilde's
paper is published in the 'Philosophical Transactions 'for 1867, p. 89. My
opinion regarding Wilde's machine was briefly expressed in a report to the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House on May 17, 1866: 'It gives me pleasure
to state that the machine is exceedingly effective, and that it far transcends
in power all other apparatus of the kind.']
But the discovery which, above all others, brought the practical question to
the front is now to be considered. On the 4th of February, 1867, a paper was
received by the Royal Society from Dr. William Siemens bearing the title,
'On the Conversion of Dynamic into Electrical Force without the use of
Permanent Magnetism.' [Footnote: A paper on the same subject, by Dr.
the force of burning coal to turn our machine, and it is this employment of
our cheapest fuel, rendered possible by Faraday's discovery, which opens
out to us the prospect of being able to apply the electric light to public use.
In 1866 a great step in the intensification of induced currents, and the
consequent augmentation of the magneto-electric light, was taken by Mr.
Henry Wilde. It fell to my lot to report upon them to the Royal Society, but
before doing so I took the trouble of going to Manchester to witness Mr.
Wilde's experiments. He operated in this way: starting from a small
machine like that worked in your presence a moment ago, he employed its
current to excite an electro-magnet of a peculiar shape, between whose
poles rotated a Siemens armature; [Footnote: Page and Moigno had
previously shown that the magneto-electric current could produce powerful
electro-magnets.] from this armature currents were obtained vastly stronger
than those generated by the small magneto-electric machine. These currents
might have been immediately employed to produce the electric light; but
instead of this they were conducted round a second electro-magnet of vast
size, between whose poles rotated a Siemens armature of corresponding
dimensions. Three armatures therefore were involved in this series of
operations: first, the armature of the small magneto-electric machine;
secondly, the armature of the first electro-magnet, which was of
considerable size; and, thirdly, the armature of the second electro-magnet,
which was of vast dimensions. With the currents drawn from this third
armature, Mr. Wilde obtained effects, both as regards heat and light,
enormously transcending those previously known. [Footnote: Mr. Wilde's
paper is published in the 'Philosophical Transactions 'for 1867, p. 89. My
opinion regarding Wilde's machine was briefly expressed in a report to the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House on May 17, 1866: 'It gives me pleasure
to state that the machine is exceedingly effective, and that it far transcends
in power all other apparatus of the kind.']
But the discovery which, above all others, brought the practical question to
the front is now to be considered. On the 4th of February, 1867, a paper was
received by the Royal Society from Dr. William Siemens bearing the title,
'On the Conversion of Dynamic into Electrical Force without the use of
Permanent Magnetism.' [Footnote: A paper on the same subject, by Dr.
Page 722
Werner Siemens, was read on January 17, 1867, before the Academy of
Sciences in Berlin. In a letter to 'Engineering,' No. 622, p. 45, Mr. Robert
Sabine states that Professor Wheatstone's machines were constructed by
Mr. Stroh in the months of July and August, 1866. I do not doubt Mr.
Sabine's statement; still it would be dangerous in the highest degree to
depart from the canon, in asserting which Faraday was specially strenuous,
that the date of a discovery is the date of its publication. Towards the end of
December, 1866, Mr. Alfred Varley' also lodged a provisional specification
(which, I believe, is a sealed document) embodying the principles of the
dynamo-electric machine, but some years elapsed before he made anything
public. His brother, Mr. Cromwell varlet', when writing on this subject in
1867, does not mention him (Proc. Roy. Soc., March 14, 1867). It probably
marks a national trait, that sealed communications, though allowed in
France, have never been recognised by the scientific societies of England.]
On the 14th of February a paper from Sir Charles Wheatstone was received,
bearing the title, 'On the Augmentation of the Power of a Magnet by the
reaction thereon of Currents induced by the Magnet itself.' Both papers,
which dealt with the same discovery, and which were illustrated by
experiments, were read upon the same night, viz. the 14th of February. It
would be difficult to find in the whole field of science a more beautiful
example of the interaction of natural forces than that set forth in these two
papers. You can hardly find a bit of iron — you can hardly pick up an old
horse-shoe, for example — that does not possess a trace of permanent
magnetism; and from such a small beginning Siemens and Wheatstone have
taught us to rise by a series of interactions between magnet and armature to
a magnetic intensity previously unapproached. Conceive the Siemens
armature placed between the poles of a suitable electro-magnet. Suppose
this latter to possess at starting the faintest, trace of magnetism; when the
armature rotates, currents of infinitesimal strength are generated in its coil.
Let the ends of that coil be connected with the wire surrounding the electro-
magnet. The infinitesimal current generated in the armature will then
circulate round the magnet, augmenting its intensity by an infinitesimal
amount. The strengthened magnet instantly reacts upon the coil which feeds
it, producing a current of greater strength. This current again passes round
the magnet, which immediately brings its enhanced power to bear upon the
coil. By this play of mutual give and take between magnet and armature, the
strength of the former is raised in a very brief interval from almost nothing
Sciences in Berlin. In a letter to 'Engineering,' No. 622, p. 45, Mr. Robert
Sabine states that Professor Wheatstone's machines were constructed by
Mr. Stroh in the months of July and August, 1866. I do not doubt Mr.
Sabine's statement; still it would be dangerous in the highest degree to
depart from the canon, in asserting which Faraday was specially strenuous,
that the date of a discovery is the date of its publication. Towards the end of
December, 1866, Mr. Alfred Varley' also lodged a provisional specification
(which, I believe, is a sealed document) embodying the principles of the
dynamo-electric machine, but some years elapsed before he made anything
public. His brother, Mr. Cromwell varlet', when writing on this subject in
1867, does not mention him (Proc. Roy. Soc., March 14, 1867). It probably
marks a national trait, that sealed communications, though allowed in
France, have never been recognised by the scientific societies of England.]
On the 14th of February a paper from Sir Charles Wheatstone was received,
bearing the title, 'On the Augmentation of the Power of a Magnet by the
reaction thereon of Currents induced by the Magnet itself.' Both papers,
which dealt with the same discovery, and which were illustrated by
experiments, were read upon the same night, viz. the 14th of February. It
would be difficult to find in the whole field of science a more beautiful
example of the interaction of natural forces than that set forth in these two
papers. You can hardly find a bit of iron — you can hardly pick up an old
horse-shoe, for example — that does not possess a trace of permanent
magnetism; and from such a small beginning Siemens and Wheatstone have
taught us to rise by a series of interactions between magnet and armature to
a magnetic intensity previously unapproached. Conceive the Siemens
armature placed between the poles of a suitable electro-magnet. Suppose
this latter to possess at starting the faintest, trace of magnetism; when the
armature rotates, currents of infinitesimal strength are generated in its coil.
Let the ends of that coil be connected with the wire surrounding the electro-
magnet. The infinitesimal current generated in the armature will then
circulate round the magnet, augmenting its intensity by an infinitesimal
amount. The strengthened magnet instantly reacts upon the coil which feeds
it, producing a current of greater strength. This current again passes round
the magnet, which immediately brings its enhanced power to bear upon the
coil. By this play of mutual give and take between magnet and armature, the
strength of the former is raised in a very brief interval from almost nothing
Page 723
to complete magnetic saturation. Such a magnet and armature are able to
produce currents of extraordinary power, and if an electric lamp be
introduced into the common circuit of magnet and armature, we can readily
obtain a most powerful light. [Footnote: In 1867 Mr. Ladd introduced the
modification of dividing the armature into two separate coils, one of which
fed the electro-magnets, while the other yielded the induced currents.] By
this discovery, then, we are enabled to avoid the trouble and expense
involved in the employment of permanent magnets; we are also enabled to
drop the exciting magneto-electric machine, and the duplication of the
electro-magnets. By it, in short, the electric generator is so far simplified,
and reduced in cost, as to enable electricity to enter the lists as the rival of
our present means of illumination.
Soon after the announcement of their discovery by Siemens and
Wheatstone, Mr. Holmes, at the instance of the Elder Brethren of the Trinity
House, endeavoured to turn this discovery to account for lighthouse
purposes. Already, in the spring of 1869, he had constructed a machine
which, though hampered with defects, exhibited extraordinary power. The
light was developed in the focus of a dioptric apparatus placed on the
Trinity Wharf at Blackwall, and witnessed by the Elder Brethren, Mr.
Douglass, and myself, from an observatory at Charlton, on the opposite side
of the Thames. Falling upon the suspended haze, the light illuminated the
atmosphere for miles all round. Anything so sunlike in splendour had not, I
imagine, been previously witnessed. The apparatus of Holmes, however,
was rapidly distanced by the safer and more powerful machines of Siemens
and Gramme.
As regards lighthouse illumination, the next step forward was taken by the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House in 1876-77. Having previously decided
on the establishment of the electric light at the Lizard in Cornwall, they
instituted, at the time referred to, an elaborate series of comparative
experiments wherein the machines of Holmes, of the Alliance Company, of
Siemens, and of Gramme, were pitted against each other. The Siemens and
the Gramme machines delivered direct currents, while those of Holmes and
the Alliance Company delivered alternating currents. The light of the latter
was of the same intensity in all azimuths; that of the former was different in
different azimuths, the discharge being so regulated as to yield a gush of
produce currents of extraordinary power, and if an electric lamp be
introduced into the common circuit of magnet and armature, we can readily
obtain a most powerful light. [Footnote: In 1867 Mr. Ladd introduced the
modification of dividing the armature into two separate coils, one of which
fed the electro-magnets, while the other yielded the induced currents.] By
this discovery, then, we are enabled to avoid the trouble and expense
involved in the employment of permanent magnets; we are also enabled to
drop the exciting magneto-electric machine, and the duplication of the
electro-magnets. By it, in short, the electric generator is so far simplified,
and reduced in cost, as to enable electricity to enter the lists as the rival of
our present means of illumination.
Soon after the announcement of their discovery by Siemens and
Wheatstone, Mr. Holmes, at the instance of the Elder Brethren of the Trinity
House, endeavoured to turn this discovery to account for lighthouse
purposes. Already, in the spring of 1869, he had constructed a machine
which, though hampered with defects, exhibited extraordinary power. The
light was developed in the focus of a dioptric apparatus placed on the
Trinity Wharf at Blackwall, and witnessed by the Elder Brethren, Mr.
Douglass, and myself, from an observatory at Charlton, on the opposite side
of the Thames. Falling upon the suspended haze, the light illuminated the
atmosphere for miles all round. Anything so sunlike in splendour had not, I
imagine, been previously witnessed. The apparatus of Holmes, however,
was rapidly distanced by the safer and more powerful machines of Siemens
and Gramme.
As regards lighthouse illumination, the next step forward was taken by the
Elder Brethren of the Trinity House in 1876-77. Having previously decided
on the establishment of the electric light at the Lizard in Cornwall, they
instituted, at the time referred to, an elaborate series of comparative
experiments wherein the machines of Holmes, of the Alliance Company, of
Siemens, and of Gramme, were pitted against each other. The Siemens and
the Gramme machines delivered direct currents, while those of Holmes and
the Alliance Company delivered alternating currents. The light of the latter
was of the same intensity in all azimuths; that of the former was different in
different azimuths, the discharge being so regulated as to yield a gush of
Page 724
light of special intensity in one direction. The following table gives in
standard candles the performance of the respective machines :— [Footnote:
Observations from the sea on the night of November 21, 1876, made the
Gramme and small Siemens practically equal to the Alliance. But the
photometric observations, in which the external resistance was abolished,
and previous to which the light-keepers had become more skilled in the
management of the direct current, showed the differences recorded in the
table. A close inspection of these powerful lights at the South Foreland
caused my face to peel, as if it had been irritated by an Alpine sun.]
Name of Machines. Maximum. Minimum.
Holmes 1,523 1,523
Alliance 1,953 1,953
Gramme (No. 1). 6,663 4,016
Gramme (No. 2). 6,663 4,016
Siemens (Large) 14,818 8,932
Siemens (Small, No. 1) 5,539 3,339
Siemens (Small, No. 2) 6,864 4,138
Two Holmes's coupled 2,811 2,811
standard candles the performance of the respective machines :— [Footnote:
Observations from the sea on the night of November 21, 1876, made the
Gramme and small Siemens practically equal to the Alliance. But the
photometric observations, in which the external resistance was abolished,
and previous to which the light-keepers had become more skilled in the
management of the direct current, showed the differences recorded in the
table. A close inspection of these powerful lights at the South Foreland
caused my face to peel, as if it had been irritated by an Alpine sun.]
Name of Machines. Maximum. Minimum.
Holmes 1,523 1,523
Alliance 1,953 1,953
Gramme (No. 1). 6,663 4,016
Gramme (No. 2). 6,663 4,016
Siemens (Large) 14,818 8,932
Siemens (Small, No. 1) 5,539 3,339
Siemens (Small, No. 2) 6,864 4,138
Two Holmes's coupled 2,811 2,811
Page 725
Two Gramme's (Nos. 1 and 11,396 6,869
2)
Two Siemens' (Nos. 1 and 2) 14,134 8,520
These determinations were made with extreme care and accuracy by Mr.
Douglass, the engineer-in-chief, and Mr. Ayres, the assistant engineer of the
Trinity House. It is practically impossible to compare photo-metrically and
directly the flame of the candle with these sun-like lights. A light of
intermediate intensity — that of the six-wick Trinity oil lamp — was
therefore in the first instance compared with the electric light. The candle
power of the oil lamp being afterwards determined, the intensity of the
electric light became known. The numbers given in the table prove the
superiority of the Alliance machine over that of Holmes. They prove the
great superiority both of the Gramme machine and of the small Siemens
machine over the Alliance. The large Siemens machine is shown to yield a
light far exceeding all the others, while the coupling of two Grammes, or of
two Siemens together, here effected for the first time, was followed by a
very great augmentation of the light, rising in the one case from 6663
candles to 11,396, and in the other case from 6864 candles to 14,134.
Where the arc is single and the external resistance small, great advantages
attach to the Siemens light. After this contest, which was conducted
throughout in the most amicable manner, Siemens machines of type No. 2
were chosen for the Lizard. [Footnote: As the result of a recent trial by Mr.
Schwendler, they have been also chosen for India.]
-----
We have machines capable of sustaining a single light, and also machines
capable of sustaining several lights. The Gramme machine, for example,
which ignites the Jablochkoff candles on the Thames Embankment and at
the Holborn Viaduct, delivers four currents, each passing through its own
circuit. In each circuit are five lamps through which the current belonging
to the circuit passes in succession. The lights correspond to so many
2)
Two Siemens' (Nos. 1 and 2) 14,134 8,520
These determinations were made with extreme care and accuracy by Mr.
Douglass, the engineer-in-chief, and Mr. Ayres, the assistant engineer of the
Trinity House. It is practically impossible to compare photo-metrically and
directly the flame of the candle with these sun-like lights. A light of
intermediate intensity — that of the six-wick Trinity oil lamp — was
therefore in the first instance compared with the electric light. The candle
power of the oil lamp being afterwards determined, the intensity of the
electric light became known. The numbers given in the table prove the
superiority of the Alliance machine over that of Holmes. They prove the
great superiority both of the Gramme machine and of the small Siemens
machine over the Alliance. The large Siemens machine is shown to yield a
light far exceeding all the others, while the coupling of two Grammes, or of
two Siemens together, here effected for the first time, was followed by a
very great augmentation of the light, rising in the one case from 6663
candles to 11,396, and in the other case from 6864 candles to 14,134.
Where the arc is single and the external resistance small, great advantages
attach to the Siemens light. After this contest, which was conducted
throughout in the most amicable manner, Siemens machines of type No. 2
were chosen for the Lizard. [Footnote: As the result of a recent trial by Mr.
Schwendler, they have been also chosen for India.]
-----
We have machines capable of sustaining a single light, and also machines
capable of sustaining several lights. The Gramme machine, for example,
which ignites the Jablochkoff candles on the Thames Embankment and at
the Holborn Viaduct, delivers four currents, each passing through its own
circuit. In each circuit are five lamps through which the current belonging
to the circuit passes in succession. The lights correspond to so many
Page 726
resisting spaces, over which, as already explained, the current has to leap;
the force which accomplishes the leap being that which produces the light.
Whether the current is to be competent to pass through five lamps in
succession, or to sustain only a single lamp, depends entirely upon the will
and skill of the maker of the machine. He has, to guide him, definite laws
laid down by Ohm half a century ago, by which he must abide.
Ohm has taught us how to arrange the elements of a Voltaic battery so as to
augment indefinitely its electromotive force — that force, namely, which
urges the current forward and enables it to surmount external obstacles. We
have only to link the cells together so that the current generated by each cell
shall pass through all the others, and add its electro-motive force to that of
all the others. We increase, it is true, at the same time the resistance of the
battery, diminishing thereby the quantity of the current from each cell, but
we augment the power of the integrated current to overcome external
hindrances. The resistance of the battery itself may, indeed, be rendered so
great, that the external resistance shall vanish in comparison. What is here
said regarding the voltaic battery is equally true of magneto-electric
machines. If we wish our current to leap over five intervals, and produce
five lights in succession, we must invoke a sufficient electromotive force.
This is done through multiplying, by the use of thin wires, the convolutions
of the rotating armature as, a moment ago, we augmented the cells of our
voltaic battery. Each additional convolution, like each additional cell, adds
its electro-motive force to that of all the others; and though it also adds its
resistance, thereby diminishing the quantity of current contributed by each
convolution, the integrated current becomes endowed with the power of
leaping across the successive spaces necessary for the production of a series
of lights in its course. The current is, as it were, rendered at once thinner
and more piercing by the simultaneous addition of internal resistance and
electro-motive power. The machines, on the other hand, which produce only
a single light have a small internal resistance associated with a small
electro-motive force. In such machines the wire of the rotating armature is
comparatively short and thick, copper riband instead of wire being
commonly employed. Such machines deliver a large quantity of electricity
of low tension — in other words, of low leaping power. Hence, though
competent when their power is converged upon a single interval, to produce
one splendid light, their currents are unable to force a passage when the
the force which accomplishes the leap being that which produces the light.
Whether the current is to be competent to pass through five lamps in
succession, or to sustain only a single lamp, depends entirely upon the will
and skill of the maker of the machine. He has, to guide him, definite laws
laid down by Ohm half a century ago, by which he must abide.
Ohm has taught us how to arrange the elements of a Voltaic battery so as to
augment indefinitely its electromotive force — that force, namely, which
urges the current forward and enables it to surmount external obstacles. We
have only to link the cells together so that the current generated by each cell
shall pass through all the others, and add its electro-motive force to that of
all the others. We increase, it is true, at the same time the resistance of the
battery, diminishing thereby the quantity of the current from each cell, but
we augment the power of the integrated current to overcome external
hindrances. The resistance of the battery itself may, indeed, be rendered so
great, that the external resistance shall vanish in comparison. What is here
said regarding the voltaic battery is equally true of magneto-electric
machines. If we wish our current to leap over five intervals, and produce
five lights in succession, we must invoke a sufficient electromotive force.
This is done through multiplying, by the use of thin wires, the convolutions
of the rotating armature as, a moment ago, we augmented the cells of our
voltaic battery. Each additional convolution, like each additional cell, adds
its electro-motive force to that of all the others; and though it also adds its
resistance, thereby diminishing the quantity of current contributed by each
convolution, the integrated current becomes endowed with the power of
leaping across the successive spaces necessary for the production of a series
of lights in its course. The current is, as it were, rendered at once thinner
and more piercing by the simultaneous addition of internal resistance and
electro-motive power. The machines, on the other hand, which produce only
a single light have a small internal resistance associated with a small
electro-motive force. In such machines the wire of the rotating armature is
comparatively short and thick, copper riband instead of wire being
commonly employed. Such machines deliver a large quantity of electricity
of low tension — in other words, of low leaping power. Hence, though
competent when their power is converged upon a single interval, to produce
one splendid light, their currents are unable to force a passage when the
Page 727
number of intervals is increased. Thus, by augmenting the convolutions of
our machines we sacrifice quantity and gain electro-motive force; while by
lessening the number of the convolutions, we sacrifice electro-motive force
and gain quantity. Whether we ought to choose the one form of machine or
the other depends entirely upon the external work the machine has to
perform. If the object be to obtain a single light of great splendour,
machines of low resistance and large quantity must be employed. If we
want to obtain in the same circuit several lights of moderate intensity,
machines of high internal resistance and of correspondingly high electro-
motive power must be invoked.
When a coil of covered wire surrounds a bar of iron, the two ends of the
coil being connected together, every alteration of the magnetism of the bar
is accompanied by the development of an induced current in the coil. The
current is only excited during the period of magnetic change. No matter
how strong or how weak the magnetism of the bar may be, as long as its
condition remains permanent no current is developed. Conceive, then, the
pole of a magnet placed near one end of the bar to be moved along it
towards the other end. During the time of the pole's motion there will be an
incessant change in the magnetism of the bar, and accompanying this
change we shall have an induced current in the surrounding coil. If, instead
of moving the magnet, we move the bar and its surrounding coil past the
magnetic pole, a similar alteration of the magnetism of the bar will occur,
and a similar current will be induced in the coil. You have here the
fundamental conception which led M. Gramme to the construction of his
beautiful machine. [Footnote: 'Comptes Rendus,' 1871, p. 176. See also
Gaugain on the Gramme machine, 'Ann. de Chem. et de Phys.,' vol. xxviii.
p. 324] He aimed at giving continuous motion to such a bar as we have here
described; and for this purpose he bent it into a continuous ring, which, by a
suitable mechanism, he caused to rotate rapidly close to the poles of a
horse-shoe magnet. The direction of the current varied with the motion and
with the character of the influencing pole. The result was that the currents in
the two semicircles of the coil surrounding the ring flowed in opposite
directions. But it was easy, by the mechanical arrangement called a
commutator, to gather up the currents and cause them to flow in the same
direction. The first machines of Gramme, therefore, furnished direct
currents, similar to those yielded by the voltaic pile. M. Gramme
our machines we sacrifice quantity and gain electro-motive force; while by
lessening the number of the convolutions, we sacrifice electro-motive force
and gain quantity. Whether we ought to choose the one form of machine or
the other depends entirely upon the external work the machine has to
perform. If the object be to obtain a single light of great splendour,
machines of low resistance and large quantity must be employed. If we
want to obtain in the same circuit several lights of moderate intensity,
machines of high internal resistance and of correspondingly high electro-
motive power must be invoked.
When a coil of covered wire surrounds a bar of iron, the two ends of the
coil being connected together, every alteration of the magnetism of the bar
is accompanied by the development of an induced current in the coil. The
current is only excited during the period of magnetic change. No matter
how strong or how weak the magnetism of the bar may be, as long as its
condition remains permanent no current is developed. Conceive, then, the
pole of a magnet placed near one end of the bar to be moved along it
towards the other end. During the time of the pole's motion there will be an
incessant change in the magnetism of the bar, and accompanying this
change we shall have an induced current in the surrounding coil. If, instead
of moving the magnet, we move the bar and its surrounding coil past the
magnetic pole, a similar alteration of the magnetism of the bar will occur,
and a similar current will be induced in the coil. You have here the
fundamental conception which led M. Gramme to the construction of his
beautiful machine. [Footnote: 'Comptes Rendus,' 1871, p. 176. See also
Gaugain on the Gramme machine, 'Ann. de Chem. et de Phys.,' vol. xxviii.
p. 324] He aimed at giving continuous motion to such a bar as we have here
described; and for this purpose he bent it into a continuous ring, which, by a
suitable mechanism, he caused to rotate rapidly close to the poles of a
horse-shoe magnet. The direction of the current varied with the motion and
with the character of the influencing pole. The result was that the currents in
the two semicircles of the coil surrounding the ring flowed in opposite
directions. But it was easy, by the mechanical arrangement called a
commutator, to gather up the currents and cause them to flow in the same
direction. The first machines of Gramme, therefore, furnished direct
currents, similar to those yielded by the voltaic pile. M. Gramme
Page 728
subsequently so modified his machine as to produce alternating currents.
Such alternating machines are employed to produce the lights now
exhibited on the Holborn Viaduct and the Thames Embankment.
Another machine of great alleged merit is that of M. Lontin. It resembles in
shape a toothed iron wheel, the teeth being used as cores, round which are
wound coils of copper wire. The wheel is caused to rotate between the
opposite poles of powerful electromagnets. On passing each pole the core
or tooth is strongly magnetised, and instantly evokes in its surrounding coil
an induced current of corresponding strength. The currents excited in
approaching to and retreating from a pole, and in passing different poles,
move in opposite directions, but by means of a commutator these
conflicting electric streams are gathered up and caused to flow in a common
bed. The bobbins, in which the currents are induced, can be so increased in
number as to augment indefinitely the power of the machine. To excite his
electro-magnets, M. Lontin applies the principle of Mr. Wilde. A small
machine furnishes a direct current, which is carried round the electro-
magnets of a second and larger machine. Wilde's principle, it may be added,
is also applied on the Thames Embankment and the Holborn Viaduct; a
small Gramme machine being used in each case to excite the electro-
magnets of the large one.
The Farmer-Wallace machine is also an apparatus of great power. It consists
of a combination of bobbins for induced currents, and of inducing electro-
magnets, the latter being excited by the method discovered by Siemens and
Wheatstone. In the machines intended for the production of the electric
light, the electromotive force is so great as to permit of the introduction of
several lights in the same circuit. A peculiarly novel feature of the Farmer-
Wallace system is the shape of the carbons. Instead of rods, two large plates
of carbons with bevelled edges are employed, one above the other. The
electric discharge passes from edge to edge, and shifts its position according
as the carbon is dissipated. The duration of the light in this case far exceeds
that obtainable with rods. I have myself seen four of these lights in the same
circuit in Mr. Ladd's workshop in the City, and they are now, I believe,
employed at the Liverpool Street Station of the Metropolitan Railway. The
Farmer-Wallace 'quantity machine' pours forth a flood of electricity of low
tension. It is unable to cross the interval necessary for the production of the
Such alternating machines are employed to produce the lights now
exhibited on the Holborn Viaduct and the Thames Embankment.
Another machine of great alleged merit is that of M. Lontin. It resembles in
shape a toothed iron wheel, the teeth being used as cores, round which are
wound coils of copper wire. The wheel is caused to rotate between the
opposite poles of powerful electromagnets. On passing each pole the core
or tooth is strongly magnetised, and instantly evokes in its surrounding coil
an induced current of corresponding strength. The currents excited in
approaching to and retreating from a pole, and in passing different poles,
move in opposite directions, but by means of a commutator these
conflicting electric streams are gathered up and caused to flow in a common
bed. The bobbins, in which the currents are induced, can be so increased in
number as to augment indefinitely the power of the machine. To excite his
electro-magnets, M. Lontin applies the principle of Mr. Wilde. A small
machine furnishes a direct current, which is carried round the electro-
magnets of a second and larger machine. Wilde's principle, it may be added,
is also applied on the Thames Embankment and the Holborn Viaduct; a
small Gramme machine being used in each case to excite the electro-
magnets of the large one.
The Farmer-Wallace machine is also an apparatus of great power. It consists
of a combination of bobbins for induced currents, and of inducing electro-
magnets, the latter being excited by the method discovered by Siemens and
Wheatstone. In the machines intended for the production of the electric
light, the electromotive force is so great as to permit of the introduction of
several lights in the same circuit. A peculiarly novel feature of the Farmer-
Wallace system is the shape of the carbons. Instead of rods, two large plates
of carbons with bevelled edges are employed, one above the other. The
electric discharge passes from edge to edge, and shifts its position according
as the carbon is dissipated. The duration of the light in this case far exceeds
that obtainable with rods. I have myself seen four of these lights in the same
circuit in Mr. Ladd's workshop in the City, and they are now, I believe,
employed at the Liverpool Street Station of the Metropolitan Railway. The
Farmer-Wallace 'quantity machine' pours forth a flood of electricity of low
tension. It is unable to cross the interval necessary for the production of the
Page 729
electric light, but it can fuse thick copper wires. When sent through a short
bar of iridium, this refractory metal emits a light of extraordinary splendour.
[Footnote: The iridium light was shown by Mr. Ladd. It brilliantly
illuminated the theatre of the Royal Institution.]
The machine of M. de Méritens, which he has generously brought over
from Paris for our instruction, is the newest of all. In its construction he
falls back upon the principle of the magneto-electric machine, employing
permanent magnets as the exciters of the induced currents. Using the
magnets of the Alliance Company, by a skilful disposition of his bobbins,
M. de Méritens produces with eight magnets a light equal to that produced
by forty magnets in the Alliance machines. While the space occupied is
only one-fifth, the cost is little more than one-fourth of the latter. In the de
Méritens machine the commutator is abolished. The internal heat is hardly
sensible, and the absorption of power, in relation to the effects produced, is
small. With his larger machines M. de Méritens maintains a considerable
number of lights in the same circuit. [Footnote: The small machine
transforms one-and-a-quarter horse-power into heat and light, yielding
about 1,900 candles; the large machine transforms five-horse power,
yielding about 9,000 candles.]
-----
In relation to this subject, inventors fall into two classes, the contrivers of
regulators and the constructors of machines. M. Rapieff has hitherto
belonged to inventors of the first class, but I have reason to know that he is
engaged on a machine which, when complete, will place him in the other
class also. Instead of two single carbon rods, M. Rapieff employs two pairs
of rods, each pair forming a V. The light is produced at the common
junction of the four carbons. The device for regulating the light is of the
simplest character. At the bottom of the stand which supports the carbons
are two small electro-magnets. One of them, when the current passes, draws
the carbons together, and in so doing throws itself out of circuit, leaving the
control of the light to the other. The carbons are caused to approach each
other by a descending weight, which acts in conjunction with the electro-
magnet. Through the liberality of the proprietors of the Times, every facility
has been given to M. Rapieff to develope and simplify his invention at
bar of iridium, this refractory metal emits a light of extraordinary splendour.
[Footnote: The iridium light was shown by Mr. Ladd. It brilliantly
illuminated the theatre of the Royal Institution.]
The machine of M. de Méritens, which he has generously brought over
from Paris for our instruction, is the newest of all. In its construction he
falls back upon the principle of the magneto-electric machine, employing
permanent magnets as the exciters of the induced currents. Using the
magnets of the Alliance Company, by a skilful disposition of his bobbins,
M. de Méritens produces with eight magnets a light equal to that produced
by forty magnets in the Alliance machines. While the space occupied is
only one-fifth, the cost is little more than one-fourth of the latter. In the de
Méritens machine the commutator is abolished. The internal heat is hardly
sensible, and the absorption of power, in relation to the effects produced, is
small. With his larger machines M. de Méritens maintains a considerable
number of lights in the same circuit. [Footnote: The small machine
transforms one-and-a-quarter horse-power into heat and light, yielding
about 1,900 candles; the large machine transforms five-horse power,
yielding about 9,000 candles.]
-----
In relation to this subject, inventors fall into two classes, the contrivers of
regulators and the constructors of machines. M. Rapieff has hitherto
belonged to inventors of the first class, but I have reason to know that he is
engaged on a machine which, when complete, will place him in the other
class also. Instead of two single carbon rods, M. Rapieff employs two pairs
of rods, each pair forming a V. The light is produced at the common
junction of the four carbons. The device for regulating the light is of the
simplest character. At the bottom of the stand which supports the carbons
are two small electro-magnets. One of them, when the current passes, draws
the carbons together, and in so doing throws itself out of circuit, leaving the
control of the light to the other. The carbons are caused to approach each
other by a descending weight, which acts in conjunction with the electro-
magnet. Through the liberality of the proprietors of the Times, every facility
has been given to M. Rapieff to develope and simplify his invention at
Page 730
Printing House Square. The illumination of the press-room, which I had the
pleasure of witnessing, under the guidance of M. Rapieff himself, is
extremely effectual and agreeable to the eye. There are, I believe, five
lamps in the same circuit, and the regulators are so devised that the
extinction of any lamp does not compromise the action of the others. M.
Rapieff has lately improved his regulator.
Many other inventors might here be named, and fresh ones are daily
crowding in. Mr. Werdermann has been long known in connection with this
subject. Employing as negative carbon a disc, and as positive carbon a rod,
he has, I am assured, obtained very satisfactory results. The small
resistances brought into play by his minute arcs enable Mr. Werdermann to
introduce a number of lamps into a circuit traversed by a current of only
moderate electro-motive power. M. Reynier is also the inventor of a very
beautiful little lamp, in which the point of a thin carbon rod, properly
adjusted, is caused to touch the circumference of a carbon wheel which
rotates underneath the point. The light is developed at the place of contact
of rod and wheel. One of the last steps, though I am informed not quite the
last, in the improvement of regulators is this: The positive carbon wastes
more profusely than the negative, and this is alleged to be due to the greater
heat of the former. It occurred to Mr. William Siemens to chill the negative
artificially, with the view of diminishing or wholly preventing its waste.
This he accomplishes by making the negative pole a hollow cone of copper,
and by ingeniously discharging a small jet of cold water against the interior
of the cone. His negative copper is thus caused to remain fixed in space, for
it is not dissipated, the positive carbon only needing control. I have seen
this lamp in action, and can bear witness to its success.
I might go on to other inventions, achieved or projected. Indeed, there is
something bewildering in the recent rush of constructive talent into this
domain of applied electricity. The question and its prospects are modified
from day to day, a steady advance being made towards the improvement
both of machines and regulators. With regard to our public lighting, I
strongly lean to the opinion that the electric light will at no distant day
triumph over gas. I am not so sure that it will do so in our private houses.
As, however, I am anxious to avoid dropping a word here that could
pleasure of witnessing, under the guidance of M. Rapieff himself, is
extremely effectual and agreeable to the eye. There are, I believe, five
lamps in the same circuit, and the regulators are so devised that the
extinction of any lamp does not compromise the action of the others. M.
Rapieff has lately improved his regulator.
Many other inventors might here be named, and fresh ones are daily
crowding in. Mr. Werdermann has been long known in connection with this
subject. Employing as negative carbon a disc, and as positive carbon a rod,
he has, I am assured, obtained very satisfactory results. The small
resistances brought into play by his minute arcs enable Mr. Werdermann to
introduce a number of lamps into a circuit traversed by a current of only
moderate electro-motive power. M. Reynier is also the inventor of a very
beautiful little lamp, in which the point of a thin carbon rod, properly
adjusted, is caused to touch the circumference of a carbon wheel which
rotates underneath the point. The light is developed at the place of contact
of rod and wheel. One of the last steps, though I am informed not quite the
last, in the improvement of regulators is this: The positive carbon wastes
more profusely than the negative, and this is alleged to be due to the greater
heat of the former. It occurred to Mr. William Siemens to chill the negative
artificially, with the view of diminishing or wholly preventing its waste.
This he accomplishes by making the negative pole a hollow cone of copper,
and by ingeniously discharging a small jet of cold water against the interior
of the cone. His negative copper is thus caused to remain fixed in space, for
it is not dissipated, the positive carbon only needing control. I have seen
this lamp in action, and can bear witness to its success.
I might go on to other inventions, achieved or projected. Indeed, there is
something bewildering in the recent rush of constructive talent into this
domain of applied electricity. The question and its prospects are modified
from day to day, a steady advance being made towards the improvement
both of machines and regulators. With regard to our public lighting, I
strongly lean to the opinion that the electric light will at no distant day
triumph over gas. I am not so sure that it will do so in our private houses.
As, however, I am anxious to avoid dropping a word here that could
Page 731
influence the share market in the slightest degree, I limit myself to this
general statement of opinion.
To one inventor in particular belongs the honour of the idea, and the
realisation of the idea, of causing the carbon rods to burn away like a
candle. It is needless to say that I here refer to the young Russian officer, M.
Jablochkoff. He sets two carbon rods upright at a small distance apart, and
fills the space between them with an insulating substance like plaster of
Paris. The carbon rods are fixed in metallic holders. A momentary contact is
established between the two carbons by a little cross-piece of the same
substance placed horizontally from top to top. This cross-piece is
immediately dissipated or removed by the current, the passage of which
once established is afterwards maintained. The carbons gradually waste,
while the substance between them melts like the wax of a candle. The
comparison, however, only holds good for the act of melting; for, as regards
the current, the insulating plaster is practically inert. Indeed, as proved by
M. Rapieff and Mr. Wilde, the plaster may be dispensed with altogether, the
current passing from point to point between the naked carbons. M. de
Méritens has recently brought out a new candle, in which the plaster is
abandoned, while between the two principal carbons is placed a third
insulated rod of the same material. With the small de Méritens machine two
of these candles can be lighted before you; they produce a very brilliant
light. [Footnote: The machine of M. de Méritens and the Farmer-Wallace
machine were worked by an excellent gas-engine, lent for the occasion by
the Messrs. Crossley, of Manchester. The Siemens machine was worked by
steam.] In the Jablochkoff candle it is necessary that the carbons should be
consumed at the same rate. Hence the necessity for alternating currents by
which this equal consumption is secured. It will be seen that M. Jablochkoff
has abolished regulators altogether, introducing the candle principle in their
stead. In my judgment, the performance of the Jablochkoff candle on the
Thames Embankment and the Holborn Viaduct is highly creditable,
notwithstanding a considerable waste of light towards the sky. The
Jablochkoff lamps, it may be added, would be more effective in a street,
where their light would be scattered abroad by the adjacent houses, than in
the positions which they now occupy in London.
-----
general statement of opinion.
To one inventor in particular belongs the honour of the idea, and the
realisation of the idea, of causing the carbon rods to burn away like a
candle. It is needless to say that I here refer to the young Russian officer, M.
Jablochkoff. He sets two carbon rods upright at a small distance apart, and
fills the space between them with an insulating substance like plaster of
Paris. The carbon rods are fixed in metallic holders. A momentary contact is
established between the two carbons by a little cross-piece of the same
substance placed horizontally from top to top. This cross-piece is
immediately dissipated or removed by the current, the passage of which
once established is afterwards maintained. The carbons gradually waste,
while the substance between them melts like the wax of a candle. The
comparison, however, only holds good for the act of melting; for, as regards
the current, the insulating plaster is practically inert. Indeed, as proved by
M. Rapieff and Mr. Wilde, the plaster may be dispensed with altogether, the
current passing from point to point between the naked carbons. M. de
Méritens has recently brought out a new candle, in which the plaster is
abandoned, while between the two principal carbons is placed a third
insulated rod of the same material. With the small de Méritens machine two
of these candles can be lighted before you; they produce a very brilliant
light. [Footnote: The machine of M. de Méritens and the Farmer-Wallace
machine were worked by an excellent gas-engine, lent for the occasion by
the Messrs. Crossley, of Manchester. The Siemens machine was worked by
steam.] In the Jablochkoff candle it is necessary that the carbons should be
consumed at the same rate. Hence the necessity for alternating currents by
which this equal consumption is secured. It will be seen that M. Jablochkoff
has abolished regulators altogether, introducing the candle principle in their
stead. In my judgment, the performance of the Jablochkoff candle on the
Thames Embankment and the Holborn Viaduct is highly creditable,
notwithstanding a considerable waste of light towards the sky. The
Jablochkoff lamps, it may be added, would be more effective in a street,
where their light would be scattered abroad by the adjacent houses, than in
the positions which they now occupy in London.
-----
Page 732
It was my custom some years ago, whenever I needed a new and
complicated instrument, to sit down beside its proposed constructor, and to
talk the matter over with him. The study of the inventor's mind which this
habit opened out was always of the highest interest to me. I particularly
well remember the impression made upon me on such occasions by the late
Mr. Darker, a philosophical instrument maker in Lambeth. This man's life
was a struggle, and the reason of it was not far to seek. No matter how
commercially lucrative the work upon which he was engaged might be, he
would instantly turn aside from it to seize and realise the ideas of a
scientific man. He had an inventor's power, and an inventor's delight in its
exercise. The late Mr. Becker possessed the same power in a very
considerable degree. On the Continent, Froment, Breguet, Sauerwald, and
others might be mentioned as eminent instances of ability of this kind. Such
minds resemble a liquid on the point of crystallisation. Stirred by a hint,
crystals of constructive thought immediately shoot through them. That Mr.
Edison possesses this intuitive power in no common measure, is proved by
what he has already accomplished. He has the penetration to seize the
relationship of facts and principles, and the art to reduce them to novel and
concrete combinations. Hence, though he has thus far accomplished nothing
that we can recognise as new in relation to the electric light, an adverse
opinion as to his ability to solve the complicated problem on which he is
engaged would be unwarranted.
I will endeavour to illustrate in a simple manner Mr. Edison's alleged mode
of electric illumination, taking advantage of what Ohm has taught us
regarding the laws of the current, and what Joule has taught us regarding
the relation of resistance to the development of light and heat. From one
end of a voltaic battery runs a wire, dividing at a certain point into two
branches, which reunite in a single wire connected with the other end of the
battery. From the positive end of the battery the current passes first through
the single wire to the point of junction, where it divides itself between the
branches according to a well-known law. If the branches be equally
resistant, the current divides itself equally between them. If one branch be
less resistant than the other, more than half the current will choose the freer
path. The strict law is that the quantity of current is inversely proportional
to the resistance. A clear image of the process is derived from the
deportment of water. When a river meets an island it divides, passing right
complicated instrument, to sit down beside its proposed constructor, and to
talk the matter over with him. The study of the inventor's mind which this
habit opened out was always of the highest interest to me. I particularly
well remember the impression made upon me on such occasions by the late
Mr. Darker, a philosophical instrument maker in Lambeth. This man's life
was a struggle, and the reason of it was not far to seek. No matter how
commercially lucrative the work upon which he was engaged might be, he
would instantly turn aside from it to seize and realise the ideas of a
scientific man. He had an inventor's power, and an inventor's delight in its
exercise. The late Mr. Becker possessed the same power in a very
considerable degree. On the Continent, Froment, Breguet, Sauerwald, and
others might be mentioned as eminent instances of ability of this kind. Such
minds resemble a liquid on the point of crystallisation. Stirred by a hint,
crystals of constructive thought immediately shoot through them. That Mr.
Edison possesses this intuitive power in no common measure, is proved by
what he has already accomplished. He has the penetration to seize the
relationship of facts and principles, and the art to reduce them to novel and
concrete combinations. Hence, though he has thus far accomplished nothing
that we can recognise as new in relation to the electric light, an adverse
opinion as to his ability to solve the complicated problem on which he is
engaged would be unwarranted.
I will endeavour to illustrate in a simple manner Mr. Edison's alleged mode
of electric illumination, taking advantage of what Ohm has taught us
regarding the laws of the current, and what Joule has taught us regarding
the relation of resistance to the development of light and heat. From one
end of a voltaic battery runs a wire, dividing at a certain point into two
branches, which reunite in a single wire connected with the other end of the
battery. From the positive end of the battery the current passes first through
the single wire to the point of junction, where it divides itself between the
branches according to a well-known law. If the branches be equally
resistant, the current divides itself equally between them. If one branch be
less resistant than the other, more than half the current will choose the freer
path. The strict law is that the quantity of current is inversely proportional
to the resistance. A clear image of the process is derived from the
deportment of water. When a river meets an island it divides, passing right
Page 733
and left of the obstacle, and afterwards reuniting. If the two branch beds be
equal in depth, width, and inclination, the water will divide itself equally
between them. If they be unequal, the larger quantity of water will flow
through the more open course. And, as in the case of the water we may have
an indefinite number of islands, producing an indefinite subdivision of the
trunk stream, so in the case of electricity we may have, instead of two
branches, any number of branches, the current dividing itself among them,
in accordance with the law which fixes the relation of flow to resistance.
Let us apply this knowledge. Suppose an insulated copper rod, which we
may call an 'electric main,' to be laid down along one of our streets, say
along the Strand. Let this rod be connected with one end of a powerful
voltaic battery, a good metallic connection being established between the
other end of the battery and the water-pipes under the street. As long as the
electric main continues unconnected with the water-pipes, the circuit is
incomplete and no current will flow; but if any part of the main, however
distant from the battery, be connected with the adjacent water-pipes, the
circuit will be completed and the current will flow. Supposing our battery to
be at Charing Cross, and our rod of copper to be tapped opposite Somerset
House, a wire can be carried from the rod into the building, and the current
passing through the wire may be subdivided into any number of subordinate
branches, which reunite afterwards and return through the water-pipes to
the battery. The branch currents may be employed to raise to vivid
incandescence a refractory metal like iridium or one of its alloys. Instead of
being tapped at one point, our main may be tapped at one hundred points.
The current will divide in strict accordance with law, its power to produce
light being solely limited by its strength. The process of division closely
resembles the circulation of the blood; the electric main carrying the
outgoing current representing a great artery, the water-pipes carrying the
return current representing a great vein, while the intermediate branches
represent the various vessels by which the blood is distributed through the
system. This, if I understand aright, is Mr. Edison's proposed mode of
illumination. The electric force is at hand. Metals sufficiently refractory to
bear being raised to vivid incandescence are also at hand. The principles
which regulate the division of the current and the development of its light
and heat are perfectly well known. There is no room for a 'discovery,' in the
scientific sense of the term, but there is ample room for the exercise of that
equal in depth, width, and inclination, the water will divide itself equally
between them. If they be unequal, the larger quantity of water will flow
through the more open course. And, as in the case of the water we may have
an indefinite number of islands, producing an indefinite subdivision of the
trunk stream, so in the case of electricity we may have, instead of two
branches, any number of branches, the current dividing itself among them,
in accordance with the law which fixes the relation of flow to resistance.
Let us apply this knowledge. Suppose an insulated copper rod, which we
may call an 'electric main,' to be laid down along one of our streets, say
along the Strand. Let this rod be connected with one end of a powerful
voltaic battery, a good metallic connection being established between the
other end of the battery and the water-pipes under the street. As long as the
electric main continues unconnected with the water-pipes, the circuit is
incomplete and no current will flow; but if any part of the main, however
distant from the battery, be connected with the adjacent water-pipes, the
circuit will be completed and the current will flow. Supposing our battery to
be at Charing Cross, and our rod of copper to be tapped opposite Somerset
House, a wire can be carried from the rod into the building, and the current
passing through the wire may be subdivided into any number of subordinate
branches, which reunite afterwards and return through the water-pipes to
the battery. The branch currents may be employed to raise to vivid
incandescence a refractory metal like iridium or one of its alloys. Instead of
being tapped at one point, our main may be tapped at one hundred points.
The current will divide in strict accordance with law, its power to produce
light being solely limited by its strength. The process of division closely
resembles the circulation of the blood; the electric main carrying the
outgoing current representing a great artery, the water-pipes carrying the
return current representing a great vein, while the intermediate branches
represent the various vessels by which the blood is distributed through the
system. This, if I understand aright, is Mr. Edison's proposed mode of
illumination. The electric force is at hand. Metals sufficiently refractory to
bear being raised to vivid incandescence are also at hand. The principles
which regulate the division of the current and the development of its light
and heat are perfectly well known. There is no room for a 'discovery,' in the
scientific sense of the term, but there is ample room for the exercise of that
Page 734
mechanical ingenuity which has given us the sewing machine and so many
other useful inventions. Knowing something of the intricacy of the practical
problem, I should certainly prefer seeing it in Mr. Edison's hands to having
it in mine. [Footnote: More than thirty years ago the radiation from
incandescent platinum was admirably investigated by Dr. Draper of New
York.]
-----
It is sometimes stated as a recommendation to the electric light, that it is
light without heat; but to disprove this, it is only necessary to point to the
experiments of Davy, which show that the heat of the voltaic arc transcends
that of any other terrestrial source. The emission from the carbon points is
capable of accurate analysis. To simplify the subject, we will take the case
of a platinum wire at first slightly warmed by the current, and then
gradually raised to a white heat. When first warmed, the wire sends forth
rays which have no power on the optic nerve. They are what we call
invisible rays; and not until the temperature of the wire has reached nearly
1,000° Fahr., does it begin to glow with a faint, red light. The rays which it
emits prior to redness are all invisible rays, which can warm the hand but
cannot excite vision. When the temperature of the wire is raised to
whiteness, these dark rays not only persist, but they are enormously
augmented in intensity. They constitute about 95 per cent. of the total
radiation from the white-hot platinum wire. They make up nearly 90 per
cent. of the emission from a brilliant electric light. You can by no means
have the light of the carbons without this invisible emission as an
accompaniment. The visible radiation is, as it were, built upon the invisible
as its necessary foundation.
It is easy to illustrate the growth in intensity of these invisible rays as the
visible ones enter the radiation and augment in power. The transparency of
the elementary gases and metalloids — of oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen,
chlorine, iodine, bromine, sulphur, phosphorus, and even of carbon, for the
invisible heat rays is extraordinary. Dissolved in a proper vehicle, iodine
cuts the visible radiation sharply off, but allows the invisible free
transmission. By dissolving iodine in sulphur, Professor Dewar has recently
added to the number of our effectual ray-filters. The mixture may be made
other useful inventions. Knowing something of the intricacy of the practical
problem, I should certainly prefer seeing it in Mr. Edison's hands to having
it in mine. [Footnote: More than thirty years ago the radiation from
incandescent platinum was admirably investigated by Dr. Draper of New
York.]
-----
It is sometimes stated as a recommendation to the electric light, that it is
light without heat; but to disprove this, it is only necessary to point to the
experiments of Davy, which show that the heat of the voltaic arc transcends
that of any other terrestrial source. The emission from the carbon points is
capable of accurate analysis. To simplify the subject, we will take the case
of a platinum wire at first slightly warmed by the current, and then
gradually raised to a white heat. When first warmed, the wire sends forth
rays which have no power on the optic nerve. They are what we call
invisible rays; and not until the temperature of the wire has reached nearly
1,000° Fahr., does it begin to glow with a faint, red light. The rays which it
emits prior to redness are all invisible rays, which can warm the hand but
cannot excite vision. When the temperature of the wire is raised to
whiteness, these dark rays not only persist, but they are enormously
augmented in intensity. They constitute about 95 per cent. of the total
radiation from the white-hot platinum wire. They make up nearly 90 per
cent. of the emission from a brilliant electric light. You can by no means
have the light of the carbons without this invisible emission as an
accompaniment. The visible radiation is, as it were, built upon the invisible
as its necessary foundation.
It is easy to illustrate the growth in intensity of these invisible rays as the
visible ones enter the radiation and augment in power. The transparency of
the elementary gases and metalloids — of oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen,
chlorine, iodine, bromine, sulphur, phosphorus, and even of carbon, for the
invisible heat rays is extraordinary. Dissolved in a proper vehicle, iodine
cuts the visible radiation sharply off, but allows the invisible free
transmission. By dissolving iodine in sulphur, Professor Dewar has recently
added to the number of our effectual ray-filters. The mixture may be made
Page 735
as black as pitch for the visible, while remaining transparent for the
invisible rays. By such filters it is possible to detach the invisible rays from
the total radiation, and to watch their augmentation as the light increases.
Expressing the radiation from a platinum wire when it first feels warm to
the touch — when, therefore, all its rays are invisible — by the number 1,
the invisible radiation from the same wire raised to a white heat may be 500
or more. [Footnote: See article 'Radiation', vol. i.] It is not, then, by the
diminution or transformation of the non-luminous emission that we obtain
the luminous; the heat rays maintain their ground as the necessary
antecedents and companions of the light rays. When detached and
concentrated, these powerful heat rays can produce all the effects ascribed
to the mirrors of Archimedes at the siege of Syracuse. While incompetent to
produce the faintest glimmer of light, or to affect the most delicate air-
thermometer, they will inflame paper, burn up wood, and even ignite
combustible metals. When they impinge upon a metal refractory enough to
bear their shock without fusion, they can raise it to a heat so white and
luminous as to yield, when analysed, all the colours of the spectrum. In this
way the dark rays emitted by the incandescent carbons are converted into
light rays of all colours. Still, so powerless are these invisible rays to excite
vision, that the eye has been placed at a focus competent to raise platinum
foil to bright redness, without experiencing any visual impression. Light for
light, no doubt, the amount of heat imparted by the incandescent carbons to
the air is far less than that imparted by gas flames. It is less, because of the
smaller size of the carbons, and of the comparative smallness of the
quantity of fuel consumed in a given time. It is also less because the air
cannot penetrate the carbons as it penetrates a flame. The temperature of the
flame is lowered by the admixture of a gas which constitutes four-fifths of
our atmosphere, and which, while it appropriates and diffuses the heat, does
not aid in the combustion; and this lowering of the temperature by the inert
atmospheric nitrogen, renders necessary the combustion of a greater amount
of gas to produce the necessary light. In fact, though the statement may
appear paradoxical, it is entirely because of its enormous actual temperature
that the electric light seems so cool. It is this temperature that renders the
proportion of luminous to non-luminous heat greater in the electric light
than in our brightest flames. The electric light, moreover, requires no air to
sustain it. It glows in the most perfect air vacuum. Its light and heat are
invisible rays. By such filters it is possible to detach the invisible rays from
the total radiation, and to watch their augmentation as the light increases.
Expressing the radiation from a platinum wire when it first feels warm to
the touch — when, therefore, all its rays are invisible — by the number 1,
the invisible radiation from the same wire raised to a white heat may be 500
or more. [Footnote: See article 'Radiation', vol. i.] It is not, then, by the
diminution or transformation of the non-luminous emission that we obtain
the luminous; the heat rays maintain their ground as the necessary
antecedents and companions of the light rays. When detached and
concentrated, these powerful heat rays can produce all the effects ascribed
to the mirrors of Archimedes at the siege of Syracuse. While incompetent to
produce the faintest glimmer of light, or to affect the most delicate air-
thermometer, they will inflame paper, burn up wood, and even ignite
combustible metals. When they impinge upon a metal refractory enough to
bear their shock without fusion, they can raise it to a heat so white and
luminous as to yield, when analysed, all the colours of the spectrum. In this
way the dark rays emitted by the incandescent carbons are converted into
light rays of all colours. Still, so powerless are these invisible rays to excite
vision, that the eye has been placed at a focus competent to raise platinum
foil to bright redness, without experiencing any visual impression. Light for
light, no doubt, the amount of heat imparted by the incandescent carbons to
the air is far less than that imparted by gas flames. It is less, because of the
smaller size of the carbons, and of the comparative smallness of the
quantity of fuel consumed in a given time. It is also less because the air
cannot penetrate the carbons as it penetrates a flame. The temperature of the
flame is lowered by the admixture of a gas which constitutes four-fifths of
our atmosphere, and which, while it appropriates and diffuses the heat, does
not aid in the combustion; and this lowering of the temperature by the inert
atmospheric nitrogen, renders necessary the combustion of a greater amount
of gas to produce the necessary light. In fact, though the statement may
appear paradoxical, it is entirely because of its enormous actual temperature
that the electric light seems so cool. It is this temperature that renders the
proportion of luminous to non-luminous heat greater in the electric light
than in our brightest flames. The electric light, moreover, requires no air to
sustain it. It glows in the most perfect air vacuum. Its light and heat are
Page 736
therefore not purchased at the expense of the vitalising constituent of the
atmosphere.
Two orders of minds have been implicated in the development of this
subject; first, the investigator and discoverer, whose object is, purely
scientific, and who cares little for practical ends; secondly, the practical
mechanician, whose object is mainly industrial. It would be easy, and
probably in many cases true, to say that the one wants to gain knowledge,
while the other wishes to make money; but I am persuaded that the
mechanician not unfrequently merges the hope of profit in the love of his
work. Members of each of these classes are sometimes scornful towards
those of the other. There is, for example, something superb in the disdain
with which Cuvier hands over the discoveries of pure science to those who
apply them: 'Your grand practical achievements are only the easy
application of truths not sought with a practical intent — truths which their
discoverers pursued for their own sake, impelled solely by an ardour for
knowledge. Those who turned them into practice could not have discovered
them, while those who discovered them had neither the time nor the
inclination to pursue them to a practical result. Your rising workshops, your
peopled colonies, your vessels which furrow the seas; this abundance, this
luxury, this tumult,'-6 this commotion,' he would have added, were he now
alive, 'regarding the electric light' — 'all come from discoverers in Science,
though all remain strange to them. The day that a discovery enters the
market they abandon it; it concerns them no more.'
In writing thus, Cuvier probably did not sufficiently take into account the
reaction of the applications of science upon science itself. The improvement
of an old instrument or the invention of a new one is often tantamount to an
enlargement and refinement of the senses of the scientific investigator.
Beyond this, the amelioration of the community is also an object worthy of
the best efforts of the human brain. Still, assuredly it is well and wise for a
nation to bear in mind that those practical applications which strike the
public eye, and excite public admiration, are the outgrowth of long
antecedent labours begun, continued, and ended, under the operation of a
purely intellectual stimulus. 'Few,' says Pasteur, 'seem to comprehend the
real origin of the marvels of industry and the wealth of nations. I need no
other proof of this than the frequent employment in lectures, speeches, and
atmosphere.
Two orders of minds have been implicated in the development of this
subject; first, the investigator and discoverer, whose object is, purely
scientific, and who cares little for practical ends; secondly, the practical
mechanician, whose object is mainly industrial. It would be easy, and
probably in many cases true, to say that the one wants to gain knowledge,
while the other wishes to make money; but I am persuaded that the
mechanician not unfrequently merges the hope of profit in the love of his
work. Members of each of these classes are sometimes scornful towards
those of the other. There is, for example, something superb in the disdain
with which Cuvier hands over the discoveries of pure science to those who
apply them: 'Your grand practical achievements are only the easy
application of truths not sought with a practical intent — truths which their
discoverers pursued for their own sake, impelled solely by an ardour for
knowledge. Those who turned them into practice could not have discovered
them, while those who discovered them had neither the time nor the
inclination to pursue them to a practical result. Your rising workshops, your
peopled colonies, your vessels which furrow the seas; this abundance, this
luxury, this tumult,'-6 this commotion,' he would have added, were he now
alive, 'regarding the electric light' — 'all come from discoverers in Science,
though all remain strange to them. The day that a discovery enters the
market they abandon it; it concerns them no more.'
In writing thus, Cuvier probably did not sufficiently take into account the
reaction of the applications of science upon science itself. The improvement
of an old instrument or the invention of a new one is often tantamount to an
enlargement and refinement of the senses of the scientific investigator.
Beyond this, the amelioration of the community is also an object worthy of
the best efforts of the human brain. Still, assuredly it is well and wise for a
nation to bear in mind that those practical applications which strike the
public eye, and excite public admiration, are the outgrowth of long
antecedent labours begun, continued, and ended, under the operation of a
purely intellectual stimulus. 'Few,' says Pasteur, 'seem to comprehend the
real origin of the marvels of industry and the wealth of nations. I need no
other proof of this than the frequent employment in lectures, speeches, and
Page 737
official language of the erroneous expression, "applied science." A
statesman of the greatest talent stated some time ago that in our day the
reign of theoretic science had rightly yielded place to that of applied
science. Nothing, I venture to say, could be more dangerous, even to
practical life, than the consequences which might flow from these words.
They show the imperious necessity of a reform in our higher education.
There exists no category of sciences to which the name of "applied science"
could be given. We have science and the applications of science which are
united as tree and fruit.'
-----
A final reflection is here suggested. We have amongst us a small cohort of
social regenerators — men of high thoughts and aspirations — who would
place the operations of the scientific mind under the control of a hierarchy
which should dictate to the man of science the course that he ought to
pursue. How this hierarchy is to get its wisdom they do not explain. They
decry and denounce scientific theories; they scorn all reference to aether,
and atoms,- and molecules, as subjects lying far apart from the world's
needs; and yet such ultra-sensible conceptions are often the spur to the
greatest discoveries. The source, in fact, from which the true natural
philosopher derives inspiration and unifying power is essentially ideal.
Faraday lived in this ideal world. Nearly half a century ago, when he first
obtained a spark from the magnet, an Oxford don expressed regret that such
a discovery should have been made, as it placed a new and facile implement
in the hands of the incendiary. To regret, a Comtist hierarchy would have
probably added repression, sending Faraday back to his bookbinder's bench
as a more dignified and practical sphere of action than peddling with a
magnet. And yet it is Faraday's spark which now shines upon our coasts,
and promises to illuminate our streets, halls, quays, squares, warehouses,
and, perhaps at no distant day, our homes.
.
THE END.
.
statesman of the greatest talent stated some time ago that in our day the
reign of theoretic science had rightly yielded place to that of applied
science. Nothing, I venture to say, could be more dangerous, even to
practical life, than the consequences which might flow from these words.
They show the imperious necessity of a reform in our higher education.
There exists no category of sciences to which the name of "applied science"
could be given. We have science and the applications of science which are
united as tree and fruit.'
-----
A final reflection is here suggested. We have amongst us a small cohort of
social regenerators — men of high thoughts and aspirations — who would
place the operations of the scientific mind under the control of a hierarchy
which should dictate to the man of science the course that he ought to
pursue. How this hierarchy is to get its wisdom they do not explain. They
decry and denounce scientific theories; they scorn all reference to aether,
and atoms,- and molecules, as subjects lying far apart from the world's
needs; and yet such ultra-sensible conceptions are often the spur to the
greatest discoveries. The source, in fact, from which the true natural
philosopher derives inspiration and unifying power is essentially ideal.
Faraday lived in this ideal world. Nearly half a century ago, when he first
obtained a spark from the magnet, an Oxford don expressed regret that such
a discovery should have been made, as it placed a new and facile implement
in the hands of the incendiary. To regret, a Comtist hierarchy would have
probably added repression, sending Faraday back to his bookbinder's bench
as a more dignified and practical sphere of action than peddling with a
magnet. And yet it is Faraday's spark which now shines upon our coasts,
and promises to illuminate our streets, halls, quays, squares, warehouses,
and, perhaps at no distant day, our homes.
.
THE END.
.
Page 738
.
.
.
.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO, NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
.
.
.
.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO, NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
.
Page 739
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