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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 34 of 55, 1519-
1522; 1280-1605

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Author: Antonio Pigafetta

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson

Release date: January 9, 2015 [eBook #47927]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898—VOLUME 34 OF 55, 1519-1522;
1280-1605 ***

The Philippine Islands,
1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators,

descriptions of the islands and

their peoples, their history and

records of the catholic missions, as

related in contemporaneous books

and manuscripts, showing the

political, economic, commercial

and religious conditions of those

islands from their earliest relations

with European nations to the close

of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXIV, 1519–1522;
1280–1605

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen
Blair and James Alexander
Robertson with historical introduction and
additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIV
Preface 11
Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (concluded). Antonio Pigafetta. Italian
text with English translation. MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522
38
Notes to Primo viaggio 153
Description of the Philippines. Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese official and
geographer, ca. 1280 183
Documents of 1565–1576
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Cubu, May 30, 1565
195
Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; Cubu, ——, 1565
200
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Cubu, July 25, 1567
207
Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials. Guido de Lavezaris,
and others; Cebu, July 26, 1567 214
Letter to the Marquis de Falces. Martin de Rada, O.S.A.; Cebu,
July 8, 1569 223
Letter to Felipe II. Diego de Herrera, O.S.A.; Panay, July 25,
1570 229
Royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. Felipe II;
Madrid, August 6, 1569-August 29, 1570 236
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España. Francisco de Ortega,
O.S.A.; Manila, June 6, 1573 256
Augustinian memoranda. [Unsigned and undated, but probably
compiled jointly by the Augustinian missionaries, ca. 1573.]
273
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España, Martin Enriquez. Martin
de Rada; Manila, June 30, 1574 286
Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials. Andres Cauchela and
Salvador de Aldave; Manila, July 17, 1574 295

Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. Hernando Riquel; Manila,
June 2, 1576 304
Documents of 1580–1605
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España, Martin Enriquez. Miguel
Loarca; Manila, June 15, 1580 313
Letter to Gregory XIII. Pablo de Jesus, O.S.F.; Manila, 14
Kalends of July, 1580 316
Bishop Salazar’s Council regarding slaves. [Notarial document
signed by Bishop Domingo de Salazar, O.P.]; Tondo, October 17,
1581 325
Erection of Manila cathedral. Bishop Domingo de Salazar, O.P.;
Manila, December 21, 1581 332
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeño, S.J.; Manila, June 17, 1583
361
Letter to Felipe II. Bishop Domingo de Salazar, O.P.; Manila,
June 18, 1583 368
Relation of the Philipinas Islands. [Unsigned and undated; 1586?]
376
Letter to Felipe II. Juan Bautista Roman; Manila, July 2, 1588
392
Letter to Felipe II. Gomez Perez Dasmariñas; Manila, June 21,
1591 403
Royal decree regarding hospitals for natives. Felipe II; Madrid,
January 17, 1593 412
Augustinian affairs. Thomas Marquez, O.S.A., and the nuncio of
Spain; 1599 415
Letter to Felipe III, from the ecclesiastical cabildo. Juan de
Bivero and others; Manila, July 3, 1602 428
Letter to Felipe III. Bernardino Maldonado, Manila, June 21,
1605 439
Bibliographical Data 451

ILLUSTRATIONS
Pigafetta’s Chart of the Moluccas 72
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Bachian, etc. 104
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Amboina, etc. 110
Pigafetta’s Chart of the Banda Islands 114
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Zolot, etc. 118
Pigafetta’s Charts of the island of Timor, and of the Laut Chidol or
Great Sea 124
Photographic facsimile of last page of Pigafetta’s relation showing
signature; from the Pigafetta MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan,
Italy 146
Map of eastern Asia and the eastern archipelago, showing the
Moluccas; drawn by Diego Homem, ca. 1558 (on vellum);
photographic facsimile of original manuscript map in the British
Museum 150, 151
“India tercera nova tabula”—map of the Eastern archipelago; from
Mattiolo’s edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia (Venetia, M. D. LXVIII);
from a copy of this work in possession of Frank A. Hutchins, Madison,
Wisconsin facing p. 190
Signature of Martin Ignacio de Loyola, author of the Itinerario in
Mendoza’s Historia de ... China; from MS. in Archivo general de
Indias, Sevilla facing p. 384

PREFACE
In the present volume, Pigafetta’s narrative (begun in VOL. XXXIII) is
concluded; and a description of the islands written by a Chinese geographer
Chao Ju-kua, probably in the thirteenth century, and various documents
covering the years 1565–1605 are presented. Chao Ju-kua’s description is
especially interesting and valuable as it forms the earliest authentic notice
of the Philippines previous to their discovery by Magalhães. The remaining
documents treat of secular and ecclesiastical affairs in the islands and cover
a wide range of interests. Various details of the first settlements at Cebú and
Manila, early explorations, and descriptions of the Philippines and their
peoples, supplement the information of previous volumes. The royal
intentions in regard to the discoveries of Legazpi and Legazpi himself are
set forth in a series of documents, and form an interesting chapter from
which one may construct the effect caused in Spain by the New Orient
opened for the fourth time to that country. The early efforts of the first
missionaries, the complications that arise almost from the very start
between them and the secular government, and the internal trouble in the
Augustinian Order, receive considerable attention. Of especial interest is
Bishop Salazar’s manifesto creating and erecting the cathedral of Manila, in
which, in addition to other matters, he outlines the duties of the various
officials. Early government matters and problems that arise therein, among
them the tribute and commerce, in which one can see the intimate relations
between the religious and secular governments of Spain, are touched upon.
The documents for 1565–1605 show that the Philippines have had ever
since their first permanent settlement in Cebú, a precarious existence, but
that they have nevertheless advanced, although totteringly, from a very
simple state to the more complicated conditions necessarily brought about
by greater stability of government. A synopsis of the documents in this
volume follows.

Pigafetta relates that on November 13, a Portuguese named Pedro Affonso
de Lorosa, who had gone to Terrenate after the death of Serrão, comes to

the ships. From him they learn the efforts made by the Portuguese to
prevent their expedition, and various news of the region; and they ply him
so well that on departing he promises to return to the ships and go to Spain
with them. On November 16 and 17, the Moro king of Gilolo visits the ship,
and is delighted with the artillery and fighting qualities of the ships and
men, for he had been a great warrior in his youth, and is feared throughout
that region. On the eighteenth also, Pigafetta goes ashore to see how the
clove grows; and the result of his visit is given in a tolerably correct
description of the clove and nutmeg trees. The women of that region, he
says, are ugly, and the men are jealous of them and fearful of the
Europeans.

Meanwhile, the Ternatans bring daily boatloads of cloves and other things
to the boat, but only food is bought from them, as the clove trade is kept for
the king of Tidore. The latter returns to the islands on November 24, with
news that many cloves will soon be brought. On the following day the first
cloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing of the artillery. The king, in
accordance with the custom of that district, invites the sailors to a banquet
in honor of the first cloves laden. But they, mindful of the fatal May-day
banquet, suspect treachery and make preparations for departure. The king,
learning of their intended departure, is beside himself and entreats them to
stay with him, or if they will go, to take back all their presents, as he would
otherwise be considered a traitor by all his neighbors. After his entreaties
have availed, it is learned that some chiefs had endeavored in vain to turn
the king against the Spaniards, in hopes of currying favor with the
Portuguese. On November 27 and 28, many cloves are traded. The governor
of the island of Machian comes to the ships on November 29, but refuses to
land, as his father and brother are living in exile at Tidore (a curious
evidence of Oriental government customs). The king proves his friendliness
once more by returning them some of their presents, as their stock had
given out, in order that they might give them to the governor. Again on
December 2, the king leaves his island to hasten their departure, and on the
fifth and sixth the last trading is done, the men in their eagerness bartering
articles of clothing for cloves. Then after many visits from the kings and
chiefs of the various Moluccas and other islands; after Lorosa, the
Portuguese, has come aboard, notwithstanding the efforts of one of the

Ternatan princes to seize him; and after the witnessing of various
ceremonies between the kings of Batchian and Tidore: the new sails are
bent to the yards, and the ships prepare to depart. Leaving the king of
Tidore certain of the artillery and powder captured with the junks, and their
Bornean captives (having previously given him all their other prisoners);
and having made peace with various potentates of the region roundabout:
the “Victoria” lifts anchor and stands out to await the “Trinidad.” The latter
vessel, however, is unable to lift anchor, and suddenly springs a leak. The
“Victoria” puts back to port; the “Trinidad” is lightened; but all endeavors
to locate the leak are unavailing. The king, solicitous lest his plans of future
greatness go astray, if the ships cannot return to Spain, is tireless in his
efforts, but his best divers are unable to accomplish anything. Finally it is
decided that the “Victoria” will take advantage of the winds and return to
Spain by way of the Cape of Good Hope, while the “Trinidad,” after being
overhauled will return by way of the Isthmus of Panama. Having lightened
the former vessel of sixty quintales of cloves, as it is overladen, the ships
separate, forty-seven Europeans and thirteen natives sailing in the
“Victoria” and fifty-three men remaining with João Carvalho. Amid tears
from each side, the “Victoria” departs, and passing by the island of Mare,
where wood has been cut for them, soon stows the wood aboard, and then
takes its path among the numerous islands of the East Indian archipelagoes.
To Pigafetta, the world is indebted for the first Malayan vocabulary, and for
many descriptions of islands, peoples, and products. Stopping occasionally
at various islands, for fresh supplies and wood, the “Victoria” picks its way
toward the open Indian Ocean, Pigafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan
pilot with questions regarding all the region, and learning much, partly true
and partly legendary, of various islands, China, Malacca, and the Indian
coast. Their longest stay is at Timur, where two men desert and which they
leave on Wednesday, February 11, 1522, passing to the south of Sumatra for
fear of the Portuguese. On the way to the cape, some, constrained by
hunger, wish to stop at the Portuguese settlement at Mozambique, but the
majority, loving honor more than life, decide that they must return to Spain
at all hazards. For nine weeks they are buffeted about the cape, which is
finally doubled in May, but only after the loss of a mast. They sail for two
months longer without fresh supplies, and finally on Wednesday, July 9,
reach Santiago, one of the Cape Verde Islands. Sending a boat ashore, with

a story invented to throw the Portuguese off the scent, they are given two
boatloads of rice for their merchandise. They are surprised to find
themselves out one day in their reckoning, a fact that puzzles Pigafetta,
until he finds out the reason later, for he has been most sedulous in setting
down the record of each day. The boat with thirteen men returns once more,
but the secret leaks out in part, and the ship with only eighteen Europeans
(for twenty-one men, counting Europeans and Malays, have died since
leaving Timur, part of whom have been executed for their crimes), hastily
departs to avoid capture. On Saturday, September 6, the ship enters San
Lucar, with most of its crew sick, and on Monday, September 8, they are
anchored once more at Seville. Next day, the men visit two famous shrines
in procession to give thanks for their return. Pigafetta, still restless, goes to
Valladolid, where he presents a book to Cárlos I; to Portugal and France,
where he tells his wonderful experiences; and finally to Venice in Italy,
where he proposes to pass the remainder of his days.

Especially valuable to the student in Philippiniana is the short description of
the Philippines by Chao Ju-kua, who probably wrote in the thirteenth
century, more than a century before the first European discovery. Chao Ju-
kua’s information seems to have been obtained personally from Chinese
traders to the Philippines, and although very imperfect and all too short, one
can identify almost certainly the islands of Luzón, Mindoro, Mindanao,
Paragua, and the Visayas. The people are slightly described; and various
products of the islands are given and trading methods described. The
existence in the first-named island of small statues of Buddha is interesting
and probably points to a long-continued intercourse between Chinese and
Filipinos.

Guido de Lavezaris writes to Felipe II (May 30, 1565), referring briefly to
his participation in the Villalobos expedition, and his subsequent journey to
Spain to give information thereof; also his participation in a Florida
exploration expedition under Tristan de Arellano. After aiding in the
preparation of Legazpi’s fleet, he sails with it as treasurer. He asks royal
reward in behalf of his services in introducing the ginger plant, which has
thriven so abundantly, into Nueva España; of which he has been cheated by
Francisco de Mendoca who had promised to negotiate it for him. Legazpi’s

expedition has reached the Philippines in sixty-four days, and the Spaniards
are now settled at Cebú, the best center of all that region, first reaching that
island April 27, 1565. Samples of gold, wax, and cinnamon are sent to
Spain; and supplies are urgently requested for entrance must be effected by
force of arms.

By the same vessel, Andrés de Mirandaola, the factor, writes to Felipe II.
The expedition reaches the Filipinas February 16, 1565. There is much land
thereabout included in the Spanish demarcation, but it may be necessary to
conquer it by force of arms in order to introduce the Catholic religion, for
the natives are a treacherous and warlike race. The products yet ascertained
are gold, wax, and cinnamon, and the trade therein will increase if fostered
by the Spaniards. Natives of the Moluccas, in alliance with the Portuguese,
have made a disastrous raid in Bohol, where Legazpi remains for a few
days, and have caused great loss and consternation among the natives.
Lavezaris and Mirandaola explore a portion of Mindanao, where they
ascertain the products and trade relations, and make peace and trade
relations with the chief of Butuan; at which place they hear accounts of
Borneo. The fleet goes to Cebú, where they settle after a slight skirmish
with the natives, with whom after vexatious delays, peace and friendship
are in a fair way to be made. The Spaniards find there the Santo Niño and
two culverins, probably of the time of Magalhães. Cebú is densely
populated with a warlike and treacherous race. Urdaneta is returning in the
ship which is about to leave to find the return route, under command of
Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre. Men and supplies are needed by the
colonists. Mirandaola asks royal confirmation of his office and an increase
in salary.

This is followed by a letter from Guido de Lavezaris (July 25, 1567), in
which reference is made to his letter of 1565 and his services. The “San
Geronimo” despatched from Nueva España in 1566, has arrived, with news
of the discovery of the return route, after a voyage flavored with hardship
and mutiny; Legazpi and the royal officials sending a detailed relation.
Mountains full of cinnamon have been found at Cauit in Mindanao, but in
order to be benefitted thereby, a settlement in that region is necessary, and
also as a menace to the Portuguese who pass by there en route from

Malacca to the Moluccas. Two Portuguese ships anchor at Cebú July 10,
1567, with letters from Pereira, in which the Spaniards are ordered to
forsake their settlement and go to India. Pereira has received orders to drive
them from the land and is even now on his way thither with nine ships and
eight hundred soldiers. The Portuguese together with the Ternatans have
committed many depredations among the Philippines. The natives of the
rest of the Moluccas are generally well disposed toward the Spanish; and
the Tidorans are compelled to pay an annual tribute to the Portuguese. The
Portuguese ships leave Cebú in thirteen days, but in that time, Lavezaris has
managed to borrow a map and navigation chart from them, of which he
copies the portion of the land in the Spanish demarcation. This he encloses
with his letter.

The following day, July 26, the royal officials write to the king, giving
somewhat more detailed information on some points than Lavezaris has
done. The Cebuans and other natives make peace with Legazpi after the
departure of the “San Pedro” in 1565, but they are a faithless race, who
easily abandon their homes on the show of force. Legazpi wisely refrains
from war with them, and consequently the colonists are still alive. The
cinnamon obtained in barter is about to be sent to Nueva España.
Mindanao, which has gold, has been taken possession of for Spain. Cebú
has been visited by Moros from Luzón and Mindoro, who trade gold and
rice for silver and pearls; and they report active trade with the Chinese. A
mutiny in Cebú, November 28, 1565, is quelled and Legazpi mercifully
pardons most of the offenders. The troubles and mutinies of the “San
Geronimo” are graphically related. Relations with the Portuguese are
discussed, in which it is seen that Legazpi attempts to gain time. Goiti
succeeds Mateo del Saz in the office of master-of-camp because of the
latter’s death. The royal officials ask for an increase in salary, and state the
need of men and supplies, which are ill supplied from Nueva España. A
beginning has been made in the conversion; but for greater stability married
colonists are needed.

Under date of July 8, 1569, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes to the viceroy of
Nueva España, the marquis of Falces, congratulating him on his
appointment. He gives various data in regard to the islands of Luzón,

Borneo, Panay, and Mindanao. The wealthy village of Manila is only
seventy leguas from Cebú. Gold is very abundant throughout the islands
and is possessed by all the natives, but they never mine more than will
suffice for their immediate wants. Merchants from Luzón, Borneo, and Joló
go through the islands constantly seeking gold and slaves. The natives are
arrogant and the rule is one of might, for they have no real rulers. Soldiers
are not needed to conquer the land; they have done much damage, and the
natives are afraid of them, so much so that they abandon villages at their
approach. The natives are mostly heathens, although there are some Moros;
and they could be easily converted. Legazpi is to blame for his inaction.
More harmony is needed. Notwithstanding the abundance of supplies in the
islands, famine prevails. There are no boats with which to get out the
valuable and abundant timber. A settlement in the Philippines is necessary if
the Spanish king desires to conquer China. The religious have not yet begun
to baptize in earnest because they are uncertain whether the colony is to be
permanent.

Diego de Herrera, O.S.A., also writes (July 25, 1570) to Felipe II, in
somewhat the same vein, stating the need for governmental reform; for men
who understand warfare; and the bad treatment of natives by Spaniards. He
inveighs against the removal from Cebu, the strongest site of the islands
seen hitherto, to Panay, which is swampy and unhealthful. He advises
against the concession of the petition of the Spaniards to allow them to
plunder and enslave the Moros. The Moros of Luzón are scarcely so more
than in name and in abstinence from pork, and are of very recent date.
Those of Borneo are only slightly more established and only live along the
coast. Herrera petitions that regular supplies be given the religious from
Nueva España until the Philippines furnish sufficient support. Although
they have generally refrained from baptism, because of their uncertainty as
to the permanence of their colony, they will, now that that uncertainty has
ceased, give themselves to the work.

This is followed by a series of documents bound together (1568–70)
consisting of royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. An official
letter bearing the king’s rubric (November 16, 1568) replies to two letters of
Legazpi written in 1567. He is ordered to continue his policy in the islands.

The matter of galleys will receive consideration, as will the question of
supplies, which will be sent from Nueva España. He must attend carefully
to the conversion of the natives. Encomiendas may be assigned with certain
reservations to the crown. Moros may be enslaved if they try to preach
Mahometanism. A report on slavery among the Filipinos is to be sent to the
royal Council of the Indies. All the Portuguese among the colonists must be
sent to Spain as they are a menace to the new colony. By a document dated
August 6, 1569, Legazpi is granted the lieutenancy of a fort in Cebú, and
shall be received as such, and shall perform the duties incumbent upon that
office. On the fourteenth of the same month and year, he is also granted by
royal concession the title of governor of the Ladrones. Legazpi is to take
possession of the islands for Spain, and he shall be received as governor
and captain-general therein with the ordinary powers, and perquisites, and a
salary of two thousand ducados. A document of the same date confers upon
Legazpi the title of adelantado of the Ladrones. Royal instructions of
August 28, 1569, consisting of twenty-two sections, outline the policy to be
followed by Legazpi in the Ladrones. These instructions cover such points
as colonization, treatment of the natives, fortification, religion and
conversion, civil government and public officers, industry, and trade. The
final document of the series concedes to Legazpi (August 29, 1570), a grant
of two thousand ducados.

The letter of Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A. (June 6, 1573), discusses general
conditions in the islands. Ortega narrates the death of Legazpi on August
21, 1572, which is greatly deplored by all for his good qualities and
government. Juan de Salcedo has returned from explorations in Luzon,
during which he has circumnavigated the island—the first to accomplish
that feat. An expedition sent out by Lavezaris fails to discover anything
new, the soldiers only overrunning the district formerly explored, where
they commit many depredations on the natives, many of whom are killed,
while others flee before the Spaniard. The present of gold sent to the king is
wrung from the poor natives and is only a trifle when compared to the vast
expenses already incurred in Legazpi’s expedition. The only just sources of
profit will be the cinnamon and the exploiting of the gold mines, and even
this will mean the destruction of the natives. The viceroy should not trust
only to what relation Juan Pacheco, who is going to Nueva España, may

give, for he is biassed in favor of the governor for favors received.
Authentic news and information may be had from Diego de Herrera, who is
going to Nueva España and Spain to report concerning secular and
ecclesiastical affairs. Ortega complains bitterly of Lavezaris who is a man
of bias and passion, and unfair to the religious and the Indians and poor
Spaniards. He should be retired as he is over seventy years of age. He has
done wrong in regranting vacant encomiendas that had reverted to the
crown, which is contrasted strongly with Legazpi’s steadfast refusal to do
so. The population of the island has been greatly overestimated. If a new
governor is not appointed, an efficient visitor should at least be sent. Ortega
lauds Juan de Salcedo and Juan de Moron (the latter of whom has been sent
under unjust arrest to Nueva España) and asks rewards for them. He bewails
the fact that the Chinese exploration planned by Legazpi and so desired by
the religious has not been carried out mainly because of the opposition of
Lavezaris and his friend. He offers himself anew to accompany the
expedition if it is reorganized, and suggests the exploration of the island of
Cauchill, which belongs to China, and has a rich export trade in pepper and
Moluccan cloves.

At about the same time as the above letter, must have been written the
undated memoranda for Diego de Herrera who sails for Nueva España in
1573 to inform the king of various abuses, and to report on the islands, and
make various requests. The memoranda paint the condition of the conquest
in the darkest colors, dilating on the cruelty of the Spaniards, which has
caused the name of Spaniard to be hated by the Filipino. Justice is almost an
unknown quality, and sentences are adjudged in favor of him who pays
most. Retaliation for injuries inflicted by the Filipinos is the order of the
day, without any heed as to whether the guilty person is punished or not.
Many raids are made; and the land is divided into encomiendas, although
not yet pacified. The encomenderos only bleed, but do not protect their
natives. Slavery is common among the natives and for various reasons, and
the Spaniards are quick to make use of the institution unjustly. Various
requests, some for reform, are to be made. Above all the wrong to the
natives should be corrected, and an investigation made regarding the slaves
held unjustly. Honest men should be sent to inspect conditions. Two
hospitals are needed, and religious are extremely necessary. Two secular

priests are requested to look after the Spaniards. If the Chinese expedition is
despatched, the Augustinians wish to be preferred. Aid is needed for the
support of the religious. If slavery is allowed various measures are needed
regulating it, and the final word regarding slaves should be said by the
religious. Natives should not be taken on raids against their will. The chief
products of the islands are gold, pearls, spices, and drugs, and the nearby
mainlands are rich.

Under date of June 30, 1574, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes the viceroy of
Nueva España, discussing events and conditions among the Spaniards and
Filipinos. He also draws a dark picture of the rapacity of the Spaniards, who
molest the Filipinos by unjust raids and excessive demands for tribute. An
expedition made to the Bicol River and Camarines by Salcedo and Chaves
has met success only after considerable opposition from the natives who are
the bravest of Luzón, and who meet heavy losses in consequence. Chaves is
left in Ilocos with a small band to effect a colony. Rada encloses a copy of
his “Opinion” regarding tributes. Notwithstanding contrary reports, the
islands are but slightly pacified; the natives are restless and piracy is
frequent. Unjust wars are waged upon the natives, notwithstanding that the
Spaniards attempt to shield themselves behind Urdaneta and Rada. The
entrance into Manila was a travesty on justice. The governor takes and
solicits bribes, and pays but little attention to the natives. Rada retains those
religious who wish to return to Nueva España because of the general
conditions. An epidemic of smallpox has spared “neither childhood, youth,
nor old age,” and many have died. The document closes with a recital of the
classes and causes of slavery among the natives in which many
characteristics of the Filipinos are mentioned.

In a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials (July 17, 1574), the king is
congratulated on the birth of a son, to whom a present is sent, and also on
the great battle of Lepanto won over the Turks by Don Juan of Austria.
Ilocos has been divided into encomiendas, while Camarines has been
explored and pacified and the land is to be assigned. An attack from Borneo
was expected in 1573, but late reports are to the effect that that king desires
friendship with the Spaniards. A chief of Mindanao has also signified his
desire for peace. There is a steady trade with China, but the Chinese cargoes

do not prove very valuable. The king is asked to reorganize commercial
communication with Spain and allow private vessels. Cinnamon is
abundant, although but little can be shipped for lack of space. Dire need
prevails throughout the islands, which is not relieved by the royal officials
of Mexico, as they claim to be without royal commission for it. Legazpi had
failed to show certain royal decrees, and the king is asked to order the
governor not to meddle with the affairs of the royal officials. The trouble
with the Augustinians over the tribute is related from the standpoint of the
royal officials, the Augustinians going so far as to assert that the king has no
legal title in the islands. However, the tribute is being collected on the lines
laid out by Legazpi. The officials (Cauchela and Aldave, for Mirandaola has
been sent under arrest to Nueva España) petition an increase of salary; and
Aldave the confirmation of his appointment as treasurer, given him because
of Lavezaris’s appointment to the governorship.

Hernando Riquel, governmental notary, gives (June 2, 1576) a list of
encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. These include the islands of Cebú,
Panay, Mindanao, Leyte, Luzón, Mindoro, Lubán, Elin, Imarás, Masbat,
Capul, Mazagua, Maripipi, Camiguinin, Tablas, Cubuyan, Bohol, Bantayán,
Marenduque, Donblón (Romblón), Bantón, and Negros. Many of the names
of the early conquistadors are given, and the document possesses value as it
denotes early attempts at estimation of population, although those estimates
are only vague and very inadequate.

Loarca’s letter of June 15, 1580, complaining of the enmity of Governor
Sande, who hates him because he went on the Chinese expedition by order
of Lavezaris, while he (Sande) was inside the islands, complains that false
reports are sent regarding the conquests, and hence there is a waste of
money. He fears to be too specific in his letter lest his letters go astray. He
asks for aid, for he has received no salary for some years, and has even
spent his own money for public purposes, and has become poor.

In the name of all his brethren, Pablo de Jesus, soon to be elected custodian
of the Franciscans in Manila, writes (June 18, 1580) to Pope Gregory XIII a
letter (partly doctrinal), giving account of the voyage of the first Franciscan
missionaries to the Philippines. On the journey thither a short halt is made

at one of the Ladrones, of whose inhabitants the father gives a brief
description. At Manila the Augustinians, hitherto the sole religious order in
the islands, give them a hearty welcome, but report discouraging progress
among the aborigines. Undaunted however, the new missionaries set to
work with a will and soon obtain marked results. The evil influence of
Mahometanism, which has entered by way of Borneo has made itself felt
among some of the natives, but yet with a sufficient supply of missionaries,
the Filipinos, whose customs (social and religious) are briefly described,
would soon be converted to the faith. The first Franciscan expedition to
China, under the guidance of Pedro de Alfaro, which left Manila, May 20,
1579, is also described, and the Chinese characterized. Pablo de Jesus begs
the pope to order the authorities in Manila to cease offering obstructions to
those religious who desire to go to China to evangelize that great empire.

On October 17, 1581, a council of various religious assembled by Bishop
Salazar to discuss the question of the liberation of native slaves held by
Spaniards, which has been ordered by a royal decree decide: 1. That an old
decree of 1530 prohibits the Spaniards to enslave the natives of the Indies;
and that that decree was sufficient by itself to cause all slaves to be freed.
Consequently, the new decree must be obeyed. 2. There is not any just
reason for awaiting a new order because of petition, for such petition is only
a subterfuge to gain time and postpone the liberation of the slaves. 3. The
slaves must be freed immediately, although they may be ordered to remain
with their masters for twenty or thirty days, in order to give the latter time
to adapt themselves to the sudden change.

Of distinct ecclesiastical as well as historical interest is Bishop Salazar’s
document of December 21, 1581, creating and establishing the cathedral
church of Manila. He provides for the appointment of the various
ecclesiastical offices, such as dean, archdeacon, chanter, schoolmaster,
treasurer, canons, prebendaries, racioneros, half-racioneros, acolytes,
chaplains, sacristan, organist, beadle, econome, notary of the chapter, and
the peculiar office of dog-catcher, and outlines the duties of all and names
the salary each is to receive. Much of interest is said on the subject of tithes
and revenues, benefices, the various parish churches that exist or may be
established, and their priests, the failure of duty of any official, chapter

meetings (which must occur twice each week), church services, etc. A
question to assume vast proportions later, namely, the royal patronage,
presentation for benefices, and the episcopal jurisdiction also receives
mention. This document presents in germ the ecclesiastical government of
Manila.

Antonio Sedeño, S. J., one of the first of his order to come to the
Philippines (he having accompanied Bishop Salazar, in company with one
other priest—Alonso Sanchez—and two lay-brothers), writes to Felipe II,
June 17, 1583, requesting that the governor be appointed from a resident of
the islands, instead of sending a new man from Spain to fill that post.
Thereby will great occasion for graft be avoided, and the royal expenses be
greatly reduced, while the whole land will benefit. He suggests the
appointment of Juan Baptista Roman, the factor, a prudent man, who has
always opposed wrong. He also requests permission to found a seminary in
order that the Jesuits may remain in the country and fulfil their obligations;
and royal aid for such foundation.

One day after the date of the above letter (June 18), the bishop Domingo de
Salazar writes to Felipe II, urging the establishment of a Jesuit college by
royal aid, because of the great advantage that will ensue therefrom. He
mentions in general the same reasons for such establishment as are urged by
Sedeño; and dwells upon the saving to the royal treasury and the advantage
to the land at large. He asks that districts be divided justly among the
religious and seculars, and that the members of no order preempt a larger
territory than they can attend to. This has caused friction between himself
and the religious, which will be eliminated by a royal order to the above
effect.

An anonymous relation translated from a printed pamphlet, which bears
neither place nor date, follows. Internal evidence shows it to have been
written by a religious—Augustinian, Franciscan, or Jesuit, preferably the
second—and before 1587 (the year of the arrival of the Dominicans),
notwithstanding that the British Museum copy (whence our transcript was
procured) queries the date 1595. This relation contains many valuable
observations on the islands, and their people, products, and history. The

greater part of it consists of a description of the four provinces of Luzón,
viz., that of the Tagalogs and Pampangos, Ilocos, Cagayan, and Camarines.
The author mentions the important fact that the Tagálogs are mistakenly
called Moros, but they are not and have never been Moros. Continuing his
relation, the religious describes Borneo briefly and gives the salient points
of Sande’s campaign there. The Visayans and their islands are touched
upon, some little space being devoted to the first Spanish settlement at
Cebú, whence the Spaniards move to Panay after the negotiations with and
assault by the Portuguese under Pereira. More men and religious are needed
to develop the Philippines and to christianize them thoroughly.

The factor, Juan Baptista Roman, writes to Felipe II (July 2, 1588), relating
the chief events of Thomas Candish’s memorable expedition through a
portion of the Philippine archipelago. He complains bitterly of the apathy of
the governor in not pursuing the English pirate, who is only 22 or 23 years
old, and says that good time is wasted by attempting to strengthen the city
of Manila to the abandonment of all idea of pursuit. He suggests means by
which such expeditions may be rendered impossible in the future. The usual
cry of inefficient administration and useless expense is made, as an offset to
which Roman proposes the encouragement of private shipping instead of
the use of the royal vessels therefor, by means of which the governor, who
engages in trade on his own account, becomes rich at the expense and loss
of the royal treasury. Finally, the stone fort being built at Manila is useless
as it is old style and incapable of defending the city.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in a letter to either the viceroy of Nueva España
or some high official in Spain (June 21, 1591) devotes himself almost
entirely to military affairs. He has introduced system and discipline where it
was lacking before, and has built a barracks for the soldiers. He complains
greatly of the insubordination of the soldiers there before his arrival and the
bad example that they furnish to the new soldiers. He has also constructed a
stone wall about the city, which gives an appearance of stability and renders
the city secure. He asks that he be allowed to reward the services of
gentlemen and soldiers who have accompanied him. The provinces of
Zambales and Cagayan, which were in revolt have been pacified, and
Dasmariñas suggests the advisability of a Spanish colony in the latter, on

account of its proximity to China, and its good harbor. He is having
considerable trouble with the bishop and friars who oppose him in
everything, and act as though they were the rulers of the country.

In 1599, a series of three documents concerning the procuratorship of
Tomás Marquez, of the Philippines, and the methods of the Spanish
provincials of the Augustinian Order, and addressed to the pope (then
Clement VIII), shows well the political means employed by the
Augustinians in Spain in their efforts to retain in their own hands the
balance of power as over against that of the Augustinians of the Spanish
provinces. The first is a short petition from the above father praying that he
be restored to his position as procurator-general of the Philippines, of which
he has been deprived by the Spanish provincial, and that he be allowed to
take to the islands those of his order who desire to accompany him. The
second paper has also the same end as the first, but is more specific, as it
gives more at length the various methods employed by the Spanish
provincials. Marquez prays that the order in the Philippines be subject only
to the general of the whole order and not to the Spanish provincials, who
claim jurisdiction as vicars-general. The Spanish provincials endeavor to
govern the order in the Philippines and other provinces of the Indies, not for
the good of the whole order, but for their own interests, using therein
methods that are contrary to the constitution and laws of the order, and, in
addition, wrong morally. The offscourings of the Spanish convents are sent
to the islands instead of men fitted for the task, and those of the latter class
who desire are not permitted to go. The third document is evidently the
report of the nuncio, and gives the reasons why the Augustinian provinces
of the Indies are not subject to the provincials of Spain, but only to the
general of the whole order. The pretext upon which the Spanish province
urges leadership is the fact that the first Augustinian establishment in the
New World was under its auspices. Since ordered to resign all rights to the
office of vicar-general by the general chapter of Rome 1592, the provincial
has done so.

The king, by a royal decree of January 17, 1593, addressed to Bishop
Salazar, notifies him that the governor has been ordered to take possession

of the hospitals for the natives in Manila in accordance with the king’s right
as patron of the hospitals.

Ecclesiastical matters are discussed in a letter from the Manila ecclesiastical
cabildo to Felipe III (July 3, 1602). The royal Audiencia is trying to force
the ecclesiastical judge to make arrests by its aid; but such a course would
involve much time and expense to the wretched Indian, whose case as now
conducted by the ecclesiastical judge is summarily completed, while
recourse to the Audiencia would bring into play all the slow legal
machinery. Such ecclesiastical arrests are only made in order to correct sin.
Some of the religious orders in Manila claim royal concession for
universities and appointments therein. Such a course would be unfair to the
seculars, for even now the religious have all the best things, and if they
found universities, the seculars will have nothing to which to aspire, while
the lure of an appointment to a professorship would cause them to take
heart and study hard, so that the cathedral would always have men of
learning. The Jesuits desire to use the money restored from the tributes
collected by the encomenderos, as a result of Salazar’s contentions, for the
founding of a hospital. Such use would divert it from its true employment—
the ransoming of Filipino captives and the aiding of their hospitals, and
therefore the cabildo petitions that the request be not acceded to. The Jesuits
are trying to obtain the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of a town opposite Manila
(which is now administered by a secular cura) where they have some years
before bought an estate, and have been gradually acquiring all the land
which they have rented to the Chinese. In addition the Jesuits are also
attempting to obtain the spiritual administration of San Miguel, a small
village outside Manila, now administered by seculars. The cabildo petitions
that the curas now in charge of these two places be allowed to retain them.
The Augustinians have also been guilty of depriving the seculars of their
jurisdiction in Cavite and in the chapel of Nuestra Señora de Guia. And so
unbridled are they that they resist the visitor sent out by their own order.
The Franciscans, in spite of their humility, have built a church at Dilao on
their own authority. Thus the royal patronage is transcended, and the
governor has been cognizant thereto, through his partiality to the orders.
The cabildo asks that the alms generally given to the religious be also
granted to the cathedral, for it is very poor. In the cathedral is a bench for

the wives of the auditors and another for the officials of the Holy Office—
both unusual in other cathedrals. The bench belonging to the Holy Office
has led to the excommunication of one of the canons of the cathedral who
moved it one day, through the passion engendered in the commissary, a
Dominican religious. The cabildo asks that both benches be removed, and
that justice be shown them, as they are unable to send anyone to Spain to
plead their case, as do the religious.

The condition of the redoubt or fort of Manila is discussed in a letter to
Felipe III by its castellan Bernardino Maldonado (June 21, 1605). Many
interesting deductions as to the social and economic conditions of Manila
can be made from this document. Like so many other documents, this is one
of complaint and shows the inefficiency of the government. The fort is
poorly garrisoned and almost neglected in spite of its importance (as it is
used as the arsenal) and the efforts of its castellan. The garrison is only of
fifty men (although Tello had promised to increase it at the earnest
solicitation of Maldonado) and those are the offscourings of the camp. A
lieutenant appointed has to enter suit in order to receive his pay. The
artillerymen should live in the fort and should not be taken elsewhere, and
should be experienced men, and not those who receive appointments
through favor. Tello has used part of the artillery against Oliver van Noordt,
and it was in consequence lost, and now Acuña proposes to take a portion of
the few pieces left on his Maluco expedition. Maldonado’s efforts to
prepare for the feared Chinese insurrection of 1603 were not encouraging,
and he was quite unable to obtain food, and was even compelled to aid the
other soldiers with what little he did have. Since that insurrection, the
Chinese merchants have come to the city each year, and have been housed
partly in the city among the inhabitants, as their alcaicería was burned,
although the Parián is now rebuilt. Maldonado complains of the companies
formed from Filipinos in whom he sees grave danger. The soldiers of the
fort are ill paid, and inasmuch as they are permanently in the fort and make
no raids, as do the other soldiers, they suffer considerably. Consequently,
Maldonado asks that they be paid first, and that their pay of six reals be
raised. Arms are needed, especially arquebuses and muskets. Finally
Maldonado mentions his own services and asks for various rewards for his
faithfulness.

The Editors

January, 1906.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO
(concluded)

By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document which exists in the Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL [FIRST VOYAGE
MONDO] AROUND THE
(Continued from Vol. XXXIII, page 266.)
WORLD]
(Continued from Vol. XXXIII,
page 267.)

Sul tardi deL medeſimo giorno vene in vno prao pietro alfonſo In the afternoon of that same
portugheſe et non eſſendo anchora deſmontato iL re lo mando a day, Pietro Alfonso, the
chiamare et ridendo diſegli se lui ben era de tarennate ne Portuguese, came in a prau.
diceſſe la verita de tuto quello q̃ li domandaſſem Coſtui dice He had not disembarked
Como Ja ſedize anny ſtaua nela Jndia ma x in maluco et tante before the king sent to
erano q̃ maluco ſtaua deſcoperto ascoſamente et era vno anno summon him and told him
mancho quindici giornj che venne vna naue grande de malaca banteringly to answer us truly
quiui et ſe partite caricata de garofali ma ꝓ li mali tempi reſto in whatever we should ask
in bandan alquanti meſi delaqalle era capo triſtan de meneses him, even if he did come from
portughese et Como lui li demando que noue erano adeſſo in Tarennate. He told us that he
chriſtianitatte li diſſe como era partita vna armata de cinque had been sixteen years in
nauj de ſiuiglia ꝓ deſcoprire maluco in nome deL re deſpagnia India, but x in Maluco, for
eſsendo capitano fernando de magallianes portugheſe et como Maluco had been discovered
lo re de portugallo ꝓ diſpecto q̃ vno portugueſe lifoſſe conta secretly for that time.488 It
hauea mandatte alquante naue aL capo de bonna ſperanſa et was a year all but one
altre tante aL capo de ſancta maria doue ſtanno li Canibali ꝓ fortnight, since a large ship
vietargli lo paſſo et Como nõ lo trouo poy il re de portagalo had arrived at that place from
haueua Jnteſo Como lo dicto capitanio haueua paſſato ꝓ vno Malaca, and had left laden
alto mare et andaua amalucho Subito ſcriſſe aL ſuo capo with cloves, but had been
magiore de la india chiamato diego lopes de ſichera mãdaſſe obliged to remain in Bandan
ſey naue amaluco me ꝓ cauſa del grã turco che veniua for some months because of
amalacha nõ le mande ꝓ che li fu forſa mandare Contra lui bad weather. Its captain was
ſexanta velle aL ſtreto deLa mehca nella tera de Juda liqalli non Tristan de Meneses,489 a
trouorono alto ſolum alcãte gallere in ſeco nela riua de qella Portuguese. When he asked
the latter what was the news
forte et bella cita de adem leqalle tucte bruſorono[_]dopo
back in Christendom, he was
Queſto mandaua contro anuy amalucho vno grã galeõe con due
told that a fleet of five ships
mani de bombarde ma ꝓ certi baſſi et corenti de hacqua che
had left Siviglia to discover
ſonno circa malaca et venti Contrarj non puoto paſſare et torno
Maluco in the name of the
in drieto Lo capo de queſto galiõe era franco faria portugheſe et
king of Spagnia under
Como erano poqi giornj q̃ vna Carauella cõ dui Jonci erano ſtati command of Fernando de
quiui ꝓ Jntendere de nui li Junci andarono abachian ꝓ caricare Magallianes, a Portuguese;
garofali cõ ſette portugheſi Queſti portugheſi ꝓ nõ hauer̃

reſpecto ale donne deL re et de li ſuoi lo re li diſce piu volte nõ that the king of Portugallo,
faceſſero taL coſa ma loro nõ volendo reſtare furono amazati angered that a Portuguese
Quando qelli de la Carauella intezero queſto ſubito tornorono a should be opposed to him, had
malaca et laſciarono li Junci cõ catrocento bahar de garofali et sent some ships to the cape of
tanta mercantia ꝓ comperar̃ cento alti bahar et Como ogni anno Bonna Speransa [i.e., Good
molti Junci veneno de malaca abandan ꝓ pigliare matia et Hope], and a like number to
noſce moſcade et da bandan amalucho ꝓ garofali et como the cape of Sancta Maria,
queſti populi vanno cõ queſti ſui Junci da maluco a bandan in where the cannibals live, in
tre giornj et de bandan amalaca in quĩdici et como lo re de order to prevent their passage,
portagalo Ja x anny godeua malucho aſcoſamente acio lo re but that he was not found.
deſpagnia noL ſapeſſe coſtui ſtete cõ nuy alti inſino a tre hore de Then the king of Portagalo
nocte et diſcene molte altre coſe operaſſemo tanto q̃ coſtui had heard that the said captain
ꝓmetendolj bõ ſoldo ne ꝓmiſſe de venire cõ nuy in ſpagnia. had passed into another sea,
and was on his way to
Malucho. He immediately
wrote directing his chief
captain of India, one Diego
Lopes de Sichera,490 to send
six ships to Maluco. But the
latter did not send them
because the Grand Turk was
coming to Malacha, for he
was obliged to send sixty sail
to oppose him at the strait of
Mecha in the land of Juda.
They found only a few galleys
that had been beached on the
shore of the strong and
beautiful city of Adem, all of
which they burned.491 After
that the chief captain sent a
large galleon with two tiers of
guns to Malucho to oppose us,
but it was unable to proceed
because of certain shoals and
currents of water near Malaca,
and contrary winds. The
captain of that galleon was
Francesco Faria,492 a
Portuguese. It was but a few
days since a caravel with two
junks had been in that place to
get news of us. The junks
went to Bachian for a cargo of

cloves with seven Portuguese.
As those Portuguese did not
respect the women of the king
and of his subjects, although
the king told them often not to
act so, and since they refused
to discontinue, they were put
to death. When the men in the
caravel heard that, they
immediately returned to
Malaca abandoning the junks
with four hundred bahars of
cloves, and sufficient
merchandise to purchase one
hundred bahars more. Every
year a number of junks sail
from Malaca to Bandan493 for
mace and nutmeg, and from
Bandan to Malucho for
cloves. Those people sail in
three days in those junks of
theirs from Maluco to
Bandan, and in a fortnight
from Bandan to Malaca. The
king of Portagalo had enjoyed
Malucho already for x years
secretly, so that the king of
Spagnia might not learn of it.
That Portuguese remained
with us until three in the
morning, and told us many
other things. We plied him so
well, promising him good pay
that he promised to return to
Spagnia with us.

Vennere a Quindici de nouembre il re ne diſce como andaua On Friday, November fifteen,
abachian ꝓ pigliar̃ de qelli garofali laſsati da li portugueſi ne the king told us that he was
dimando duy pñti ꝓ darli ali dui gubernatorj de mutir in nome going to Bachian to get the
deL re deſpagnia et paſſando per mezo de le naui volſe vedere cloves abandoned there by the
Como tirauão li ſchiopeti li baleſtre et li verſi q̃ ſono magiori Portuguese. He asked us for
duno arcubuſo tiro lui tre volti de baleſtra ꝓ chi li piaceua piu q̃ two presents so that he might
li ſchiopeti Sabato lo re moro de giailolo vene ale naui con give them to the two
molti prao alqualle donaſcemo vno ſayo de domaſcho ꝟde dui governors of Mutir in the

bracia de panne roſſo ſpechi forfice cortelli petini et dui bichery name of the king of Spagnia.
dorati ne diſce poi q̃ eramo amici deL re de tadore eramo Passing in between the ships
anchora ſoi ꝓ che amaualo Como ꝓpio ſuo figliolo et ſe may he desired to see how we fired
alguno deli noſti andaſſeno in ſua terra li farebe grandiſſimo our musketry, crossbows, and
honnore Queſto re emolto vechio et temuto ꝓ tutte queſte yſole the culverins, which are larger
ꝓ eſſere molto potente et chia maſſe raia Jussu Queſta yſola de than an arquebus. He shot
Jayalolo e tanto grando que tardano catro meſi a circundarla cõ three times with a crossbow,
vno prao. Domenicha matina queſto medeſimo re venne ale for it pleased him more than
naui et volſe vedere in que modo combateuão et como the muskets.494 On Saturday,
ſcaricauamo le nr̃ e bombarde dilque piglio grandiſſimo piacer̃ the Moro king of Giailolo
et ſubito ſe parti Coſtui Como ne fu detto era ſtato nela ſua came to the ships with a
Jouenta grã Combatitor̃ . considerable number of praus.
To some of the men we gave
some green damask silk, two
brazas of red cloth, mirrors,
scissors, knives, combs, and
two gilt drinking cups. That
king told us that since we
were friends of the king of
Tadore, we were also his
friends, for he loved that king
as one of his own sons; and
whenever any of our men
would go to his land, he
would show him the greatest
honor. That king is very aged
and is feared among all those
islands, for he is very
powerful. His name is Raia
Jessu. That island of Jayalolo
is so large that it takes four
months to circumnavigate it in
a prau. On Sunday morning
that same king came to the
ships and desired to see how
we fought and how we
discharged our guns. He took
the greatest pleasure in it.
After they had been
discharged he immediately
departed. He had been a great
fighter in his youth as we
were told.

NeL medeſimo giorno anday in terra ꝓ vedere Como That same day, I went ashore
naſcheuano li garofali Lo arburo ſuo he alto et groſſo Como to see how the clove grows.
vno homo altrauerſo et piu et meno li ſui ramj ſpandeno The clove tree is tall and as
alquante largo neL mezo ma neL fine fanno in mo do de vna thick as a man’s body or
cima la ſuo foglia e como qella deL lauro la ſcorſa e oliuaſta ly thereabout. Its branches
garofoli veneno Jn cima de li ramiti diece ho vinti inſiemi spread out somewhat widely
Queſti arbory fanno ſempre caſi piu duna banda q̃ de lalta in the middle, but at the top
Segondo li tempi Quando naſcono li garofali ſonno bianqi they have the shape of a
summit. Its leaves resemble
maturj roſſi et ſecqi negri ſe cogleno due volte alanno vna dela
those of the laurel, and the
natiuita deL nr̃ o redemptore [Quando lanno e piu: crossed out
bark is of a dark color.495 The
in original MS.] lalta in qella de sto Johã bapta ꝓ che in queſti
cloves grow at the end of the
dui tempi e piu temperato larie ma piu in qella deL nr̃ o
twigs, ten or twenty in a
redemptore Quando lanno e piu caldo et cõ mancho piogie et
cluster. Those trees have
coglienno trecento et quatrocento bahar in ogni vna de queſte
generally more cloves on one
yſolle naſcono ſolamẽte neli monti et ſe alguni de queſti arborj
side than on the other,
ſonno piantati aL pianno apreſſo li monti nõ viueno la ſuo
according to the season. When
foglia la ſcorza et il legnio ꝟde et coſi forte como li garofoli ſe
the cloves sprout they are
non ſi coglieno quãdo ſonno maturi diuentano grandi et tanti
white, when ripe, red, and
duri q̃ non e bono alto de loro ſinon la ſua ſcorſa nõ naſcono aL when dried, black. They are
mondo alti garofali ſinon in cinque mõti de queſte cinque yſolle gathered twice per year, once
ſe ne trouano ben alguni in giailolo et in vna yſola picola fra at the nativity of our Savior,
tadore et mutir detta mare ma non ſonno buoni Vede uamo nuy [when the year is more:
caſi ogni giorno vna nebula diſcendere et circundare mo luno crossed out in original MS.]
mo lalto de queſti monti ꝓ ilque li garofoli diuentano ꝓfecti and the other at the nativity of
Ciaſcuno de queſti populi anno de queſti arbori et ogni vno St. John the Baptist; for the
cuſtodiſcono li ſui ma non li coltiuano Jn queſta yſola ſe climate is more moderate at
trouano alguni arbori de noce moſcada larbore e como le noſtre those two seasons, but more
noguere et con le medeſime foglie la noce quando ſe coglie he so at the time of the nativity
grande como vno Codognio picolo cõ qeL pelo et deL of our Savior. When the year
medeſimo colore la ſua pima ſcorza et groſſa como la verde is very hot and there is little
dele nr̃ e noce Soto de q̃ ſta he vna tella ſotille Soto laqalle ſta la rain, those people gather three
matia roſſisimo riuolta intorno la Scorſa della noce et de dento or four hundred bahars [of
da queſta e La noce moſcade le caſe de queſti populi Sonno cloves] in each of those
facte como le altre ma non cuſſi alte da terra et ſonno circunda islands. Those trees grow only
te de canne in modo de uno ſieue queſte femine ſonno bructe et in the mountains, and if any of
them are planted in the
vano nude Como le altre con qelli panny de ſcorca de arbore
fanno queſti panni intaL modo piglianno vno pezo de ſcorſa et lowlands near the mountains,
lo laſcianno nelacqua fin que diuenta molle et poy lo bateno cõ they do not live. The leaves,
legni et lo fanno longo et Largo Como voleno diuenta como the bark, and the green wood
are as strong as the cloves. If
vno vello de ſeda cruda cõ certi filecti de dento q̃ pareſta teſuto
the latter are not gathered
mangiano panne de legnio de arbore como la palma facto in
when they are ripe, they
queſto modo piglianno vno pezo de queſto legnio mole et li
become large and so hard that

Cauano fuora certi ſpini negri longui poi Lo peſtanno et coſi only their husk is good. No
fanno Lo panne luzano quaſi ſolo ꝓ portare in mare et lo chia cloves are grown in the world
mano ſaghu Queſti homini vano nudi Como li alti ma ſonno except in the five mountains
tãto geloſi dele ſue moglie che nõ voleuano andaſſemo nuj in of those five islands, except
terra cõ Le braguet diſcoperte ꝓ che diceuano le ſue donne that some are found in
penſare nuy ſemp̃ eſſere in ordine. Giailolo and in a small island
between Tadore and Mutir, by
name Mare,496 but they are
not good. Almost every day
we saw a mist descend and
encircle now one and now
another of those mountains,
on account of which those
cloves become perfect. Each
of those people possesses
clove trees, and each one
watches over his own trees
although he does not cultivate
them. Some nutmeg trees are
found in that island. The tree
resembles our walnut tree, and
has leaves like it. When the
nut is gathered it is as large as
a small quince, with the same
sort of down, and it is of the
same color. Its first rind is as
thick as the green rind of our
walnut. Under that there is a
thin layer, under which is
found the mace. The latter is a
brilliant red and is wrapped
about the rind of the nut, and
within that is the nutmeg.497
The houses of those people
are built like those of the
others, but are not raised so
high from the ground, and are
surrounded with bamboos like
a hedge. The women there are
ugly and go naked as do the
others, [covered only] with
those cloths made from the
bark of trees. Those cloths are
made in the following manner.

They take a piece of bark and
leave it in the water until it
becomes soft. Then they beat
it with bits of wood and [thus]
make it as long and as wide as
they wish. It becomes like a
veil of raw silk, and has
certain threads within it,
which appear as if woven.498
They eat wooden bread made
from a tree resembling the
palm, which is made as
follows. They take a piece of
that soft wood from which
they take certain long black
thorns. Then they pound499
the wood, and so make the
bread. They use that bread,
which they call saghu [i.e.,
sago], almost as their sole
food at sea. The men there go
naked as do the others [of
those regions], but they are so
jealous of their wives that
they do not wish us to go
ashore with our drawers
exposed;500 for they assert
that their women imagine that
we are always in readiness.

Ogni giorno veniuão de tarenate molte barche caricate de A number of boats came from
garofali ma ꝓ che aſpectauamo il re nõ contractauamo alto Tarenate daily laden with
ſinon victuuaglia Queli de tarenate ſe lementauano molte ꝓ che cloves, but, as we were
nõ voleuamo Contractare cõ loro Domenicha de nocte a awaiting the king, we did not
vinticato de nouembr̃ venendo aL luni Lo re vene ſuonando con barter for anything except
qelle ſue borchie et paſſando ꝓ mezo li naui diſca ricaſſemo food. The men who came
from Tarenate were very sorry
molte bombarde ne diſſe in fine aquato giornj venirianno molty
because we refused to trade
garofali luni lo re ne mando ſetecento et noranta vno cathili de
with them. On Sunday night,
garofali ſenza leuar La tara la tara e pigliare le ſpeciarie ꝓ
November twenty-four, and
mancho de qeL que pezanno ꝓ che ogni giorno ſe ſechano piu
toward Monday, the king
ꝓ eſſere li pimy garofali haueuamo meſſi neli nauj came with gongs a-playing,
diſcaricaſſemo molte bombarde Quiui chiamano li garofali and passed between the ships,
[whereat] we discharged

ghomode in ſaranghani doue pigliaſſemo li dui piloti many pieces. He told us that
bonghalauan et in malaca chianche. cloves would be brought in
quantity within four days.
Monday the king sent us
seven hundred and ninety-
one501 cathils of cloves,
without reckoning the tare.
The tare is to take the spices
for less than they weigh, for
they become dryer daily. As
those were the first cloves
which we had laden in our
ships, we fired many pieces.
Cloves are called ghomode
there; in Saranghani where we
captured the two pilots,
bongalauan;502 and in
Malaca, chianche.

Marti a vintiſei de nouembr̃ il re ne diſce como non era coſtume On Tuesday, November
de alguno re de partirſi de ſua yſola ma lui ſe era partito ꝓ twenty-six, the king told us
amore deL re de caſtiglia et per che andaſſemo piu preſto in that it was not the custom of
ſpagnia et retornaſſemo cõ tante naui q̃ poteſſemo vendicare la any king to leave his island,
morte de ſua padre q̃ fo amazato in vna Jſola chiamata buru et but that he had left [his] for
poi botato neL mare et diſſenne Como era vzãſa quando li pimi the love that he bore the king
garofali eranno poſti nele naui o vero neli Junci lo re fare vno of Castiglia, and so that we
conuito aqellj dele naui et pregare Lo ſuo dio li conduceſſi ſalui might go to Spagnia sooner
neLo ſuo porto et anche lo volia far ꝓ cagiõe deL re de bachian and return with so many ships
et vno ſuo fratello che veniuano ꝓ vizitarne faceua netareli vie that we could avenge the
alguni de nui penſando qalque tradimẽto ꝓ che quiui doue murder of his father who was
pigliauamo lacha foreno amazati da certi de queſti aſcoſi neli killed in an island called
boſchi tre portugheſi de franco ſeranno et ꝓ che vedeuamo Buru,503 and then thrown into
the sea. He told us that it was
queſti Jndi ſuſurare con li noſti preſoni, diceſſemo contra
the custom, when the first
alquanti volentoroſi de queſto conuito nõ ſi douere andare in
cloves were laden in the ships
terra ꝓ conuiti ricordandogli deqeL alto tanto infelice faceſſemo
or in the junks, for the king to
tanto ſe concluſe de mandare dire aL re veniſſe preſto ne le nauj
make a feast for the crews of
ꝓ che voleuamo ſi partire et conſegniarli li catro homini ꝓmiſſi
the ships, and to pray504 their
con altre mercantie Jl re ſubito venne et Jntrando nele naui
diſſe adalungunj ſui cõ tanta fidutia entraua in queſte como nele God that He would lead those
ships safe to their port. He
ſue caze. Ne diſſe eſere grandamẽte ſpauentato ꝓ volerne
also wished to do it because of
partire coſi preſto eſendo il termine de Carigare le naui trenta
the king of Bachian and one
giornj et non eſerſi partito ꝓ farne algun maL ma ꝓ fornire piu
of his brothers who were
preſto li naui de garofoli et como nõ ſi doueuamo par tire alora
coming to visit him. He had

ꝓ non eſſere anchora lo tempo de nauigare ꝓ queſte yſolle et ꝓ the streets cleaned. Some of
li molti baſſi ſe trouano zirca bandan et ꝓ che facilmente us imagining that some
hauereſemo potuto incontrarſi in qalque naui de portugheſi et ſe treachery was afoot, because
pur era la nr̃ a opigniõe de partirſi alhora pigliaſsemo tute le nr̃ e three Portuguese in the
merchadantie ꝓ che tucti li re circunuicini direbenno iL re de company of Francesco
tadore hauer̃ receuuti tanty pñti da vno ſi grã re et lui nõ hauerli Seranno had been killed in the
dato coſa alguna et penſarebẽo nuy eſſerſi partitj ſinon ꝓ paura place where we took in water,
de qalque inganno et ſempre chiama rebenno lui ꝓ vno traditor̃ by certain of those people
poi fece portare lo ſuo alchoranno et pima baſan dolo et who had hidden in the
metendoſelo catro o cinque volte ſoura lo capo et dicendo fra ſe thickets, and because we saw
certe parolle, Quando fanno cuſſi Chiamano Zambahean, diſſe those Indians whispering with
in pñtia de tucti q̃ Juraua ꝓ ala et ꝓ lo alcoranno haueua in our prisoners, declared in
mano ſemp̃ volere eſſere fidelle amicho aL re deſpagnia diſſe opposition to some who
tuto queſto caſi piangendo per le ſue bone parolle le wished to go to the feast that
ꝓmeteſſemo de aſpectare anchora quindici giornj Alhora li we ought not go ashore for
deſſemo la firma deL re et la bandera realle niente di meno feasts, for we remembered
Jntendeſſemo poy ꝓ buona via alguni principali de queſte yſole that other so unfortunate one.
hauerli dicto ne doueſſe amazare ꝓ che farebe grandiſſimo We were so urgent that it was
concluded to send a message
piacere ali portugueſi et como loro ꝓ donnarianno aqelli de
to the king asking him to
bachian et iL re hauerli riſpo ſto non lo faria ꝓ coſa alguna
come soon to the ships, for we
cognioſſendo Lo re deſpagnia et hauẽdone data la ſua pace.
were about to depart, and
would give him the four men
whom we had promised him,
besides some other
merchandise. The king came
immediately and entered the
ships. He told some of his
men that he entered them with
as great assurance as into his
own houses. He told us that he
was greatly astonished at our
intention of departing so soon,
since the limit of time for
lading the ships was thirty
days; and that he had not left
the island to do us any harm,
but to supply the ships with
cloves sooner. He said that we
should not depart then for that
was not the season for sailing
among those islands, both
because of the many shoals
found about Bandan and
because we might easily meet

some Portuguese ships [in
those seas]. However, if it
were our determination to
depart then, we should take all
our merchandise, for all the
kings roundabout would say
that the king of Tadore had
received so many presents
from so great a king, and had
given nothing in return; and
that they would think that we
had departed only for fear of
some treachery, and would
always call him a traitor. Then
he had his koran505 brought,
and first kissing it and placing
it four or five times above his
head, and saying certain
words to himself as he did so
(which they call
zambahean506), he declared in
the presence of all, that he
swore by Allah and by the
koran507 which he had in his
hand, that he would always be
a faithful friend to the king of
Spagnia. He spoke all those
words nearly in tears. In
return for his good words, we
promised to wait another
fortnight. Thereupon, we gave
him the signature of the king
and the royal banner. None the
less we heard afterward on
good authority that some of
the chiefs of those islands508
had proposed to him to kill us,
saying it would be doing the
greatest kind of pleasure to
the Portuguese, and that the
latter would forgive those of
Bachian.509 But the king had
replied that he would not do it
under any consideration, since

he had recognized the king of
Spagnia and had made peace
with him.

Mercore a vinteſette de nouembr̃ dopo diſnare lo re fece fare vn After dinner on Wednesday,
bando a tutj qelli haueuano garofali li poteſſeno portare nele November twenty-seven, the
nauj tuto queſto gior no et lalto contrataſſemo garofoli cõ grã king had an edict proclaimed
furia venner ſul tardi vene lo gouuernator̃ de machian con molti that all those who had cloves
prao nõ volſe deſmontare in tera ꝓche ſtauão iui ſuo padre et could bring them to the ships.
vno ſuo fratello banditi da machian JL giorno ſequente lo nr̃ o re All that and the next day we
cõ lo gouuernator̃ Suo nepote entraronno nele naui nuy ꝓ nõ bartered for cloves with might
hauer̃ piu panno ne mando alore tre bracia deL ſuo et neL dete and main. On Friday
loqalle con altre coſſe donnaſſemo aL gouuernator̃ partendoſi ſe afternoon, the governor of
diſcarico molte bombarde dapoy lo re ne mando ſey bracia de Machian came with a
panno roſſo acio lo donnaſemo aL gouuernator̃ ſubito Lo li considerable number of praus.
preſentaſſemo ꝓ ilque ne ringratio molto et diſſe ne mandarebe He refused to disembark, for
aſsay garofoli Queſto gouuernatore ſe chiama humar et era forſi his father and one of his
vinticinque anny. brothers who had been
banished from Machian were
living in Tadore. Next day, our
king and his nephew, the
governor, entered the ships.
As we had no more cloth, the
king sent to have three brazas
of his brought and gave it to
us,510 and we gave it with
other things to the governor.
At his departure we
discharged many pieces.
Afterward the king sent us six
brazas of red cloth, so that we
might give it to the governor.
We immediately presented it
to the latter, and he thanked us
heartily for it, telling us that
he would send us a goodly
quantity of cloves. That
governor’s name is Humar,
and he was about twenty-five
years old.

Domenica pimo de decembre Queſto gouuernator̃ Se parti ne fu On Sunday, the first of
deto iL re de tadore hauergli dato panny de ſeta et algune de December, that governor

qelle borchie acio Cuſtuy piu preſto li mandaſſe li garofoli luni departed. We were told that
iL re ando fuora de la yſola ꝓ garofoli mercore matina ꝓ eſſere the king of Tadore had given
giorno de Sta. barbara et ꝓ la venuta deL re ſe deſcarico tuta him some silk cloth and some
lartigliaria la nocte Lo re venne ne la riua et volſe vedere Como of those gongs511 so that he
tirauamo li rochetti et bombi de fuoco dilque lo re piglio grã might send the cloves quicker.
piacere Joue et vennere ſe Compero molti garofoli cuſſi nella On Monday the king went out
cita como nelle naui ꝓ catro bracia de frizetto ne danão vno of the island to get cloves. On
bahar de garofoli ꝓ due Cadenelle de Latonne q̃ valeuão vno Wednesday morning, as it was
marcello ne detero cento libre de garofoli in fine ꝓ nõ hauer the day of St. Barbara,512 and
piu merchadantie ogni vno li daua qi le cape eqi li ſagli et qi le because the king came, all the
Camiſe cõ altre veſtimentj ꝓ hauer̃ La ſua quintalada Sabato tre artillery was discharged. At
figlioli diL re de tarenate con tre ſue moglie figliole deL nr̃ o re night the king came to the
et pietro alfonſo portugheſi venironno ale nauj donaſſemo ogni shore, and asked to see how
vno deli tre fratelli vn bichier de vetro dorato ale tre donne we fired our rockets and fire
forfice et altre coſe Quando ſe partironno forenno ſcaricate bombs,513 at which he was
molte bombarde poy mandaſſemo in tera a la figliola deL nr̃ o highly delighted. On Thursday
re Ja moglie diL re de tarennatte molte coſe perche nõ volſe and Friday we bought many
vegnire cõ le alte a le nauj tutta Queſta gente cuſſi homini cloves, both in the city and in
Comme donne vanno ſempre deſcalſi. the ships. For four brazas of
ribbon, they gave us one bahar
of cloves; for two brass
chains, worth one marcello,514
they gave us one hundred
libras of cloves. Finally, when
we had no more merchandise,
one man gave his cloak,
another his doublet, and
another his shirt, besides other
articles of clothing, in order
that they might have their
share in the cargo. On
Saturday, three of the sons of
the king of Tarenate and their
three wives, the daughters of
our king, and Pietro Alfonso,
the Portuguese, came to the
ships. We gave each of the
three brothers a gilt glass
drinking-cup,515 and scissors
and other things to the
women. Many pieces were
discharged at their departure.
Then we sent ashore many
things to the daughter of our

king, now the wife of the king
of Tarennatte, as she refused
to come to the ships with the
others. All those people, both
men and women, always go
barefoot.

Domenica a octo di decembre ꝓ eſſere giorno dela Conſeptiõe On Sunday, December eight,
ſe ſcarico molte bonbarde Rocheti et bombe di fuoco luni ſul as it was the day of the
tardi lo re venne ale naui cõ tre femine li portauão il betre alti conception, we fired many
non pone menare ſeco donne ſe nõ iL re dopo venne lo re de pieces, rockets, and fire
Jaialolo et volſe vedere nuy vnalta fiata cõbatere inſieme dopo bombs.516 On Monday
alquanti giornj il nr̃ o re ne diſſe lui aſſimigliare vna fanciulo afternoon the king came to the
che lattaſſe et cognioceſſe la ſua dulce madre et qella parten ships with three women, who
doſi lo laſſiare ſolo magiormente lui reſtare deſcoſolato ꝓ che carried his betel for him. No
gia ne haueua Cognioſſuto et guſtato alchune coſe di ſpagnia et one except the king can take
ꝓ che doueuão tardare molto aL retornare Cariſſamamente ne women with him. Afterward
prego li laſciaſſemo ꝓ ſua defentiõe alquanti de li [ſui: crossed the king of Jailolo came and
out in original MS.] ꝟſi nr̃ i et ne auiſo Quanto foſſemo partiti wished to see us fight together
nauigaſſemo ſe non de giorno ꝓ li molti baſſi sonno in queſte again. Several days later our
yſolle li reſpondeſſemo ſe voleuão andar in ſpagnia nera forſa king told us that he was like a
nauigar̃ de giorno et de nocte alhora diſſe farebe ꝓ nui ogni child at the breast who knew
giorno oratiõe aL ſuo ydio açio ne conduceſſe a ſaluamẽto et his dear mother, who
diſſene Como deueua venire le re de bachian ꝓ maritare vno departing would leave him
ſuo fratello cõ vno dele ſue figliole ne prego voleſſemo far alone. Especially would he be
alchuna feſta in ſegnio dallegreza ma nõ ſcaricaſſemo le disconsolate, because now he
bombarde groſſe ꝓ che farebenno grã danno ale nauj ꝓ eſſere had become acquainted with
carigate in queſti giorni venne pietro alfonſo portugueſe Con la us, and enjoyed some of the
ſua donna et tute le altre ſue coſe aſtare ne le naui deli a duy products of Spagnia.
giornj venne ale naui chechili de roix figliolo deL re de Inasmuch as our return would
tarennate in vn prao ben fornito et diſſe aL portugueſe be far in the future, he
decendeſſe vn poco aL ſuo prao li riſpoſe nõ li voleua earnestly entreated us to leave
diſcendere ꝓ che veniua noſco in ſpagnia Alhora lui volſe him some of [his: crossed out
intrare nele naui ma nuy nõ lo volſemo laſciar Jntrar̃ Coſtui ꝓ in original MS.] our
eſſere grãde amicho deL capo de malaca portugheſe era venuto culverins517 for his defense.
ꝓ pigliarlo et grido molto aqelli ſtantiauão apreſſo iL He advised us to sail only by
portugueſe ꝓ cio Lo haueuão Laſciato partire ſenſa ſua liſentia. day when we left, because of
the numerous shoals amid
those islands. We replied to
him that if we wished to reach
Spagnia we would have to sail
day and night. Thereupon, he
told us that he would pray
daily to his God for us, asking

Him to conduct us in safety.
He told us that the king of
Bachian was about to come to
marry one of his brothers to
one of his [the king of
Tidore’s] daughters, and asked
us to invent some
entertainment in token of joy;
but that we should not fire the
large pieces, because they
would do great damage to the
ships as they were laden.
During that time, Pietro
Alfonso, the Portuguese, came
with his wife and all his other
possessions to remain in the
ships. Two days later, Chechili
de Roix, son of the king of
Tarennate, came in a well-
manned prau, and asked the
Portuguese to go down into it
for a few moments. The
Portuguese answered that he
would not go down, for he
was going to Spagnia with us,
whereupon the king’s son
tried to enter the ship, but we
refused to allow him to come
aboard, as he was a close
friend to the Portuguese
captain of Malaca, and had
come to seize the Portuguese.
He severely scolded those
who lived near the Portuguese
because they had allowed the
latter to go without his
permission.

Domenica a quindici de decembre ſul tardi iL re de bachian et On Sunday afternoon,
iL ſuo fratello veni rono in vno prao cõ tre many de vogatorj ꝓ December fifteen, the king of
ogni banda eranno tucti cento et vinti con molte bandiere de Bachian and his brother came
piuma de papagalo bianque Jalle et roſſe et con molti ſoni de in a prau with three tiers of
qelle borquie ꝓ que aqueſto ſonny li vogatori voganno atempo rowers at each side. In all
et cõ dui alti prao de donzelle ꝓ pñtarle a la ſpoſa Quando there were one hundred and

paſſarono apreſſo li naui li ſalutaſſemo con bonbarde et loro ꝓ twenty rowers, and they
ſalutarne circundorono ly naui et iL porto Jl re noſto ꝓ eſſere carried many banners made of
coſtume nungune re de deſcendere ne le terre de altrui venne ꝓ white, yellow, and red parrot
congratularſe ſecho. Quando iL re de bachian lo viſte venire ſe feathers. There was much
leuo daL tapeto oue ſedeua et poſeſſi de vna banda iL nr̃ o re sounding of those gongs, for
non volſe ſedere ſoura lo tapeto ma da lalta parte et coſi niuno the rowers kept time in their
ſtaua ſopa Lo tapeto iL re de bachian dete aL nr̃ o re rowing to those sounds. He
cinquecento patolle ꝓ che deſſe ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL ſuo brought two other praus filled
fratello Queſte patolle ſonno panny de oro et de ſeta facti nela with girls to present them to
chijna et molti preciati fra coſtoro. Quando vno de queſti more his betrothed. When they
passed near the ships, we
li alti ſoi ꝓ farli piu honnore Se veſtonno de queſti panny danno
saluted them by firing pieces,
ꝓ vno de queſti tre bahar de garofali et piu et meno ſecondo q̃
and they in order to salute us
ſonno.
went round the ships and the
port. Our king came to
congratulate him as it is not
the custom for any king to
disembark on the land of
another king. When the king
of Bachian saw our king
coming, he rose from the
carpet on which he was
seated, and took his position
at one side of it. Our king
refused to sit down upon the
carpet, but on its other side,
and so no one occupied the
carpet. The king of Bachian
gave our king five hundred
patols, because the latter was
giving his daughter to wife to
the former’s brother. The said
patols are cloths of gold and
silk manufactured in Chiina,
and are highly esteemed
among them. Whenever one
of those people dies the other
members of his family518
clothe themselves in those
cloths in order to show him
more honor. They give three
bahars of cloves for one of
those robes or thereabouts,
according to the [value of the]
robe.

Luni iL nr̃ e re mando vno conuito aL re de bachian ꝓ On Monday our king sent a
cinquanta donne tucte veſtite de panny de ſeta dela cinta fina banquet to the king of
aL genochio. Andauano a due a due cõ vno homo in mezo de Bachian by fifty women all
loro ogniuna portaua vno piato grande pienno de altri piatelli clad in silk garments from the
de diuerſe viuande li homini portauão ſolamẽte Lo vino in vazi waist to the knees. They went
grandi dieze donne dele piu vechie eranno le maçiere andaro two by two with a man
no in queſto modo fina aL prao et apreſentarono ogni coſa aL re between each couple. Each
q̃ ſede ua ſoura lo tapeto ſoto vno baldachino roſſo et giallo one bore a large tray filled
tornando coſtoro indie tro pigliarono alguni deli nr̃ j et ſe loro with other small dishes which
volſero eſſere liberi li biſognio darli qalche ſua coſeta Dopo contained various kinds of
queſto il re nr̃ o ne mando capre cochi vino et altre coſe hogi food. The men carried nothing
meteſſemo le velle noue ale naui neleqalle era vna croce de sto but the wine in large jars. Ten
Jacobo de galitia cõ litere q̃ diceuão Queſta he la figura de la of the oldest women acted as
nr̃ a bonna ventura. macebearers.519 Thus did they
go quite to the prau where
they presented everything to
the king who was sitting upon
the carpet under a red and
yellow canopy. As they were
returning, those women
captured some of our men520
and it was necessary to give
them some little trifle in order
to regain their freedom. After
that our king sent us goats,
cocoanuts, wine, and other
things. That day we bent the
new sails in the ships. On
them was a cross of St. James
of Galitia,521 with an
inscription which read: “This
is the sign [figura] of our
good fortune.”

Marti donaſſemo al nr̃ o re certi pezi de artigliaria Como On Tuesday, we gave our king
archibuſi q̃ haueuão pigliati in queſta india et alguni verſi deli certain pieces of artillery
nr̃ j cõ cato barilli de poluer̃ pigliaſſemo quiui octanta botte de resembling arquebuses, which
hacqua ꝓ ciaſcuna naue gia cinque giorni lo re haueua mandato we had captured among those
cento homini afare legnia ꝓ noy ala yſola de mare ꝓ che India [islands], and some of
conueniuamo paſſare ꝓ iui ogi lo re de bachian cõ molti alti our culverins,522 together with
deli ſuoi dicendete in terra ꝓ fare pace cõ nui dinanzi de luy an four barrels of powder. We
dauano quato homini cõ ſtochi driti in mano diſſe in pñtia deL took aboard at that place

nr̃ o re et de tucti li alti Como ſempre ſtarebe in ſeruitio deL re eighty butts of water in each
deſpagnia et ſaluaria in ſuo nome li garofoli laſciati dali ship. Five days previously the
porthugueſi finque veni ſe vnalta nr̃ a armata et may li darebe a king had sent one hundred
loro ſenza lo nr̃ o conſentimẽto mando adonare aL re deſpagnia men to cut wood for us at the
vno ſchiauo duy bahar de garofoli gli ne mandaua x male naui island of Mare, by which we
ꝓ eſſere tropo Cargate nõ li poterono portar̃ et dui vcceli morti were to pass. On that day the
beliſſimi Queſti vcceli ſonno groſſi Como tordi anno Lo capo king of Bachian and many of
picolo cõ Lo becquo longo le ſue gambe ſonno longue vn his men came ashore to make
palmo et ſotilli Como vn Calamo non anno ale ma in loco de peace with us. Before the king
qelle penne longue de diuerſi colori como gr̃ a penachi la ſua walked four men with drawn
daggers in their hands. In the
coda he como qella deL tordo tute le altre ſue penne eccepto le
presence of our king and of all
alle ſonno deL colore de taneto et may nõ volano ſenon
the others he said that he
Quando he vento Coſtoro ne dicero queſti vcceli venire daL
would always remain in the
paradiſo tereſtre et le chiamano bolon diuata çioe vceli de dio
service of the king of Spagnia,
ognj vno deli re de maluco ſcriſſero aL re deſpagnia q̃ ſemꝓ
and that he would save in his
volenão eſerly Suy veri ſubditi JL re de bachian era forſi de
name the cloves left by the
ſetanta anny et haueua queſta vzanſa Quando voleua andare a
Portuguese until the arrival of
Combatere ho vero a fare qalche alta coſa importante pima ſil
another of our fleets, and he
faceua fare due ho tre volte da vno ſuo ſeruitor̃ che nol teniua
would never give them to the
adalto efecto ſinon ꝓ queſte. Portuguese without our
consent. He sent as a present
to the king of Spagnia a slave,
two bahars of cloves (he sent
x, but the ships could not
carry them as they were so
heavily laden), and two
extremely beautiful dead
birds. Those birds are as large
as thrushes, and have a small
head and a long beak. Their
legs are a palmo in length and
as thin as a reed,523 and they
have no wings, but in their
stead long feathers of various
colors, like large plumes.
Their tail resembles that of the
thrush. All the rest of the
feathers except the wings are
of a tawny color. They never
fly except when there is wind.
The people told us that those
birds came from the terrestrial
paradise, and they call them

bolon diuata,524 that is to say,
“birds of God.” On that day
each one of the kings of
Maluco wrote to the king of
Spagnia [to say] that they
desired to be always his true
subjects. The king of Bachian
was about seventy525 years
old. He observed the
following custom, namely,
whenever he was about to go
to war or to undertake any
other important thing, he first
had it done two or three times
on one of his servants whom
he kept for no other purpose.

Vn giorno il nr̃ o re mando a dire aqelli nr̃ i q̃ ſtauão nela caſa de One day our king sent to tell
la merchã tia non andaſſero de nocte fora de caſa ꝓ certi deli our men who were living in
ſui homini que ſe ongeno et vano de nocte et parenno ſiano the house with the
ſenza capo Quando vno de queſti truoua vna deli alti li toca la merchandise not to go out of
mano et li la ongie vn pocho dento ſubito colui ſe infirma et fra the house by night, because of
certain of his men who anoint
tre o quato giornj more et quando queſti trouano tre o cato
themselves526 and roam
inſieme nõ li fanno alto male ſinon q̃ linbalordiſ cono et che lui
abroad by night. They appear
ne haueua facto impicare molti Quando queſti po puli fanno
to be headless, and when any
vna caſa de nuouo pima li vadanno ad habitare dento li fanno
of them meets any other man,
fuoco intorno et molti conuiti poy atachano alteto de la caſa vn
he touches the latter’s hand,
poco dogni coſa Se troua nela yſola acio nõ poſſino may
and rubs a little of the
manchare taL coſe ali habitanti in tucte queſte yſole ſe troua gin
ointment on him. The man
gero noy lo mangiauamo ꝟde como panne lo gingero non e
falls sick very soon, and dies
arbore ma vna pianta picola che pulula fuora de la terra certi
within three or four days.
coresini lon gui vn palmo como qelle deli canne et cõ le When such persons meet three
medeſime foglie ma piu ſtrecte queſti coreſini nõ valeno niente or four together they do
ma la ſua radice he iL gengero et non e cuſſi forte verde como
nothing else than527 to deprive
ſecho Queſti populi lo ſechano in calſina ꝓ che altramente non
them of their senses. [The
durarebe.
king said] that he had had
many of them hanged. When
those people build a new
house, before they go to dwell
there they make a fire round
about it and hold many feasts.
Then they fasten to the roof of
the house a trifle of

everything found in the island
so that such things may never
be wanting to the inhabitants.
Ginger is found throughout
those islands. We ate it green
like bread. Ginger is not a
tree, but a small plant which
puts forth from the ground
certain shoots a palmo in
length, which resemble reeds,
and whose leaves resemble
those of the reed, except that
they are narrower.528 Those
shoots are worthless, but the
roots form the ginger. It is not
so strong green as dry. Those
people dry it in lime,529 for
otherwise it would not keep.

Mercore matina ꝓ voler ſe partire de malucho iL re de tadore On Wednesday morning as we
QueL de Jaialolo qeL de bachian et vno figliolo deL re de desired to depart from
tarennate tucti erão venuti ꝓ aCompagniarne infino aliſola de Malucho, the king of Tadore,
mare la naue victoria fece vela et diſcoſtoſi alquanto aſpectando the king of Jaialolo, the king
la naue trinitade ma qella non potendo leuare lanchora ſubito of Bachian, and a son of the
fece hacqua neL fondo a lhora la victoria torno aL ſuo luocho king of Tarennate, all came to
et ſubito Cominciamo a ſcaricare La trinitade ꝓ vedere ſe accompany us to the island of
poteuamo remediarli ſi ſentiua venire dento lacqua Como ꝓ vn Mare. The ship “Victoria” set
canone et non trouauamo doue La entraua tuto ogi et el di sail, and stood out a little
awaiting the ship “Trinitade.”
ſeguente non faceſſemo alto ſinon dare aLa bomba ma niente li
But the latter not being able to
Jouauamo JL nr̃ e re Jntendendo queſto ſubito venne nela naue
weigh anchor, suddenly began
et ſe afatigo ꝓ vedere doue veniua lacqua mãdo ne lacqua
cinque de li ſuoy ꝓ vedere ſe haueſſeno potuto trouare la to leak in the bottom.530
ſfiſſura ſteteno piu de meza hora soto lacqua et may la Thereupon, the “Victoria”
trouarono vedendo iL re coſtoro non potere Jouare et ogni ora returned to its anchorage, and
creſcere piu la hacqua diſſe caſi piangendo mandarebe aL capo we immediately began to
de la yſola ꝓ tre homini ſtauão molto ſoto hacqua Vennere lighten the “Trinitade” in
matina a bona hora venne lo nr̃ o re cõ li tre hominj et preſto order to see whether we could
repair it. We found that the
mandoli ne lacqua con li capilli ſparſi açio cõ qelli trouaſſero lo
water was rushing in as
ſfiſſura Coſtoro ſtetero vna bonna hora ſoto hacqua et may la
through a pipe, but we were
trouarono iL re quando viſte nõ poterli trouare remedio diſſe
unable to find where it was
piangendo q̃ andaremo in ſpaga daL mio s. et darli noua dime li
coming in. All that and the
reſpondeſſemo li andarebe la victoria ꝓ non perdere li leuanti
next day we did nothing but
liqalli Cominciauão a la alta fin ſe conciaſſe eſpetarebe li
work the pump,531 but we

ponenti et poy andaria aL darien che e neL alta parte deL mare availed nothing. When our
nela tera de diucatan iL re ne diſſe haueua duzento vinticinque king heard of it, he came
marangonj q̃ farebeno il tuto et li noſti q̃ reſtauão yui li tenirebe immediately to the ships, and
como ſui figlioli et non se afaticarebeno ſe non dui in went to considerable trouble
Comandare ali marangonj como doueſcero fare dice ua queſte in his endeavors to locate the
parolle cõ tanta paſionne q̃ ne fece tucti piangere nuy de la leak. He sent five of his men
naue victoria dubitando ſe apariſſe la naue ꝓ eſſere tropo cari into the water to see whether
cata la ligeriſſemo de ſexanta quintali de garofoli et queſti face they could discover the hole.
ſemo portare nela caſa doue eranno li alti alguni de la nr̃ a naue They remained more than
volſero reſtare quiui ꝓ paura q̃ la naue non poteſſe durare fin in one-half hour under water, but
ſpagnia ma molto piu ꝓ paura de morire de fame. were quite unable to find the
leak. The king seeing that he
could not help us and that the
water was increasing hourly,
said almost in tears that he
would send to the head of the
island for three men, who
could remain under water a
long time. Our king came
with the three men early on
Friday morning. He
immediately sent them into
the water with their hair
hanging loose so that they
could locate the leak by that
means. They stayed a full
hour under water but were
quite unable to locate it. When
the king saw that he could be
of no assistance, he asked us
weeping who of us would go
“to Spagnia to my sovereign,
and give him news of me.”532
We replied to him that the
“Victoria” would go there in
order not to lose the east
winds which were beginning
to blow, while the other ship
until being refitted would
await the west winds and
would go then to Darien
which is located in the other
part of the sea in the country
of Diucatan [i.e., Yucutan].
The king told us that he had

two hundred and twenty-five
carpenters who would do all
the work, and that he would
treat533 all who remained here
as his sons. They would not
suffer any fatigue beyond two
of them534 to boss the
carpenters in their work. He
spoke those words so
earnestly535 that he made us
all weep. We of the ship
“Victoria,” mistrusting that
the ship might open, as it was
too heavily laden, lightened it
of sixty quintals of cloves,
which we had carried into the
house where the other cloves
were. Some of the men of our
ship desired to remain there,
as they feared that the ship
would not last out the voyage
to Spagnia, but much more for
fear lest they perish of hunger.

Sabato a vinti vno de decembre giorno de S thomaſo il re nr̃ o On the day of St. Thomas,
venne ale naui et ne conſignio li dui piloti haueuamo pagati ꝓ Saturday, December twenty-
che ne Conduceſſero fora de qʒſte yſolle et diſſeno Como one, our king came to the
alhora era bõ tempo da partirſe ma ꝓ lo ſcriuere de li nr̃ j in ships, and assigned us the two
ſpagnia nõ ſi partiſſemo ſinon amezo di Venuta lora le naui pilots whom we had paid to
pigliarono liſentia luna de lalta con ſcaricare le bombarde et conduct us out of those
pareua loro lamentarſi ꝓ la ſua vltima partita li nr̃ j ne islands. They said that it was
aCompagniarono vn pocho cõ loro batello et poi cõ molte the proper time to leave then,
lagrime et abraciamentj ſi diſpartiſſemo lo gouuernator̃ deL re but as our men [who stayed
venne cõ nuy infino a La yſola deL mare non fuſſemo coſſi behind] were writing to
preſto Jonti com parſeno quato prao caricati de legnia et in Spagnia, we did not leave
mancho duna hora caricaſſemo la naue et ſubito pigliaſſemo la until noon.536 When that hour
via deL garbin Quiui reſto Johan caruaio cõ cinquanta tre came, the ships bid one
ꝓſonne deli nr̃ j nuy eramo quaranta ſette et tredicj Jndj Queſta another farewell amid the
yſola de tadore tenne epiſchopo et alhora ne era vno Que discharge of the cannon, and it
haueua quarante moglie et aſsaiſſimi figlioli. seemed as though they were
bewailing their last departure.
Our men [who were to
remain] accompanied us in
their boats a short distance,

and then with many tears and
embraces we departed. The
king’s governor accompanied
us as far as the island of Mare.
We had no sooner arrived at
that island than we bought
four praus laden with wood,
and in less than one hour we
stowed it aboard the ship and
then immediately laid our
course toward the southwest.
Johan Carvaio stayed there
with fifty-three537 of our men,
while we comprised forty-
seven men and thirteen
Indians. The said island of
Tadore has a bishop,538 and he
who then exercised that
office539 had forty wives and
a multitude of children.

Jn tucte queſte yſolle de malucho ſe trouano garofoli genegero Throughout those islands of
Sagu qeL ſue panne di legnio riſo capre oche galine cochi figui Malucho are found cloves,
mandolle piu groſſe de le nr̃ e pomi granati dolci et garbi ginger, sago (which is their
naranci limonj batate mele de ape picolle Como formicque wood bread), rice, goats,
leqalli fanno la melle neli arbori Canne dolci olio de cocho et geese, chickens, cocoanuts,
de giongioli Meloni Cocomari zucque vno fructo refreſcatiuo figs [i.e., bananas], almonds
grande como le angurie deto comulicai et vno alto fructo caſi larger than ours, sweet and
Como lo perſicho deto guaue et altre coſe da mangiare et ſeli tasty pomegranates, oranges,
trouano papagali de diuerſi ſorte ma fra le altre alguni bianchi lemons, camotes [batate],
chiamati Cathara et alguni tucti roſſi decti nori et vno de queſti honey produced by bees as
roſſi vale vn bahar de garofoli et parlano piu chiaramente que li small as ants, which make
altri Sonno forſi cinquanta anny Que Queſti mori habitano in their honey in the trees,
sugarcane, cocoanut oil,
malucho pima li habitauano gentilli et non apreciauano li
beneseed oil, watermelons,
garofali gli ne ſono anchora alguni ma habitano ne li monti
wild cucumbers, gourds, a
doue naſcono li garofoli.
refreshing fruit as large as
cucumbers [augurie] called
comulicai, another fruit, like
the peach called guava, and
other kinds of food.540 One
also finds there parrots of
various colors, and among the
other varieties, some white

ones called cathara, and some
entirely red called nori.541
One of those red ones is worth
one bahar of cloves, and that
class speak with greater
distinctness than the others.
Those Moros have lived in
Malucho for about fifty years.
Heathens lived there before,
but they did not care for the
cloves. There are still some of
the latter, but they live in the
mountains where the cloves
grow.

La yſola de tadore ſta de latitudine al polo articho in vintiſete The island of Tadore lies in a
menutj et de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe in cento et latitude of twenty-seven
ſeſanta vna grado et longi de la pima yſola de Larcipelago detta minutes toward the Arctic
zanial [i.e., Zamal] noue gradi et mezo aLa carta deL meſo Pole, and in a longitude of one
Jorno et tramõtana ꝟſo grego et garbin tarenate ſta de latitudine hundred and sixty-one degrees
alartico in dui terſi Mutir ſta pontualmente ſocto La linea from the line of demarcation.
equinoctialle Machian ſta aL polo antarticho in vn quarto et It is nine and one-half degrees
bachiã ancora lui aL antarticho in vn grado Tarenate tadore south of the first island of the
mutir et machiã ſonno quato monti alti et pontini oue naſcono li archipelago called Zamal, and
garofoli eſsendo in queſte quato yſolle non ſe vede bachian ma extends north by east and
south by west. Tarenate lies in
lui emagiore de ciaſcuno de queſte quato yſolle et il ſuo monte
a latitude of two-thirds of a
de li garofoli non e cuſſi pontino como li altri ma piu grande.
degree toward the Arctic Pole.
Mutir lies exactly under the
equinoctial line. Machian lies
in one-quarter degree toward

the Antarctic Pole, and
Bachian also toward the
Antarctic Pole in one degree.
Tarenate, Tadore, Mutir, and
Machian are four lofty and
peaked mountains where the
cloves grow. When one is in
those four islands, he cannot
see Bachian, but it is larger
than any of those four
islands.542 Its clove mountain
is not so sharp as the others,
but it is larger.543

Vocabuli de queſti populi morj Words of those Moro
people544
AL ſuo ydio alla.
AL xp̃ iano naceran For their God Alla
AL turco rumno for Christian naceran545
AL moro muſulman Jsilam for Turk rumno
AL gentille caphre. for Moro musulman;
AL ſue meſchite Miſchit isilam
Ali ſui preti maulana catip mudin for Heathen caphre
Ali hominj sapientj horan pandita for their mischit
Ali homini ſui deuotj Moſsai. Mosque
A le ſue ceremonie zambahehan de ala meſchit for their Priests maulana
AL padre bapa catip mudin
Ala madre mama ambui for their Wise horan pandita
Men
Al figliolo anach.
for their mossai
AL fratello ſaudala. Devout Men
AL fratello de queſto capatin muiadi for their zambahehan
AL germano ſaudala ſopopu Ceremonies de ala
AL auo niny meschit
AL ſocero minthua for Father bapa
AL genero mi nanthu for Mother mama ambui
AL homo horan for Son anach
A la femina poran poan for Brother saudala
A li capili lambut for the Brother capatin
AL capo capala of so and so muiadi
AL fronte dai

AL ochio matta for Cousin saudala
Ale ciglie quilai sopopu
Ale palpebre Cenin for niny
AL nazo Jdon Grandfather
Ala boca mulut for Father-in- minthua
law
Ali labri bebere.
for Son-in-law mi nanthu
Ali denti gigi
for Man horan
Ale gengiue Jssi.
for Woman poran poan
ALa lingua lada.
for Hair lambut
AL palato langhi.
for Head capala
AL mento aghai.
for Forehead dai
Ala barba Janghut.
for Eye matta
Ali moſtaqi miſsai
for Eyebrows quilai
Ala macella pipi.
for Eyelids cenin
ALa orechie talingha.
for Nose idon
ALa golla laher.
for Mouth mulut
AL colo tun dun.
for Lips bebere
Ale ſpale balachan.
for Teeth gigi
AL peto dada.
for Cheeks issi
AL core Atti.
for Tongue lada
ALa mamela ſussu.
for Palate langhi
AL ſtomacho parut.
for Chin aghai
AL corpo Tun dunbutu.
for Beard janghut
AL membro botto.
for Mustaches missai
A la natura dele donne bucchij.
for Jaw pipi
AL vzare cõ loro amput.
for Ear talingha
Ale nalghe buri.
for Throat laher
Ale coſcie taha.
for Neck tun dun
Ala gamba mina.
for Shoulders balachan
AL ſchinquo de la gamba tula.
for Breast dada
Ala ſua polpa tilor chaci.
for Heart atti
ALa cauechia deL pie buculali.
for Teat sussu
AL calcagnia tumi.
for Stomach parut
AL piede batis.
for Body tun dunbutu
Ale ſolle deL piede empachaqi.
for Penis botto
Ala ongia Cuchu.
for Vagina546 bucchii
AL bracio Langhan.
for to have amput
AL gomedo ſichu. communication

ALa mano tanghan. with women
AL dito groſſo de la mano Jdun tanghan. for Buttocks buri
AL ſecondo tungu for Thighs taha
AL terſo geri. for Leg mina
AL carto mani for the tula
AL Quinto Calinchin Shinbone of
AL rizo bugax. the leg
AL cocho in malucho et in Biazzao for its Calf tilor chaci
burne for Ankle buculati
in Lozon nior for Heel tumi
in Jaua magiore CalambiL for Foot batis
AL figuo pizan. for the Sole of empachaqui
Ale canne dolce tubu. the Foot
Ale batate gumbili for Fingernail cuchu
Ale radice como raui ꝟbi for Arm langhan
Ale ciachare mandicai Sicui for Elbow sichu
AL melone antimon. for Hand tanghan
Ale angurie labu. for the large idun tanghan
Finger of the
ALa vacqua Lambu
hand [i.e., the
AL porco babi Thumb]
AL bophalo Carban. for the Second tungu
Ala pecora birj Finger
ALa capra Cambin. for the Third geri
AL gaLo ſambunghan. for the Fourth mani
Ala galina aiambatina for the Fifth calinchin
AL caponne gubili for Rice bugax
AL ouo talor. for Cocoanut biazzao
AL occato Jtich in Malucho
Al ocqua anſa. and Burne
Al vccelo bolon. [for Cocoanut] nior
Al elephante gagia. in Lozon
AL caualo cuda. [for Cocoanut] calambil
in Java Major
AL leonne huriman
for Fig [i.e., pizan
AL ceruo roza.
banana]
AL canne Cuiu
for Sugarcane tubu
Alle hape haermadu.
for Camotes gumbili
Al melle gulla. [batate]
Ala cera lelin.

Ala candela dian. for the Roots ubi
AL ſuo ſtopino Sumbudian like turnips
AL fuoco appi for Nangca mandicai
AL fumo aſap. sicui
Ala cenere abu. for Melon antimon
AL cucinato azap. for Cucumbers labu
AL molto cucinato Lambech. for Cow lambu
AL hacqua tubi. for Hog babi
AL oro amax for Buffalo carban
AL argento pirac for Sheep biri
ALa pietra precioſa premata for She-goat cambin
ALa perla mutiara. for Cock sambunghan
AL argento viuo raza for Hen aiambatina
AL metalo tumbaga for Capon gubili
AL fero baci. for Egg talor
AL piombo tima for Gander itich
Ale ſue borchie agun. for Goose ansa
Alo cenaprio galuga ſadalinghan for Bird bolon
AL argento ſoliman danas for Elephant gagia
AL panno de ſeta cain Sutra for Horse cuda
AL panno roſſo cain mira for Lion huriman
AL panno negro cain ytam. for Deer roza
AL panno biancho cain pute for Reeds cuiu
AL panno verde cain igao for Bees haermadu
AL panno giallo cain cunin for Honey gulla
AL bonnet cophia. for Wax lelin
AL cortello pixao for Candle dian
ALa forfice guntin. for its Wick sumbudian
AL ſpequio chiela min for Fire appi
AL petine ſiſsir for Smoke asap
AL criſtalino manich. for Cinders abu
AL ſonaglio giringirin for Cooked azap
AL annello ſinsin. for well lambech
cooked
Ali garopholi ghianche.
for Water tubi
ALa cannela caiumanis
for Gold amax
AL peuere lada
for Silver pirac
AL peuere longo Sabi.
for the premata
Ala noce moſcada buapala gosoga
Precious Gem

AL filo de ramo Canot for Pearl mutiara
AL piato pinghan. for Quicksilver raza
Ala pigniata prin for Copper tumbaga
Ala ſcutela manchu. [metalo]
AL piato de legnio dulan for Iron baci
ALa conqua Caiunpan. for Lead tima
Ale ſue meſure Socat for their Gongs agun
Ala terra buchit for Cinnabar galuga
Ala tera ferma buchit tana sadalinghan
Ala montagnia gonun. for Silver soliman
[color or danas
ALa pietra batu.
cloth?]
AL yſola polan
for Silk Cloth cain sutra
A vn capo de tera taniun buchit
for red Cloth cain mira
AL fiume ſonghai.
for Black cain ytam
Como ſe chiama queſto apenamaito Cloth
AL oleo de cocho Mignach. for White cain pute
AL oleo de giongioli lana lingha Cloth
AL ſale garan Sira. for Green cain igao
AL muſchio et al ſuo animale caſtori Cloth
AL legnio q̃ mangiã li caſtori Comaru for Yellow cain cunin
ALa ſanſuga linta Cloth
AL gibeto Jabat for Cap cophia
AL gato q̃ fa lo gibeto Mozan for Knife pixao
Al reobarbaro Calama for Scissors guntin
AL demonio Saytan. for Mirror chiela min
Al mondo bumi for Comb sissir
AL fromẽto gandun for Glass Bead manich
AL dormire tidor. for Bell giringirin
Ale ſtore ticaL for Ring sinsin
Al cuſſino bantaL for Cloves ghianche
AL dolore ſachet for Cinnamon caiumanis
A la ſanitate bay for Pepper lada
Alla ſedola cupia for Long sabi
AL ſparauentolo chipas Pepper
A li ſui panni chebun. for Nutmeg buapala
gosoga
Ale camiſe bain
for Copper canot
Ale ſue caſe pati alam.
wire
AL anno tanu.
for Dish pinghan

AL meſe bullan. for Earthen pot prin
AL di alli for Porringer manchu
Ala nocte mallan. for Wooden dulan
AL tarde malamarj Dish
AL mezo di tam hahari. for Shell calunpan
Ala matina patan patan. for their socat
AL ſolle mata hari Measures
Ala luna bulan. for Land buchit
[terra]
Ala meza luna tanam patbulã
for Mainland buchit tana
Ale ſtelle bintan
for Mountain gonun
AL ciello Languin
for Rock batu
AL trono gunthur
for Island polan
Al merchadante Sandgar
for a Point of taniun buchit
Ale citade naghiri
Land [i.e., a
AL caſtello cuta Cape]
ALa casa rinna for River songhai
AL ſedere duodo What is so- apenamaito?
ſedeti gentilhomo duodo orancaia and-so’s name?
ſedeti homo da benne duodo. horandai et anan for Cocoanut mignach
Signor tuan oil
AL puto Cana cana for Beneseed lana lingha
A vno ſuo alieuo Laſcar. oil
AL ſchiauo a lipin. for Salt garan sira
AL Si ca. for Musk and castori
AL no tida. its Animal
AL intendere thao. for the wood comaru
eaten by the
AL non intendere tida taho.
castors
non megardare tida liat
for Leech linta
guardame liat
for Civet jabat
A eſſere vna medeſina coſa casjcasi. siama siama.
for the Cat mozan
AL mazare mati which makes
AL mangiare macan. the Civet
AL cuchiaro Sandoch for Rhubarb calama
Ala magalda SondaL for Demon saytan
grande bassaL for World bumi
Longo pangian for Wheat gandun
picolo chechiL for to Sleep tidor
Corto pandach for Mats tical

AL hauere Ada for Cushion bantal
AL nõ hauere tida ha da for Pain sachet
Signior aſcolta tuan diam for Health bay
doue viene il Jonco dimana ajun for Brush cupia
ALa guquia da cuſire Jalun. for Fan chipas
AL cuſire banan. for their Cloths chebun
AL filo da cuſire pintaL banan for Shirts bain
Ala ſcufia deL capo daſtar capala. for their pati alam
AL re raia Houses
ALa reyna putli for Year tanu
AL legnio caiu for Month bullan
AL Stentar Caraiar. for Day alli
AL Solaſſare buandala. for Night mallan
A la venna deL bracio doue se vrat paratanghan. for Afternoon malamari
ſalaſſa for Noon tam hahari
AL ſangue que vien fora deL dara CarnaL for Morning patan patan
bracio for Sun mata hari
AL ſangue buona dara. for Moon bulan
Quando ſtratuitano diceno ebarasai for Half moon tanam
AL pece ycam. patbulan
AL polpo Calabutan. for Stars bintan
ALa carne dagin for Sky languin
AL corniolo Cepot for Thunder gunthur
poco ſerich. for Merchant sandgar
Meso Satanha SapanghaL for City naghiri
AL fredo dinghin for Castle cuta
AL caldo panas for House rinna
Longi Jan. for to Sit duodo
Ala verita benar. Sit down, sir duodo
Ala bugia duſta orancaia
AL robare manchiuri Sit down, duodo
Ala rognia Codis honest fellow horandai et
anan
piglia na
Lord tuan
Dame ambiL
for Boy cana cana
graſſo gannich.
for one of their lascar
magro golos.
Foster-children
AL capelo tundun capala.
for Slave alipin
Quanti barapa.
for Yes ca
Vna fiata ſatu chali

Vno bracio dapa for No tida
AL parlare catha. for to thao
A quiui Siui Understand
Ala Sana datan. for not to tida taho
Bõ Jorno ſalamalichum. Understand
AL riſpondere alichum ſalam. Do not look at tida liat
me
Signori bon pro vi facia Mali horancaia macan.
Look at me liat
gia ho mangiato Suda macan
To be one and casi casi;
homo leuati deli pandan chita horan.
the same thing siama siama
AL diſdisidare banunchan.
for to Kill mati
Buona ſera Sabalchaer.
for to Eat macan
AL riſponder chaer Sandat
for Spoon sandoch
AL dare minta
for Harlot sondal
A dare ad alguno bri pocoL.
Large bassal
Ali cepi de fero balanghu
Long pangian
o Como puza bosso chini
Small chechil
AL homo Jouene horan muda.
Short pandach
AL vechio tua
for to Have ada
AL ſcriuano xiritoles
for not to Have tida hada
Ala Carta Cartas
Listen, sir tuan diam
AL ſcriuere mangurat
Where is the dimana ajun?
Ala penna Calam. junk going?
AL inchioſto dauat for Sewing- jalun
AL calamaro padantan. needle
Ala letera ſurat for to Sew banan
Non lo ho guala. for Sewing- pintal banan
Vien qi Camarj thread
Che volettj Appa man. for Woman’s dastar capala
Che mandati appa ito headdress
AL porto de mare Labuan. for King raia
Ala galia gurap for Queen putli
ALa naue CapaL for Wood caiu
ALa proa aſſon. for to Work caraiar
ALa popa biritan for to take buandala
recreation
AL nauigare belaiar.
for Vein of the urat
AL ſuo arbore tian.
arm where one paratanghan
ALantena laiar. bleeds himself
Alle ſartie tamira

ALa vella leier. for the Blood dara carnal
Ala gabia ſinbulaia. that comes
Ala corda de lancora danda from the arm
ALa anchora San. for good blood dara
AL batello ſanpan. When they ebarasai
sneeze, they
AL remo daiun
say
Ala bombarda badiL
for Fish ycam
AL vento anghin
for Polypus calabutan
AL mare laut
for Meat dagin
huomo vienqi horan itu datan
for Sea-snail cepot
A li ſui pugniali Calix golog. Little serich
AL ſuo manicho daga nan. Half satanha
ALa ſpada padan gole. sapanghal
Ala zorobotana Sumpitan for Cold dinghin
Ale ſue freze damach for Hot panas
A lerba venenata ypu For jan
AL carchaſſo bolo. for Truth benar
AL archo bolsor. for Lie dusta
A le ſue freze anat paan. for to Steal manchiuri
A li gati cochin puchia for Scab codis
AL ſorge ticus Take na
AL legoro buaia Give me ambil
Ali vermi que mangiano le Capan lotos Fat gannich
naui Thin golos
AL hamo da peſcare matacanir for Hair tundun
Ala ſua eſcha Vnpan. capala
ALa corda deL hamo tunda How many? barapa?
AL lauare mandi Once satu chali
Non hauer paura Tangan tacut One braza dapa
Straca lala. for to Speak catha
Vno baſo dolce Sadap manis for Here siui
AL amicho ſandara for There sana datan
AL nemicho Sanbat Good day salamalichum
Certo he zonhu for the Answer alichum
AL merchadantare biniaga [to good day] salam
Non ho anis. Sir, may good mali
A eſſere amicho pugna. fortune attend horancaia
due coſe Malupho. you mancan

Si oue. I have eaten suda macan
AL rufo zoroan pagnoro. already
Adarce piacere Mamain Fellow, betake pandan chita
A eſſere agrizato Amala. yourself off horan
AL mato gila. for to Desire banunchan
AL interprete. giorobaza. Good evening sabalchaer
Quanti lingagi Sai barapa bahasa tan. for the Answer vchaer sandat
[to good
Molti bagna
evening]
AL parlare de malaca chiaramalain
for To give minta
doue ſta cului dimana horan
To give to bri pocol
ALa bandiera tonghoL some one
Adeſſo Sacaran for Iron fetters balanghu
da matina hezoch. O what a bosso chini
lalto giorno luza smell!
hieri Calamarj for Young man horan muda
AL martelo palmo colbasi. for Old man tua
AL chiodo pacu for Scribe xiritoles
AL mortaro Lozon. for Writing- cartas
AL pilone da piſtare Atan. paper
AL balare manarj for to Write mangurat
AL pagare baiar. for Pen calam
AL chiamare panghiL for Ink dauat
A noneſſere maritato Vgan. for Writing- padantan
Aeſſere maritato ſuda babini desk
Tuto vno Sannia for Letter surat
ALa piogia Vgian. I do not have it guala
AL ebriaco Moboch. Come here camari
Ala pelle culit What do you appa man?
want?
Ala biſſa Vllat
Who sent you? appa ito?
AL Conbater guzar.
for Seaport labuan
Dolce Manis
for Galley gurap
Amaro azon.
for Ship capal
Como ſtai Appa giadi
for Bow [of a asson
Benne bay
boat]
Malle ſachet
for Stern [of a biritan
Portame qello biriacan. boat]
Queſto huomo he vn poltrone. giadi hiat horan itu. for To sail belaiar
Baſta ſuda

for the Ship’s tian
mast
for Yard [of a laiar
ship]
for the Rigging tamira
for Sail leier
for Maintop sinbulaia
for the Anchor danda
rope
for Anchor san
for Boat sanpan
for Oar daiun
for Mortar badil
[i.e., cannon]
for Wind anghin
for Sea laut
Fellow, come horan itu
here datan
for their calix golog
Daggers
for their daga nan
Dagger hilt
for Sword padan gole
for Blowpipe sumpitan
for their damach
Arrows
for the ypu
poisonous
Herb
for Quiver bolo
for Bow [i.e., a bolsor
weapon]
for its Arrows anat paan
for Cats cochin
puchia
for Rat ticus
for Lizard buaia
for Shipworms capan lotos
for Fishhook matacanir
for Fishbait unpan

for Fishline tunda
for to Wash mandi
Not to be tangan tacut
afraid
Fatigue lala
A pleasant cup sadap manis
for Friend sandara
for Enemy sanbat
I am certain zonhu
for to Barter biniaga
I have not anis
To be a friend pugna
Two things malupho
If oue
for Crowd (?) zoroan
pagnoro
To give mamain
pleasure to one
To be stiff with amala
cold
for Madman gila
for Interpreter giorobaza
How many barapa
languages do bahasa tan?
you know?
Many bagna
for to speak of chiaramalain
Malaca
Where is so- dimana
and-so? horan?
for Flag tonghol
Now sacaran
Tomorrow hezoch
The next day luza
Yesterday calamari
for Palm- colbasi
mallet
for Nail pacu
for Mortar lozon547

for Rammer atan
for crushing
[rice?]
for to Dance manari
for to Pay baiar
for to Call panghil
Unmarried ugan
Married suda babini
All one sannia
for Rain ugian
for Drunken moboch
for Skin culit
for Anger ullat
for to Fight guzar
Sweet manis
Bitter azon
How are you? appa giadi?
Well bay
Poorly sachet
Bring me that biriacan
This man is a giadi hiat
coward horan itu
Enough suda

li Venti The winds

Ala tramõtana Jraga. for the North iraga
Al mezo di Salatan. for the South salatan
AL leuante timor for the East timor
AL ponente baratapat for the West baratapat
AL griego Vtara. for the utara
AL garbin berdaia. Northeast
AL maeſtrale bardaut for the berdaia
AL ſiroco tunghara. Southwest
for the bardaut
Northwest
for the tunghara
Southeast

Numero Numbers

Vno ſatus One satus
dui dua Two dua
tre tiga Three tiga
catro ampat Four ampat
cinque lima. Five lima
Sey anam. Six anam
Sette tugu. Seven tugu
octo duolappan. Eight duolappan
Noue ſambilan Nine sambilan
diece Sapolo. Ten sapolo
Vinti duapolo. Twenty duapolo
trenta tigapolo Thirty tigapolo
Quaranta ampatpolo. Forty ampatpolo
Cinquanta limapolo. Fifty limapolo
ſexanta Anampolo. Sixty anampolo
ſettanta Tuguppolo. Seventy tuguppolo
octanta dualapanpolo. Eighty dualapanpolo
Nouanta Sambilampolo. Ninety sambilampolo
Cento Saratus. One hundred saratus
duzendo duaratus Two hundred duaratus
trecento tigaratus Three hundred tigaratus
Quatro cento Anamparatus Four hundred anamparatus
Cinque cento Limaratus Five hundred limaratus
Sey cento anambratus Six hundred anambratus
ſetecento Tugurattus Seven tugurattus
octocento dualapanratus hundred
Nouecento Sambilanratus Eight hundred dualapanratus
Mille Salibu. Nine hundred sambilanratus
due millia dualibu One thousand salibu
tre millia tigalibu Two thousand dualibu
Quatro mille ampatlibu Three tigalibu
Cinque millia limalibu thousand
Sey millia Anamlibu Four thousand ampatlibu
Sette millia tugulibu Five thousand limalibu
octo millia dualapanlibu Six thousand anamlibu
Noue millia Sambilanlibu.

diece millia Salacza. Seven tugulibu
Vinti millia dualacza. thousand
trenta millia Tigalacza. Eight dualapanlibu
Quarãta millia Ampatlacza thousand
Cinquãta millia limalacza Nine thousand sambilanlibu
Sesanta millia Anamlacza Ten thousand salacza
Settanta millia tugulacza Twenty dualacza
thousand
octanta millia dualapanlacza
Thirty tigalacza
Nouanta millia Sambilanlacza
thousand
Cento mille Sacati.
Forty ampatlacza
Ducento millia duacati thousand
trecento millia Tigacati Fifty thousand limalacza
Quatro cento millia Ampatcati Sixty anamlacza
Cinque cento millia limacati thousand
ſey cento millia Anamcati Seventy tugulacza
Setecento millia Tugucati thousand
Octo cento millia dualapancati Eighty dualapanlacza
Nouecento millia Sambilancati thousand
Diece fiate cento millia Sainta. Ninety sambilanlacza
thousand
One hundred sacati
thousand
Two hundred duacati
thousand
Three hundred tigacati
thousand
Four hundred ampatcati
thousand
Five hundred limacati
thousand
Six hundred anamcati
thousand
Seven tugacati
hundred
thousand
Eight hundred dualapancati
thousand
Nine hundred sambilancati
thousand

One million sainta
[literally: ten
times one
hundred
thousand]

Tucti li cento li mille li diece mille li cento mille et diece fiate All the hundreds, the
cento mille se congiungenno cõ il numero de Satus et dua et thousands, the tens of
&c. thousands, the hundreds of
thousands, and the millions
are joined with the numbers,
satus, dua, etc.548

Andando aL nr̃ o camino paſaſſemo fra queſte yſolle Caioan Proceeding on our way we
laigoma Sico giogi Caphi in queſta yſola de caphi naſcono passed amid those islands
homini picoli Como li nanj piaceuoli liqalli Sonno li pigmei et [those of] Caioan, Laigoma,
ſtanno ſubiecti ꝓforſa aL nr̃ o re de tadore Laboan toliman Sico, Giogi, and Caphi.549 In
Titameti bachian Ja deto Lalalata Tabobi Maga et batutiga the said island of Caphi is
paſſando fuora aL ponente de batutiga Caminaſſemo fra found a race as small as

ponente et garbin et diſcoperſemo eL mezo giorno alquante dwarfs, who are amusing
yſolete ꝓ ilque li piloti de malucho ne dicero ſe ariuaſſe ꝓ cio people, and are pigmies.550
ne caciauamo fra molte yſolle et bassi ariuaſſemo aL Siroco et They have been subjected by
deſcemo in vna yſolla q̃ ſta de latitudine aL polo antartico in force to our king of Tadore.
dui gradi et cinquãta cinque legue Longi de maluco et [We also passed the islands
chiamaſſe ſulach li homini de queſta ſonno gentili et non hanno of] Laboan, Toliman,
re mangião carne humana vano nadi coſi homini Como femine Titameti, Bachian, of which
ma ſolamẽte portano vn pezo de ſcorſa larga dui diti intorno la we have already spoken,
ſua ꝟgonia Molte yſolle ſonno ꝓ Quiui que mangiano carne Lalalata, Tabobi, Maga, and
humana li nomy de algune ſonno queſti Silan noselao biga Batutiga.551 Passing outside
atulabaou leitimor tene tun gondia pailarurun manadan et the latter on its western side,
benaia poi coſtegiaſemo due yſole dete lamatola et tenetun da we laid our course west
ſulach circa x. legue a La medeſima via trouaſſemo vna yſola southwest, and discovered
aſſay grande nelaqalle ſe troua riſo porci capre galine cochi some islets toward the south.
canne dolci Sagu vno ſuo mangiare de fighi elqalle chiamano And inasmuch as the Malucho
Chanali Chiachare aqueſte chiamão nangha le chiachare ſonno pilots told us to go thither, for
fructi Como le angurie de fora nodoſe de dentro año certi fructi we were pursuing our course
roſſi pocoli come armelini non hanno oſſo ma ꝓ qello hanno among many islands and
vna medola como vn fazolo ma piu grande et al mangiar tenere shoals, we turned toward the
Como caſtagnie et vn fructo facto como la pignia de fuora Jallo southeast, and encountered an
et biancho de dentro et al tagliare Como vn pero ma piu tenero island which lies in a latitude
et molto megliore deto Connilicai la gente de queſta yſola of two degrees toward the
vanno nudi Como qelli de ſolach ſonno gentili et non hanno re Antarctic Pole, and fifty-five
Queſta yſola ſta de latitudine al polo antartico in tre gradi et leguas from Maluco. It is
mezo et longi da malucho Setantacinque [gradi: crossed out in called Sulach,552 and its
original MS.] leghe et chiamaſſe buru la leuante de queſta yſola inhabitants are heathens. They
diece legue ne ſta vna grande q̃ confina cõ Jiaalolo laqalle he have no king, and eat human
habitata de mori et da gentili li morj ſtanno apreſſo iL mare et li flesh. They go naked, both
gentili de dentro nella terra et queſto mãgião carne humana men and women, only
naſce in queſta le coſe Ja dete et ſe chiama ambon fra buru et wearing a bit of bark two
ambon Se trouano tre yſole circondate da baſſi chiamate Vu dia fingers wide before their
Cailaruri et benaia circa de buru cato leghe aL mezo di ſta vna privies. There are many
yſola picola et chiamaſſe ambalao. islands thereabout where the
inhabitants eat human flesh.
The names of some of them
are as follows: Silan, Noselao,
Biga, Atulabaou, Leitimor,
Tenetun, Gondia, Pailarurun,
Manadan, and Benaia.553
Then we coasted along two
islands called Lamatola554 and
Tenetun, lying about x leguas
from Sulach. In that same
course we encountered a very

large island where one finds
rice, swine, goats, fowls,
cocoanuts, sugarcane, sago, a
food made from one of their
varieties of figs [i.e., bananas]
called chanali,554 and
chiacare, which are called
nangha. Nangcas are a fruit
resembling the cucumber
[augurie]. They are knotty on
the outside, and inside they
have a certain small red fruit
like the apricot. It contains no
stone, but has instead a
marrowy substance
resembling a bean but larger.
That marrowy substance has a
delicate taste like chestnuts.
[There is] a fruit like the
pineapple. It is yellow
outside, and white inside, and
when cut it is like a pear, but
more tender and much better.
Its name is connilicai. The
inhabitants of that island go
naked as do those of Solach.
They are heathens and have
no king. That island lies in a
latitude of three and one-half
degrees toward the Antarctic
Pole, and is seventy-five555
[degrees: crossed out in
original MS.] leguas from
Malucho. Its name is Buru.
Ten leguas east of the above
island is a large island which
is bounded by Jiaalolo. It is
inhabited by Moros and
heathens. The Moros live near
the sea, and the heathens in
the interior. The latter eat
human flesh. The products
mentioned above are
produced in that island. It is

called Ambon.556 Between
Buru and Ambon are found
three islands surrounded by
reefs, called Vudia,557
Cailaruri, and Benaia; and
near Buru, and about four
leguas to the south, is a small
island, called Ambalao.558

Longi da Queſta yſola de buru circa trentacinque leghe a la About thirty-five leguas to the
carta deL mezo Jorno verſo garbin Se truoua bandan bandan et south by west of the above
dudici yſole in ſey de queſte naſce la matia et noſce moſcada et island of Buru, are found
li nomi loro ſono queſti Zoroboa magiori de tucte le altre Bandan. Bandan consists of
CheliceL Samiãapi pulac pulurun et roſoghin le altre ſey ſonno twelve islands. Mace and
queſte Vnuueru pulan baracõ lailaca manucan Man et meut in nutmeg grow in six of them.
queſte nõ li trouano noſce moſcade se nõ Sagu rizo cochi figui Their names are as follows:
et alti fructi et ſonno vicine luna de lalta Ly populi de queſto Zoroboa, the largest of them
ſonno morj et non hanno re Bandan ſta de latitudine aL polo all, and the others, Chelicel,
antarticho in Sei gradi et di longitudine dela linea Samianapi, Pulac, Pulurun,
repartitionalle in cento et ſexantre gradi et mezo et ꝓ eſſere vn and Rosoghin. The other six
pocho fuora deL nr̃ o Camino nõ fuſſemo iui. are as follows: Unuueru,
Pulanbaracon, Lailaca,
Manucan, Man, and Meut.559
Nutmeg is not found in them,
but only sago, rice, cocoanuts,
figs [i.e., bananas], and other
fruits. Those islands are
located near together, and
their inhabitants are Moros,
who have no king. Bandan
lies in a latitude of six degrees
toward the Antarctic Pole, and
in a longitude of one hundred
and sixty-three and one-half
degrees from the line of
demarcation. As it was a trifle
outside of our course we did
not go there.560

Partendone de quella yſola de baru a la carta deL garbin verſo Leaving the above mentioned
ponente circa otto gradi de longitudine ariuaſſemo a tre yſolle island of Baru, and taking the
vna apreſſo lalta dette zolot nocema mor et galiau et nauigando course toward the southwest
ꝓ mezo di queſte ne aſſalto vna grã fortuna ꝓ ilque faceſſemo by west, we reached, [after

vno pelegrino a la nr̃ a donna de la guida et pigliando apopa lo sailing through] about eight
temporale deſſeme in vna yſola alta et inanci ajungeſſemo iui degrees of longitude, three
Se afaticaſſemo molto ꝓ le refegue decendeuão de li ſui mõti et islands, quite near together,
ꝓ li grandi Corenti de hacqua li homini de queſta yſola ſonno called Zolot, Nocemamor, and
ſaluatici et beſtialli mã gianno carne humana et non hanno re Galiau.561 While sailing amid
vanno nudi cõ qella ſcorſa como li alti ſenon Quando vanno a them, we were struck by a
Combatere portanno certi pezi de pelle de bu phalo dinanzi et fierce storm, which caused us
de drieto et neli fianchi adornati cõ corniolli et denti de porci et to make a pilgrimage to our
con code de pelle caprine atacate denanzi et de drietto portano Lady of Guidance. Running
ly capili in alto cõ certi petini de cana longui q̃ li paſſano da before the storm we landed at
parte aparte et li tieneno alti anno le ſue barbe riuolte in foglie a lofty island, but before
et poſti in canuttj de canna coſa ridicula aL vedere et ſonno li reaching it we were greatly
piu bruti ſianno in queſta india li ſui archi et le ſue freze Sonno worn out by the violent gusts
de canna et anno Certi ſachi facti de foglie de arbore ne liqalli of wind that came from the
portanno lo ſuo mangiare et bere Le ſue femine Quando ne mountains of that island, and
viſtenno ne venirono in contra cõ archi ma dandoli alguni ꝓ the great currents of water.
ſenti Subito diuentaſſemo ſui amici Qiui tardaſſemo quindici The inhabitants of that island
giornj per Conciare La naue ne li Coſtadi Jn queſta yſola ſe are savage and bestial, and eat
troua galine Capre cochi cera ꝓ vna libra de fero vechio ne human flesh. They have no
donorono quindici de cera et peuere lõgo et rotondo JL peuere king, and go naked, wearing
longo he como qelle gatelle q̃ fanno li nizolle quãdo he only that bark as do the
linuerno il suo arbure e Como elera et atacaſſe ali arbori Como others, except that when they
quella ma le ſue foglie ſonno como qelle diL moraro et lo go to fight they wear certain
chiamano luli JL peuere rotondo naſce Como queſto ma in pieces of buffalo hide before,
ſpigue como lo fromẽtone della india et se deſgrana et lo behind, and at the sides,
chiamano lada in queſte parte ſonno piennj li campi de queſto which are ornamented with
peuere facti in modo de pergoladi pigliaſſemo quiui vno homo small shells,562 boars’ tusks,
açio ne cõduceſſe ad alguna yſola haueſſe victuuaria Queſta and tails of goat skins
yſola ſta de latitudine aL polo antarticho in octo gradi et mezo fastened before and behind.
et cento et sesantanoue et dui terzi de longitudine de la linea They wear their hair done up
repartitionalle et chiamaſſe malua. high and held by certain long
reed pins which they pass
from one side to the other,
which keep the hair high.
They wear their beards
wrapped in leaves and thrust
into small bamboo tubes—a
ridiculous sight. They are the
ugliest people who live in
those Indias. Their bows and
arrows are of bamboo. They
have a kind of a sack made
from the leaves of a tree in
which their women carry their

food and drink. When those
people caught sight of us, they
came to meet us with bows,
but after we had given them
some presents, we
immediately became their
friends.563 We remained there
a fortnight in order to calk the
sides564 of the ship. In that
island are found fowls, goats,
cocoanuts, wax (of which they
gave us fifteen libras for one
libra of old iron), and pepper,
both long and round.565 The
long pepper resembles the
first blossoms of the hazelnut
in winter.566 Its plant
resembles ivy, and it clings to
trees as does that plant; but its
leaves resemble those of the
mulberry. It is called luli.567
The round pepper grows like
the former, but in ears like
Indian corn, and is shelled off;
and it is called lada. The
fields in those regions are full
of this [last variety of] pepper,
planted to resemble arbors.568
We captured a man in that
place so that he might take us
to some island where we
could lay in provisions. That
island lies in a latitude of
eight and one-half degrees
toward the Antarctic Pole, and
a longitude of one hundred
and sixty-nine and two-thirds
degrees from the line of
demarcation; and is called
Malua.569

Ne disse iL nr̃ o piloto Vechio de maluco como apreſſo quiui era Our old pilot from Maluco
vna yſola chiamata arucheto li homini et femine delaqalle non told us that there was an

ſonno magiorj dun cubito et anno le orecquie grande como loro island nearby called
de vna fanno lo ſuo lecto et de lalta ſe copreno vanno tosi et tuti Arucheto,570 the men and
nudi corenno molto anno la voce ſotille habitano in caue ſoto women of which are not taller
terra et mangiano peſce et vna coſa q̃ naſce fra larbore et la than one cubit, but who have
ſcorſa che chiancha et rotonda como coriandoli de cõfeto deta ears as long as themselves.
ambulõ ma ꝓ li grã corenti de hacqua et molti baſſi nõ li With one of them they make
andaſemo. their bed and with the other
they cover themselves. They
go shaven close and quite
naked, run swiftly, and have
shrill voices. They live in
caves underground, and
subsist on fish and a substance
which grows between the
wood and the bark [of a tree],
which is white and round like
preserved coriander, which is
called ambulon. However, we
did not go there because of the
strong currents in the water,
and the numerous shoals.

Sabato a vinticinque de Jennaro m vcxxij Se partiſſemo de la On Saturday, January 25,
yſola de ma lua et la dominica a vinti ſey ariuaſſemo a vna MCCCCCXXII,571 we left the
grande yſola longi de qella cinque legue fra mezo di et garbin island of Malua. On Sunday,
Jo ſolo andai in terra a parlare aL magiore duna vila deta the twenty-sixth,572 we
amaban açio ne deſſe victuuaria me riſpoſe ne darebe buphali reached a large island which
porci et capre ma nõſi poteſſemo aCordare per che voleua lies five leguas to the south
molte coſe ꝓ vno bufalo noi auendone pocque et conſtrigẽdone southwest of Malua. I went
la fama reteneſſemo ne la naue vno principalle cõ vno ſuo ashore alone to speak to the
figliolo de vnalta vila deta balibo et ꝓ paura nõ lo amazaſſemo chief of a city called Amaban
Subito ne dette ſei buphali cinque capre et dui porci et ꝓ to ask him to furnish us with
compire lo numero de diese porci et diece capre ne dete vno food. He told me that he

bufalo perche cuſſi Laueuamo dato taglia poi li mandaſſemo in would give me buffaloes,573
tera Contentiſſimi cõ tella panny Jndiani de ſeta et de bombaſo swine, and goats, but we
accete cortelizi indiani forfice Spechi et cortelli qeL Signiore a could not come to terms
cui anday a parlare teniua ſolum femine Lo ſeruiuano tutte because he asked many things
vano nude Como le altre et portano atacate ale orechie Schione for one buffalo. Inasmuch as
picole de horo cõ fiocqi de ſeta pendenti et ne li braci anno we had but few things, and
molte maniglie de oro et de latonne fin aL cubito li homini hunger was constraining us,
vanno Como le femine Se non anno atacate aL colo certe coſe we retained in the ship a chief
de horo tonde Como vn tagliere et petini de canna adornatj con and his son from another
schione de oro poſti neli capili et algu ni de queſti portanno coli village called Balibo.574 He
de zuche Seche poſti ne le orechie ꝓ schione de oro. for fear lest we kill him,
immediately gave us six
buffaloes, five goats, and two
swine; and to complete the
number of ten swine and ten
goats [which we had
demanded] they gave us one
[additional] buffalo. For thus
had we placed the condition
[of their ransom]. Then we
sent them ashore very well
pleased with linen, Indian
cloth of silk and cotton,
hatchets, Indian knives,
scissors, mirrors, and
knives.575 That chief to whom
I went to talk had only women
to serve him. All the women
go naked as do the other
women [of the other islands].
In their ears they wear small
earrings of gold, with silk
tassels pendant from them. On
their arms they wear many
gold and brass armlets as far
as the elbow. The men go as
the women, except that they
fasten certain gold articles,
round like a trencher, about
their necks, and wear bamboo
combs adorned with gold
rings576 in their hair. Some of
them wear the necks of dried

gourds in their ears in place of
gold rings.

Jn Queſta yſola ſe truoua lo ſandalo biancho et nõ altroue White sandal wood is found in
gengero bufali por ci capre galine rizo fighi canne dolci that island and nowhere
naranci limonj cera mandolle fa zoli et altre coſe et papagali de else.577 [There is also] ginger,
diuerſi colorj de lalta parte de liſola ſtano catro fratelli q̃ ſonno buffaloes, swine, goats, fowls,
li re de queſta yſola doue ſtauamo nuy erano ville et alguni rice, figs [i.e., bananas],
principalle de qelle. Ly nomi de li catro habitatiõe deli re ſonno sugarcane, oranges, lemons,
queſti oibich lichsana suai et Cabanaza oibich e la magiore. Jn wax, almonds, kidney-
cabanaza ſi Como ne fu deto ſe truoua aſay oro in vno monte et beans,578 and other things, as
Comperano tute le Sue coſe cõ pezetti de oro tuto lo ſandalo et well as parrots of various
la cera q̃ contractano queli de Jaua et di malaca Contractano da colors. On the other side of
queſta banda aqui trouamo vno Jonco de lozon venuto ꝓ the island are four brothers,
merchadantare Sandalo Queſti populi ſonno gentilli et quando who are the kings of that
vanno a taglaire lo ſandalo Como loro ne diſcero ſeli moſta lo island. Where we were, there
de monio en varie forme et li dice ſe anno biſognio de qalque were cities and some of their
coſa li la demãdino ꝓ Laqalle aparitione ſtanno infermi alquanti chiefs. The names of the four
giornj lo ſandalo ſi taglia a vno certo tempo de la luna ꝓ che settlements of the kings are as
altramente nõ ſarebe bonno la mercã tia q̃ vale Quiui ꝓ lo follows: Oibich, Lichsana,
ſandalo e panno roſſo tella accete fero et chiodi Queſta yſola he Suai, and Cabanaza. Oibich is
tuta habitata et molto longa da leuante a ponente et poco larga the largest. There is a quantity
de mezo di a la tramõtana ſta de latitudine aL polo antartico in of gold found in a mountain in
dieci gra di et cento et Settanta catro gradi et mezo de Cabanaza, according to the
longitudine dala linea de la repartiõe et se chiama timor. Jn report given us, and its
tutte le yſolle hauemo trouate in queſto arcipelago regnia lo inhabitants make all their
purchases with little bits of
maL de S. Jop et piu Quiui q̃ in alto luocho et Lo chiamano foi
gold. All the sandal wood and
franchi çioe maL portugheſe.
wax that is traded by the
inhabitants of Java and
Malaca is traded for in that
region. We found a junk from
Lozon there, which had come
thither to trade in sandal
wood. Those people are
heathens. When they go to cut
the sandal wood, the devil
(according to what we were
told), appears to them in
various forms, and tells them
that if they need anything they
should ask him for it. They
become ill for some days as a
result of that apparition. The

sandal wood is cut at a certain
time of the moon, for
otherwise it would not be
good. The merchandise valued
in exchange for sandal wood
there is red cloth, linen,
hatchets,579 iron, and nails.
That island is inhabited in all
parts, and extends for a long
distance east and west, but is
not very broad north and
south. It lies in a latitude of
ten degrees toward the
Antarctic Pole, and in a
longitude of one hundred and
seventy-four and one-half580
degrees from the line of
demarcation, and is called
Timor.581 The disease of St.
Jop was to be found in all of
the islands which we
encountered in that
archipelago, but more in that
place than in others. It is
called foi franchi582 that is to
say “Portuguese disease.”583

Longi vna giornata de qui tra iL ponente et iL maeſtrale ne fu A day’s journey thence toward
deto trouarſe vna Jſola in laqalle naſcie assai cannella et se the west northwest, we were
chiama Ende eL ſuo populo he gentille et nõ hanno re et como told that we would find an
ſonno a la medeſma [Jſo: crossed out in original MS.] via molte island where quantities of
yſolle vna dietro a lalta in fina a Jaua magiore et aL capo de cinnamon grow, by name
malaca li nomi de leqalle ſonno queſti ende tana butun creuo Ende.584 Its inhabitants are
chile bimacore aranaran Mani Zumbaua lomboch chorum et heathens, and have no king.
Jaua ma giore Queſti populi nõ la chiamano Jaua ma Jaoa le [We were told] also that there
magiorj ville ſono in Jaua Sonno queſte Magepaher iL ſuo re are many islands in the same
Quando viueua era magiore de tutte queſte yſolle et [isl: crossed out in original
chiamauaſſe Raia patiunus Sunda in queſta naſce molto peueri MS.] course, one following
da ha dama gaghi amada Minutarãghan Cipara Sidaiu tuban the other, as far as Java Major,
creſſi Cirubaia et balli et como Jaua minore eſſere la yſola de and the cape of Malaca. The
Madura et ſtare apreſſo Jaua magiore meza legha Ancho ne names of those islands are as
diſſero Quando vno homo de li principali de Jaua magiore follows: Ende, Tanabutun,
more Se bruſa Lo ſuo corpo La ſua moglie piu principalle Creuo, Chile, Bimacore,

adornaſſi cõ girlande de fiori et faſſi portare de tre ho catro Aranaran, Mani, Zumbaua,
hominj ſoura vno ſcanno ꝓ tuta qella vila et ridendo et Lomboch, Chorum,585 and
confortando li ſui parenti que piangeno dice nõ piangere ꝓ cio Java Major.586 Those
me vado queſta cera a Cennare coL mio caro marito et dormire inhabitants do not call it Java
ſecho in queſta nocte poy et portata aL foco doue ſe bruſa Lo but Jaoa. The largest cities are
ſuo marito et ley voltandoſi contra li ſui parẽti et confortando li located in Java, and are as
vnalta fiata Segetta neL fuocho oue ſe bruſa lo ſuo marito et ſe follows: Magepaher (when its
queſto nõ faceſſe nõ ſaria tenuta donna da benne ne vera moglie king was alive, he was the
deL marito morto et Como li Joueni de Jaua Quando ſono most powerful in all those
Jnamo rati in qalque gentiL donna ſe ligano certi ſonagli cõ islands, and his name was
fillo tra iL membro et la peleſſina et vanno ſoto le feneſtre de le Raia Patiunus); Sunda, where
ſue Jnamorate et facendo moſtra de horinare et Squaſando Lo considerable, pepper grows;
membro ſonano cõ qelli ſonagli et fin tanto le ſue Jnamorate Daha; Dama; Gagiamada;
hodeno lo ſono ſubito qelle veneno Ju et fanno ſuo volere Minutaranghan; Cipara;
Sidaiu; Tuban; Cressi;
Sempre cõ qelli ſonagliti ꝓ che loro donne ſe piglianno grã
ſpaſſa aſen tirſi Sonare de dentro Queſti ſonagli ſonno tucti Cirubaia;587 and Balli.588 [We
Coperti et piu ſe copreno piu ſonano JL nr̃ o piloto piu vechio were told] also that Java
ne diſſe Como in vna yſola deta acoloro ſoto de Jaua magiore in Minor is the island of Madura,
Quella trouarſi ſinon femine et quelle Jnpregniarſi de vento et and is located near to Java
poi Quando parturiſcono ſiL parto et maſchio Lamazano ſe he Major, [being only] one-half
femina lo aleuano et ſe hominj vanno aqella ſua yſola loro legua away.589 We were told
amazarli purche poſſianno. also that when one of the chief
men of Java Major dies, his
body is burned. His principal
wife adorns herself with
garlands of flowers and has
herself carried on a chair
through the entire village by
three or four men. Smiling
and consoling her relatives
who are weeping, she says:
“Do not weep, for I am going
to sup with my dear husband
this evening,590 and to sleep
with him this night.” Then she
is carried to the fire, where
her husband is being burned.
Turning toward her relatives,
and again consoling them, she
throws herself into the fire,
where her husband is being
burned. Did she not do that,
she would not be considered
an honorable woman or a true

wife to her dead husband.591
When the young men of Java
are in love with any
gentlewoman, they fasten
certain little bells between
their penis and the foreskin.
They take a position under
their sweetheart’s window,
and making a pretense of
urinating, and shaking their
penis, they make the little
bells ring, and continue to
ring them until their
sweetheart hears the sound.
The sweetheart descends
immediately, and they take
their pleasure; always with
those little bells, for their
women take great pleasure in
hearing those bells ring from
the inside.592 Those bells are
all covered, and the more they
are covered the louder593 they
sound. Our oldest pilot told us
that in an island called
Acoloro,594 which lies below
Java Major, there are found no
persons but women, and that
they become pregnant from
the wind. When they bring
forth, if the offspring is a
male, they kill it, but if it is a
female they rear it. If men go
to that island of theirs, they
kill them if they are able to do
so.

Ancho ne diſcero de ſoto de Jaua magiore ꝟſo la tramõtana neL They also told us that a very
golfo de la chijna Laqalle li anticqui chiamano ſigno magno huge tree is found below Java
trouarſi vno arbore grandisso neLqalle habitano vcceli deti Major toward the north, in the
garuda tanto grandi q̃ portano vn bufalo et vno elefante aL gulf of Chiina (which the
luoco doue he labore re chiamato puza thaer et Lo arbore cam ancients call Signo Magno), in
panganghi aL ſuo fructo bua panganghi eLqalle he magiore q̃ which live birds called
garuda. Those birds are so

vna anguria li mori de burne haueuamo ne li naui ne diſcero large that they carry a buffalo
loro hauerne veduto ꝓ che lo ſuo re haueua dui mandatigli daL or an elephant to the place
regnio de ſiam niun Jonco ne altra barcha da tre ho catro legue (called Puzathaer), of that
ſe po aꝓximare aL luoco de larbore ꝓ li grandi reuolutiõe de tree, which is called cam
hacqua que ſonno circa queſto La pima fiata que ſi ſepe de panganghi, and its fruit bua
queſto arbure fu vn Jonco ſpinto da ly vẽti ne la riuo lutiõe panganghi.595 The latter is
iLqalle tuto ſe diſfece tutti li homini ſe anegorono ecceto vn larger than a cucumber. The
puto picolo ilqalle eſſendo atacato ſoura vna tauola ꝓ miraculo Moros of Burne whom we had
fo ſpinto apreſſo queſto arbore et mõtato ſoura lo arbore nõ in our ship told us that they
acorgendoſi ſe miſſe ſoto lala a vno de qelli vcceli lo giorno had seen them, for their king
ſeguento Lo vccelo andando in tera et hauendo pigliato vn had had two of them sent to
bufalo iL puto venne de ſoto a la hala aL meglio puoto ꝓ cuſtui him from the kingdom of
Siam. No junk or other boat
ſe ſepe Queſto et alhora Cogniobero qeli populi vicini li fructi
trouauano ꝓ iL mare eſſere de queſto arbore. can approach to within three
or four leguas of the place of
the tree, because of the great
whirlpools in the water round
about it. The first time that
anything was learned of that
tree was [from] a junk which
was driven by the winds into
the whirlpool. The junk
having been beaten to pieces,
all the crew were drowned
except a little boy, who,
having been tied to a plank,
was miraculously driven near
that tree. He climbed up into
the tree without being
discovered, where he hid
under the wing of one of those
birds. Next day the bird
having gone ashore and
having seized a buffalo, the
boy came out from under the
wing as best he could. The
story was learned from him,
and then the people nearby
knew that the fruit which they
found in the sea came from
that tree.

JL capo de malacha ſta in vn grado et mezo aL antarticho a The cape of Malacha596 lies in
loriente de queſto capo a longo la coſta ſe trouão molte ville et one and one-half degrees

cita de li nomi de algune ſono aq̃ ſti Cinghapola q̃ ſta neL capo toward the Antarctic Pole.
pahan Calantan patani bradlun benan lagon Che regigharan Along the coast east of that
tumbõ prhan Cui brabri bangha Jndia Queſta e la cita doue cape are many villages and
habita iL re de siam eLqalle chiamaſſe Siri Zacabedera cities. The names of some of
Jandibum Lanu et Langhon pifa Queſte citade ſonno edificade them are as follows:
como le nr̃ e et ſubgecte aL re de ſiam Jnqueſto regnio de ſiam Cinghapola, which is located
ne le riue de li fiumi Si como ne fu deto habitanno vcceli on the cape; Pahan; Calantan;
grandi liqalli no mangerianno de alguno animale morto ſia Patani; Bradlun; Benan;
portato iui ſe pima nõ vienne vno alto vccelo amangiarli iL core Lagon; Cheregigharan;
et poi Loro Lo mangiano dopo ſiam ſe troua Camogia iL ſuo re Tumbon; Phran; Cui; Brabri;
e deto Saret zacabedera chiempa eL ſuo re raia brahaun maitri Bangha; India, which is the
inqueſto locho naſce lo reubarbaro et ſe troua in queſto modo ſe city where the king of Siam,
acaodunano vinti o vinti cinque hominj inſieme et vanno by name Siri Zacabedera,
dentro ne li boſchi Quando he venuta la nocte montano ſoura li lives; Jandibum; Lanu; and
arbori ſi ꝓ ſentire Lodore deL reobarbaro como ancho ꝓ paura Longhonpifa.597 Those cities
de leonnj elefanti et altre fere et daqella parte doue he lo are built like ours, and are
reubarbaro iL vento li porta lodore poi venuto lo giorno vanno subject to the king of Siam.
On the shores of the rivers of
in qella parte doue li he venuto iL vento et lo cercanno fin tanto
lo trouano Lo reubarbaro he vno arbure groſſo putrefato et that kingdom of Siam, live, as
ſenon foſſe cuſſi putrefacto non darebe lo hodore iL megliare de we are told, large birds which
queſto arbore he la radice niente dimeno iL legnio he will not eat of any dead
animal that may have been
reobarbaro iLqaL chiamano Calama poi ſe truoua Cochi eL ſuo
carried there, unless another
re e detto raia Seribumni pala dopo Queſto ſe troua la grã
bird comes first to eat its
chijna iL ſuo re he magiore de tuto eL mõdo et chiamaſſe
heart, after which they eat
Santhoa raia iLqalle tenne ſetanta re de coro na ſoto de ſe
it.598 Next to Siam is found
alguni de liqalli anno dieci et quindice re de ſoto ſe eL ſuo porto
Camogia,599 whose king is
he deto guantan fra le altre aſayssime citade ne ha due
called Saret Zacabedera; then
principalle dette namchin et Comlaha neliqalli ſta queſto re Chiempa, whose king is Raia
tienne catro ſui principali a preſſo Lo ſuo palatio vno verſo iL
Brahaun Maitri.600 Rhubarb
ponente lalto aL leuante lalto amezo de et lalto ala tramõtana which is found in the
ogni vno de queſti danno audientia Se nõ aqelli che veneno de following manner grows
ſua parte tucti li re et ſignori de la Jndia magiore et ſuperiore there. Twenty or twenty-five
hobediſcono aqueſto re et ꝓ ſegnialle q̃ ſianno ſui veri vaſali men assemble and go together
ciaſcuna ha in mezo de la ſua piaza vno animale ſcolpito in into the jungles. Upon the
marmore piu galiardo que iL leonne et chiamaſſe chinga Queſto approach of night, they climb
chinga e lo ſigilo deL dito re de chijna et tucti qelli q̃ vanno ala trees, both to see whether they
chijna Conuieneno hauere Queſto animale ſcolpito in cera in vn can catch the scent of the
dente de elephante ꝓ che altramente nõ potrianno intrare neL rhubarb, and also for fear of
ſuo porto Quando alguno Signiore he in hobediente a queſto re the lions, elephants, and other
lo fanno ſcorticare et ſecanno la pelle aL ſolle con ſale et poy la wild beasts. The wind bears to
empi enno de paglia ho de alto et lo fanno ſtare cõ lo capo baſſo them the odor of the rhubarb
et cõ le many Jonte ſoura lo capo in vno luocho eminente ne la from the direction in which it
piaza acio Alhora ſi veda Cului far zonghu cioe riuerentia is to be found. When morning

Queſto re nõ ſi laſcia vedere de algũo et Quando lui vole vedere dawns they go in that
li ſui Caualcha ꝓ iL palatio vno pauone facto maeſtralmente direction whence the wind has
coſa richiſſima acompagniato de ſey donne de le ſue piu come, and seek the rhubarb
principalle veſtite Como lui fin che entra in vn ſerpente deto until they find it. The rhubarb
nagha rico Quanto altra coſa ſi poſſa vedere ilqalle e ſopa la is a large rotten tree; and
corte magiore deL palatio iL re et le donne entranno dento açio unless it has become rotten, it
lui nõ ſia cognioſſuto fra le donne vede li ſui ꝓ vno vedro gives off no odor. The best
grando q̃ e neL pecto deL ſerpente lui et le donne ſe ponno part of that tree is the root,
vedere ma nonſi puo diſcernere qaL he lore. Cuſtui ſe marita ne although the wood is also
rhubarb which is called
le ſue ſorelle acio lo ſangue realle nõ ſia miſſidiato cõ alti
Circha lo ſuo pa latio ſonno ſette cerche de muri et fra ogni vna calama.601 Next is found
de queſte cerche ſtano diece millia homini q̃ fanno la gardia aL Cochi,602 whose king is called
palatio fin q̃ ſona vna Cam pana poi vieneno diece millia alti Raia Seribumni Pala. After
homini ꝓ ogni cercha et cuſi ſe mudanno ogni giorno et ogni that country is found Great
Chiina, whose king is the
nocte ogni cercha de muro a vna porta ne la pima li ſta vno
greatest in all the world, and
homo cõ vno granfionne in mano deto ſatu horã con ſatu bagan
nella ſecondo vn canne detto ſatu hain nella terza vn homo cõ is called Santhoa Raia.603 He
vna maza ferata deto Satu horan cũ pocum becin nela carta vno has seventy crowned kings
homo cõ vno archo in mano deto Satu horan con anat panan subject to himself, and some
nella Quinta vn homo con vna lancia deto Satu horan con of the latter have ten or fifteen
tumach ne la ſexta vno leonne deto Satu horiman nella ſeptima kings subject to them. His
duy elefantj bianchi detti duo gagia pute in Queſto palatio li port is called Guantan [i.e.,
ſonno ſetanta noue ſalle doue ſtanno ſe non donne q̃ ſerueno aL Canton]. Among the multitude
re et li ſonno ſempre torcie acceſe Se tarda vno Jorno aſercare of other cities, there are two
queſto palatio Jn cima de queſto li ſonno catro ſalle doue vanno principal ones called Nanchin
alguna volta li principali a parlare aL re vna he hornata de [i.e., Nanking] and
metalo coſi de ſoto como de ſuura vna tuta de argento vna tuta Comlaha604 where the above
de noro et Lalta de perle et petre precioſe Quando li ſui vaſſali king lives. He keeps his four
li portanno horo ho altre coſe p̃ ci oſe ꝓ tributo le butano ꝓ principal men near his palace
Queſte ſalle dicendo Queſto ſia a honnore et gloria deL nr̃ o —one toward the west, one
Sant hoa raia tute queſte coſe et molte altre de queſto re ne diſſe toward the east, one toward
vno moro et lui hauerle vedute la gente de la chijna e biancha e the south, and one toward the
veſtita et mangiano ſoura taule como nuy et anno croce ma non north. Each one of those four
ſi ſa ꝓ che tengonno Jn Queſta chijna naſce Lo muſchio iL ſuo men gives audience only to
those who come from his own
animale e vno gato Como qello deL gibeto et non mangia alto
ſenon vn legnio dolce Sotile como li diti chiamato chamaru quarter. All the kings and
seigniors of greater and
Quando voleno far lo muſchio atacano vno ſanſuga aL gato et li
la laſcianno atacata infin ſia ben pienna de ſangue poi La upper605 India obey that king;
and in token that they are his
ſtrucano in vno piato et meteno iL ſangue aL ſolle per cato ho
true vassals, each one has an
cinque giornj poy lo bagniano cõ orina et il metenno altre tante
animal which is stronger than
fiate aL ſolle et cuſſi diuenta muſchio ꝓfeto ogniuno que tienne
de queſti animali Conuien pagare vno tanto aL re Quelli pezeti the lion, and called chinga,606
que parenno ſian grani de muſchio ſonno de carne de capreto carved in marble in the middle
of his square. That chinga is
peſtatagli dento iL vero muſchio et ſe non iL ſangue et ſe ben

diuenta in pezetti Se diſfa aL muſchio et al gato chiamano the seal of the said king of
caſtori et ala ſanſuga lintha Seguendo poy la coſta de qʒſta Chiina, and all those who go
chijna ſe trouano molti populi q̃ ſonno queſti li chienchij et to Chiina must have that
ſtano in Jſole ne leqalli naſconno perle et cannela Li Lechij en animal carved in wax [or] on
tera ferma ſopa lo porto de Queſti trauerſa vna montagnia ꝓ an elephant’s tooth, for
laqaL ſe Conuien deſarburare tucti ly Jonqui et naui voleno otherwise they would not be
Jntrare neL porto Jl re Mom in terra firma Queſto re ha vinti re allowed to enter his harbor.
ſoto diſe et e hobediente aL re de la chijna la ſua cita he deta When any seignior is
bara naci Quiui e iL grã catayo orientalle Han yſola alta et disobedient to that king, he is
frigida doue ſe truoua metalo argento perle et Seta iL ſuo re ordered to be flayed, and his
chiamaſſe raia Zotru Mli Janla eL ſuo re e detto raia skin dried in the sun and
chetisqnuga gnio lo ſuo re raia ſudacali tucti Queſti tre luogui salted. Then the skin is stuffed
Sonno frigidi et in terra ferma Triaganba Trianga due yſolle with straw or other substance,
nelle Qualle vieneno perle metalo argento et ſeta il ſuo re raia and placed head downward in
Rrom Baſſi baſſa terra ferma et poi Sumbdit pradit due yſole a prominent place in the
square, with the hands clasped
richiſime de oro lihomini deleqalle portanno vna grã ſchiona de
oro ne la gamba Soura iL piede Apreſſo Quiui ne la tera ferma above the head,607 so that he
in certi montagnie ſtano popoli che amazano li ſui padri et may be seen then to be
madre Quando ſonno vechi acio nõ ſe afati cano piu tucti li performing zonghu, that is,
populi de Queſti luogui ſonno gentilli obeisance. That king never
allows himself to be seen by
anyone. When he wishes to
see his people, he rides about
the palace on a skilfully made
peacock, a most elegant
contrivance, accompanied by
six of his most principal
women clad like himself; after
which he enters a serpent
called nagha,608 which is as
rich a thing as can be seen,
and which is kept in the
greatest court of the palace.
The king and the women enter
it so that he may not be
recognized among his women.
He looks at his people through
a large glass which is in the
breast of the serpent. He and
the women can be seen, but
one cannot tell which is the
king. The latter is married to
his sisters, so that the blood
royal may not be mixed with

others. Near his palace are
seven encircling walls, and in
each of those circular places
are stationed ten thousand
men for the guard of the
palace [who remain there]
until a bell rings, when ten
thousand other men come for
each circular space. They are
changed in this manner each
day and each night. Each
circle of the wall has a gate.
At the first stands a man with
a large hook in his hand,
called satu horan with satu
bagan; in the second, a dog,
called satu hain; in the third, a
man with an iron mace, called
satu horan with pocum becin;
in the fourth, a man with a
bow in his hand called satu
horan with anat panan; in the
fifth, a man with a spear,
called satu horan with
tumach; in the sixth, a lion,
called satu horiman; in the
seventh, two white elephants,
called two gagia pute.609 That
palace has seventy-nine halls
which contain only women
who serve the king. Torches
are always kept lighted in the
palace,610 and it takes a day to
go through it. In the upper
part of it are four halls, where
the principal men go
sometimes to speak to the
king. One is ornamented with
copper [metalo], both below
and above; one all with silver;
one all with gold; and the
fourth with pearls and
precious gems. When the
king’s vassals take him gold

or any other precious things as
tribute, they are placed in
those halls, and they say: “Let
this be for the honor and glory
of our Santhoa Raia.611 All the
above and many other things
were told us by a Moro who
had seen them. The
inhabitants of Chiina are light
complexioned and wear
clothes. They eat at tables as
we do, and have the cross, but
it is not known for what
purpose.612 Musk is produced
in that country of Chiina. Its
animal is a cat613 like the
civet cat. It eats nothing
except a sweet wood as thick
as the finger, called
chamaru.614 When the
Chinese wish to make the
musk, they attach a leech to
the cat, which they leave
fastened there, until it is well
distended with blood. Then
they squeeze the leech out
into a dish and put the blood
in the sun for four or five
days. After that they sprinkle
it with urine,615 and as often
as they do that they place it in
the sun. Thus it becomes
perfect musk. Whoever owns
one of those animals has to
pay a certain sum to the king.
Those grains which seem to
be grains of musk are of kid’s
flesh crushed in the real musk
and not the blood.616
Although the blood can be
made into grains, it
evaporates. The musk and the
cat are called castor and the
leech lintha.617 Many peoples

are to be found as one follows
the coast of that country of
Chiina, who are as follows.
The Chienchii618 inhabit
islands where pearls and
cinnamon grow. The Lechii
live on the mainland; above
their port stretches a
mountain, so that all the junks
and ships which desire to
enter that port must unstep
their masts. The king on the
mainland [is called] Mom.619
He has twenty kings under
him and is subordinate to the
king of Chiina. His city is
called Baranaci. The great
Oriental catayo620 is located
there. Han621 [is] a cold, lofty
island where copper [metalo],
silver, pearls, and silk are
produced, whose king is
called Raia Zotru; Mli Ianla,
whose king is called Raia
Chetisqnuga;622 Gnio, and its
king, Raia Sudacali. All three
of the above places are cold
and are located on the
mainland. Triaganba623 and
Trianga [are] two islands
where pearls, copper [metalo],
silver, and silk are produced,
and whose king is Raia Rrom.
Bassi Bassa [is] on the
mainland; and then [follow]
two islands, Sumbdit and
Pradit,624 which are
exceedingly rich in gold,
whose inhabitants wear a
large gold ring around the legs
at the ankle. On the mainland
near that point live a race in
some mountains who kill their
fathers and mothers as age

comes on, so that they may
have no further trouble. All
the peoples of those districts
are heathens.

Marti de nocte venendo aL mercore a vndici de febraro 1522 On Tuesday night as it drew
partendone de La yſola de timor ſe in golfaſſemo neL mare near Wednesday, February
grande nominato Laut chidoL et pigliando lo nr̃ o Camino tra eleven, 1522, we left the
ponente et garbin laſciaſemo a La mano drieta a La tramõtana island of Timor and took to
ꝓ pagura deL re de portoghala la Jſola Zamatra antichamẽte the great open sea called Laut
chiamata Traprobana pegu bengala Vriza che lui nelaqalle Chidol.625 Laying our course
ſtanno li malabari Soto iL re de narſingha Calicut ſoto Lo toward the west southwest, we
medeſimo re Canbaia nelaqalle ſonno li guzerati Cananor ghoa left the island of Zamatra,
Armus et tutta laltra coſta de la india magiore in queſta india formerly called
magiore li ſonno ſey ſorte de homini Nairi panichali yranai Traprobana,626 to the north on
pangelini Macuai et poleai Nairj ſonno li principali panichali our right hand, for fear of the
ſonno li Citadini Queſte due ſorte de hoj̃ Conuerſano inſieme king of Portoghala;627 [as well
Jranai Colgeno lo vino de la palma et fighi pagelinj Sonno li as] Pegu, Bengala, Uriza,
marinarj Macuai ſonno li peſcatorj poleai ſeminano et colgeno Chelin where the Malabars
lo rizo Queſti habitanno ſempre neli campi mai intrano in cita live, who are subject to the
alguna et quando ſe li da alguna coſa la ſe ponne in tera poy king of Narsingha, Calicut,
loro la piglianno coſtoro Quando vanno ꝓ le ſtrade cridano po subject to the same king,
po po çioe gar date damj, acadete ſi como ne fu referito vno Cambaia, where the Guzerati
nair eſſere tocho per diſgratia da vn polea ꝓ iLque iL nair live, Cananor, Ghoa, Armus,
ſubito ſe fece amazare açio non rimaneſſe cõ qeL deſhonnore Et and all the rest of the coast of
ꝓ Caualcare lo capo de bonna ſperãza andaſſemo fin a India Major.628 Six different
Quaranta dui gradi aL polo antarticho ſteſſemo ſoura queſto classes of people inhabit India
Cauo noue ſetimane cõ le velle amaynate ꝓ lo vento Major: Nairi, Panichali,
accidentale et maiſtralle ꝓ proa et cõ fortuna grandiſsima iLqaL Yranai, Pangelini, Macuai,
capo ſta de latitudine in trenquato gradi et mezo et mille et ſey and Poleai.629 The Nairi are
cento legue longi daL capo de malaca et e lo magiore et piu the chiefs; and the Panichali
pericoloſo capo ſia neL mondo aL guni de li noſti a malati et are the townspeople: those
ſani voleuão andare a vno luoco de portu gheſi deto Mozanbich two classes of men have
ꝓ la naue q̃ faceua molta hacqua ꝓ lo fredo grande et molto converse together. The Iranai
piu ꝓ nõ hauere alto da mangiare Se non rizo et hacqua ꝓ cio gather the palm wine and figs.
la carne haueuamo hauuta ꝓ non hauere ſale ne era pu trefata The Pangelini are the sailors.
Ma alguni de li alti piu deſideroſi deL ſuo honnore q̃ de la The Macuai are the fishermen.
ꝓpria vita deliberorono viui o morti volere andare in ſpagnia The Poleai are the farmers and
finalmente cõ lo ajuto de dio a ſey de magio paſaſſemo Queſto harvest the rice. These last
capo apreſſo lui cinque legue ſe non la ꝓximauamo tanto may always live in the country,
Lo poteuão paſſare poi nauigaſſemo aL mayſtrale dui meſi although they enter the city at
continui ſenza pigliare refrigerio alcuno in queſto pocho tempo times.630 When anything is
ne morſeno vinti vno homo Quando li butauamo neL mare li given them it is laid on the

xp̃ iani andauão al fondo con lo volto in ſuſo et li Jndij ſempre ground, and then they take it.
cõ lo volto in giu et ſe dio non ne conduceua bon tempo tucti When they go through the
moriuão de fame alfine conſtrecti de la grande neceſitade streets they call out Po! po!
andaſſemo a le yſole de capo verde Mercore a noue de Julio po! that is “Beware of me!”631
agiungeſſemo a vna de queſte deta sto. Jacobo et ſubito It happened, as we were told,
madaſſemo lo batelo in tera ꝓ victuuaglia con queſta Jnuẽtiõe that a Nair once had the
de dire ali portugheſi como ne era rocto lo trinqueto Soto la misfortune to be touched by a
lignea equino tialle ben che foſſe ſoura lo capo bonna ſperanza Polea, for which the Nair
et Quando lo conciauão Lo nr̃ e capo generalle cõ le altre due immediately had the latter
naui eſerſi andata in ſpagnia con queſte bonne parolle et cõ le killed so that he might erase
nr̃ e mercadantie haueſſemo dui batelli pi ennj de rizo that disgrace. In order that we
Cometeſſemo a li nr̃ j deL batelo Quando andarono in tera might double the cape of
domandaſſero que giorno era ne diſcero como era a li Bonna Speranza [i.e., “Good
portugheſi Joue Se marauigliaſſemo molto ꝓ che era mercore Hope”], we descended to
anuy et nõ ſapeuamo Como haueſſemo herato ꝓ ogni Jorno yo forty-two degrees on the side
ꝓ eſſere ſtato ſempre ſanno haueua ſcripto ſenza niſſuna of the Antarctic Pole. We were
Jntermiſſione ma como da poy ne fu deto non era erore ma iL nine weeks632 near that cape
viagio facto ſempre ꝓ occidente et ritornato a lo iſteſſo luocho with our sails hauled down
Como fa iL ſolle haueua portato qeL vantagio de hore vinti because we had the west and
catro como chiaro ſi vede eſſendo andato lo batello vnalta volta northwest winds on our bow
in tera ꝓ rizo furonnore tenuti tredici homini cõ lo batello ꝓ quarter and because of a most
che vno de qelli como da poy ſapeſemo in ſpagnia dice ali furious storm.633 That cape
portugheſi Como lo nr̃ o capo era morto et alti et que noi nõ lies in a latitude of thirty-four
andare in ſpagnia dubitandone de eſſere ancho nuy preſi ꝓ certe and one-half degrees, and is
carauelle ſubito ſe partiſſemo. Sabato a ſey de ſeptembre 1522 one thousand six hundred
Jntraſſemo nella baia de S. lucar ſe nõ diſdoto homini et la leguas634 from the cape of
mogior parte Jnfermy iL reſto de ſexanta q̃ partiſſemo da Malaca. It is the largest and
malucho qi morſe de fame chi fugite nela yſola de timor et qi most dangerous cape in the
furenno amazati ꝓ ſui delicti daL tempo q̃ ſe partiſſemo de world. Some of our men, both
queſta baya fin aL giorno pñte haueuão facto catordicy mille et sick and well, wished to go to
quatro cento et ſaxanta leghe et piu Compiuto lo circulo deL a Portuguese settlement called
mõdo deL leuante aL ponente. Luni a octo de ſeptembre Mozanbich,635 because the
butaſſemo lanchora ap̃ ſo Lo molo de ſeuiglia et deſcaricaſſemo ship was leaking badly,
tuta lartigliaria Marti nuj tucti in Camiſa et diſcalci andaſſemo because of the severe cold,
cõ vna torcia ꝓ vno in mano auiſitare iL luoco de sa. maria de and especially because we had
no other food than rice and
la victoria et qella de sta. maria de lantiqua.
water; for as we had no salt,
our provisions of meat had
putrefied.636 Some of the
others however, more desirous
of their honor than of their
own life, determined to go to
Spagnia living or dead.
Finally by God’s help, we

doubled that cape on May six
at a distance of five leguas.
Had we not approached so
closely, we could never have
doubled it.637 Then we sailed
northwest for two months
continually without taking on
any fresh food or water
[refrigerio]. Twenty-one men
died during that short time.
When we cast them into the
sea, the Christians went to the
bottom face upward, while the
Indians always went down
face downward.638 Had not
God given us good weather
we would all have perished of
hunger. Finally, constrained
by our great extremity, we
went to the islands of Capo
Verde. Wednesday, July nine,
we reached one of those
islands called Sancto
Jacobo,639 and immediately
sent the boat ashore for food,
with the story for the
Portuguese that we had lost
our foremast under the
equinoctial line (although we
had lost it upon the cape of
Bonna Speranza), and when
we were restepping it,640 our
captain-general had gone to
Spagnia with the other two
ships. With those good
words641 and with our
merchandise, we got two
boatloads of rice. We charged
our men when they went
ashore in the boat to ask what
day it was, and they told us
that it was Thursday with the
Portuguese. We were greatly
surprised for it was

Wednesday with us, and we
could not see how we had
made a mistake; for as I had
always kept well, I had set
down every day without any
interruption. However, as was
told us later, it was no error,
but as the voyage had been
made continually toward the
west and we had returned to
the same place as does the
sun, we had made that gain of
twenty-four hours, as is
clearly seen. The boat having
returned to the shore again for
rice, thirteen men and the boat
were detained, because one of
them, as we learned afterward
in Spagnia, told the
Portuguese that our captain
was dead, as well as others,
and that we were not going to
Spagnia.642 Fearing lest we
also be taken prisoners by
certain caravels, we hastily
departed.643 On Saturday,
September six,644 1522, we
entered the bay of San Lucar
with only eighteen men and
the majority of them sick, all
that were left of the sixty men
who left Malucho. Some died
of hunger; some deserted at
the island of Timor; and some
were put to death for
crimes.645 From the time we
left that bay [of San Lucar]
until the present day [of our
return], we had sailed fourteen
thousand four hundred and
sixty leguas, and furthermore
had completed the
circumnavigation of the world
from east to west.646 On

Monday, September eight, we
cast anchor near the quay of
Seviglia, and discharged all
our artillery. Tuesday, we all
went in shirts and barefoot,
each holding a candle, to visit
the shrine of Santa Maria de la
Victoria [i.e., “St. Mary of
Victory”], and that of Santa
Maria de l’Antiqua [i.e., “St.
Mary of Antiquity”].647

Partendomi de ſeuiglia andai a vagliadolit oue apreſentai a la Leaving Seviglia, I went to
ſacra mageſta de D. carlo non oro ne argento ma coſe da eſſere Vagliadolit [i.e., Valladolid],
aſſay apreciati da vn ſimiL Signiore fra le altre coſe li detti vno where I presented to his
libro ſcripto de mia mano de tucte le coſe paſſate de giorno in sacred Majesty, Don Carlo,
giorno neL viagio noſto me parti de li aL meglio puoti et andai neither gold nor silver, but
in portagalo et parlay aL re don Johanny de le coſe haueua things very highly esteemed
vedute paſſando ꝓ la ſpagnia veni in franſa et feci donno de by such a sovereign. Among
algune coſe de lalto emiſperio a la madre deL xp̃ ianiſſimo re other things I gave him a
don franciſco madama la regenta poi me venni ne la Jtalia oue book, written by my hand,
donnay ꝓ ſempre me medeſimo et Queſte mie poche faticque a concerning all the matters that
lo Jnclito et Illuſtriſſimo Signor philipo de Villers lisleadam grã had occurred from day to day
maeſto de rhodi digniſſimo. during our voyage.648 I left
there as best I could and went
to Portagalo where I spoke
with King Johanni of what I
had seen. Passing through
Spagnia, I went to Fransa
where I made a gift of certain
things from the other
hemisphere to the mother of
the most Christian king, Don
Francisco, Madame the
regent.649 Then I came to
Italia, where I established my
permanent abode, and devoted
my poor labors to the famous
and most illustrious lord,
Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,
the most worthy grand master
of Rhodi.

JL Caualier The Cavalier

anto pagaphetta Antonio
Pagaphetta650

Photographic facsimile of last page of Pigafetta’s relation showing signature

[From the Pigafetta MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy]

Map of eastern Asia and the eastern archipelago, showing the Moluccas; drawn by Diego Homem, ca. 1558 (on
vellum)

[Photographic facsimile of original manuscript map in the British Museum]

NOTES
488
This passage of Pigafetta, had the Portuguese been aware of it, would have
effectually answered the Spaniards in their assertions of priority of discovery in the
Moluccas, in the celebrated Junta of Badajoz (see VOL. I, pp. 165–221).
489
Tristão de Meneses was sent by Aleixo de Menezes to Malacca, and while on his way
thither sailed among the islands of Java, Banda, and the Moluccas. He is mentioned by
Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) as being at Ternate.
490
Diogo Lopes de Siqueira, a Portuguese naval officer, and captain-general and
governor of India (1518–22), was despatched from Lisbon, April 5, 1508, with four
ships on an expedition for the discovery and exploration of Malacca. On his arrival at
India he was offered the position of chief-captain of India but declined. In December,
1509, he left for Malacca, where his carelessness and sense of security almost lost him
his life because of Malay treachery. See Birch’s Alboquerque, Guillemard’s Magellan,
and Mosto, p. 96, note 1.
491
Juda is the town of Jidda or Djeddah, the port of Mecca. The feud between the Turks
and Arabs and the Portuguese was of some years’ standing, for with the advent of the
latter into the eastern world, the former had suffered greatly in their commerce, which
had been extensive. Alboquerque fought against them at Aden (for descriptions and
history of which, see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 59–64; Birch’s
Alboquerque, iv, pp. 10–14; and Lucas’s Hist. geog. Brit. Col., i. pp. 53–62), and at Goa.
Many men were sent (1515) from Egypt to aid the Arabs at Aden, and the Portuguese
were in constant fear of attack.
492
MS. 5,650 reads: “Francisque Sarie.” This is probably Pero de Faria who was given
command of a ship at Malacca by Alboquerque (Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, p. 166), and
who was sent by the governor (Diogo Lopes de Siqueira) to build a fort at Maluco
(Mosto, p. 96, note 4).
493
The Banda, or Nutmeg Islands, which belong to the Dutch, are small and ten in
number, some of which are uninhabited. Banda (properly Bândan) means in Javanese
“the thing or things tied or united,” or with the word “Pulo,” “united islands.” The group
lies between south latitudes 3° 50′ and 4° 40′. Sontar or the Great Banda is the largest
island, but the principal settlement is on Nera. They are volcanic in origin and frequent
eruptions and earthquakes have occurred. The population is scant, and the raising of
nutmegs constitutes almost the entire source of revenue. Abreu was the first Portuguese

to visit them (in 1511, at the order of Alboquerque), but Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt
Society edition, pp. 243, 244) seems to have visited them before that time. The
Portuguese held the islands peacefully until 1609, when the Dutch attempted to settle,
but were resisted by the natives, and many of the Dutch massacred, from which followed
a war of extermination until 1627. Most of the natives fled, so that it became necessary
for the Dutch to introduce slave labor for the cultivation of the nutmegs. At the Dutch
conquest the nutmeg plantations were given to the persons taking part in it, and are still
held by their heirs, under the name of Parkeniers, on condition of delivering the whole
product to the government at a fixed and low rate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 33–
36.
494
MS. 5,650 reads: “than the other weapons [bastons].”
495
MS. 5,650 reads: “of the color of the fruit.” Cf. Pigafetta’s description of the clove
tree with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 246) and Linschoten’s
Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 81–84. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp.
101–105, and VOL. XIV, p. 58, note 5. Crawfurd remarks that Pigafetta’s account is
even yet a good popular one.
496
Probably Pottebackers Island to the south of Tidore.
497
Cf. Pigafetta’s description of the nutmeg with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt
Society edition), p. 245, and Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 84–
86. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 304–306, and VOL. XX, p. 258, note 48.
498
This method of making cloth from tree-bark is also mentioned by Combés (Historia,
Madrid, 1667).
499
MS. 5,650 adds: “and bruise.” There are supposed to be five palms that produce the
product called sago, which is probably the word for the meal, as each of the palms has its
own specific name. The most frequently cultivated are the râmbiya, Sagus Konigii or
Metroxylon sago, and the bamban or Sagus lævis. The shell of each species is very thin,
and the yield of sago very abundant, as it comprises all the pith of the tree. Sago trees
grow throughout the Malayan archipelago and Philippines as far as Mindanao. They
require a boggy ground and propagate by lateral shoots, as well as by seeds, so that a
sago plantation is perpetual. Three trees will yield more nutritive matter than an acre of
wheat, and six trees more than an acre of potatoes. Sago is the sole bread of the
Moluccas and New Guinea and its neighboring islands, but of no other part of the
Archipelago. In the Malay countries it is only the food of the wild tribes, and is hardly
used by the Malays themselves. Only the poorer classes in Mindanao use it, while in
other islands, such as Java, where rice is abundant, it is not used at all. It is the lowest
kind of farinaceous food. The pearl sago of commerce was introduced by the Chinese.

The method of preparation is essentially that described by Pigafetta. See Crawfurd’s
Dictionary, pp. 371, 372; and Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), pp. 115,
116.
500
MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. Stanley (p. 135, note) says that the
dress of the soldiers of Pigafetta’s time was indecent.
501
MS. 5,650 reads: “seven hundred and ninety.”
502
These native names for cloves are “ghomodo” and “Bongalauant” in MS. 5,650. The
principal names current for the clove in the eastern archipelago are foreign rather than
native. In the Moluccas they are called gaumedi, which is a Sanskrit word meaning
“cow’s marrow.” The most frequent name is cângkek which is said to be a corruption of
the Chinese name theng-hia, meaning “odoriferous nails.” Another name is lawan to
which the Malays prefix the words “flower” or “fruit” (as Pigafetta’s bongalauan), and
is the name of the Telingas of India, who have always conducted the largest trade
between India and the Malayan countries. Sec Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 101, 102.
503
Still so called and located to the south.
504
MS. 5,650 adds: “Ala.”
505
MS. 5,650 reads: “crown.”
506
Spelled zzambachean in MS. 5,650. This is the word subhan, “giving praise”
(Stanley, p. 138).
507
MS. 5,650 reads: “by Ala his god, and by his crown.”
508
MS. 5,650 reads: “of that island.”
509
MS. 5,650 reads: “the king of Bacchian.” These counselors were those well affected
to the Portuguese who hoped by such an act to ward off Portuguese vengeance for the
murder of the Portuguese at Bachian because of their licentiousness (see p. 41).
510
MS. 5,650 reads: “As we had no more cloth, we sent to ask the king for three brasses
of his cloth, which he gave to us.”
511
MS. 5,650 reads: “some silk and other presents.”
512
St. Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a virgin who was martyred at
Heliopolis, December 4, 306.

513
MS. 5,650 reads: “our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets.”
514
MS. 5,650 reads: “three sous.” The marcello was a silver Venetian coin weighing
sixty-three grams. Two marcelli equaled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one
quarter Italian lire. It was later also the name given to a silver coin of Francesco III, duke
of Mantua, 1540–50. See Mosto, p. 98, note 7; and Hazlitt’s Coinage of European
Continent.
515
MS. 5,650 says that a couple of drinking-cups were given to each of the brothers.
516
MS. 5,650 reads: “many pieces of artillery.”
517
MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts and culverins.”
518
MS. 5,650 reads: “relatives and friends.”
519
MS. 5,650 reads: “as mistresses of the function, and arranged everything.”
520
MS. 5,650 adds: “for a jest;” but omits the remainder of the sentence.
521
St. James of Compostella, located in the Spanish province of Galicia. Alboquerque,
the great Portuguese viceroy of India, bequeathed a large silver lampstand to St. James
of Galicia, and a hundred thousand reis (about £20 16s 8d), in cash for oil at his death.
The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Palmela, and under the charge of the
Augustinians was the head-quarters of Santiago or St. James in Portugal. See Birch’s
Alboquerque, iii, pp. 18, 19.
522
MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts.”
523
MS. 5,650 reads: “quill.”
524
In Eden (p. 259) manuccodiata; and in Transylvanus, Mamuco Diata (VOL. I, pp.
331, 332). This mention by the latter is perhaps the first mention in European literature
of the bird of paradise, the skins of which seem to have been a regular article of
commerce. These skins were supposed to render the wearer safe and invincible in battle.
(Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 285, 286). The method of hunting, as described by Wallace
(Malay Archipelago, New York, 1869) is by bow and arrow, the latter with “a conical
wooden cap fitted to the end as large as a teacup, so as to kill the bird by the violence of
the blow without making any wound or shedding any blood.”
525
MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.”

526
In place of the remainder of this sentence MS. 5,650 reads: “and cast spells.”
527
MS. 5,650 reads here in addition to what follows: “bewitch and.”
528
MS. 5,650 adds: “and shorter.”
529
MS. 5,650 reads: “in lime and in large jars.” Cf. with Pigafetta’s description of the
ginger plant and root, that of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 58). See also
the prices quoted by Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society
edition, pp. 220, 221), and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 143.
530
In Eden (p. 260) the “Trinidad” springs its leak in the island of Mare, after stowing
provisions and fuel for the return trip.
531
Bomba: a Spanish word.
532
MS. 5,650 reads: “‘Who will go,’” etc.
533
MS. 5,650 adds: “and regard.”
534
MS. 5,650 does not specify any number, but makes it general of all who remained.
535
MS. 5,650 adds: “and sadly.”
536
MS. 5,650 reads: “afternoon.”
537
MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.” Juan Carvalho was later superseded by Gonzalo Gomez de
Espinosa the alguacil who had rendered so signal service to Magalhães at the time of the
mutiny at Port St. Julian.

Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 305, 306, 311) gives his connection with the men of the
“Trinidad” as follows:

“I have already written from Banda the news which I found there regarding the
Castilians, and sent the letters of one Pedro de Lorossa who went with them. I left Banda
May 2, 522, to ascertain whether I could seize the ship which left last, as the other one
had already left about three months before. I reached Tidore May 13, 522, where the
Castilians had been, and where they laded two of the five ships that sailed from Castilla.
I learned that the first one had gone four months before and the other one a month and a
half. The second had not left with the first because of a leak which had opened when
they were on the point of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargo and after
it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians, one a factor, with merchandise, and

another who was a gunner. I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [of
Tidore] demanding the surrender of the Castilians, artillery, and property to me, and to
ask him why he had admitted Castilians since that region had been discovered so long
before by the Portuguese. He answered that he had admitted them as merchants, and for
fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent me three Castilians and a small amount of
their goods. I had already taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he had gone
to get information of the country and of trade. The fifth Castilian was absent in the island
of Moro, 60 leguas from Maluco. The following day the king came to see me. He
announced himself as a good vassal of your Highness, and had excuses for everything,
all of which was proved by the Castilians themselves. I had him give his testimony in
writing, in order to have a check on him at all times, for I assure you that those
Castilians had surrendered to his power as if they were Christians and his natives. I
found the whole country full of tin crosses ([although] some were of silver), with a
crucifix on one side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards, muskets,
crossbows, swords, darts, and powder. I brought all those crosses above mentioned to
your Highness, which those people were selling with full knowledge of what they were.

“After I had been there two days a bastard son of the king of Ternate came to take me to
his island. That man is the one who is governing in the name of the heir, a child of eight
or nine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival. This island [of
Ternate] is the largest and chiefest of Maluco, and is the one where Francisco Serrano
always lived, as well as Don Tristan when he came here. Then the mother of the king,
who has more authority, came, and they proclaimed themselves as your Highness’s
vassals. I said nothing of a fortress as I wished first to see all the islands. After I had seen
them, I thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and there is no port in
Tidor.

“While I was ashore my men fell sick, and within two months, I only had 50 well men
out of the 200 I had brought with me. About 50 of them died, and with so few men the
fortress was started.

“On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the back of these islands. I thought
it must be the Castilians, since they took that course. I sent three ships with orders to
bring it in, and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians. They said that not caring to return
by the way they had come as it was so long a voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien.
They found but light winds, for they could not take the monsoon, and [accordingly] went
to 40 degrees north. According to their account they had made 900 leguas when they put
back. When they left they had 54 men, 30 of whom died at 40 degrees. The goods of the
king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the maps and astrolabes were seized. The
ship, which was old and leaking badly, was begun to be lightened. In a week it opened
and 40 bahars of cloves were lost. The wood was used for the fortress and the equipment
for the other ships there....

“I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that they might pay what they owe to
Jorge de Alburquerque, so that he might send them thence to the chief captain of India
according to the instructions given me in your Highness’s orders. Those men are
Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, captain; Juan de Campos, factor, who remained with the
goods in Tidore; Alfonso de Costa, who was going to examine the trade in Banda; Luis
del Molino; Diego Diaz; Diego Martin; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship; Juan Roiz;
Ginés de Mafra; Juan Novoro; San Remo; Amalo; Francisco de Ayamonte; Luis de Veas;
Segredo; Master Otans [the German gunner, Hans Vargue]; and Anton Moreno.

“I left four here: 1st, the master of the ship, named Juan Bautista, who is the most skilful
of them all, and has sailed in ships belonging to your Highness, and who is the one who
took command, and who after the death of Magallanes must have taken his fleet to
Maluco; 2nd, the clerk, who is a good sailor and pilot; 3d, the boatswain; and 4th, a
carpenter who is needed to repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of
Burneo....

“In regard to the master, clerk, and pilot, I am writing to the chief captain that it will be
more to the service of your Highness to order them beheaded than to send them there. I
detained them in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the intention of having
them die there, as I did not dare order them beheaded for I was ignorant whether such
action would meet your Highness’s approval. I am writing to Jorge de Alburquerque to
detain them in Malaca, which is also a country that is very unhealthy.”

Navarrete describes the adventures of the “Trinidad” and the fate of her crew in his Col.
de viages, iv, pp. 98–107; for a translation of which see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 237–
241. Cf. also the account in Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 298–307, where many details
not in Navarrete are to be found. The mortality of the crew of the “Trinidad” was
terrible, and of the 53 men left with Juan Carvalho at Tidore, only the following returned
to Spain, and that only after a number of years: Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, alguazil;
Ginés de Mafra, sailor; Leon Pancado [mentioned above by Brito], sailor; and Juan
Rodriguez of Seville, sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, also reached Lisbon with
Espinosa and Ginés de Mafra, but died almost immediately upon his arrival there, in
prison. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 338, 339.

The goods left and accumulated in Tidore by the Spaniards is thus given by Brito
(Navarrete, iv, p. 310): “The goods which remained in Tidor belonging to the Castilians
amounted to 1,125 quintals 32 libras of copper, 2,000 libras of quicksilver, two quintals
of iron, three bombards with iron blocks (one is a pasamuro and two are roqueiras), 14
iron culverins without any chamber, three iron anchors (consisting of a fugareo, one
large one, and one broken one), 9 crossbows, 12 muskets, 32 breast-plates, 12
serveilheras, 3 helmets, 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 iron culverins, 2 iron falconets, 2 large
iron bombards with four chambers, and 1,275 quintals of cloves.”

538
So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religious matters of Tidore, which had
embraced the Mahometan worship.
539
MS. 5,650 adds: “was forty-five years old.”
540
MS. 5,650 omits mention of the camotes. The comulicai becomes comulicar in MS.
5,650. Eden reads: “and a marueilous coulde frute which they name Camulicai.” The
comulicai is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach called guava is
evidently the mango or manga (Mangifera Indica). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 263
(who fails to note that Pigafetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas). It is
mentioned by the Italian traveler Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 159,
160).
541
The generic name for “parrot” is loony. Its correct Malay form is noyras (Crawfurd,
Dictionary, p. 221, nuri and Javanese nori). The corruption nori began to be common in
the seventeenth century. (See Linschoten’s Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 307).
Nicolò de’Conti says that there are three species of parrots in Banda. The first two
species are both known by the name of nori, “bright,” and are about the size of doves,
one species having red feathers and a saffron-colored beak and the other being of various
colors. The third species are white and as large as the common domestic fowl, and are
called cachi, “better.” They imitate human speech better than the others. Bellemo says
that the lori [i.e., nori] are parrots with red feathers, giachi those which speak more
easily, while the white ones cockatoos which do not speak (Mosto, p. 100, note 3).
542
The modern names of the Moluccas are Ternate, Tidor, Mortier, Makian, and Batjian;
or in a more correct orthography, Târnati, Tidori, Mortir, Makiyan, and Bachian (see
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 283). Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) includes Gilolo among the
Moluccas.
543
In describing the five Moluccas Islands, Eden (p. 260) says that Tidore lies in 171
degrees of longitude. “Terenate, is vnder the Equinoctial line foure minutes vnder the
pole Antartike.... Theſe Ilandes are lyke foure ſharpe mountaynes, except Macchian
which is not ſharpe. The byggeſt of all theſe, is Bacchian.”

Main events while at the Moluccas, are related substantially the same by the “Roteiro”
(Stanley, pp. 23–25) as by Pigafetta, although much shorter. The “Roteiro” says however
that the king of Tidore sent twenty-five divers to locate the leak of the “Trinidad.” The
anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, pp. 31, 32) names the five Moluccas and mentions the
island of Banda. See A. Bastian’s Indonesian oder die Inseln des Malayischen Archipel,
which contains sections entitled: Die Mölukken (Berlin, 1884); Timor and umliegende
Inseln (Berlin, 1885): and Borneo und Celebes (Berlin, 1889).

544
MS. 5,650 omits this vocabulary; as does Stanley. Mosto has mistranscribed a few of
the Malay words. This vocabulary is the most ancient specimen of Malay extant, for in
that language there exist neither old inscriptions nor old manuscripts; and it is
wonderfully accurate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 352; also R. N. Cust’s Modern
Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878); and Wallace’s East India Archipelago, pp.
608–625.
545
Naceran is evidently a corruption of an Arabian word meaning “Nazarene;” in some
of the following words used to denote worship, one may see traces also of words brought
in with the conquering religion of Mahomet.
546
See VOL. XXXIII, p. 315, note 160.
547
See VOL. XXXIII, p. 349, note 391.
548
At this point in the original Italian MS. are shown two charts: 1. On folio 68b, the
islands of Laigoma, Caioian, Giogi, Sico, Labuac, Caphi (with the inscription “The
Pigmies live in this island”), Tolyman, Tabobi, Bachiam, Latalata, Batutiga, Maga, and a
number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 104); shown on folio 84a of MS. 5,650, preceded by
the words: “Chart of the islands of Bacchian, Toliman, Sico, Caioan, Laigoma, Gioggi,
Caphi, Labuan, etc.” 2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru,
Ambalao, Ambon, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 110); in MS. 5,650 shown
on folio 84b, preceded by the words “Below is shown the chart of the islands of
Ambalao, Ambon, Buru, and others.”
549
A number of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightly differently in Eden (p.
260). Mosto (p. 104, note 1) conjectures that Caioan is the Cayoan of Albo (Navarrete,
iv, p. 224), which he seeks to identify with the island of Kayoa or Kiou; Laigoma is
Laigama, one of the islands among the Molucca group; Sico is Siku; Giogi is perhaps
Gumorgi; and Caphi is Gafi. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 1–5.
550
Throughout the remainder of his narrative, it is seen that Pigafetta has often lent a
credulous ear to the Malayan pilots of the ships and to current report. Marco Polo (book
iii, xiii), explodes the belief in pigmies, which he declares to have been cleverly made
for trade purposes. Pigafetta’s account may possibly refer to an aboriginal people,
although more probably it is a reference to the orang-outang.
551
MS. 5,650 spells some of these islands differently (Labuan, Toliman, and several
others), but in general the changes in spelling are very slight, consisting in a change of
vowel or a doubling of a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southern part
of the island of Batchian; Toliman is Twali Bezar; Titameti is perhaps Tawalie Ketijl;
Latalata is Latta-latta; Tabobi is perhaps Tappi; Maga is perhaps Loemang; Batutiga is

perhaps Oby Major, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See Mosto, p.
104, notes 6–12.
552
Called “Sulan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). It is one of the Xulla Islands (see
Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 289, and Mosto, p. 104, note 13).
553
It is impossible to identify these names with complete assurance. The first four
probably correspond to the group of islands near Amboina, which contains those of
Honimoa, Moelana, Oma, and Noesfa Laut; Leitimor (Ley-timur) is a peninsula of
Amboina; Tenetun (called “Tenado” by Albo-Navarrete, iv. p. 225) is perhaps one of the
Xulla islands; the last four correspond perhaps to the group east of Ceram known as
Bonoa, Babi, Kelang, Manipa, Toeban, and Smangi. Benaia is again named lower down,
and two other islands in its group. See Mosto, pp. 104, 105, notes.
554
Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) calls it Lumutola. It is perhaps the island of Lisamatula.
See Mosto, p. 105, note 2.
554*
MS. 5,650 reads: “a food made of figs [i.e., bananas], almonds, and honey, wrapped
in leaves and smoke dried, which is cut into rather long pieces and called canali.” That
MS. omits the remainder of this, and the following six sentences.
555
MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty-five.” On modern maps this name is given as Boeroe. It is
called Buró by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225), and he says that it was “necessary to coast
along its eastern side.” This was on December 27.
556
The native name of Amboina is Ambun, which is said to be derived from its chief
town, the island itself being called by its inhabitants Hitoe or Hitu. The inhabitants have
been converted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church. They attend
public schools and are taught to read and write the Malay language in Roman characters.
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 11.
557
MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Undia.” It is probably the Bidia of Albo (Navarrete,
iv, p. 225).
558
Now Amblau. It has an area of about seventy square geographical miles, and a small
population. It lies in latitude 3° 15´ south, and longitude 125° 15´ east.

Following this paragraph in the original Italian MS. (folio 72a) is shown the chart of the
islands of Bandam, namely, Lailaca, Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach,
Saniananpi, Chelicel, Man, Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa (q.v., p. 114). This chart is
shown on folio 85b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words, “Chart of the islands of
Bandan, Rossonghin, Man, Zzorobua, and others.”

559
The names of the ten islands comprising the Banda group are Banda (“United”), Pulo
Nera (“the island of Palm Wine”), Lontar (“Palm”), Pulo Ai (properly Pulo Wai; “Water
Island”), Pulo Pisang (“Banana Island”), Pulo Run (Rung; “Chamber Island”), Pulo
Suwanggi (“Sorcery Island”), Gunung-api (“Fire Mountain” or “Volcano”), Pulo Kapal
(“Ship Island” or “Horse Island”), and Rosingen (the Rosoghin of Pigafetta, and the
Rosolangium of Barros, which Crawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay
words roso, “strength” and langgâng, “firm,” “assured”). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p.
33; and ante, note 493.
560
At this point (folio 73a) of the original Italian MS. follows the chart of the islands, of
Mallua, Batuombor, Galiau, Zolot, and Nocemamor (q.v., p. 118). This chart is shown on
folio 87a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Zzolot, Galliau,
Nocemamor, Batuanbor, and Mallua.”
561
These are the islands of Solor, Nobokamor Rusa, and Lomblen (Mosto, p. 105, notes
6–8). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 289, note) says that the passage taken by the “Victoria”
was either Flores or Boleng Strait.
562
MS. 5,050 reads: “little horns.” The Italian is corniolli.
563
MS. 5,650 reads: “They have a kind of sack made from the leaves of trees, in which
they carry their food and drink. When their women saw us they came to meet us with
bows,” etc. Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The Italian MS. will allow this
translation, although the most natural translation both in the structure and the sense is the
one of our text. This might be recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part of the
adapter of the Italian to the French.
564
MS. 5,650 reads: “in order to inspect and overhaul.”
565
MS. 5,650 mentions only the long pepper here, though the round variety is also
described as in the Italian MS.
566
MS. 5,650 omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sentence, compares the leaves
of the pepper plant to those of the mulberry. Gatelle (Gattelli), the diminutive of Gatto
“cat,” is the vulgar name for amento, the botanical name for the first flowers of the
walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree, and other trees.
567
MS. 5,650 reads: “lubi.” Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 335) says that the long pepper
(Piper longum) is called chave by the Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. It is
probably a native of Java, although grown in other parts of the archipelago. It is not
named by Barbosa. Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 73) says that the

long pepper is grown only in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini (from the Sanskrit
pippali).
568
The black pepper (Piper nigrum), called lada in Malayan, lada in the Philippines,
and maricha (pure Sanskrit) in Javanese, was probably introduced into the archipelago
from Malabar. It is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantly so in
the mountains and valleys of most of the countries of the western side of India. It is
produced in some parts of the Philippines, but little is exported, as sufficient attention
has not been paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with that raised in
other parts of the East Indies. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 333–335; and Official
Handbook of Philippines, p. 114. See also Yule’s Jordanus (Hakluyt Society edition), p.
27 (who confuses the long with the black pepper); Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society
edition), pp. 156, 157; Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society
edition), p. 219; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 72–75; and VOL.
III, p. 77.
569
They reached this island on January 8, 1522, the day of the storm. See Albo’s log
(Navarrete, iv, p. 226).

At this point in the original Italian MS. (folio 74a) is the chart of the islands of Botolo,
Chendam, Nossocamba, Samaute, and Timor (q.v., p. 124). This chart appears on folio
89a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Timor and of its four
settlements, and four other islands.”
570
Mosto (p. 106, note 4) conjectures that Arucheto is one of the Aru Islands or the
island of Haruku, east of Amboina. Eden (p. 260) says of the island of Arucheto
(Arucetto): “But owr men wolde not ſayle thyther, bothe bycauſe the wynde and courſe
of the ſea was ageynſte theym, and alſo for that they gaue no credite to his reporte.” This
last reason may have been obtained from Maximilianus Transylvanus.
571
Amoretti reads erroneously: “Saturday, January 25, at 22 o’clock;” and Stanley (p.
151), reproducing his error, explains this as the Italian method of reckoning time.
572
MS. 5,650 omits the date.
573
MS. 5,650 reads: “beef,” here and throughout this paragraph, and elsewhere.
574
The large island was Timur, and Amaban and Balibo were villages located on its
coast. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 226) says that they coasted along Timor “to the village of
Manvay, first arriving at the village of Queru.”

575
MS. 5,650 reads: “linen, silk and cotton cloth, knives, scissors, mirrors, and other
things.”
576
MS. 5,650 reads: “adorned with gold,” and the last sentence of the paragraph reads:
“Some of them wear other gold ornaments in their ears.” Guillemard conjectures from
Pigafetta’s description that these people were of Papuan origin (Magellan, p. 290). His
translation of this passage is not exact.
577
The white sandal wood (Santalum album) is a low tree resembling a large myrtle,
although belonging to another family. It is a native of several islands in the Malay
Archipelago, but more especially of Timur and Sumba (Sandal Wood Island). It is also
found in the South Sea islands and in Malabar. The Malays and Javanese call it
“chandana” (a Sanskrit word, written “sandana” by the Filipinos, but used there for
another tree), and it was probably first made known to the natives of the archipelago by
the Hindu traders. Both Varthema and Barbosa mention it as an article of commerce, and
the latter gives prices. The greatest users of sandal-wood as a perfume, incense, or fancy
wood are the Hindus and Chinese, especially the latter. Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 375.
578
MS. 5,650 omits mention of beans.
579
MS. 5,650 reads “steel” instead of “hatchets.”
580
MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-four and one-half.”
581
Timur is wrongly classed with the chain of islands called the Sunda, being different
in location, structure, fauna, and botany. It is mountainous and rather desolate. Its
inhabitants are Malayans and Negritos, and two languages are spoken there—Timourese
in the west, and Teto or Manatoto in the east. The religion is a sort of demonology. An
annual sacrifice of a virgin to the sharks and alligators was made until recent times,
when the practice was abolished by the Dutch. It is about 370 miles long by 50 broad in
its widest part and contains about 9,808 square geographical miles. The island belongs to
the Dutch and Portuguese. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 432–435, and Cust’s Modern
Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878), p. 143.
582
MS. 5,650 reads: “St. Job,” and “for franchi.” Eden (p. 260) says of this disease: “In
al the Ilandes of this Archipelagus, rayneth the diſeaſe of ſaynt Iob (whiche wee caule the
frenche poxe) more then in any other place in the worlde.” Evidently this passage of
Pigafetta is a reference to the disease of syphilis. This disease was not first introduced in
the Orient by the Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in America, for
Varthema found it in Calicut in 1505, and it was observed in China long before it was
noticed in Europe. Littré discovered a mention of it in a work of the thirteenth century,
and it is mentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under the name of

upadamça. It is doubtless an old disease. Stanley (p. 153) following Amoretti, wrongly
believes the leprosy to be meant by this passage. From the fact that the Filipinos had a
name for the disease (see vol. i, p. 189), it is conjectured that its existence was well
known. See Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, p. 239.

The following information is received from Walter G. Stern, M. D., of Cleveland, Ohio,
regarding this disease: “The maladie de Job is considered by many authors to be syphilis
(lues venerea). At least all of the symptoms complained of by Job can be readily
explained upon the theory that Job was afflicted with this disease. That syphilis is as old
as mankind, there can be no doubt, although for centuries popular belief and tradition
claimed that it was introduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The
coincidence of the terrible epidemic of malignant syphilis with the discovery of the New
World, the ignorance of the medical profession of those times, and the silence of the
popular medical writers of former ages as to the previous existence of such a complex
contagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an axiom. The finding of undoubted
syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the most remote historic periods is undisputed
evidence of the antiquity of syphilis. The sexual excesses of the ancients, the Baal and
Astarte worship of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cult of the Romans,
were at least most favorable means of spreading venereal diseases. Not taking into
account references in Roman and Grecian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic
Izdebar and the “papyrus Ebers,” we find the first reference to syphilitic disease in
Indian literature of the Brahman period (800 B. C.). There is also a reference in the
Chinese work of Musi-King, which very possibly dates from 2637 B. C.; also one in a
Japanese MS. Daido-rui-shim-ho of about 810 B. C. Hippocrates, Celsus, and Pliny also
mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis, while the Roman satirists describe
venereal afflictions identical to it. It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers of
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was of a very mild type—endemic, as
seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey. Its place of origin is unknown. It probably
came from India, where it has been endemic at least from 800 B. C., and brought by the
Assyrians, Phœnicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and Rome and the rest of Europe.
(See Neuman’s Syphilis, Wien, 1899).” Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, in “The American
Antiquarian and Oriental Journal” for January and February, 1905, has the following
note: “American origin of syphilis. In his ‘Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis (Lustseuche)
in der europäischen Kulturwelt’ (Jena, 1903, p. 35) Iwan Bloch sustains the thesis of its
pre-Columbian existence in America and transference to Europe in the wake of the
discovery of the new world. Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis
‘Der Ursprung der Syphilis’ (1901), in which he set forth similar views. The new work
contains data concerning the first appearance of this terrible malady in Europe, and of a
like sexual disease among the American Indians.”
583
In the original Italian MS. at this point (folio 76a) follows the chart of Laut Chidol,
that is, Great Sea (q.v., p. 124). This chart is given on folio 89b of MS. 5,650, without

other inscription than that of the chart itself, which is the same as the above.
584
Endé, also called Floris and Mangarai, lies between latitudes 7° and 9° south, and
longitudes 120° and 123° east. It is two hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from
forty-two to fifty miles. It is volcanic in origin. It is said to possess six distinct
languages, and the natives are intermediate between Malayan and Papuan. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 138, and Cust, ut supra, p. 143.
585
Tanabutun—Mani (in MS. 5,650, “Moiu,” and in Mosto “Main”) inclusive, probably
refer to the islands between Endé or Floris and Sumbawa. Zumbaua is Sumbawa, which
is so called from its principal people. It is the fifth island of the Sunda chain from the
westward. Its length is 140 miles, greatest breadth, 50, and its area about 278 square
geographical leagues. The island belongs to the Dutch, but the more civilized people are
Mahometans, while some of the mountaineers are still pagans. Three languages or
dialects are found there. Lomboch or Lomboc is the second island due east of Java. The
name is taken from the Javanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lomboc is now
called Sasak (in Malay and Javanese, “a raft” or “temporary bridge”), and sometimes
Selaparang. It is volcanic and mountainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable
rivers, and a number of mountain lakes. The vegetation resembles that of Java, but its
fauna is considerably different. The inhabitants call themselves Sasak, who are
Mahometans and subject (along the seacoast) to the Balinese who profess Hinduism (a
unique example of a nation professing Mahometanism being held in permanent
subjection by another professing Hinduism). The language of the Sasaks is similar to
that of the western end of Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali, the island just east of Java.
See Mosto, p. 107, notes 6–9; Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Cust’s Modern Languages of
East Indies.
586
Java (a Dutch dependency), the most important island of the East Indies, is correctly
called Jawa, a name derived from its principal people. It was first named among
Europeans by Marco Polo. Varthema’s account of the island is almost worthless, but
Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately, while Pigafetta’s account is still
more accurate. The botany of Java is rich and diversified, and the island is extremely
fertile. The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The people whether Javanese
or Sundanese are Malayan. The Javanese are industrious and honest, and are only semi-
Mahometan. The Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the western part
are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chief language of the island, and is
one of the most copious languages in the world. The Javanese are the most civilized of
all Malayan peoples and could boast of civilization before the advent of Europeans in the
Orient. They have cultivated certain of the arts and have many industries. They have a
literature that is sufficiently abundant in both the ancient and modern languages. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 165–192; Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies, pp.
137, 138; and Lucas’s Historical Geography of British Colonies (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 99.

587
The name of the king of Megepaher seems to be given as “Patiunus Sunda” in MS.
5,650. That manuscript continues: “Considerable pepper grows there. The other cities
are.” Magepaher is the ancient capital Majapait; Sunda is probably the western district of
Java, occupied by the Sundanese (it must be remembered that Pigafetta’s information is
derived orally from the Malay pilots); Daha is the ancient Javanese kingdom of Däa;
Cipara is Japara; Sidaiu is Sidayu; Tuban is the same; Chessi is Gressik or Gârsik (the
first place in Java visited by the Portuguese d’Abreu); and Cirubaia is Surabaya. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 166.
588
Balli is not properly a city of Java, but the island of Bali, located about 1–1/2 miles
east of Java. The name in Javanese and Malay signifies “to return.” Its area is about
1685 square geographical miles, and it is lofty and mountainous. Its numerous rivers are
navigable for native vessels only, and as far as the reach of the tide; and its mountain
lakes ensure a constant water supply. The people live in villages of from five hundred to
three thousand inhabitants, surrounded by walls built of clay, without stone or brick.
They are said to be more skilful agriculturists than the Javanese. The religion is
Brahmanical and Buddhist, although blended with Pagan forms and beliefs. The caste
idea prevails among them. Their dialect is called Balinese, and although rude and simple
is above those of the Sundanese and Madurese. Writing is on the palm-leaf only. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 28–31; and Cust’s Modern Languages, pp. 138, 139.
589
Eden reads (p. 260): “Giaua the leſſe, is as bygge as the Ilande of Madera, and is but
half a leaque diſtante from Giaua maior;” thus confusing the island of Madura with the
Portuguese island of Madeira. Madura has the same formation, vegetation, and manners
and character of its inhabitants, as Java. The name is derived from the Hindu legend,
which represents it as the kingdom of the hero and demi-god Baladewa, and is a
corruption of the Sanskrit Mathura. The greatest length of the island is about ninety
miles. The language although poorer and ruder than the Javanese, resembles the latter. It
has one dialect, termed Sumanap. Many of its inhabitants have emigrated to Java. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 233, 234; and Cust’s Modern Languages, p. 138.
590
MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.
591
This ceremony, as it was practiced in the island of Bali (the only one of the East
Indies to preserve the custom) is described by Crawfurd (Dictionary, pp. 30, 140–142).
“The ordinary funeral rites of the Balinese much resemble those of the Buddhists of
Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a modification of the Hindu Suttee, and the
bloody ceremony of krising, a barbarism peculiar to the people of Bali themselves.” In
that island, unless the dead man were of great wealth, the woman sacrificing herself was
stabbed to death with a kris, instead of being burned with her husband’s corpse, as the
expense accompanying the burning was so great. Barbosa (East African and Malabar

Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 93) mentions this custom of one of the countries of
India. See also Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 249, 250, and note).
592
MS. 5,650 adds: “of their vagina.”
593
MS. 5,650 adds: “and more pleasantly.” This custom is also mentioned by Barbosa
(ut supra, p. 184) in connection with the people of Pegu. His account, which is left
untranslated by Stanley, is as follows:

“They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk’s-bells sewn and fastened in
the head of their penis between the flesh and the skin in order to make them larger. Some
have three, some five, and others seven. Some are made of gold and silver, and others of
brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The custom is considered as quite the proper
thing. The women delight greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go without them.
The most honored men are those who have the most and largest ones. I will say nothing
more of this custom, for it is a shameful one.” Stanley says that this custom is also
mentioned by Nicolo Conti in the fifteenth century.
594
In MS. 5,650 and in Mosto: “Ocoloro.” Yule (Book of Ser Marco Polo, ii, p. 395)
conjectures that this is the modern island of Engano.
595
In MS. 5,650 “caiu paugganghi,” and “bua paugganghi.” Stanley (p. 155, note 2) says
that garuda is Sanskrit and Malay for “griffin,” and (note 1) that campong anghin means
“the place of wind.” Yule (Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 511, note) says:
“Garuda is a term from the Hindu mythology for the great bird that carries Vishnu; its
use among the Malays is a relic of their ancient religion.... To an island of the Indian Sea
also Kazwini attributes a bird of such enormous size, that, if dead, the half of its beak
would serve for a ship.” De Gubernatis (Memorie intorno ai viaggiatori italiani nelle
Indie orientali, Firenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is perhaps the mythical tree,
whose fruit gives felicity in the Hindu paradise; and the bird is the one with the golden
feathers, into which Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the Hindu mythology. Mosto, p.
108, note 5.
596
Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca.
597
Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, so called from the Sanskrit singa, “lion,” and
pura, “city.” It is an island and town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula,
and is a busy mart of trade. Pahan is Pahang (called Pam by the Portuguese, and properly
spelt Päang), which is a city and district or province of the eastern part of the Malacca
Peninsula. Calantan (Kalantan) and Patani are districts of the eastern part of the
peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the same names. Both states were from
early times tributary to Siam. Lagon is the Siamese province of Ligor (called Lâkon by

the Siamese). Phran is perhaps the same name as seen today in the Pran River. Cui
figures on the maps of Ortelius and Mercatorius; and Valentyn gives an island “Couir.”
Brabri is perhaps Bangri, and Bangha, Bang-kok. India (error of ancient amanuensis for
Iudia) is Yuthia, which became the Siamese capital in 1350. Mosto believes that
Jandibum, Sanu, and Langhonpifa are also the names of Siamese kings, but they are
probably the names of cities. MS. 5,650 makes Zacabedera the name of a city, but it
appears later as part of a sovereign’s name. Stanley (following Amoretti, who
mistranscribed) has Bradlini, Trombon, Joran (for Phran), Laun (in MS. 5,650 “Lauu”),
and Langonpifa. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Mosto (p. 109, notes 1–8).
598
MS. 5,650 reads: “the rest.”
599
MS. 5,650 reads: “Cameggia.” This is the country of Cambodia or Camboja
(Kamboja), called also Champa by the Malays. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 80, 81.
600
Champa, the name of an ancient Malay settlement on the eastern side of the gulf of
Siam, in the country of Cambodia. Stanley makes the name of its king “Brahami Martu.”
Mosto (p. 109, note 10) makes Chiempa, Binh-Thuan in Anam. See preceding note; and
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 93.
601
Stanley (p. 156, note) says: “Pigafetta has confounded rhubarb with the decayed
wood of a tree found in Siam, which, when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and
which sells at a high price.”
602
MS. 5,650 confuses this country with the cocoanut, and translates accordingly:
“Cocoanuts are found there.” It is, of course, the country of Cochin. MS. 5,650 also
makes the Seribumni (Scribumni, in Mosto) Pala (Seribumnipala, in MS. 5,650) the ruler
of Champa, although a ruler has already been named for that country.
603
This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong, of the Ming dynasty, who
succeeded to Woutsong in 1519 and reigned for forty-five years. See Boulger’s Short
History of China (London, 1900, pp. 94–96).
604
In Eden (p. 260) the names of these Chinese cities are “Canthan, Nauchin, and
Connulaha.” The last is the city of Peking which was called Khan-palik (the city of the
Khan) by the Mongols, a form which was changed into Cambalu in the accounts of those
times. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, p. 55.
605
MS. 5,650 reads: “great and little.” See VOL. XXXIII, p. 331, note 273.
606
Eden (p. 261) calls the Chinese emblem a “linx;” an allusion doubtless to the Chinese
emblem, the dragon, called lung. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, ii, p. 267.

607
MS. 5,650 continues from this point: “so that he may furnish an example.” See
Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 408–420, for modes of Chinese punishments (the
obeisance made by criminals being mentioned on p. 315). The zonghu of the text is
perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called kung shau, which consists in joining the
hands and raising them before the breast (ii, p. 68).
608
MS. 5,650 adds: “also artificially made.” Naga in Sanskrit is the name of a fabulous
snake or dragon, and is found in all the cultivated languages throughout the Indian
Archipelago. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 290.
609
This passage reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “Each circle or enclosure of the wall has
a gate. At the first is a porter who holds in his hand a large stout iron club called satu
horan. In the second is a dog called satu hain; in the third a man with an iron mace
called satu horan with pocun bessin; in the fourth a man with a bow in his hand called
satu horan with anach panan; in the fifth a man with a lance called satu horan with satu
tumach; in the sixth a lion called satu hurimau; and in the seventh, two white elephants
called two gaggia pute.” Mosto has houman for the horiman of our text and the hurimau
of MS. 5,650; while Stanley has hurimau. Mosto also prints the word con meaning
“with,” as a part of the various Malayan words. The meaning of these words as given by
Stanley and corroborated by Mosto are as follows: satu orang, “one man;” anjing, a
“dog;” pokoh bisi, “club of iron;” panah, a “bow;” tombak, a “lance;” horiman, a “tiger.”
610
MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence; and continuing reads: “If one stops
to examine the palace thoroughly, he finds four halls, where the principal men go at
times to visit and converse with the king.” Eden (p. 261) says: “In this pallaice are lxxix.
haules, in the which is an infinite number of women that ſerue the kynge hauynge euer
lyght torches in theyr handes for the greater magnifycence.”
611
See description of Peking with map showing the palace in Williams, Middle
Kingdom, i, pp. 55–66.
612
Eden (p. 261) reads: “They haue the croſſe in ſum eſtimation, but knowe not the cauſe
whye.”
613
The remainder of this sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
614
“Commaru” in MS. 5,650.
615
MS. 5,650 reads: “Then it is steeped in the urine of the said cat.”
616
MS. 5,650 adds instead of the following sentence: “But the real musk comes from the
blood abovesaid, and if that be made into little round pellets, it evaporates.”

617
Mosto (p. 110, note 5) thinks it more probable that this passage refers to the animal
Moschus moschiferus, or the musk deer, which is found in the high Himalayas, Tibet,
and Eastern Siberia, rather than to the civet cat, which Pigafetta names. Castor is derived
from the Sanskrit kasturi, which is used by the Malays and Javanese for the perfume of
the civet cat (although they also use native and Arabic names). It is very probable that
Pigafetta has confused musk and civet. However, Cosmas says also that the Kasturi
produces the musk (see Yule’s Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. clxxiv). Friar
Jordanus gives a very superficial account of the musk deer and the preparation of musk
(Wonders of the East, pp. 47, 48). Early descriptions of preparing musk and prices are
given by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 102), Barbosa (East African and
Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 186, 187, 222), who mentions the leeches,
and Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 94, 95), who also
describes civet (ii, pp. 95, 96). Wallace (Malay Archipelago, p. 41) notes that leeches are
very abundant and annoying on the peninsula of Malacca.
618
Chienchii are probably the people of Chincheo (Chinchew; the modern Chwan-
Chow-Foo), a name formerly often applied to a province of China. See VOL. III, p. 41,
note 6.
619
Bellemo, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguans proper are called Mon, says
(Mosto, p. 110, note 6) that Burmah is here referred to. It would seem rather to be one of
the northern districts of China, possibly about the Yellow River, and Lechii may refer to
the city of Linching. Mosto and Amoretti transcribe Moni, and MS. 5,650, Mon.
620
Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part of the country now called China,
became later (in the Middle Ages) the name for the entire country. See Yule’s Cathay, i,
preliminary essay.
621
MS. 5,650 reads: “Hau.” Han was a small Chinese state which gave name to the first
national Chinese dynasty, and it may be the Han referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger’s
Short History of China, p. 10.
622
“Chetissirimiga” in MS. 5,650.
623
“Triagomba” in MS. 5,650.
624
These names appear before (see VOL. XXXIII, p. 321, note 177) where they are
given as the name of one island.
625
Javanese for “South Sea.”

626
Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first mentioned with that spelling by
Varthema, but it had been visited previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less);
and probably by Nicolò de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before him by the
Arabian traveler Ibn Batûta (ca., 1330), who calls its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah.
Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the
East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea the largest island proper,
being about 1,000 miles long and having an area of about 128,560 square miles. The
ancestral home of the Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of
Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and spread to outlying
islands. A number of tongues akin to the Malay and many dialects are spoken in the
island. Neither the English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island until
after 1816, since when the latter have entered upon a system of conquest. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition); Cust’s Modern
Languages; and Lucas’s Historical Geography British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101.
627
Eden (p. 261) reads: “Fearyng leaſt if they ſhuld ſayle toward the firm land, they
myght bee ſeene of the portugales who are of great power in Malaccha.”
628
Pegu (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded great influence in the East,
but was eclipsed by the kingdoms surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and
Orissa (Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was incorporated with the
Ghôrî or Patan empire of Hindustân toward the end of the twelfth century, and was
formed into a separate province under the second emperor. It became an independent
kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state until conquered by Akbar
in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of
trade, but an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century. Narsinga or
Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the capital of the ancient Brahminical
kingdom of the Carnatic, which before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over
the greater part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Calicut,
Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus) were all important centers of trade before
and during Portuguese occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: “Gon” and “Armux.”
See Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), and Mosto (p. 111, notes 3–11).
629
In MS. 5,650 “Irauai,” “Poleni,” and “Poleai.” Stanley gives the first as “Franas.”
The names of the castes as given by Varthema (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows:
“Brahmins (or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans), Mechua (or
fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine, and nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap
rice). There are only four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang
from the mouth of Brahma; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri, or Chuttree, and
formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen
class, who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of
Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the feet of Brahma, and have

no part in the sacred law. Each caste is further subdivided within its own ranks, and
specific laws govern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of western
civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed. Pigafetta does not mention
the priestly caste and confuses the various other divisions. For early descriptions of
caste, see Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp.
121–144; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, pp. 278–284 (very defective
and inadequate); Gray and Bell’s Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society
edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371–420; and Ball’s Travels in India by Jean Baptiste
Tavernier (London and New York), ii, pp. 181–189.
630
MS. 5,650 reads: “and never enter any city.”
631
Malayâlam for “go.” Linschoten (i, p. 281), and Pyrard de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384),
make the Nairs give this warning cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter
may keep out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta. The Brahmans
also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i, p. 281, note 1).
632
Eden says (p. 261): “ſeuen weekes.”
633
Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522, that the course was laid
west southwest toward the Cape of Good Hope.
634
MS. 5,650 reads: “one thousand and sixty.”
635
The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from 1498, when Vasco da Gama
landed at the mouth of the Zambesi. A number of settlements were founded there in the
first decade of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by agreement
with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886 and 1890. It has an area of
310,000 square miles, and has great vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was
abolished in the colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out by
Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed to his translation of the
history of the converted Moor Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896)
says (i, p. 58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was “so called of three small islets,
situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees
of southerly latitude, which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called
Promontorium Prassum.” Continuing he says that notwithstanding its unhealthful site,
the chief of the three islands, where there was a secure port and where the Portuguese
built a strong fort, became the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the East
Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have been the settlement mentioned by
Pigafetta. See also Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London,
1879), pp. 80–97.

636
MS. 5,650 adds: “and stank.”
637
On March 14, the crew of the “Victoria” worked at repairs on the ship until noon, and
then set sail again. On the eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which
they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs. April 16, the
course was altered to the north. Land was sighted on May 8, and on the following day
they anchored on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the
loss of a mast. After many struggles they were finally clear of the cape on May 22, and
directed their general course northward. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv), and Guillemard’s
Magellan. Considering Albo’s date as correct, Pigafetta is in error by almost half a
month in his date for the doubling of the cape.
638
Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon (Mosto, p. 111, note 15). The
official list shows a record of fifteen deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the
desertion of two others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and arrived at
the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number that tallies if Pigafetta does not include
himself in the forty-seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had
died during the voyage. (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 291, note).
639
Eden adds: (p. 261): “that is, ſaynte Iames Ilande, parteyning to the kyng of
Portugale.” This is the island of Santiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape
Verde Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): “On the ninth of the said month [i.e.,
July], I did not take the sun. We anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were
given a hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That day was
Wednesday, but they [i.e., the Portuguese] maintained that it was Thursday.
Consequently, I believe that we were mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday
night, and then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the port. In the
morning we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice, of which we had need, while we
sailed about on various tacks until its return.”
640
This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650.
641
These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650.
642
MS. 5,650 reads: “and that we did not dare to go to Spain.”
643
Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the island of Santiago as
follows: “On Monday, the fourteenth, we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice. It
returned next day, and went back for another load. We waited until night, but it did not
return. Then we waited until next day, but it never returned. Then we went nearer the
port to discover the reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded our
surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that was coming from the Indias,

and that they would place their men in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We
requested them to send us our men and ship’s boat. They replied that they would bear
our request to their officials. We answered that we would take another tack and wait.
Accordingly we tacked about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men,
both sick and well. That happened on Tuesday, the fifteenth of the month of July.” See
also Transylvanus’s account, VOL. I, pp. 336, 337. The names of the men detained at
this island are given as follows by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 94):

Martin Mendez ship’s accountant
Pedro Tolosa steward
Ricarte de Normandia carpenter
Raldan de Argote gunner
Master Pedro
Juan Martin sobresaliente
Simon de Burgos sobresaliente
Felipe de Rodas sailor
Gomez Hernandez sailor
Socacio Alonso sailor
Pedro Chindurza common seaman
Vasquito Gallego boy

Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338, and note 5) who mentions
thirteen men (the number given by Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent
to Seville (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337).
644
Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 246, 247), says
that Cape St. Vincent was sighted on September 4, 1522.
645
The official death list records two desertions, which must have been the ones
mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions a mutiny at Timur: “There was a mutiny and
conflict, in which a considerable number of the crew were killed.” Oviedo says also:
“Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their crimes.” Guillemard conjectures
that both accounts are borrowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291,
note). The survivors of the “Victoria” who reached Spain, as given by Navarrete (Col. de
viages, iv, p. 96) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as
follows:

Juan Sebastian de Elcano captain
Francisco Albo pilot

Miguel Rodas master
Juan de Acurio boatswain
Martin de Yudicibus merino
Hernando de Bustamente barber
Aires gunner
Diego Gallego sailor
Nicolao de Nápoles sailor
Miguel Sanchez de Rodas sailor
Francisco Rodriguez sailor
Juan Rodriguez de Huelva sailor
Anton Hernandez Colmenero sailor
Juan de Arratia common seaman
Juan de Santander common seaman
Vasco Gomez Gallego common seaman
Juan de Zubileta boy
Antonio Lombardo sobresaliente

Cf. the list as given by Guillemard (Magellan, pp. 337, 338), who attempts to correct the
various lists, and which shows several differences from Navarrete’s list. Navarrete (ut
supra, iv, pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: “Among the Indians who
reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and these kingdoms, was one so sharp
that his first action was to ask how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis
one real, and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing himself from
shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished a reason for his not returning to his
country, although the others did.” See also Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 296.
646
The value of the spices brought to Spain by the “Victoria” exceeded the cost of the
other four vessels and their entire equipment by about £200. The cargo consisted of
cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood. The “Victoria” afterward made one
voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 297,
310.
647
Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give thanks “to almyghtie god
who had brought them ſafe to theyr owne countrey, and reſtored them to theyr wyues and
chyldren.”
648
The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his
brief records as set down from day to day, and not in any sense the relation as here
published. The relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta’s return to Italy.

Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition made by Pigafetta to the doge and
council of Venice, asking permission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows:

“M.D. xxiv. of the month of August.

“Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies:

“Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jerusalem, who desiring to see the
world, have sailed, in past years, with the caravels of his Cesaræan Majesty, which went
to discover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On that voyage I
circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is a feat which no man had [before]
accomplished, I have composed a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to
have printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it for xx years, except
myself, under penalty to him who should print it, or who should bring it here if printed
elsewhere, of a fine of three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also
that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magistrate of this city who
shall be informed of it; and that the fine be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of
your Highness, one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose it. I
humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v.” The docket follows.
649
Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to the regent Louise, and that
she had it translated into French by Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography, at end
of this series). Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Bibliothéque
Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even later than MS. 5,650.
650
The signature in MS. 5,650 is “Anthoyne Pigaphete.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES
By Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese official and geographer, ca. 1280.

Source: This document is obtained from the Filipino paper Periódico
Hebdomadario Escolar, issue of November 9, 1901.

Translation: This is by James Alexander Robertson.

CHAO JU-KUA’S DESCRIPTION OF THE
PHILIPPINES
[The following description is translated from a copy of the Periódico
Hebdomadario Escolar (i.e., “Students’ Weekly Paper”) for November 9,
1901, being no. 6 in order of issue of that paper. It was there published by
Clemente J. Zulueta (now deceased), then professor of history, and later
engaged in archival researches in Spain for the Philippine branch of the
United States government, who was a man of real ability. He himself
communicated the existence of this publication to us; the copy of the paper,
which is rare, was lent us by James A. LeRoy. An editorial note at the
beginning of the chapter reads as follows: “As we consider it of some
importance to the historical, or rather pre-historical, cartography of
Filipinas, we transcribe the following lines, which are a Spanish translation
of chapter xl of the geography of the Chinese writer Chao Ju-kua.1
Professor Blumentritt translated it from the English, and Dr. Hirth translated
directly into English the MS. of Chao Ju-kua [ca., 1891] who according to
Blumentritt, flourished in the thirteenth century—that is, three centuries
before Magallanes’s expedition.” Our search for the translation by Dr. Hirth
has been unavailing, and we are therefore compelled to retranslate
Blumentritt’s translation. Concerning this translation we are furnished the
following information in a letter from James A. LeRoy, dated January 27,
1904: “Zulueta owns the original letter and the translation of this chapter as
written out by Ferdinand Blumentritt and sent to Rizal while the latter was
in exile in 1894. Blumentritt made the annotations to the chapter, as is
proved by his letter. In his letter to Rizal enclosing the translation of the
chapter, Blumentritt tells Rizal that the previous year (1893) a friend of his
in Madrid had published (how or where is not told) his hastily-made version
of this chapter, with hasty notes, which he had sent this friend for his own
use in a study of the prehistoric Philippines, but had no idea that it would be
used independently.” A Spanish version with parallel English translation
appeared in Revista historica de Filipinas (i.e., “Filipino Historical

Review”) for June, 1905 (vol. 1, no. 2), which is signed by P. L. Stangl. His
version differs from that of Blumentritt given by Zulueta, being divided into
two chapters—xl, called “Ma-yi,” and xli, called “San-Hsii.” We have,
however, preferred to use Zulueta’s version, as we do not know whence
Stangl’s version has proceeded. We subjoin Blumentritt’s notes
accompanying Zulueta’s version, signing such notes “B.”]

CHAPTER XL

Ma-yi

The country Ma-yi2 is located north of Poni.3 About one thousand families
inhabit the shores of a river which has many windings.4 The natives dress in
linen, wearing clothes that look like sheets; or they cover their bodies with
sarongs.5 In the thick woods are scattered copper statues of Buddha, but no
one can tell the origin of those statues.6 Pirates seldom visit those districts.
When [Chinese] merchantmen arrive at that port they cast anchor at a place
[called] the place of Mandarins. That place serves them as a market, or site
where the products of their countries are exchanged. When a vessel has
entered into the port, (its captain) offers presents consisting of white
parasols and umbrellas which serve them for daily use. The traders are
obliged to observe these civilities in order to be able to count on the favor
of those gentlemen.

In order to trade, the savage traders are assembled,7 and have the goods
carried in baskets, and although the bearers are often unknown, none of the
goods are ever lost or stolen. The savage traders transport these goods to
other islands, and thus eight or nine months pass until they have obtained
other goods of value equivalent to those that have been received [from the
Chinese]. This forces the traders of the vessel to delay their departure, and

hence it happens that the vessels that maintain trade with Ma-yi are the ones
that take the longest to return to their country.

The most noteworthy places of this country are: San-hsii; Pai-pu-yen; Pu-li-
lu, which is located near San-hsii; Li-yin-tung; Lin-hsin; and Li-han.8 The
products of that country are yellow wax,9 cotton, pearls, shells,10 betel nuts,
and jute [yu-ta] textiles.11 Foreign traders import porcelain, commercial
gold,12 iron vases for perfumes, leaden objects, glass, pearls of all colors,13
and iron needles.14

San-hsii, or the “Three Islands,” belong to Ma-yi. Their names are Ka-may-
en, Pa-lao-yu, and Pa-chi-neng.15 Each of these islands is inhabited by its
own races, who are scattered throughout them. But upon the arrival of the
vessels, the natives assemble in order to trade. Their general name is San-
hsii. Their customs are about the same as those observed in Ma-yi. Each
tribe16 consists of about one thousand families. The country has many lofty
hills and rugged rocks which rise up like gigantic walls. The houses of the
inhabitants are built of bamboo. The high region of the country has few
springs, but the women go to the banks of the rivulets and creeks and thence
back to the mountain bearing on their heads two or three jars filled with
water, a load that does not bother them. They ascend the mountain with the
same ease as if they were on the level. The interior of the valleys is
inhabited by a race called Hay-tan. They are of short stature, have round
yellow eyes, curly hair, and their teeth can be plainly seen [showing] from
between their lips.17 They build their nests in the forking of the branches of
trees, and a family, usually consisting of from three to five individuals, lives
in each nest.18 They wander through the fastnesses of the thickets and
invisible to the sight, shoot their arrows at the passers-by. On this account
they are greatly feared. When the trader takes them a porcelain jar, they
bow and take it, and then uttering cries of joy, run away with it.

When foreign traders come to one of their villages,19 they must not touch
the ground, but must remain aboard their vessel, which is anchored in the
middle of the current20 and announce their presence by beat of drum.
Thereupon the savage traders approach in their light craft, in which they

carry cotton,21 yellow wax, strange cloth,22 cocoanuts, onions,23 and fine
mats, and all those things they offer for sale in exchange [for the articles of
the Chinese]. In case of misunderstanding in the price of the goods, it is
necessary to summon the chief of the traders of that place, so that he may
present himself in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfaction of all.
The imported objects are silk umbrellas, porcelain, and a kind of basket
woven from rattan. Foreign traders receive twice or thrice the value of the
goods sold aboard, in order to serve them as a bond of security. Afterward
the foreign traders disembark and perform their contracts there, and then
return to their vessel. The goods pledged by the natives remain only three or
four days aboard the vessel, and then after the expiration of that term they
are restored [to shore]. Then the vessel visits another village of the savages,
for the coast villages of the Three Islands do not have one common
jurisdiction.24 The hills keep the winds from the vessels during the
continuance of the northeast monsoon. But when the southwest monsoon
begins, the dashing of the waves against the coast is so violent that great
currents are formed that do not allow the vessels to remain at anchor. This is
the reason why those who maintain trade with the Three Islands delay their
return for four or five months. Porcelain, black damask, and other silk
fabrics, pearls of various colors, lead, fishnets, and tin are imported. Pu-li-lu
is near Three Islands. Its villages are very densely populated,25 but its
inhabitants are very cruel and inclined to piracy. The sea is full of reefs and
shoals, and the beach has rocks which are indented like dry wood, and their
points are very sharp like those of swords and spears.26 In order that the
vessels may reach that country, they take a long and circuitous route, in
order to avoid those shoals.27 There are corals there, but it is very difficult
to get them. The popular and trading customs are the same as those which
exist at Three Islands.

“India tercera nova tabula”—map of the Eastern archipelago;
from Mattiolo’s edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia (Venetia, M. D.
LXVIII)

[From a copy of this work in possession of Frank A. Hutchins,
Madison, Wisconsin]

1 There is no direct reference as to the time in which Chao Ju-kua lived, but his name is
mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue, whence it appears that he was probably descended from some
member of the imperial family of the Sung dynasty, whose real name was Chao; and that he was born
after the beginning of the second half of the twelfth century. He was inspector of the salt gabel in the

province of Fo-kien, and his title was probably Shih-po, which means “Superintendent of Sea Trade.”
As this post existed in Fo-kien only during the years 1277–1287, it is probable that those dates fix the
period of Chao Ju-kua. His work is called the Chu-fan-chih, and the greater part of his notes are
copies from older records. His position, however, gave him opportunity to gather information
personally from the traders who anchored at his port. At that time more foreign traders frequented
Chinese ports than either before or after, and it would be comparatively easy to gather information.
The Chu-fan-chih contains more geographical information than do the court records. See F. Hirth’s
China and the Roman Orient (Leipsic and Munich; and Shanghai and Hong-kong, 1885), pp. 21–
25. ↑

2 “Ma-yi,” the ancient name for Luzón, is derived from “Bahi” or “Bahy,” former names of the
lake of Bay. In other Chinese dialects, the name is given as “Ma-yit,” “Ba-hi,” or “Ba-yit.” As the
chief Tagálogs of Bulakan at the time of the conquest bore the title of “Gat-maytan,” I infer that the
name “Ma-yi” might very reasonably be derived from the ancient name of Bulakan, for that province
was always the richest district of Luzón. The whole of the Philippine archipelago was called “Ma-yi”
by the Chinese author. Dr. Hirth says also that the Chinese character “Ma-hi,” may also be read.
“Mo-yat,” “Ba-ek,” “Ma-i,” “Ma-yek,” etc.—B. ↑
3 Ancient Chinese name for the island of Borneo.—B. ↑

4 Probably the river is the Pasig, and the settlement, Manila.—B. ↑
5 Sarong is the Malay word for skirt.—B. ↑

6 This confirms the statement that the Philippine Islands were once under the influence of
Buddhism, from India.—B.

It is far more likely that such images were traded by the Chinese to the superstitious people, and that
Buddhism never had any foothold and was never introduced in the Philippines; notwithstanding P. L.
Stangl’s belief that Buddhism was introduced into the Philippines from Java. ↑

7 The Chinese call all foreigners savages except the Japanese, Koreans, and people of Anam.—
B. ↑
8 San-hsii signifies the “Three Islands” and is attributed to the Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is
perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu-li-lu may be Mindanao; Li-yin-tung, Lingayen; Lin-hsin sounds like Lin-
hsing (called Lin-sung by Stangl), a Chinese name corresponding to their name for modern Luzón.
However, Lin-hsin appears to be the Chinese name for Calilaya (modern Tayabas). Li-han is the
primitive Chinese name for the present Malolos, whose princes bore the title of “Gat-Salihan” or
“Gat-Salian.”—B. ↑

9 Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin resembling wax, and somewhat like but
not exactly the same as white pitch, and today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax. ↑

10 i.e., Tortoise-shell.—B. ↑
11 Yu-ta seems to be the abacá.—B. Stangl prints “yii-ta.” ↑

12 Coins of Siam and Java? For it appears that such coins circulated in the country.—B.

Stangl reads the second half of this note “But how did it come to pass current in the country?” It is
probable that the commercial gold was in the form of gold dust or ornaments of gold. If there were
any Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country (and it is highly improbable), they must have been
taken there by the Chinese, who were keen traders who early penetrated to all parts of the eastern
archipelagoes. ↑

13 Stangl inserts here “iron fixtures” [enseres de hierro]. ↑
14 The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl. ↑

15 Ka-may-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro; and Pa-lao-yu, Paragua. “Pa-chi-neng” may also be
read “Pa-kat-lung” and “Ba-ki-lung.” It seems to be the term for the true Visayans, while under the
name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper, together with the islands of Mindoro and Palawan.
—B. ↑
16 I believe that the word “tribe” means here village or settlement; for I think that the author meant
to say that the villages usually had one thousand families.—B. ↑
17 This phrase needs explanation. The Indians were accustomed to stain the teeth black, a custom
quite general among many Malay nations. The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stain them.—B

In Chao Ju-kua’s description, Stangl translates “round eyes of a shining appearance,” instead of
“round yellow eyes.” ↑

18 These “Hay-tan” are the Aetas, Itas, or Negritos of modern authors. The antiquity of this
ethnographical name surprises us. The description of the Negritos seems to have been written
yesterday. The Chinese author, in speaking of the nests of the Negritos, seems to have confused them
with the houses that are built today in the forking of the branches of trees by some heathen tribes of
Mindanao.—B.

Mr. James A. LeRoy, in a letter dated March 14, 1905, says that it is at least doubtful that the
Negritos were ever tree-dwellers in the true sense of the word, i.e., building solid, defensible
structures like those of the typical tree-dwellers. The Negritos do indeed spend a portion of their time
in the treetops and often hunt their game in that way. It is probable that the tree-dwellers of the
Philippines are Malays, although some of them may have a strain of Negrito blood. ↑

19 This refers to the Indians and not the Negritos.—B. ↑

20 Of the mouth of the rivers?—B. ↑
21 By cotton, the author evidently means cotton textiles.—B.

This is not necessarily so. Stangl remarks that the author’s meaning must be the tree cotton, which is
called kapok, basing his assertion upon the word that is used, presumably in the Chinese. The cotton
plant is called kapas in Java. Apropos of tree cotton, Census of the Philippines, iv, p. 120, says: “A
species of tree cotton (Ceiba pentandra) is found growing in a wild state in many of the islands; the
cotton is useless for spinning purposes, the staple being very short, but it is used for making cushions
and other articles.” ↑
22 Foreign cloth: sinamay [a light fabric made from abacá] and other textiles of the country?—B. ↑

23 Camotes?—B. ↑
24 The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages had no common jurisdiction. This
appears to imply that several villages in Luzón were under the jurisdiction of one king or prince.—B.
This does not necessarily follow. ↑

25 The island of Mindanao was also more populous during the period of the Spanish conquest than
now. The islands of Sarangani which have now 1,500 Bilanes and 100 Moros, were very thickly
populated by the latter in 1548, and they had a large fort on a hill there.—B.

But see VOL. IX, p. 290, where it appears that the early reports of the population of Mindanao were
greatly overstated. ↑

26 According to the letters from the Jesuit fathers of Filipinas, there are yet similar coasts near
Zamboanga, and such as are described by the Chinese author.—B. ↑
27 This reminds us of the dangerous and arduous navigation about the eastern and southern coasts
of Mindanao, especially near Cape San Agustin.—B. ↑

DOCUMENTS OF 1565–1576
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; May 30, 1565.
Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; 1565.
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; July 25, 1567.
Letter to Felipe II from the royal officials. Guido de Lavezaris, and
others; July 26, 1567.
Letter to the Marquis de Falces. Martin de Rada, O.S.A.; July 8, 1569.
Letter to Felipe II. Diego de Herrera, O.S.A.; July 25, 1570.
Royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. Felipe II; August 6,
1569-August 29, 1570.
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España. Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A.;
June 6, 1573.
Augustinian memoranda. [Unsigned and undated, but probably
compiled by the Augustinian missionaries, ca. 1573.]
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España, Martin Enriquez. Martin de
Rada; June 30, 1574.
Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials. Andres Cauchela and
Salvador de Aldave; July 17, 1574.
Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. Hernando Riquel; June 2, 1576.

Sources: These documents are all obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla, except the last which is translated from Pastells’s
edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica, i, pp. 157, 158.

Translations: These are all by James Alexander Robertson except the
eighth, which is by Henry B. Lathrop.

LETTER FROM GUIDO DE LABEZARIS TO
FELIPE II
Sacred royal Catholic Majesty:

Inasmuch as when Don Antonio de Mendoça, your viceroy of Nueva
España, went to Piru, he ordered me to go to those kingdoms of España, in
order to inform your Majesty of affairs touching this western region, I being
one who understood them and had had experience in them, and had come to
these districts as your accountant in the fleet under command of Rruy
Lopez de Vyllalobos: I went to those kingdoms in order to kiss your
Majesty’s feet, and gave the most detailed relation and information possible
concerning the islands and provinces of these districts, the character and
number of the people, their trade, means of gain, and mode [of life]. Your
Majesty ordered that the fleet for the expedition be equipped immediately;
that ships be built and the necessary things prepared for it in the sea west of
Nueva España. I busied myself in that work and despatch from the time of
my return; also as soon as I returned to Nueva España, I went, by order of
your viceroy of that country, Don Luis de Velasco, to explore the coast and
ports of Florida where I had to go afterward when the fleet sailed of which
Don Tristan de Arellano was commander.1 After my return from that
expedition, I continued in the despatch and equipment of this fleet, in which
I occupied myself most sedulously. When it was quite ready for the sea, I
embarked in it as your treasurer. When I was in España, your Majesty
assigned me four hundred pesos de minas payable in acquittances in Nueva
España. But they have been poorly collected, and there are none from
which I can be paid. I humbly beseech your Majesty to have me paid from
the royal treasury for the support of my wife and family whom I left in
Mexico. Besides this, as is well known to your Majesty, when I left Yndia, I
brought pepper and carried away ginger from Yndia at a very great risk,
because of the ordinances and penalties passed and imposed by the most
serene king of Portugal, which are executed without remission upon

transgressors. The pepper was lost, but there is a great quantity of the ginger
in your Nueva España today, all of which has come from the roots which I
took there with the purpose and design that your kingdoms might enjoy so
many profits and a common usufruct. I communicated in regard to it with
Don Francisco de Mendoça, asking him to treat with, your Majesty, so that
some favor might be shown me from the profits that would result from the
ginger. Don Francisco negotiated it for himself and not for me as he had
agreed. Consequently, he obtained the reward for my services without
having performed any work or labor on his own part, while order was given
to give me three hundred pesos de minas of acquittances with the injunction
that they be conferred. I wrote your Majesty in regard to the matter, and
although I intended to go to ask for justice from your Majesty, as from a
most just prince, after the despatch of the fleet, in whose preparation I had
been occupied, I did not go, because I thought that if I failed to sail in the
fleet, I would not be performing my duty to your royal service; and that
since I was one who knew the land and the season in which to return for the
discovery of the return passage, and that success might be had now in that
in which so many fleets have not been able to succeed, it was important for
me to come. Therefore on account of coming (as I did), I did not go to
España, being confident in the liberality and grandeur of your Majesty, and
that if I petitioned you from here, you should show me justice and thorough
favor. Also [I did this] because it is well for me to end my life in your
Majesty’s service, since most of my life has been spent in serving you. With
that motive, I embarked, and we set sail at Puerto de la Navidad. After a
sixty-four days’ voyage we made the Filipinas. While some masts were
being prepared in the island of Bohol for the fleet, your general sent me to
the province back of the island to attend to other things. There I traded for
the samples of gold, wax, and cinnamon which are being sent to your
Majesty, with the greatest care possible. I returned to Bohol, where the fleet
was stationed, and where, at the last resolution taken, it was determined that
the fleet should come to this island of Cubu, because of the information that
we heard of it, and for other reasons. We arrived here on the twenty-seventh
of April of this year sixty-four (or rather sixty-five). We are located in the
best center of the country although there is no other advantage in this island
than that it is well settled, and consequently we can maintain ourselves until
your Majesty have us informed of what is best for your royal service and

that we should support ourselves. We are stationed here at the gateway of
great kingdoms and Maluco is very near, where our holy faith will be
exalted and your royal patrimony increased, for there is a natural fitness for
it. I am busying myself and shall continue to busy myself in your royal
service, and there will be no lack of service. Will your Majesty aid us with
the wherewithal, so that trade may be maintained and introduced among
many of these nations. It is a fact that entrance must be made in your royal
name, and by force of arms. We are not well equipped, and consequently, it
is necessary that the aid that we are now sending to ask from Nueva España
be sent with promptness. In the matter of the ginger it is already clear to
your Majesty, that I brought it and that Don Francisco did not treat in my
favor as he ought to have done, and that I was notably injured in this, and
that the three hundred pesos de minas in acquittances have not been
collected because of the difficulty in doing so. I beg your Majesty that I be
given warrants on the treasury reserving the right of the rest that makes for
my justice in this matter, until it is pleaded in my name and until amends
may be made to me; since before nor since no one else has done such a
service in which there is an annual sum of more than fifty thousand ducados
involved (or rather more than one hundred and fifty thousand). In that I will
receive grace and justice. May our Lord happily prosper your sacred royal
Catholic Majesty with the increase of life and greater kingdoms that is
desired by your servants. Cubu, May 30, 1565. Your royal Catholic
Majesty’s faithful servant, who humbly kisses your royal feet and hands.

Guido de Lavezaris

1 The disastrous expedition to Florida was undertaken in pursuance of a royal order to Velasco,
although the latter was unwilling to undertake it. The Spaniards imagining Florida to be overflowing
with riches, eagerly offered themselves for the expedition. The Spanish force sent comprised six
squadrons of cavalry and six companies of infantry, and was accompanied by one thousand Indian
archers. Under the command of Tristan de Luna y Arellano (also called Acuña), this force left Vera
Cruz in thirteen vessels in June, 1559. On reaching Florida, they were so harassed by the Indians that
they were compelled to send for aid, which was sent under Angel Villafañe, who was appointed
Luna’s successor. In a short time, however, the attempt was abandoned, the few survivors reaching
Mexico via Havana. See Bancroft’s Mexico, ii, pp. 593–595. ↑

LETTER FROM ANDRES DE MIRANDAOLA
TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi came as general of the fleet which came to these
islands of the West at your Majesty’s orders. Don Luis de Velasco, the
viceroy of Nueva España (may he rest in peace) appointed me to the office
of factor and overseer of your Majesty’s royal estate in your Majesty’s
name, in consideration of my constant obligation to serve your Majesty,
whose sacred royal Catholic person I beseech our Lord to ever increase
with great kingdoms and seigniories.

This fleet reached these Filipinas Islands February xvi, 1565, and I shall
[here] relate what has been seen in them thus far, with that fidelity,
faithfulness, and willingness which is always to be found in me, with all
possible diligence.

As your Majesty will see by the relations of the pilots who came in the
fleet, in the navigation that has been made, it has been seen by the needle
that there is considerable land of that discovered and of that still to be
discovered in these regions, that lies in your Majesty’s demarcation, which,
if it be the will of God our Lord, will be found. I believe that it will all be
very useful and profitable, and that the Christian religion—your Majesty’s
purpose—can really be introduced into this land.

In regard to what we have as yet noticed among the natives of these islands,
there is gold, cinnamon, and wax, and they trade in those products. We
consider it as certain that this trade will amount to a great sum if your
Majesty’s vassals the Spaniards cultivate the land; for the said natives, as
they have shown and as we have noticed in them, are a race who all live
without any respect. For the persons who were assigned as rulers were not

feared or respected, a thing which has been heard from persons who have
been in these districts before. On that account it will be necessary for your
Majesty to order that the land be conquered; for beyond doubt one cannot
believe that it will be possible to work or cultivate the Christian religion in
any other way, as this is a very vicious and treacherous race, who are full of
evil manners. Accordingly, it will be necessary for your Majesty to order
that the entire land be subdued, and that can be done (our Lord helping)
without much trouble, if your Majesty will provide the men, arms, and
ammunition of which we are at present very needy.

While in one of the said Filipinas Islands, it was reported that the natives of
the Malucos had come under the orders of the Portuguese who are settled in
the said Maluco for the king of Portugal, to an island called Bool, where
they had remained for thirty-six days. They gave out that they came for the
purpose of trading with the natives, and having secured from them a day,
they caused a general market to be held, where they killed five hundred
men, and seized over six hundred, as your Majesty will see by the
investigation made by the general in regard to the matter.1 All the natives of
this archipelago are complaining and very restless, for the Moluccans have
raided all the other islands, doing all the damage possible. The island of
Maçagua, whose people always were found to be very willing to serve your
Majesty, was found deserted, the occasion therefor being the said
Moluccans who went thither and did all the damage possible with fire, and
killed what people they could; and [they did the same] afterward in all the
other parts where they went that we have yet seen. Will your Majesty
provide in this what may be advisable.

The general, remaining in the said island of Bool, ordered the treasurer,
Guido de Labazaris, and myself to go to explore an island called
Beguindanao, its coast and products, and to seek a port called Butuan.2
Thither we went in order to perform what was commanded us in your
Majesty’s name. We found that the said port had the settlement and trade of
which we had heard; for two Moro junks were trading there which were
said to be from Luçon, near to a large island called Borney. That island of
Borney is rich according to reports we have had of it. It is a land which
contains a large population and many forts, where, as we have heard, there

is a quantity of artillery. The people are warlike and there is considerable
trade throughout the island. We made friendship with the chief of that said
port of Butuan, as was commanded us by the order and instruction of the
general in your Majesty’s name. We informed them that we were going by
your Majesty’s order to trade with them and to reside in their land if they
were willing; and if any necessity arose to protect and favor them in your
Majesty’s name. The reply given us by the chief was that he was willing to
have us go there. Our communication was given him by means of the
Moros who were trading there as we had no interpreter in the fleet who
could understand the natives—for which reason we suffer great hardship.
The Moros explained that they would be damaged if we traded with the
natives. After we had accomplished what had been ordered us by the
general in your Majesty’s name, we returned to the place where the fleet
was stationed, namely, in the said island of Bool.

From that island we set sail in order to go to an island called Cubu, which is
the place where the men of Magallanes were killed. We found the natives
somewhat restive, although they gave evidence of a desire for our
friendship. That condition lasted until the next day, during which they did
not perform for us any of the things which were asked of them. As soon as
that was understood, they were summoned sundry times to give us in return
for our money some of the food that they possessed. We could not get
anything from them until they showed that they wished to fight with us and
that they would not give us anything. As soon as we sallied out to fight
them, and as soon as the artillery was discharged from the ships, the men
both on land and sea retreated, and not a single one awaited us; nor could
we even see them. They had deserted their houses in which we found
nothing except a child Jesus and one iron culverin and another of bronze, all
of which are believed to be of the time of Magallanes. As yet we have not
been able to get anything that those people possess.3

After having abandoned the land and after having retreated, a Moro who
had married among them, came with an interpreter, with the story that he
was coming in behalf of a brother of the ruler of that settlement, and saying
that they wished peace and to have our friendship. The general replied that
notwithstanding that they had refused peace and had shown that their

intention had been evil, still they could come with safety, until he informed
them of the conditions to be made with them. Thereupon the Moro took his
departure with a peace banner given him by the general. Immediately the
said brother of the ruler whose name is Tupas came.

The general declared that he desired peace and friendship, but he mentioned
to him [i.e., Tupas’s brother] the evil design and the ingratitude that they
had employed against him in your Majesty’s name. After that the general
told him that his brother should come, as well as all the chief men, in order
to make peace and ask the conditions that they had to observe and perform
in your Majesty’s service. Thereupon lie [i.e., Tupas’s brother] went back
after asking an interval of three days in order to bring his brother and the
other people.

This entire island is densely populated and settled, and all the people are
very warlike and vicious. Consequently, I think that it will be necessary, if
they do not receive the true knowledge of the holy Catholic faith, for them
to be conquered and brought under your Majesty’s yoke.

When the said time limit of three days had expired, the above mentioned
brother of Tupas came accompanied by another chief. They said that his
brother [i.e., Tupas] was indisposed, and that he [i.e., Tupas’s brother] and
some other chiefs who were coming with him would make peace in Tupas’s
name. But the general announced that he would not make peace unless his
brother came; that he [i.e., Tupas’s brother] should not treat deceitfully with
him as that would cause him much trouble; that he should return for his
brother, and come in safety; and that he [i.e., Legazpi] and his men would
await him in all faith. Thereupon, he departed and the said Tupas carne and
made friendship. [The latter stated] when he would bring his people and
that he would serve your Majesty with them, and that he would not oppose
any thing that was ordered them. We believe that these things come from
the hand of our Lord. May He direct us in His service and protect us in that
of your Majesty.

Inasmuch as the ship which is being despatched for the discovery of the
return passage, is about ready to sail, I cannot inform your Majesty of the

conditions that are being resolved upon, for conclusions have not yet been
reached.

My uncle, Fray Andres de Hurdaneta, is returning and is going to serve your
Majesty in this discovery, and he will be accompanied by Fray Andres de
Aguirre. Felipe de Salzedo is in command, and Juan de Aguirre—persons
who we believe will serve your Majesty with entire loyalty, fidelity, and
cheerfulness. I beseech your Majesty to have us provided with the religious
and seculars that are needed for the preaching of the holy gospel to these
natives, in consideration of its great service to God, our Lord and your
Majesty.

The men whom your Majesty must have provided besides the contingent
that will be provided from Nueba España for our relief, namely two
hundred well-armed and well-equipped men, [are as follows]. Besides these
will your Majesty please have six hundred well-armed men sent
immediately—four hundred of whom should be arquebusiers, and the other
two hundred, pikemen. [Will you also send] heavy artillery, such as
culverins, and ammunition. The men should be the best that can be found,
and should have the best of morals. [Will you also send] ammunition and
arms for those who are here now.

I beseech your Majesty in all humility to confirm the appointment that was
given me in your Majesty’s name by Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy and
governor of Nueva España (may he rest in peace); and that you will give it
to me to hold. Your Majesty will be doing a service to God our Lord, and a
blessing and grace to me, by justly ordering an increase in my salary to the
sum of three thousand ducados in good money, in consideration of the fact
that all the articles necessary for our sustenance in this land are very dear.

May our Lord preserve the sacred royal Catholic person of your Majesty
with great increase of large kingdoms and seigniories, as I, your Majesty’s
faithful servant, desire. The island of Cubu, [illegible or blank in original]
1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic Majesty’s faithful
servant, who kisses your Majesty’s royal feet with all humility.

Andres de Mirandaola4

1 See VOL. II, p. 208. ↑

2 See VOL. II, pp. 209–210. ↑
3 See VOL. II, pp. 210–216. ↑

4 Andres de Mirandaola was treacherously killed by a private soldier while attending to his duties
regarding the collection of the tribute, as appears from a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials,
June 18, 1583, the original of which is conserved in Sevilla, with pressmark “est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29.”
The document states further that the soldier was not punished but was serving as alcalde-in-ordinary
at Oton, although his case was pending in the royal Audiencia. ↑

LETTER FROM GUIDO DE LAVEZARIS TO
FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

I informed your Majesty by the flagship which was despatched from this
island, in the month of June of the year sixty-five to discover the return
route to Nueva España, as your faithful vassal and servant, of events that
had happened up to that time; and I petitioned you to reward me in
consideration of the twenty-seven years that I have served your Majesty in
the discovery of these districts. [I told you] that I had come here before as
your Majesty’s accountant in company with Rui Lopez de Villalobos; and
further that I had taken the ginger plant (which is now [grown] in Nueva
España) at the great risk of my person. I have done other services for your
Majesty of which I gave information. The present information that I have to
relate to your Majesty is that the “San Geronimo,” despatched from Nueva
España in the month of May in the past year sixty-six, by your president,
auditors, and officials of the royal treasury resident therein, arrived in this
island in the month of October of the said year. It made its voyage so
inadequately prepared with necessities and with the articles that we asked
from here, that we were placed in greater need than before its arrival. The
ship had no captain because he had been killed during the voyage. There
were also other mutinies and rebellions [on the ship] as appears from the
reports made here about it, which your Majesty may see if so minded and
determine its fortune.1 At its arrival all this camp received great happiness
at learning that that route, which had been so greatly desired by the emperor
our sovereign (who is in glory), by your Majesty, and by all your vassals
and subjects, had been discovered and so easily—and desired so very
rightly, since besides the fruit that will be attained in the preaching of the
holy gospel (the chief design of your Majesty and of your Catholic
ancestors) your Majesty will be greatly benefited in the temporal, your
royal crown greatly increased, your subjects and vassals profited, and

finally there will be a gateway opened for the Spanish nation to have a
place where it may employ its strength. I rejoice more than I can tell, and
rightly, since I gave advice to your Majesty and to your royal Council of the
Yndias, of the products of these districts in the year fifty-four at Valladolid,
and of the suitability and fitness of these Philipinas for supporting the
people in them both in the interim until the route should be discovered, and
until your Majesty’s commands should be sent—all of which availed for the
work and affair. It has been very important for your royal service, and on
that account there is legitimate reason why your Majesty should reward me.
For, besides the above-mentioned services, I came to serve you in this
present expedition as treasurer of your royal estate. No other person than
myself of all those who took part in the expedition of Villalobos came on
this expedition, and I, by reason of my experience in the past expedition,
have given advice on what has been necessary; for I came to these islands
for this purpose and until the discovery of this route should be made, and
left my wife and family in Nueva España. I put away everything else for
what touches your Majesty’s service, and I hope from your clemency to be
rewarded for my services. I shall not give a full report of the occurrences of
this expedition from the time of the despatch of the flagship until the
present, because the governor and we, your Majesty’s officials, give a report
of them in the relations and letters which are being sent. I shall only
mention that a huge quantity of cinnamon has been discovered on the point
of Quavit on the island of Mindanao. It is so abundant there that it is heard
that the mountains are full of it. Inasmuch as there is no market for it in
these islands we can easily procure at little expense as much as your
Majesty would like brought to España. It will be necessary to have some
settlement in the vicinity where the cinnamon is gathered, both in order to
gather the cinnamon and because the Portuguese fleets en route from
Malaca to Maluco pass that place, which is also in the district of Borneo,
Maluco, and other important places. Since your Majesty has as yet sent no
orders declaring your royal will, we are only striving to maintain our men
until the arrival of the reënforcements of which we are in great need. It is
advisable that that aid be sent quickly, and that more zeal be displayed in
the despatch from Nueva España than hitherto; for although it is about three
years since we left there, only one ship has been sent, and it put back (I
mean came) in a condition more needy of aid than to aid. Therefore, this

ship is being despatched now. We send in it the cinnamon that the little time
at our disposal gives us opportunity to gather. I entreat your Majesty, since
it is a matter that is so important to your royal service, to please send your
orders promptly as to what you wish most to be done. For after the arrival
of reënforcements, I intend (the Divine Will concurring), to go to kiss your
Majesty’s feet, and to report minutely concerning these districts, as I am
unable to give any adequate idea in a letter without great prolixity. Two
Portuguese ships such as the natives of Maluco use came to this port on the
tenth of the present month of July. They were sent by the chief captain,
Gonçalo Pereira Mamarraque, who went from Yndia to Maluco by
commission of the viceroy, Don Antonio de Loronha. They bore letters
from the chief captain for the governor which informed him and declared
that we were in their demarcation, and tried to get us to go to Maluco and
thence to Yndia.2 I endeavored to gain some information from those ships
regarding the affairs of Maluco, and some of the men told me that your
Majesty’s old-time vassals, the kings of Tidore and Geilolo, have been
killed and persecuted by the Portuguese and by the king of Ternate their
[i.e., the Portuguese’] friend and confederate. They killed the king of
Tidore, and destroyed a fort which the king of Geilolo possessed, who died
while being pursued. The king of Ternate had the latter’s son who
succeeded him in his kingdom killed; while the son of the king of Tidore
who is yet living, pays a yearly and very excessive tribute of one hundred
bahars or more than five hundred quintals of cloves to the Portuguese. In
addition, the vassals of those kings are greatly harassed and troubled by the
Portuguese and by the king of Ternate his friend. I believe, most invincible
prince, that such trouble and harassing proceeds from the fact that those
kings and their subjects are so affectioned to the Castilian name; for I, as an
eyewitness, assure your sacred Majesty that the Castilians who sailed in the
fleet of Villalobos were as well received and as kindly treated by the kings
of Tidore and Geilolo and by their vassals, and that they always showed us
as much love and goodwill, and offered their persons and property, to
relieve our necessities, as if they had really been your Majesty’s natural
vassals for many years. And they assure me that they still live in great
constancy, and are in hopes that your Majesty will have them delivered
from the cruel bondage in which they live because they have ever shown

themselves so favorable to the Castilians. For that reason their misery and
trouble moves me to deep compassion when I remember the kindness which
I received from them when I was in Maluco, and the love and affection that
they bestowed upon us. Besides this the Ternatans and the Portuguese in
their company have made and are daily making raids and captives among
these islands, so that the natives are in great fear when they see the harm
that they receive from them. Those Portuguese remained in this port of
Cubu for thirteen days where they were caressed and feasted by all
generally. The governor offered his services to them in whatever they
needed, according to the orders of your Majesty’s instructions. When the
Portuguese left, they said that the chief captain had received a resolution
and express mandate from Yndia to rout, destroy, and drive us out of this
place by whatever way he could, and that he had left Yndia with nine ships
and eight hundred soldiers for that sole purpose. That news threw us into
great consternation, as we are short of men, ships, ammunition, and
artillery, and because the masters of the sea hostile to us [i.e., the
Portuguese] can easily deprive us of provisions as they have many large
ships and oared boats and many friendly Indians from Ternate who are well
equipped with weapons and food, while we are in need of all things
generally. However, although we are so needy as at present, we have firmly
resolved to die in the service of your Majesty like true Spaniards, and we
shall not move from this place until your Majesty so orders. Consequently
we shall endeavor to defend ourselves as far as possible, with our few
forces. In the belief that I was doing your Majesty a service, I endeavored to
get the loan of a map and navigation chart from the Portuguese, and quickly
had a portion that falls within the Castilian demarcation copied from it as
well as certain remarks made by one of our pilots. I enclose it herewith,3
and if your Majesty be so pleased the cosmographers may see by it the
position of the lands and islands now newly discovered. May your Majesty
receive my willingness to serve you. May our Lord prosper and preserve
your royal Catholic person with increase of greater kingdoms and
seigniories, as is the desire of your Majesty’s vassals. This island of Cubu,
July xxv, 1567. Your sacred Catholic Majesty’s faithful vassal and most
humble servant who kisses your royal feet.

Guido de Labezaris

[Endorsed: “Examined. File it with the other papers treating of this
matter.”]

1 See VOL. II, pp. 149, 150; and the following letter. ↑
2 See VOL. II, for the negotiations between Pereira and Legazpi. ↑

3 The map does not accompany this letter. ↑

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS TO
FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We reported to your Majesty all of the events up to the day of its departure
by the “San Pedro,” which came to these districts as flagship and which left
this port on the first day of June, sixty-five, under favorable auspices for the
discovery of this expedition and voyage. We shall now relate to your
Majesty as your Majesty’s faithful servants what new things have happened
here since then.

A ship with news of the arrival at Nueva España reached this port where we
are settled in your Majesty’s service, and of the flagship which went to
discover the route which our Lord was pleased to have accomplished in the
most invincible days of your Majesty. Not little should all Christians entreat
His Divine Majesty to grant many years of life to your Majesty, so that the
holy Catholic faith might be increased and exalted by your Majesty’s
influence in the so great kingdoms and seigniories that are located in these
districts.

After the departure of the “San Pedro,” the natives of this port, both the
chiefs and the other people, came to render obedience to the governor in
your Majesty’s name, and to place themselves under the protection and
dominion of your Majesty. They offered to recognize and to hold your
Majesty as their natural lord, and said that they would give you the products
of their land, namely rice, millet, and borona. The governor received them
as such vassals and told them what they were to observe to keep our
friendship. They are so vicious a race and have so evil morals that they keep
no faith nor perform anything although they have promised it. Accordingly
we have temporized with the natives of this port and with the other natives
who have as yet offered to accept our friendship. Inasmuch as no further

force is shown them than that willed by you, we have as yet not been able to
do less; and inasmuch as (as we have remarked above), they are a vicious
race and possessed of bad morals, and recognize no ruler, therefore if their
chiefs try to force them, they will do nothing else than go to another island.
They find enough desert lands if one tries to force them in their own. Until
having your Majesty’s order and instructions, the governor has not cared or
consented to have war made on them; and we consider it as certain that if
that had been done, we would have suffered, and have all met our death
most wretchedly, for the first thing that those natives do is to take away all
the food, and the misery in which they hold the land in which they live is
such that war cannot be made there under any circumstance. Had it not been
for the good government that has been exercised in all things in not making
war upon those natives, and treating them well, we would doubtless all have
died. Our Lord has been pleased to direct this entire affair as His own and to
show us miraculous rewards. May it please His Divine Majesty to continue
such actions and to preserve us in His holy service and in that of your
Majesty.

In view of the great delay in sending us aid from Nueva España, and news
of what your Majesty has ordered provided, it was determined to despatch
the patache “San Juan.” It carries seventy quintals of cinnamon which was
bartered for in the island of Bindanao, namely, at the point called Cavite.
We have heard that it is abundant in that part and that it can be easily
gathered. Bindanao is a well settled island both in the north and in the
south. We have heard that there is much gold in all parts of it, and that if we
settle it and cultivate the land we shall learn many secrets of it. The
inhabitants there are warlike and full of malice. We have taken possession
of it in your Majesty’s name.

Moros have come to this port where we are at present from certain islands
called Luçon and Bindoro. They have brought rice and gold to sell in
exchange for silver and pearls. These men have told us that the Chinese go
to their land to trade and carry away all the products of this archipelago,
namely, gold, wax, and slaves. From the information given us it is a rich
land and has [plenty] of trade.

A mutiny happened on November xxviii of the year lxv, but our Lord was
pleased that those who took part in it should not succeed in their vile
purpose. That mutiny was of such a nature that had He permitted it [to
succeed] because of our sins, we would have all miserably perished. But He
was graciously [inclined] to show us mercy, and did not allow them to
succeed in the deceptions with which the devil had imbued them.
Consequently, the ring-leaders were punished, and the matter smoothed
over and settled. Justice is rightly done in what arises. There was another
mutiny afterward which was engaged in by the same ones, although there
were not so many in it and it was not a matter in which they could succeed.
All punishment was inflicted in accordance with law.1

The said aid and advice that was despatched from Nueva España reached
this port in so desperate and so unfortunate a condition that, according to
our understanding, no Christians have ever heard of anything so filled with
chances. Our Lord was pleased to bring the ship miraculously and those
whom it carried, as your Majesty will see by the report that the governor is
sending of what happened. The crew killed the captain and alférez and
afterward hanged the sargento-mayor who was coming with an appointment
[to that post] in place of the absence of the one here in this camp. He in
company with other tyrants killed the said captain and alférez, and his
companions afterward hanged him. After that event they reached certain
islets, located about seven hundred leguas from this port. They tried to
abandon a great portion of the men there, while they intended to go to the
district where the Chinese and Javanese trade, and to pursue their career of
piracy if they were able. Our Lord was pleased at that juncture to give
courage to the men who wished to serve your Majesty, some of whom were
naked while others were clad only in their shirts. They determined to go to
the ship and raise a shout in favor of your Majesty. It succeeded as we have
written. Our Lord was pleased to give them strength and to direct them so
that all the tyrants were left ashore on one of the said islands where the ship
was anchored. The ship arrived here without any kind of aid either of arms
or of ammunition, for all of which we had sent to ask. The men were quite
worn out and in a deplorable condition, and all their clothing had been left
ashore. As soon as they arrived, the governor ordered an investigation of

everything that had occurred in all the affair, and he is sending the report to
your Majesty, by which everything will he more explicit and detailed.

By order and command of the governor, the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz
(may he rest in peace), left this port to go to the place where we had heard
that cinnamon was to be found, and to run along the coast in order to visit
our friends there, and to go on to where the said cinnamon was to be found.
He, going upon that expedition, met with a Portuguese galley during very
furious weather. The master-of-camp, desiring to know what ship it was,
tried to go to them, upon which the Portuguese retired. Thereupon the
master-of-camp waited to see whether there was any fear on the part of the
Portuguese. Then the captain of the galley sent him a letter, whose copy and
reply is enclosed herewith. When the said master-of-camp perceived what
that meant, and when he saw two other sails, he tried to come to this port
with all haste as he had a favorable wind. He met a large fleet of the
Portuguese, who, as was believed, did not see him or else thought that his
ship was one of their own which had become separated by a storm which
they had suffered. When the master-of-camp had reached this port he
immediately put us on the watch and lookout for whatever might happen. In
this way did we wait to see what the Portuguese were going to do. After
three days had passed we saw two galliots. When the general saw them he
waited to see what they wanted, ready for them with his men. But as they
did not wish to come or to wait, the governor determined to send Martin de
Goiti, who is the present master-of-camp because of the death of Mateo del
Saz (whom may glory have), to ascertain their design. When he had reached
them, he spoke to them and told them if they were under any necessity, to
let him know, for he was ordered by his governor to aid and protect them if
there was any opportunity. If they would come to where the governor was
stationed they would be helped and protected with right good will, in
accordance with his Majesty’s order. They answered all with great
politeness and said that they had no need. On the contrary they would, aid
and protect us if we needed anything. When the governor heard their reply,
he again despatched his own captain, and sent the Portuguese some
refreshment, and wrote them that he would be very glad to see and speak to
them, as your Majesty will see by the copy of the letter which the governor
is sending.

All the men of this camp are in general very necessitous and have no
present resource, because as we have said above, the general did not allow
them to make war on the natives, awaiting to see what orders and
instructions your Majesty would be pleased to send, and what reward it has
pleased your Majesty to grant to all the men who have suffered the
imminent risk of their lives, and hardship and misery in the service of your
Majesty—which surely have been great, and for which we have been given
courage and strength, by the pleasure of our Lord, to suffer them.

We humbly beg your Majesty to grant us the salary and increase which we
ask your Majesty to make us to the sum of three thousand ducados annually,
in consideration of the fact that we are in parts so remote where the things
which we need are so dear, as we have pledged and been cheated out of our
patrimonies in order to come to serve your Majesty on this expedition, on
which we have endured many hardships and necessities. We hope to be
remunerated for it all by a sovereign and prince so Christian and one who
has so munificent and liberal a hand as your Majesty, by your showing us
the favor to concede and grant us the repartimientos which might be in this
land.

At present there is nothing in this land from which our salaries can be paid,
unless in cinnamon which has no market in these districts. We humbly beg
your Majesty to grant us and concede us the power of being paid in Nueva
España from the proceeds of the cinnamon and other drugs in these
districts, and that they be paid to the person who shall have and has had our
power of attorney therefor. We beg and entreat [this] of your Majesty with
all humility.

Some of the natives have been converted to the true knowledge and have
received the waters of holy baptism. The chiefs and all the natives say that
since we have no wives we do not intend to remain in the country. It is
advisable for your Majesty to have some married people sent here who are
of good morals, and may they come quickly.

We have great need of artillery, ammunition, and arms for the men who are
here. Will your Majesty please have us provided with the best men and men

of the best morals that can be found, for this is necessary for the service of
your Majesty whose royal Catholic person we pray our Lord to preserve
with greater kingdoms and increasing seigniories, as is desired by us, your
Majesty’s faithful servants.

Two caracoas of Maluco Indians arrived at this port on the tenth of this
month. They carried twelve Portuguese, whom one Gonçalo Pereyra, chief
captain of a large fleet which the viceroy of India despatched to Maluco
because he thought that we must have stopped there, and Alvaro de
Mendoça, captain of the fort of the said Maluco, had sent. They wrote to the
governor that they had sure evidence that we had settled in this port, and
they thought that it must have been by accident, as all the district hereabout
was (as was a fact [they said]) in their demarcation. Therefore if it were so,
and we were here because of any need, we should endeavor to go to the fort
of Maluco where we would be given the best of welcomes. The governor
answered this putting them off as much as possible, as your Majesty will
see by the letters and their reply to which we refer (as well as to Captain
Juan de la Ysla, who has a good understanding of this in detail and of all
other things that have happened in these districts, and from whom your
Majesty will receive as we have said, a true and extensive relation).

There has been a singular carelessness in providing us from Nueva España
with reënforcements; and if it should happen (which may God our Lord
avert) that we should suffer some loss, it would be because of that. At
present we have neither arms, ammunition, nor artillery with which to
defend ourselves if the Portuguese should try to harm us. May His Divine
Goodness remedy and direct everything as He deems best. Surely His
divine hand has protected us, and so we are ready to die in His most holy
service and that of your Majesty with great steadfastness if occasion offers.
May our Lord preserve your sacred Catholic Majesty and give you greater
kingdoms and increasing seigniories. This port [i.e., Cebú], July XXVI,
1567. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic Majesty’s faithful
servants, who most humbly kiss your Majesty’s royal feet.

Guido de Lavezaris
Andres Calchela

Andres de Myrandaola

1 See VOL. II, pp. 143, 144, 148. ↑

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO THE
MARQUIS DE FALÇES
May the Holy Ghost dwell forever in your Excellency’s soul. I have given
infinite thanks to God since I have learned that your Excellency1 had come
to act as viceroy of Nueva Spaña because of the report of your virtues,
prudence, and zeal concerning the service of God our Lord and of his
Majesty; and especially because, according to the report here, you have
shown zeal and willingness to try to protect this expedition and to be the
instrument by which the so great multitude of infidels here may come to the
knowledge of the true faith. This has been the cause which has moved me to
write your Excellency these lines. Since I am engaged upon it I am obliged
to give you an account of the condition and character of the country. These
islands, where we are established, are numerous, and some of them are
large; for, so far as we are able to learn, the island of Luson must be about
seven hundred leguas in circumference.2 All that is land is the richest that
has been discovered among these islands, for almost all its people are
traders and the Chinese come to trade with them. The nearest land from the
Chinese, namely, Ybalon and the Camarines, is fifty or sixty leguas from
this port. The wealthy village of Manila may be seventy leguas from here.
That island of Lusson contains quantities of provisions, consisting of rice,
swine, goats, and buffaloes. There is much gold when compared with these
other islands, and articles from China. The island of Burnei is about five
hundred leguas in circumference. It yields pepper, sandal-wood, camphor,
and other drugs. The island of Baguindanao and that of Panae are each
about three hundred leguas in circumference. That of Panae is rich in food
and that of Baguindanao in gold, cinnamon, and pepper. Each of them is
located about forty leguas from this port. The island of Basbat [i.e., Masbat]
has many gold mines. There are many other islands also, which I shall not
mention in order to avoid prolixity. All of them in general yield gold, some
more, others less, partly from the rivers and partly from mines. There is
evident proof of this, for all the people, both great and small, wear it, and

the natives recognize whence the gold comes as soon as they see it, and say
that this gold comes from such an island, and this other gold from such
another. It is evident also because many merchants of Lusson, Bornei, Xolo,
and other parts travel continually throughout these islands, and the object of
their search is either gold or slaves. However, no one of these Indians has
more than a very little gold, for if they get a couple of pairs of earrings and
a couple of pairs of bracelets, and a pair of anklets for the feet, they do not
look for any more, for they do not strive to hoard it. This race is the most
arrogant that was ever seen and the slaves are the freest that can be
imagined, for they do only what they wish;3 and besides this [it is seen] by
the lack of loyalty which they preserve toward one another. For although
they be relatives or brothers if they meet one another in the open, he who is
strongest lays hands upon the other and sells him. Consequently, no one
dares to go ever so little a distance from his village. If perchance any
merchant junk comes [to trade] they buy all the goods on credit, after
which, in order to pay, all the village assembles and goes armed to the
placer or to the mines, in order that no one will dare to touch them, and
accordingly get the gold that they have to give. If the place is settled by
Spaniards, I am convinced that (God helping), there will be abundance of
gold extracted by them, for there is little that can be seized from the natives.
Pearls are also to be found in some places, and other things such as pepper,
cinnamon, and drugs.

Soldiers are not needed to conquer this land, for they do not consider the
welfare of the land, but only how to amass wealth quick in order to return
home. When they are unable to attain their desire, they destroy and lay
waste the country. But colonists who intend to remain in the country must
be sent. The people of these islands have no king or sovereign and are
without any law. Most of them are heathens although some are Moros. They
can be converted and adopt our faith easily; and are rather like monkeys
very desirous of imitating us in dress, speech, and all other particulars. The
fear with which God has inspired them is great, for no matter how large
may be the village, when a dozen Spaniards go to it, the natives come out
immediately with their hands tied and beg for peace, promising to give what
tribute may be asked from them. Consequently, when any village was
carried by peace, we had a great abundance whence to draw the necessary

supplies. For more than two years at this point a loose rein has been given
in robbing friend and foe, and we are now suffering extreme need. We have
no place where we can get anything, and no boats to get what we need, for
most of the villages in the entire radius of more than forty leguas are
deserted and depopulated. Wherever the Spaniards go, the natives do not
dare await them but all flee to the mountains with their goods.
Consequently, I am certain as to our fate, for if God does not miraculously
aid us, we shall all soon be lost. Our lack has always been that we have had
no [adequate] leader, not because any harm has occurred by his command,
but because he has passed it by. Consequently, dissimulation is no longer
sufficient to remedy the matter. The vilest soldier of all dares to disobey his
orders and to do only what he desires. He knows that after all the matter
will be ended by detaining him in his quarters for a fortnight. Besides this
the soldier is good for nothing, and there is no man in the camp who
considers the common welfare but each looks after his own interests. I am
writing this to your Excellency so that you may institute a reform in it, for I
avow seasonably that unless we have a different harmony and another one
to direct the crowd, the country will be worthless, the king will draw no
profit therefrom, and the men will derive no advantage, but all of them will
perish by an evil death in a short time, and all the land will he destroyed.
This entire land is fertile and abounds with food, but we are all dying of
hunger. There is considerable timber and it is quite easy to get at, but we
have no boat, for we have on the contrary lost those boats that we brought.
The land is all very thickly settled, but we have already caused the
abandonment of many villages. Since the soldiers indeed have much
wealth, but when they die nothing more is found than some old clothes,
which arc good for nothing but to be thrown into the sea, therefore, we shall
not have more but much less next year.

If his Majesty wishes to get hold of China, which we know to be a land that
is very large and rich and of high civilization, with cities, forts, and walls
much greater than those of Europa, he must first have a settlement in these
islands: first, because we cannot pass safely among the so many islands and
shoals that lie along the coast of China with ships of high freeboard, but
must use oared vessels; secondly, also, because in order to conquer a
country so large and that has so vast a population, one must have aid and

refuge near at hand, for any contingency that might arise. However, as I
have been informed both by Portuguese and by Indians who trade with the
Chinese, as well as by a Chinese who was captured a while ago in a junk,
the people of China are not at all warlike. They rely entirely on numbers
and on the fortification of their walls. It would decapitate them, if any of
their forts were taken. Consequently, I believe (God helping), that they can
be subdued easily and with few forces.

I have wished to write this, for I trust in our Lord that this land may,
through the medium of your Excellency, receive the faith, and that we shall
have an entrance into China; but, on account of our great uncertainty and
because we do not know whether his Majesty will order us to abandon this
land, we have not dared to baptize. I believe that if we had put our hands to
baptism, we would already have more than twenty thousand Christians. As
soon as we know the king’s will they will all accept our faith easily. May
our Lord, etc. Cebu, July eight 1569.

1 See VOL. III, p. 44, note 7. ↑
2 The Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905) gives (i, p. 57) the area of Luzón as
40,969 square miles, and that of Mindanao, as 36,292 square miles. These figures being later than
those of VOL. XXIII, p. 165, note 29, have probably a better scientific basis, and are hence more
nearly correct. ↑

3 See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (pp. 318, 319) for a modern corroboration of this statement,
with regard to the slaves of Ternate. ↑

LETTER FROM DIEGO DE HERRERA TO
FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

When I saw that the affairs of this land had no permanent settlement and no
hopes of one, and that the natives were very much molested by the
Spaniards, and that so far as I could see God was being served but little in
this region because of the great license which men have here for evil and
the lack of justice, and that very little service was being rendered your
Majesty, since they are ruining excellent lands here for you: I determined
last year, sixty-nine, to go to Nueva España in order to give advice of what
was passing here in order that some reform might be instituted in this, and
to discuss the matter with the viceroy in order that he might relieve the
condition as much as he could and give notice of the other things to your
Majesty.1 [I determined] that if the viceroy thought that I ought to go to
España to discuss the matter with your Majesty, I would also do so. When I
reached Nueva España and discussed this matter with the viceroy, and its
great necessity for reform, and the extremely ruinous condition of affairs,
he thought that I ought to return and give notice of it to your Majesty.
Accordingly he told me that I would be fulfilling the service of God and of
your Majesty if I would immediately return to these districts on the first
ships. He gave me to understand that until the remedy was specified he
could reform some of the evils. Although that order was very grievous to
me as I had reached Nueva España ill and worn out by the sea, since the
service of two so great lords as God and your Majesty was placed before
me, I considered it fitting, and accordingly reëmbarked for these islands on
the ninth of March of this year one thousand five hundred and seventy. I
reached this island of Panay where the governor is established, on the
twenty-second of July. All the people were overjoyed at the reenforcements
that your Majesty orders sent them, and with the concessions of the petition
made from this land. I found the country in a most ruinous condition and

such that more has been destroyed in this one year here than during the past
five years. Your Majesty owns so many islands in this district that one is
surprised at the number.2 They are all very rich and fertile and contain many
gold mines, pearls, and wax, while some of them have cinnamon. They are
thickly inhabited and the people promise better than those of Nueva España.
But since your Majesty does not provide anyone permanently and prescribe
the manner of living, and protect and defend the natives, and keep justice
for them, and power to punish whoever injures them, all will be lost in a
very short time, for the policy employed with the natives could last but one
year here if there is much greater violence. That consists in robbing them,
burning their villages, and enslaving them. If this is not done it is affirmed
that it is impossible to find support. This is false, for on the contrary, it is
impossible to find support in this manner, for everything is being destroyed
[by this manner of acting]; and the natives are becoming so exhausted
because they are not left for an instant. However, they all desire peace in an
extraordinary manner and to live under the protection of your Majesty and
to pay the tribute. They would give the sum asked of them, if they thought
that no evil was to be done them. But today they are made friends and on
the morrow they are robbed. Many of them have been killed and many
villages burned. I am writing this in general although not going into details
in anything, in order, not to trouble your Majesty. I wrote more at length to
the viceroy of Nueba España in order that he might inform your Majesty,
for he can easily ascertain whether these things are so from those who come
here. This fleet came here at the beginning greatly in need of people who
knew how to govern, and the same is true of war, for besides the master-of-
camp here, who has died, all the rest know but little as was evident in the
war with the Portuguese in Çubu. At that time although the Portuguese were
so few, they caused so great extremity that some captains advised the
abandonment of the site and retirement to another part; and if the
Portuguese did not cause the abandonment while they were there, they
caused it when they left, and the strongest site and best port in all these
islands, so far as has yet been seen, was abandoned, and we came here to
establish ourselves in Panay along the swampy and very poor shore of a
river. It will be very much less strongh than Çubu and has no port, while it
is hot and unhealthful. If your Majesty do not appoint some one to govern,

this colony will daily become less, and will fall entirely into destruction. If
we are not more firmly established, we religious cannot treat of the
conversion of these natives with zeal and care nor with so much fruit as if
the land had peace and security.

They sent from here to petition your Majesty to concede them the favor to
allow them to rob and enslave the Moros throughout these districts. The
reason that they gave for it was to say that they were Moros and that they
were preventing and opposing the preaching of the gospel. The statement
that they were preventing the preaching of the gospel was false, for they
have never prevented it nor do so at present. On the contrary, there is an
increase to be observed in families where the husband is a Moro and the
wife a pagan, who come in order to beg the religious to baptize their son
and make him a Christian; for they do not at all object to each one living
according to the belief that he likes best. For all the Moros who live in these
islands have been Moros for but few years back. Many of them, such as
those of Luçon, have nothing except the name, and the fact that they do not
eat pork; for they have no mosque or cacique [sic]3 (who are their priests).
This worship is only a trifle more firmly established among those of the
island of Burney than in the other, although they are also of recent date
there.4 Not all the island is Moro, but only certain villages along the coast,
for the inhabitants of the interior are heathens. None of them possess the
lands of Christians or wage war on them, or do them any injury; although
we do to them, and much, for four or five ships of Burneo have been
pillaged and many people killed, while many more from Luçon have been
killed, although excellent friends to us. As to the chiefs, they made the land
friendly to us, or at least exerted a great influence in that direction. They
supplied us with food in abundance and stuffs very suitable for clothing,
and gold for our silver, in order that we might barter for our necessities.
Now, however, conditions are such that no one dares come [to trade]. I do
not believe that any other reason can be given for authority to rob them,
except that they are Moros; and that is no legitimate reason and cannot be
done.

After we religious came to these districts with the fleet, at your Majesty’s
command, nothing besides a little rice has been furnished us for our

sustenance every week in the same way as to the soldiers. It is a ration, but
even with bread a man cannot be supported by it. I have written to that
effect to the viceroy of Nueba España so that we may be supplied from
there with necessities until there shall be sufficient means of gain in this
land from which to supply us; but he either has no authority from your
Majesty to do that, or he does not dare unless it be remitted to us here. I
entreat your Majesty to please order us to be supplied with an amount each
week per religious as is done in Nueba España, in consideration of the fact
that our expenses here are heavier than in Nueba España. For the Indians in
Nueba España know only how to give, but these Indians here know only
how to beg. The soldiers who are here now are so poor that it is necessary
to try to give to them and not to beg from them. Consequently, it will be
necessary for your Majesty to make us a more liberal concession than to the
religious of Nueba España. I believe that one religious can be supported in
these regions for two hundred pesos but not with less. I trust, God helping,
that the fruit which will be obtained in the conversion in these districts, will
be so great that your Majesty will make us other greater rewards. We have
hitherto stayed here because we suspected here that your Majesty would
order us to abandon this place, but since we now know that it is your
Majesty’s will that we continue to advance the undertaking, we shall begin
to baptize all the people; for although there are some Christians, there
would be many more if we had known before what we now know. May our
Lord preserve the sacred royal Catholic person of your Majesty for many
years, as I your humble and least servant desire. This island of Panay, July
25, 1570. Your sacred royal Catholic Majesty’s most humble servant,

Fray Diego de Herrera

[Endorsed: “Examined. To be given to the reporter, so that he may file it
with the others.”]

1 See VOL. III, p. 52, and VOL. XXIII, pp. 189, 190. ↑
2 The number of islands and islets in the Philippine Archipelago is, according to G. R. Putnam, in
charge of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Philippine Islands, 3,141. This number
comprises everything, however small, which at high tide appears as a separate island. Of them, 1,668

are listed by name, while 1,473 are, so far as known, without names. More accurate information will
doubtless further increase this number, which, as well as the following, cannot be regarded as yet as
entirely definitive. The total area of the islands, so far as known, is 115,026 square miles. Two islands
have areas exceeding 10,000 square miles each; nine of more than 1,000 but less than 10,000 square
miles; 20, between 100 and 1,000 square miles; 73, between 10 and 100 square miles; 262, between
one and ten square miles; and 2,775, less than one square mile each. See Census of Philippine
Islands, i, pp. 56, 57. ↑

3 Herrera probably confuses the word “kasis” (see VOL. XVI, p. 134, note 161—here also used
wrongly) with the American word “cacique” or “chief”. ↑
4 See Pigafetta’s statements, VOL. XXXIII, pp. 223–225, 227–231; see also his statement about
the introduction of Mahometanism into the Moluccas, ante, p. 73. ↑

ROYAL COMMUNICATIONS TO AND
CONCERNING LEGAZPI

REPLY TO MIGUEL LOPEZ DE LEGAZPI

The King. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, my governor and captain-general of
the islands of the West: I have received your two letters dated June fifteen
and twenty-three of the past year one thousand five hundred and sixty-
seven,1 and I have taken note of the detailed account which you gave of the
events of your expedition, and of what you have done in it; and it is what
has been expected from your loyalty and goodness. In regard to what you
say of the islands that have been discovered, and which are being
discovered daily, and your sensible policy in not waging war, you have
done very well, and we charge and order you to continue the same, striving
by all good means to attract the natives to the service of God our Lord and
mine, and to the love and friendship which they ought to have with you and
with the Spaniards who reside with you. You shall so carry yourself that you
may not come to blows with them nor with any other persons unless you
should be provoked, and in your own defense.

In regard to your statement that some galleys are needed for the trade and
commerce of those islands, we have ordered the matter to be discussed, but
as yet no resolution has been taken by which we can advise you concerning
our will.

Your son, Melchor de Legazpi, and Juan de la Ysla have asked for certain
things necessary for the solid colonization of that land and for your defense
and safety.2 You will see what we have supplied by the memorial taken by

Juan de la Ysla, and by what our officials in Nueva España will send you.
The balance of what is yet to be furnished will be sent in the first fleet that
leaves for Nueva España. You will watch over everything in your charge as
we expect from your person; and you shall have especial care in furthering
the conversion of the Indian natives of that country to our holy Catholic
faith, and their good treatment; for that is most important to the service of
God our Lord and mine. Since it is so important you shall obtain it by all
possible good means.

You shall assign and allot the villages of those islands which may be
reduced to our service as you think best, according to the law of the
succession of the Indians; provided that you do not assign or allot the
capitals, seaports, or places settled by Spaniards, for these must be left for
our royal crown, and we order that they be so left.3

We have also been petitioned in your name that, in consideration of the fact
that there are islands inhabited by Moros in that land, and that they come to
trade and traffic, thus hindering the preaching of the holy gospel, and
disturbing you, we grant you permission to enslave such Moros, and to
seize their possessions. You must take note that if such Moros are Moros by
birth and nation and come for the purpose of spreading their cursed
Mahometan worship, or to make war on you or on the Indians subject to us
and to our royal service, then you can enslave them. But you shall under no
consideration whatever enslave those who were Indians who may have
adopted the worship of Mahomet; but you shall endeavor to convert them
and to persuade them to accept our holy Catholic faith by good and
legitimate means.

Report has been made me on behalf of the conquistadors of that country
that many slaves have been made there by the natives of those islands. I
have been entreated to grant permission to those conquistadors to purchase
them and hold them as slaves in the same manner as the said natives hold
them. Inasmuch as I desire to be informed of the custom in this matter and
of what it is advisable to do, I order you to submit a report of the causes
why slaves are made in that country—whether slaves are made mutually
among the natives themselves; whether the Moros who wage war upon the

said natives are made slaves; or whether there are various sects among
them, so that they wage and maintain mutual warfare among themselves
and make slaves mutually of one another. You shall report on the other
characteristics of that race in so far as they touch this matter; and when the
said report is ready you shall send it to our Council of the Indias, so that,
after they have examined it, the most advisable measures may be taken in
accordance with justice.4

If there are any Portuguese or foreigners of these kingdoms who have gone
with you or who shall have gone afterward, or who should be in the ships
sailing from Nueva España to those islands, you shall order them to return
to these kingdoms, even if such Portuguese or foreigners be those who are
allowed to be in those districts in accordance with my laws, ordinances, and
decrees. You must attend to this matter with the greatest possible haste, for
you know how dangerous it will be to the welfare, peace, and quiet of the
land and to the service of our Lord and mine. The Escorial, November
sixteen, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso, and signed by Luis Quixada, Vazquez, Don
Gomez Çapata, Muñoz, Molina, Salas, Aguilera, Villafañe, and Votello.

[The above document is followed by one entitled, “Title of governor and
captain-general of the island of Cubu to Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.” It is
almost word for word the same as the document presented in our VOL. III,
pp. 62–66 (the few verbal differences not at all changing the sense in any
way), but it bears a date eight days prior to that of the above-mentioned
document. The ending of this document is as follows: “Neither you nor they
shall act contrary to this under any consideration, under penalty of loss of
our favor and of a fine of one thousand gold castellanos to be paid to our
exchequer and treasury. Given at Madrid, August six, one thousand five
hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso, and signed by Luis Quixada, Vazquez, Molina,
Salas, Aguilera, Votello, and Maldonado.”]

[This document is followed by another one entitled “The said [Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi is granted] the lieutenancy of a fortress in Cubu.” It reads
practically the same as the above-mentioned document of VOL. III, to the
beginning of the last clause on page 62. We translate from that point:]

And inasmuch as we believe that it is thus advisable for our service, and the
welfare and preservation of the same island and of the other islands in its
vicinity, we consider it fitting and it is our intention and will that now and
henceforth you be for all the rest of your life our warden and keeper of the
said fortress. You shall perform the service, homage, and act of fidelity
which are required in such cases and which you must make. After that has
been done, we order any person or persons who may have or shall have
charge of the said fortress, that they shall, as soon as they shall be
summoned by this our decree, deliver and surrender it to you or to
whomever is empowered by you without consulting us further or awaiting
any other decree or order from us, or our second or third injunction. They
shall give you full and free possession of it in its entire height and depth and
strength, together with the arms, equipment, food, and other things that it
might contain, in inventory and before a notary. After they shall have done
this we do by the present or by a copy thereof, signed by a notary-public,
relieve and discharge them of any covenant, homage, act of fidelity, or
pledge that shall have been made by the said fortress, and we declare them
free and quit of it, both they and their goods, and their heirs and successors
forever. They shall do and perform this notwithstanding that no known
porter of our exchequer intervenes in the surrender of it, or the other
ceremonies that are usual in such cases, under penalty of being condemned
and of incurring the other penalties which those who keep fortresses and do
not deliver them at the command of my natural kings and seigniors, are
exposed to and incur. Further we order the Council, justices, regidors,
knights, squires, officials, and good men of the said island of Cubu and of
the other islands in its vicinity, to consider and hold you as our warden and
keeper of the said fortress for the rest of your life as is said above; and they
shall pay and cause to be paid to you the fees annexed and pertaining to it

for its lieutenancy. They shall cause to be observed toward you the honors,
grace, rewards, exemptions, licenses, preeminences, prerogatives, and
immunities, and all other things which you ought to possess and enjoy as
our warden and keeper of the said fortress; and which must be kept for you
in the same way as they are possessed and held by the wardens and keepers
of the fortresses of these our kingdoms entirely and completely, so that no
omission shall be made to you. They shall not place or allow to be placed
any hindrance or opposition to this or any part of it. Given in Madrid,
August six, one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso and signed by the above.

THE SAID LEGAZPI. TITLE OF GOVERNOR OF THE
LADRONES ISLANDS

Don Phelippe, etc. Inasmuch as report has been made me in behalf of you,
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, our governor of the islands of the West, that a
certain fleet having been prepared at our order in Puerto de la Navidad of
Nueva España for the purpose of the discovery of the said islands, our
former viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, appointed and named you by our
commission through the satisfaction which he had in your person, to be the
captain-general of it and our governor of the said islands. We have heard
that you, having gone in search of them, in order to attain the end desired,
and having spent a considerable sum of gold pesos from your own property,
discovered the said islands and took possession of them in our royal name
with the ceremonies requisite in such cases; and made a settlement in the
island of Cubu where you are at present with the men whom you took. In
that place you have heard of other islands in that vicinity called the
Ladrones Islands and of their fertility and wealth. You have desired to
explore and colonize them at your own cost and expense, and petition has

been made us to have permission given you therefor, as well as the title of
governor and captain-general of the said islands, in consideration of the
many expenses that you have incurred in their discovery, and the hardships
that you have endured. We, respecting the said your services because of the
wide knowledge of them, and because of those which we expect that you
shall perform from this time on, and having discussed it with our royal
person, have considered it fitting. Therefore by the present we grant license
and permission to you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, so that you are
empowered to make for us in our name and at your own cost—and you
shall make—the exploration and colonization of the said Ladrones Islands.
You shall take and seize possession of them in the said name with the
ceremony that is requisite in such cases; provided that you observe and
cause to be observed in toto the instructions and provisions which have
been issued by us in regard to the course to be followed in the said
colonizations and explorations. It is our wish and intention to make you our
governor and captain-general of the said Ladrones Islands and of all the
villages that you shall settle therein for the rest of your life. You shall hold
and exercise our civil and criminal justice with the offices of justice which
shall be in the said islands of the West. By this our letter, we order councils,
justices, regidors, knights, squires, officials, and good men of all the cities,
towns, and hamlets that shall exist in the said islands, land, and colony, and
those that shall be colonized, and our officials and other persons who shall
reside therein—and each one of them—that, as soon as they shall be
summoned by this order, they shall take and receive from you, the said
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the oath and ceremony that is requisite in such
cases, and that you ought to give, without any further delay or
procrastination, and without informing us any farther, or consulting,
awaiting, or expecting another order or command from me, or a second or
third decree. After you have thus given the oath, you shall be considered
and received as our governor and captain-general of the said islands, and
their coast, land, and settlements all the days of your life. They shall allow
and permit you freely to exercise and enjoy the said offices and to perform
and execute our justice therein through yourself or through your
subordinates whom you have power to appoint and may appoint to the said
offices of governor and captain-general, alguacils, and other offices
annexed to or pertaining to the said government. You may remove and set

aside any of such officials when it is for our service and the execution of
our justice. You may appoint and substitute others in their place; and you
may try, despatch, and sentence all the suits and causes, both civil and
criminal, which shall arise and occur in the said islands, coast, land, and
village that you shall settle, and that you shall have settled, both among the
men who went to colonize, and among the other natives of it. You and the
said your alcaldes and subordinates shall receive the fees annexed to and
pertaining to the said offices. You may make any examinations in the cases
of justice, premises, and all the other things pertaining to and annexed to the
said offices. You and your subordinates shall attend to that which is
advisable for our service, the execution of our justice, and the colonization
and government of the said islands, coast, land, and towns that shall be
established. In order that you may exercise and enjoy the said offices, and
perform and execute our justice, all men shall be in harmony with you as to
their persons and property, and shall give and cause to be given to you all
the protection and aid that you may ask from them and that shall be
necessary to you. They shall respect you in all things, and shall obey and
perform your orders or those of your subordinates. They shall place no
obstacle or opposition to your orders or any part of them, nor allow any to
be placed. Therefore by this present we do receive you and consider you
received in the said offices and in the exercise and enjoyment of them. We
grant you full power to enjoy and exercise, and to perform and execute, the
said our justice in the said islands, coasts, land, and hamlets that you shall
colonize and in the cities, towns, and hamlets of the said islands and their
limits, either through yourself or through your subordinates as abovesaid. In
case that you are not received by them or by any of them into the said
offices, we do, by this our letter, order any person or persons who shall
exercise the authority of our justice in the villages of the said islands, coast,
and land, to deliver and surrender, and use such offices no longer without
our license and express mandate whenever they shall be summoned by you,
the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, under the penalties incurred and suffered
by those private persons who exercise public and royal offices for which
they have no authority or license. Such persons we do by the present
suspend and consider as suspended. Furthermore, the fines pertaining to our
exchequer and treasury to which you and your alcaldes and subordinates
shall condemn any persons, shall be executed by you, and you shall cause

them to be executed, and shall have the fines given and delivered to our
treasurer of the said islands. Furthermore, we order that if you, the said
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, consider it fitting for our service and the
execution of our justice, that any persons now in, or who may in the future
be in, the said islands, coast, and land, be banished and enter them no more
or live in them, and that they come to present themselves before us, you
may order it in our name and cause them to leave in accordance with the
ordinance regarding that matter. You shall give to the person thus exiled the
reason for his exile; but if you deem it advisable that the matter be kept
secret, you shall give the reason under lock and seal, and you shall on your
part send us another person, so that we may be informed of it. But you are
to take notice that when you have to exile anyone, it must be only for a very
urgent cause. For the abovesaid, and so that you may exercise the said
offices as our governor and captain-general of the said islands, coast, land,
and villages that you shall colonize, so that you may perform and exercise
our justice therein, we delegate you full authority by this our letter, with all
their incidences, dependencies, emergencies, annexes, and rights; and it is
our will and we order that you receive and be paid the annual salary,
together with the said offices, of two thousand ducados (a sum equivalent to
seven hundred and fifty thousand maravedis). You shall enjoy them from
the day on which you shall set sail to pursue your voyage, and thenceforth
for the time that you shall maintain the said government. If that sum is not
had during the said time, we shall not be obliged to pay you any part of it. A
receipt shall be taken from you, with which, and with the copy of this our
provision signed by the notary-public, we order that the said two thousand
ducados be received by you and placed on your account. Neither you nor
any one else shall act contrary to this under any consideration, under
penalty of losing our favor and one thousand castellanos in gold to be paid
to our exchequer and treasury. Given in Madrid, August fourteen, one
thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso, and signed by Luis Quixada, Doctor Vazquez,
Licentiate Don Gomez Çapata, Doctor Luis de Molina, Doctor Aguilera,

and Doctor Francisco de Villafañe.

TO THE SAID LEGAZPI [GRANTING HIM] THE TITLE OF
ADELANTADO OF THE LADRONES ISLANDS

Don Phelipe, etc. Inasmuch as we have granted license and authority to you,
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, our governor of the islands of the West, so that
you may explore and colonize the said islands of the West for us and in our
name, and at your own expense; and because of the expenses which you
have incurred in it, and those which you shall incur in the exploration and
colonization of the said islands of the Ladrones; and because we have you
and your said services in mind constantly, and in order that you and your
descendants may be more honored: therefore having reflected upon the
matter in our royal person, I have considered it fitting to bestow upon you
the title of adelantado of the said Ladrones Islands for yourself and for your
heirs and successors forever. Therefore it is our intention and will by this
present that you be now and henceforth forever, our adelantado of the said
Ladrones Islands, as well as of the villages that you shall colonize therein;
and after you, your heirs and successors, and he who shall inherit your
house. As such our adelantado, you may exercise—and you shall exercise—
the said office in all cases and matters annexed to and concerning it, in the
same manner in which they are enjoyed by our adelantados of our
kingdoms of Castilla and of the said Indias. In regard to the enjoyment and
exercise of the said office and in the payment of the fees pertaining to it,
you shall observe and your heirs shall be obliged to observe the laws and
ordinances of these our kingdoms imposed in regard to it. All the honors,
favors, and rewards, licenses, liberties, exemptions, preëminences,
prerogatives, immunities, and everything else—and each one of them singly
—which because of being our adelantado, you ought to have and enjoy, and
which ought to be kept for you, shall be kept for you. You shall have and
receive the fees, salaries, and other matters belonging and pertaining to the
said office of adelantado. We do, by this our letter, order councils, justices,

regidors, knights, squires, officials, and good men of all the cities, towns,
and hamlets of the said islands of the Ladrones to hold, receive, and
consider you and your heirs as our adelantado and to extend to you and to
them the said office and all causes and things annexed to and concerning it.
They shall keep for you and cause to be kept for you, all the honors, favors,
rewards, licenses, liberties, preëminences, prerogatives, immunities, and all
the other things—and each one of them singly—that you ought to have and
enjoy by reason of the said office, and which must be kept for you. They
shall pay, and cause to be paid, to you, all the fees and salaries owing and
belonging to the said office of adelantado up to their complete value, so that
you may suffer no lack in anything, according to and in the manner in
which it has been enjoyed and paid, and as it must be enjoyed, paid, and
kept for the other adelantados who have been and are in these our kingdoms
of Castilla and in the said Indias. They shall place no obstacle or opposition
to you in this matter or in any part of it, or allow such to be placed.
Therefore, we do, by this present, receive and hold you as received into the
said office, and to its enjoyment and exercise. We grant you authority and
license to enjoy and exercise it; and in case that you are not received in that
office by them or any of them, we order you to give this our letter signed by
our hand and countersigned by our secretary mentioned below. Given in
Madrid, August fourteen, one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

I, Francisco de Herasso, secretary of his Majesty, had this written by his
command. It is signed by Luis Quizada, Doctor Vazquez, Licentiate Don
Gomez Çapata, Doctor Luis de Molina, Licentiate Salas, Doctor Aguilera,
and Doctor Francisco de Villafañe.

[The above document is followed by one entitled, “The said Legazpi,
[granting him] the title of governor and captain-general of the island of
Cubu.” It is the same document, and bears the same date as that published
in VOL. III, pp. 62–66.]

INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO MIGUEL LOPEZ DE LEGAZPI,
IN REGARD TO WHAT HE IS TO DO IN THE LADRONES
ISLANDS

The King. That which you, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, our governor and
captain-general in the islands of the West, are to do and observe in the
government, exploration, and colonization of the Ladrones Islands which
we charge to you, is as follows.

1. First, after the said islands are explored, you shall select sites and
locations for colonization, taking care that the land be healthful and fertile,
and abounding in wood, water and good pasturage for cattle. You shall see
that the land be apportioned to the colonists, but you shall not occupy or
take possession of any private property of the Indians. In order that this may
be better performed, you shall for the present, make the said settlement
somewhat distant from the districts and locations where the Indians may
have their settlements, pastures, and fields, so that all the abovesaid may be
done without harming them at all. On the contrary thorough good treatment
must be shown them.

2. The site of the place where the settlement is to be made having been
chosen, you shall order the colonists to build their houses, making in them a
sort of stronghold, where they may defend themselves and their flocks if
necessary, in case that the Indians try to attack them.

3. You shall see that the colonists who settle in this way, endeavor to obtain
peace and friendship with the Indians who dwell in that land. They shall
treat the latter well, and shall endeavor (for such is my will) to have the
Indians live near them in villages, and shall defend them and help them to
defend themselves against those who try to harm them. They shall reduce
the Indians to a civilized life, and shall endeavor to separate them from their
vices, sins, and evil customs. They shall endeavor to reduce them and
convert them willingly to our holy Catholic faith and the Christian religion
by means of religious and other good men.

4. If there shall be any persons among the said Indians who oppose and
refuse to listen to our instruction, and convert or illtreat those who do listen
to it, you shall endeavor by all good means possible to you to prevent it, so
that the preaching of the gospel may not cease for that reason. You shall
proceed in this with all manner of discretion, kindness, and moderation.

5. Further, you shall endeavor to have the Indians persuaded to adopt our
holy Catholic faith willingly, and to render submission to us. If they do so
you shall order that they be exempt from tribute for ten years.

6. Item: You shall order that the Spaniards, who shall settle later in the
villages thus established, rule and govern in peace and quiet, and that they
shall not molest or injure anyone. They shall appoint their ministers of
justice, regidors, and necessary officials, for the meanwhile and until we
provide otherwise.

7. Some repartimientos of Indians shall be made to those persons who shall
go to make the said settlement, in accordance with their services and the
quality of the persons to whom they are made. The chief capitals and the
seaports shall be assigned to us, although first and foremost the appraisal of
the said tributes of such repartimientos shall have been made. This is
understood to be allowed after the expiration of the ten years in which they
are to be exempt and free from tribute as abovesaid.

8. You shall also assign salaries to regidors and ministers of justice, and to
the seculars and religious. You shall instruct each one in his privileges and
duties so that he may know what he has to do, and that those who have
charge of the offices shall be obliged to give account for the disorders and
excesses that our men commit both against the Indians and the latter among
themselves.

9. You shall order that after the abovesaid has been done, the people
endeavor to open trade in their districts. You shall provide the Indians with
the articles that they need, and shall endeavor also to get from the Indians
the things that are needed from them.

10. You shall send religious and other good persons to instruct and persuade
the Indians to receive our faith. You shall see to it that if they be sufficient,
they endeavor to collect the Indians in villages so that they may be
instructed better.

11. You shall always instruct those persons whom you send to spy out the
land always to consider where they might find fitting and commodious sites
for the new settlements, without any resulting harm to the Indians in
accordance with the provision of the first section.

12. You shall provide that after the houses have been built and the fields
sown, the people try to discover minerals and other things in which they
will be benefited. They shall cultivate the land and enrich it with new plants
of vines and fruit trees for its support and gain.

13. Item: If the natives endeavor to prevent the said settlement, they must be
told that the men are not trying to settle there in order to do them any harm
or wrong, or to seize their possessions, but only to have friendship with
them and teach them to live in a civilized manner and recognize God, and to
expound to them the law of Jesus Christ by which they will be saved. After
that message and warning has been given (which must be made three times
as shall seem best to the person appointed by you after consulting with the
religious who shall go to such settlement and by the tongue of the religious
who shall tell and declare it), then if notwithstanding the abovesaid, the
natives refuse to consent to the colony, the colonists shall endeavor to settle
and shall defend themselves from the said natives without doing them other
injury than that necessary for their defense and for making the said
settlement. All the mildness and moderation possible shall be observed in
the said defense.

14. Further, after having made such hamlet and settlement you shall see to it
that the citizens and religious who shall be there, try to trade and
communicate with the natives and to make friends with them, and to make
them understand the abovesaid.

15. If the said natives and inhabitants located near the said colony should
become friends because of such good efforts and persuasions, so that they
give the religious permission to enter to teach them and to preach to them
the law of Christ, you shall see that they do it. The religious shall endeavor
to convert them and allure them to the faith, and to have them recognize us
as sovereign king and lord.

16. Further, if the said natives and the rulers of the Indians refuse to admit
the religious preachers, after the announcement of their purpose as above
said, and after the natives shall have been petitioned many times to allow
the religious to enter to preach and to expound the word of God, you shall
make a report of it and send it to our Council with the most justifiable
testimony that you have of what has been done, in order that we may have
you ordered as to what course you are to pursue. Meanwhile you shall
endeavor to retain their friendship and trade, and shall treat them well. You
shall endeavor by all possible means to bring them to a knowledge of our
Lord.

17. If any of the officials appointed by us die, you shall appoint in each
island those that may be lacking, so that in accordance with the instruction
and order given them, they may administer our finances and attend to the
other things that are entrusted to the other officials of the other provinces of
the Indias. You shall make such appointments until we provide for it, and
you shall immediately advise us of it so that we may have the proper
measures taken.

18. The persons and our officials who shall be entrusted with duties, shall
be paid their salaries from the fruits of the land by our treasurer, in
accordance with a list made out and signed by the said officials and signed
by the governor of the province.

19. Item: You shall endeavor to take the most virtuous and Christian people
possible, and those who shall be best fitted for the said colonization.

20. Item: You shall take four of the religious at present in the said islands,
and if you do not have them, you shall take two seculars who must be

persons of good life and morals, fit to give the instruction, and to administer
the holy sacraments.

21. Item: You shall endeavor with great care to see that the Spaniards do no
harm and show no force to the Indians, and that they do not wound them or
do them any other evil or harm, or deprive them of their possessions, but
they shall show them the utmost good treatment. If any of the men offend
the Indians, then you and your captains shall punish him rigorously and
shall warn him not to continue such actions. If he be careless and negligent
in this, then you shall have him punished with great rigor; for this is a
matter whose fulfilment we desire greatly, and if this be not obeyed we
shall consider ourselves greatly disserved.

22. Item: Upon your arrival at the land you shall report to us the events of
your expedition and the manner in which you shall be received, also what
you ascertain and discover of the said land, and everything else of which
you think we should be advised. You shall accompany it with your opinion
of what you think ought to be done, so that we may better order what is
necessary for the service of God and our own service; and you shall do the
same whenever you deem it necessary.

We charge and order you to observe and perform the above inviolably, for if
the contrary be done we shall consider ourselves disserved. Given in
Madrid, August xxviii, one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

MIGUEL LOPEZ DE LEGAZPI. CONCESSION OF TWO
THOUSAND DUCADOS

The King. Our officials of the Western Islands, whose colonization we have
entrusted to General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi: Know that in consideration
of the services of the said Miguel Lopez, past and present, in his expedition,

and the loss that he has received to his property in a caravel which sunk, I
have after consultation with the members of my Council of the Indias,
considered it fitting to concede to him, for one time, as I do by this present,
a gift of two thousand ducados (a sum equivalent to seven hundred and fifty
thousand maravedis). I therefore order you that from whatever gold or
silver or any other kind of property you may have in your possession and
which may be in charge of you our treasurer, you give and pay to the said
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, or to whomever shall have his powers of
attorney, the said two thousand ducados of which we thus make him a
concession for this one time for the abovesaid reason. Deliver and pay them
to him, and take his receipt, with which and with this my decree, I order
that the said two thousand ducados be received from you and placed on
your accounts. Given at Madrid, August twenty-nine, one thousand five
hundred and seventy.

I the King

1 These must be the letters dated July 15 and 23, q.v. VOL. II, PP. 233–239. The error in the
month in the present document could easily arise through carelessness of the royal secretary or
clerk. ↑
2 See VOL. II, pp. 157–160. ↑

3 By a decree dated at Burgos, February 22, 1512, Fernando orders that no encomendero may
have more than three hundred Indians; for if they have more than that number, “they cannot be well
treated, aided, maintained, or instructed in the matters of our holy Catholic faith, as would be
proper.” In the Philippines, encomenderos had sometimes as many as one thousand two hundred
natives. See Doc. Ined. Amer. y Oceania, i, pp. 237–241, and Census of Philippine Islands, i, p.
423. ↑
4 See Lavezaris’s report on slavery in the Philippines, VOL. III, pp. 286–288; also the memoranda
of Augustinians, post, pp. 273–285; and Rada’s letter, post, pp. 286–294, where the king’s order is
mentioned. ↑

LETTER FROM FRANCISCO DE ORTEGA TO
THE VICEROY
Your Excellency: May the grace and consolation of the Holy Ghost dwell
forever in the soul of your Excellency. Last year I wrote a report and an
account to your Excellency of the affairs of this region, in fulfilment of the
directions given me by your Excellency when I came to this country. Since
in the previous report I wrote at length, I shall be brief in this one, referring
to the other one and to the statements in it for the explanation of some
things which I say here. I ratify anew everything that I have said, and
purpose now to give information to your Excellency of what has happened
in this country since my last writing. I have accordingly to inform you that
on August 13, of last year, there set sail two vessels named “Santiago” and
“San Juan.” One week later, namely, the twenty-first of the said month, our
Lord took from this life by sudden death the adelantado and governor,
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (may he be in glory). His death was greatly
deplored and is so even at the present day, for doubtless his valor and
wisdom have been greatly needed. Those who regarded him as wicked in
his life will now canonize him as a saint. I believe that he is in glory or on
the way to it, for he was a good Christian and if he erred in some things, I
believe that he desired to do right, while in some other things he did the
best he could. He died poor, which is a great evidence of his goodness. That
was a cause for great confusion to those who regarded him as very rich, and
who were murmuring about him saying that he had a chest of gold and
more than 25,000 pesos in tostons. All that he was found to have on the day
of his death was 460 pesos in two little sacks. These he had asked as a loan
a few days before. He had also in gold about 120 pesos not counting one
large chain and one small one which he brought from his own land. He had
also the wrought silver of his table service. All the rest of this was not worth
500 pesos. This is the whole of the wealth and treasure which he had. Of
this fact I am practically an eyewitness, for I was present at his death and at
the inventory of his property. Three days after he had died his grandson,

Captain Joan de Salzedo, came from the opposite coast of the island, where
he had been three months, having gone by the direction of the governor to
explore that country and to pacify the people who lived in it. He brought
back very good news from there, though he could not give it to him who
had sent him out, and hence great sorrow was caused to him who brought
the news and even to the rest. They reported that the population there was
large and that there were many good settlements close to one another and
that they were better ordered and governed than in the other parts. They said
that there were villages with 300 or 400 houses together, some more and
some less, and that there was among them one village that seemed to
contain more than three thousand houses, and another with 800, where he
left his alférez with thirty-five soldiers while he came to tell the news and to
make an extended report. He accomplished one thing which astonished
everybody, because without doubt it was a very daring and courageous
exploit. This was to attempt to circumnavigate the island, which he
accomplished in two tiny boats with 15 soldiers. These boats did not draw
one palmo of water. They are called barangays in this country and are
rowed with very short oars by Indians seated in the boat. Though these
vessels are of this character, and the sea of that coast is so rough that not
one of the natives, as they say, has ventured to navigate it, still he dared to
do it in order to know and see what there is on the opposite coast. He
suffered great hardships but God delivered him from all of them. His boat
was ofttimes almost swamped, and he and the others with him on the point
of drowning. Finally he sailed one hundred leguas, coasting along the island
to the point of his settlement, and he has explored and circumnavigated it.
In all the length of that coast there was not a single village nor one Indian,
for the whole country is desolate where they supposed there would be a
great many people.

In the villages to which he went on this exploring and pacifying expedition,
he collected 800 gold taes in tribute. A tae is a weight of one onza or a little
more. Of this amount he gave half to the soldiers and the other half to his
Majesty’s treasury. This is the largest amount of treasure that had hitherto
been received in these islands. Three months after his alférez, who had
remained behind, arrived. The reason of his coming was that almost all his
soldiers were taken sick and that they had no ammunition. He brought back

a thousand taes of gold in addition to as many more which he shared
between himself and the soldiers. All this was put in the royal treasury
under the control of our new governor, Guido de Lavezaris. Because of
what he heard of the country and its people and their wealth, the latter
decided to send the master-of-camp there with one or two captains to
inspect the population and the villages which were to be divided into
repartimientos. He who should not have gone, went [on that expedition],
and with him Captain Lorenço Chacon with more than 130 soldiers and
more than 800 Indians who rowed the boats in which they went. Without
discovering any new lands or seeing any new villages besides those which
Captain Joan de Salzedo had discovered and pacified, they collected in
tribute three thousand taes or more. It is fitting that your Excellency should
know the manner in which these tributes are collected, and the way in
which they are demanded before the time, contrary to the law of God and
the directions of his Majesty. The first thing they do when they reach any
village or province is to send them an interpreter or two, not with gifts or
presents, not to preach to them or to speak to them of the things of God, but
to order them to bring tribute immediately and to be friendly to the
Castilians. Since this is a so new and strange thing for them, as being
something to which they have not been accustomed, as they have not been
either subjects or vassals of any native king or lord (of whom they have
none in any part of these islands, as was written in my other letter to your
Excellency), all this is confusion to them and causes them much evil by
forcing them to give as tributes the necklaces which they wear about their
necks and the bracelets which they and their women wear on their arms. For
few or none of them have any other property but what they wear on their
persons. When these so evil abuses are inflicted upon them, some of them
refuse to give the tribute or do not give as liberally as those who ask it
desire. Others, on account of having to give this and of their fear at seeing a
strange and new race of armed people, abandon their houses and flee to the
tingues [i.e., hills] and mountains. When the Spaniards see this, they follow
them, discharging their arquebuses at them and mercilessly killing as many
as they can. Then they go back to the village and kill all the fowls and
swine there and carry off all the rice which the poor wretches had for their
support. After this and after they have robbed them of everything they have
in their miserable houses, they set fire to them. In this way they burned and

destroyed more than four thousand houses in this expedition to Ylocos, and
killed more than five hundred Indians, they themselves confessing that they
committed that exploit. Your Excellency may infer how desolate and ruined
this will make the country, for those who have done the mischief say that it
will not reach its former state within six years and others say not in a
lifetime. Will your Excellency determine whether this is consistent with
law, divine or human, with religion or Christian charity. Your Excellency
will also consider that in these invasions and explorations the law of
Mahomet is followed rather than the law of God; for no account is taken of
His precepts and there is no care to follow His law and the Christian
instructions conformable with and akin to them, which have been given by
our Catholic and very Christian king and lord Don Ffelipe. The latter
commanded that by love and kindly treatment and with gifts and presents
the natives should be caressed and attracted to love and friendship for us, so
that in this manner they might come to the knowledge of our God and
Creator, and might subject themselves to his royal protection and might
recognize him as their king and lord. For all these purposes, he spends most
freely from his royal treasury, buying fine scarlet cloths, stuffs, caps, silks,
and other things suitable for this purpose, as your Excellency knows better
than I. Yet they do not follow his will but invade the country of the Indians,
killing and robbing, burning their villages and houses, and collecting as
enemies what his Majesty commands us to take and receive from them as
friends. In place of engendering in their breasts and souls love and
goodwill, they create and engender hate and abhorrence against us and
against the name of Jesus Christ crucified whom they ought to teach and
preach to the natives. If by such pilgrimages and pacifications and services
God our Lord and his Majesty are pleased, let your Excellency judge.1

They also said in the beginning that in the province of Ylocos and in the
other three provinces which were explored on the opposite coast and which
they declare that they have pacified, there were more than four hundred
thousand Indians, and that there were enough to afford repartimientos for all
those who are in these regions. Now they declare that there are not enough
for forty soldiers, according to the account which they bring back from
there, for according to them there are not as many as 40,000 Indians. I say
this so that your Excellency may see how closely this report conforms to the

others which I wrote in my former letter, and that your Excellency may be
informed and may know the truth if it should not be written [by others]
from here.

It seems to me also desirable to inform your Excellency how and in what
manner they send the present of gold to his Majesty, that you may
understand the wealth of this country and the service rendered him in it by
them, and how that gold was got. In accordance with what has been related
and declared above, the quantity would be at most about 30,000 pesos; and
how little appropriate it is to send this quantity of pesos as a present, and to
send as many more debts to the royal treasury of this country is very clear.
It is also very clear and plain that this present is a trifling one after the royal
treasury has spent more than two millions or but little less as I am informed,
within the fifteen years since the expense of this expedition [i.e., Legazpi’s]
began. How far from the royal magnanimous, Caesarean, and more than
Alexandrine heart of our king, Don Ffelipe, this present is, is so plain that
the blind could see it and the most ignorant judge it; hence on this point I do
not ask your Excellency to form a judgment, but I do ask you to decide
what reward it deserves from a king so Catholic as ours to make him a
present and a payment into his treasury of what has been robbed and wrung
[from the natives] contrary to what God and the king himself have
commanded. In conformity with what your Excellency with your delicate
and most Christian conscience may feel and judge in this matter, will you
send thanks in the royal name. How much more would God our Lord and
his Majesty be served if the gold which is sent to him as a present were
worn on the arms of the Indians of the Ylucos to whom it belonged, than
that the ladies of our lady the queen should wear it about their necks in the
court.

This has been said partly that your Excellency might know what takes place
here and might understand the way in which this present was sent to his
Majesty, and partly to state again that, in spite of the wealth which they will
say and write to your Excellency as existing in Ylucos and the other
provinces, when his Majesty shall have paid the expenses of this region, he
will receive no lawful and Christian profit from these islands, except
perhaps the cinnamon which is taken from the island of Bindanao as it is

now taken, unless the gold mines in these regions are worked. I believe that
they will not be worked except with the great oppression and loss of the
natives, and that will mean their total destruction, for experience has
undeceived us in this matter by what has happened in the island of Española
and in other regions.

As for the government of the new governor, Guido de Lavezaris, I shall
discuss or say nothing; for your Excellency can learn about it there from the
people who go [there] from here, and by the letters which will be written.
Only I beg your Excellency not to take your information from Joan Pacheco
alone, for, according to his statement and opinion, because of his obligation
to the governor, and his affection and friendship, and the things that the
governor has done for him, he will say that he is fit to rule and govern the
kingdom of Napoles and the state of Millan. It is no wonder that he says
that, for the governor has given him more than four thousand Indians in
repartimiento, so that there is not a better encomienda in this region, though
Pacheco is but a private soldier, and one of those who has seen least service
in this country. He has done nothing but act as sentinel for the adelantado—
may he be in glory—and that not for very many years, though he is a man
of wealth and of noble birth, as your Excellency will have heard. Your
Excellency may obtain specific information regarding him, and that from
father Fray Diego de Herrera2 who is on his way to inform your Excellency
and his Majesty of affairs in this country and of the events therein. He
deserves great faith and credit on account of his great goodness and
devotion, for without anger or bias or self-interest, he will tell your
Excellency truthfully and with a zealous Christian heart desirous to serve
God and his Majesty, the state of affairs here. He will give you a particular
account of the small favor in which the religious and the ministers of God
are now held here more than ever, and how insulted and little regarded they
are by the governor and his followers and allies and by those who have any
command and power here now. He will tell you how little is done for them,
and how little aid and favor is given to the instruction and the things of
God, and also how little favored and protected are these natives and how
oppressed and molested they are ordinarily. He will also inform your
Excellency how under color of sending his Majesty a very rich present from
everything brought from China by the Sangleys, he has demanded a loan in

the camp of more than four hundred taes, taking from one ten, and from
another twenty, and from another fifty, in accordance with what he is
sending, and what each one possessed. I do not understand how the judge
who receives loans as gifts or pledges from those whom he must punish,
can rightly judge and enforce justice. He will also inform your Excellency
of the many revolts and riots, the factions and enmities which arise among
the people here, how much complaint all have in general to make of the
new governor, and how they are irritated by his policy and government and
murmur at it, and how well known he is to have a passionate temperament,
as is manifest by those whom he is sending to that country under arrest,
which will appear in the records of the process. He is also known to be very
biased and partial, and that not to the older, the more prudent, and leading
persons in the camp. For his companions he has an open door and has
always time to spend three or four hours talking with them, while his door
is shut to the religious and to the minister of God and to the poor soldier
who has any occasion to do business with him, and he has no time to listen
to the poor Indian about the wrongs that have been done to him, or to the
Spaniard who comes to state his complaints and troubles, or to listen calmly
and kindly to what is affirmed and declared regarding a demand for justice.
Upon these and other matters of the same kind and quality one might say
much and might write a long document. This I do not do, but refer to those
who are going there to tell your Excellency that never have the forces in
this camp been so disturbed and divided as at present. In almost nine years
during which the good old man now departed—may he be in glory—
governed us, there were not so many dissensions and disturbances, nor so
much discontent, as there have been and are during the nine months in
which Guido de Lavezaris has been governing us. On this account, and
since he is now more than seventy years of age, and I think desires quiet, it
is necessary to provide a remedy; and that is for your Excellency to send
from there any person soever that is suitable for such a duty and fit for the
present necessity. For I believe before God and my conscience, casting
aside all bias and partiality, which in this matter have no control over me,
that this is desirable for the service of God our Lord, and of his Majesty, the
good of the natives, and the pacification and preservation of this country.
Believing this with honest purpose and with a Christian heart desirous of
the common welfare and of the service of God and of his Majesty, I give

your Excellency this advice, so that, as a pious and most Christian prince
you may, with your great prudence and liberality, quickly provide the
remedy. If your Excellency does not see fit to send another new governor, it
would be desirable in my judgment for your Excellency to send an auditor
of that royal Audiencia and some person learned in the law, a man of
character and a good Christian, to visit and inspect this country and to
undeceive your Excellency with regard to some matters which have been
written to you there with perverse reports. It will be better to send a rich
advocate than a poor knight who as is suspected is pledged by gifts and by
the grant of a good repartimiento. This last point, however, I know only by
hearsay. If it is true, your Excellency will ascertain it there and will judge if
it is right that the encomienda should not be given to those who have been
here in service nine years pacifying the country, and that it should be given
to a man who came and goes back again with a good salary without having
been engaged in the pacification and without any of the labor of conquest.
At the same time I think it is necessary that your Excellency in the name of
his Majesty, or his Majesty in person should confirm the repartimientos and
grants which the new governor has made without having had special
permission therefor and without special command from his Majesty. Your
Excellency will also decide if the regranting in encomienda of the villages
which became vacant, and were in his Majesty’s hands, has been proper. All
that I know of this is that the adelantado (may he be in glory) was often
importuned to have this done, but never could it be brought about because
he said that he had a command from his Majesty to the contrary. What the
other, in his great prudence and matured wisdom did not do, he who now
governs us has done with great promptness and liberality. The cause which I
believe has moved him to this is the lack of Indians to be given in
encomiendas to the soldiers; if this is true, it is very clear and may easily be
perceived and understood that there is not in these islands the population
which has been reported to your Excellency by letter, though there has been
no lack of Indians for him and for the officials of the king, contrary to his
Majesty’s prohibition.

If your Excellency should not send and provide another governor for these
islands, it would be just for your Excellency to have our present governor
ordered to take care to protect the affairs of the adelantado, Miguel Lopez

de Legazpi (may he be in glory), since he governed this country with so
great quietness and prudence, spent upon it his own property, and died poor
in the service of his Majesty. That is very just, as is also that particular care
be taken to show kindness and favor to Captain Joan de Salzedo, inasmuch
as he is one of those who have labored most in this country and have shown
the greatest zeal in the service of his Majesty. He is very spirited and
energetic, and for a man so young, very cautious and prudent, and he has
good desires and purposes to serve God and his Majesty. Hence some office
might be assigned and entrusted to him. Therefore, any favor that your
Excellency may extend or may command to be shown him will be very well
conceded; although the governor has given him but scant reward, since he
has given as much or more to a private soldier, as has already been said, by
which he has given rise to comment and occasion to murmuring.

It is also just that your Excellency should show all possible favor to the
sargento-mayor, Joan de Moron, who is going to that country under arrest
on grounds which seem very slight, besides being imprisoned here for ten
months in his house and being burdened by the expenses of the suit.
Everybody thinks that there has been more passion than reason or justice in
this case, as may be seen there by the report of the process.3 He is a man of
very good qualities, and though he is not at all a courtier, he is prudent and
very careful and diligent in the service of his Majesty, and very useful.
There is no one in this region who has seen more service than he. If your
Excellency is about to send forces to this country, he might well be put in
command of them, because he is one of the first who came to this region,
and because he has served his Majesty so well in it, as is well known to all,
and as your Excellency will already have received report. If it should be
necessary for your Excellency to appoint a new captain of experience in
matters here, I think it would be the best thing for your Excellency to assign
to him and to the inferior captains whatever your Excellency may be able to
provide here, for there are many of them and few soldiers. In this and in all
other matters will your Excellency decide upon that which is most for the
advantage of the service of God and of his Majesty.

The voyage to explore China has not been carried out, because of the death
of Governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who was very obedient to the

command of his Majesty and your Excellency. After his death there was
little goodwill in him who had the duty of ordering the execution of this
command, since he and other captains had done what they could to prevent
it from the beginning. Hence, they gave their votes against carrying it out.
In spite of this, the adelantado—may he be in glory—was determined to
accomplish what your Excellency had directed. After his death it happened
that the ships which were going to that country put back, and since the ship
“Santiago” arrived at Çubu without rigging or equipment, they took
advantage of the occasion to strip and dismantle one vessel in order to equip
another. Thus they did away with that which was necessary for the journey
to China. However, if they had not had this opportunity, I believe that they
would not have gone on with the voyage because of the little disposition
which the governor had for it. Upon this point, I believe that they have sent
full reports to your Excellency. What I am able to say from the little that I
know, and from what those say who judge the matter dispassionately, is that
it was a very desirable thing and a very important matter, and one from
which great service might result to our Lord and to his Majesty, profit to the
royal treasury, and increase to the royal estate, and that this might all be
done in a lawful and Christian manner as is commanded and directed by his
Majesty and by your Excellency in his royal name. When it was supposed
that the voyage would he carried out, our father provincial commanded me
to go with the forces which were about to depart on this voyage of
discovery. Although the voyage is uncertain and the dangers and hardships
are certain, I had offered myself for the undertaking because of my desire to
serve our Lord and my king and your Excellency and would go with great
willingness. If the said voyage is undertaken again, I offer myself anew to
go on the expedition if your Excellency will regard that as a service and
will send me a command to that effect. Should it be the will of your
Excellency that the voyage should be prosecuted, it would be necessary to
send from there two or three thousand pesos in tostons and to carry from
here fifty quintals of wax and as many more of cotton, which are the articles
of barter that have the greatest value there. It seems to me also very
desirable that there should be two ships in the squadron, so that if one of
them suffer any mishap, such as often occurs at sea, the men may be
assisted and saved in the other. It would also be possible for them to make
their voyage with greater safety from enemies, if any strive to do them

harm. If it should be your Excellency’s decision and if it should seem
desirable to you for two ships to go, the two above named, the “Santiago”
and the “Espiritu Santo” may go. By bringing from that country what is
necessary in the way of sails, rigging, and equipment, they may very well
be fitted out in this country with carpentry and calking. A brigantine or
pinnace may also be made for the return voyage to that country. Your
Excellency may discuss there with the pilots whether they can go to the
island of Cauchill4 if the voyage is made; for it is a matter of the greatest
importance for this island to be explored and examined, for it is said to be
very rich and to have a great trade. According to what is said, a great deal of
pepper and Moluccan cloves are exported every year. It is very near China
and is also near Sian, and I think not very far from Burney. In that island the
king of China has a governor and maintains a garrison. Yet as that race
goes, 300 Spanish soldiers could take by assault twenty or thirty thousand
of them. They say that there are horses and elephants there, and that it is a
very rich and very important island. With reference to this matter will your
Excellency examine it and command what is of greatest advantage to the
service of his Majesty and to that of God our Lord. May God preserve the
very excellent person of your Excellency for many years in His holy service
with an increase of prosperity for the good of that country and the
preservation and increase of this, and after this life may He grant you
eternal and everlasting life. Amen. From the city of Manila, June 6, 1573.
Most excellent Lord, your Excellency’s unworthy chaplain and suppliant
kisses your hands.

Fray Francisco de Ortega5

1 On the question of the tribute, see VOL. VII, pp. 267–318, and VOL. VIII, pp. 25–69. ↑

2 See post, the memoranda of the Augustinians, regarding the various questions to be discussed in
Spain by Diego de Herrera. ↑
3 See the viceroy’s report to Felipe II, regarding the arrest of Mirandaola and Moron, VOL. III, p.
210. The viceroy appears to have formed his judgment regarding the matter from the present letter. ↑

4 Evidently a reference to Cochinchina, and hence not an island, but part of the mainland. See
VOL. IV, p. 131, note 14. ↑

5 For sketch of this religious see VOL. IX, p. 95, note 18. See also his reports on the Philippines
in the same volume, pp. 95–119. ↑

AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA
Memoranda of the religious of the islands of the West in regard to the
matters to be discussed with his Majesty or his royal Council of the Yndias
by Fray Diego de Herrera.

The matters which father Fray Diego de Herrera is to discuss with his
Majesty or with his royal Council. For the due discharge of our conscience
because of our obligation, your Reverence is going there [i.e., to Spain],
since you were one of the first in the country, in order to inform him both
by word and writing of the evil policy and regimen in this country, both in
the conquest and in the maintenance of the land, so that his Majesty as a
most Christian [king] may provide their correction and discharge his royal
conscience.

First: This is the way in which the land is pacified and colonies established.
A captain goes with soldiers and interpreters to the village of which he has
had notice only, or to one that has been pillaged by other Spaniards. The
people are told that if they wish friendship with the Castilians they must
immediately give them tribute. If the people acquiesce, then they consider
the amount that each man must pay, and they are compelled to pay it
immediately. Sometimes, the village has been pillaged because the people
did not agree to what was asked from them. It also seems to be the proper
thing to pillage them, if they do not wait and if they abandon their houses.
All this takes place without having benefited the natives at all, and without
giving them to understand that his Majesty sent them to inform the natives
of God. We Spaniards are held in ignominy in this country and our name is
held in abomination, as is even the most holy name of the Lord, and we are
considered as the usurpers of others’ possessions, as faithless pirates, and as
shedders of human blood, because we illtreat our own friends, and harass
and trouble them; while many acts of violence and force are used toward
them both to their own houses and to their wives and daughters and
possessions, and they themselves are illtreated by word and deed. In this

they have no one to defend and protect them. The most abandoned
inhabitants and those at a distance commit the greatest injuries and murders;
and when those in command hear of it, they do not institute relief by
sending to make investigations of events so far away, for they say that it
must appear in writing, and that it is a great expense and trouble to send to a
distance time after time, as [is said by] the present visitor who is the first to
complain of it. But he gives information of it and asks why he should go to
visit all the land. Item: Because of the great outcries, murders, and
captivities that have been made, both by captains and by other leaders and
soldiers throughout the islands, under pretext that they did not have peace
writs, although Spaniards had never gone there; and also to many who had
the peace writ already and were promised safety in his Majesty’s name, that
writ has been transgressed and broken. There has been no punishment
inflicted for all the above which is very well known and notorious to all
people. Consequently, great dissoluteness has reigned, and I believe that
there are very few whose skirts are clean of this vice. For example, no aid
has been given to the friends who pleading their just causes and the injuries
that they have received from others, have asked protection and aid. Neither
have amends been made to them as it seemed more trouble than gain. Such
have been few [who have thus pleaded]. I only remember of a chief of
Xaro, by name Mamicoan, a Christian, who pleaded before the alcalde-
mayor of Çubu, Don Gonzalo de Luna, and the justice of Çubu, saying that
while he was absent another old man, his neighbor, had burned his house.
His father and mother had been burned and other damages committed, and
that, as the chief declared, simply because he had just been married and
become a Christian at Çubu. The religious who lived there at the same time
interceded for him, asking that four Spaniards be sent to arrest that old man.
They were answered that it would cause an insurrection in the land if they
did that. Besides the above there is a pirate called Caxabic, who devastates
Çamal and Masbat every year. Item: The Joloans devastate all the Pintados
as well as Camarines, and those of Ylo and Vilnabagan. The Spaniards
never go in pursuit of them or punish them, or humiliate them, or make
them restore their booty. But they only go to rob those sheep for the second
time by demanding tribute from those whom they know not to have been
entirely cleaned up by the others.

It is considered as a just cause for war in the War Council if the Indians say
that they do not care for the friendship of the Spaniards, or if they build any
fort to defend themselves. Such Indians are killed, captured, pillaged, and
their houses burned. For that reason occurred the war of Bitis and Lubao1
and the forts which were taken by Juan de Sauzedo; and those of Cainta,
where the night before, an Indian having climbed into a palmtree cried out:
“Spaniards, what did my ancestors do or owe to you that you should come
to pillage us;” and that of Papagan. In all of the above many people were
killed and captured, and sold as slaves, especially in Papagan, for it is said
that they defied the Spaniards, although there was no resistance in any of
those places. It is considered as an occasion for just war by the War Council
and a village may be destroyed and all those captured may be enslaved, if
any Spaniard has been killed in the village; although the occasions that the
dead man might have given or the wrongs that he might have committed are
not considered, as is neither the fact that those natives do not understand or
have anyone whom they can ask to avenge them unless it be God and their
justice. They formerly had no king or ruler from whom to ask satisfaction.
This chastisement is meted out without any thought of the guilty ones, and
often although only one man is to blame, the entire village is punished.
Almost never has the guilty one paid for his crime, or the accomplice to it,
for they immediately take to hiding. So was made the war in the island of
Çubu, against those villages of Candaya, because a common seaman was
killed; and in Bohol, because they killed a worthless fellow on account of
his many exactions in the collection of the tribute. There as they did not
find any people in the village where he was killed, they seized seven
Indians from a village lower down which is called Baye, and hanged them
because they confessed that they had known beforehand that the other
villages had agreed to kill the man. Item: Because the natives killed Mena
and three others who asked them for tributes, in the island of Marinduc [i.e.,
Marinduque], Captain Luis de la Haya went by the governor’s orders and
that of all the Council of War and destroyed the islands of Banton and
Malindus [i.e., Marinduque], and also that of Guimbar.2 The greater portion
of the land has no other peace than that some captain and soldiers have
lodged there and told the people that they must pay tribute if they wished
peace with the Spaniards. They have no other cause or reason for it than

being there one or two days to collect what tribute the people could give
and then pass on to another village. This was the procedure along all the
coast of Bulinau and Ylocos for nearly one hundred leguas, where raids
have been made twice in one year. Thus have more than six thousand taes
of gold been collected, a sum equivalent to about one thousand marcos, and
quite equal to that amount in fact. The same thing has been done along
other coasts although not in the same proportion.

With no greater pacification than the above, the land is assigned and
divided, whereupon the encomendero taking some companions with him
goes to the village or villages which have been given him, and makes them
the following speech: “Take heed that I am your master, and that the
governor has given you to me to protect from other Spaniards who annoy
you.” This is the universal reasoning of most of them, and they make no
mention of God or the king. Then they immediately demand the tribute,
each one the amount that he can get without any limit. They have generally
asked three or four maes apiece from the Lusones, and two or three from
the Pintados. That is a very excessive sum in the beginning for a people
who do not know what it means to pay tribute. If some of the people do not
wait for the encomendero in order to agree to give him the tribute, their
houses and village are burned, as was done by the master-of-camp in the
village of Baban, and Navarro in his encomienda of Çurigo. Many of the
encomenderos stay in their encomiendas all or the greater part of the year
looking after their interests, where they prove a great hindrance and
obstacle to their Indians.

No attention is paid to the instruction, nor is protection or aid given to the
religious for it. On the contrary they have hitherto opposed us going out or
building houses among the Indians, but [try to force] us to live among the
Spaniards. Neither then nor now has there been any aid extended on the part
of those who govern, either to attract the natives to our holy faith or to
induce them to forsake their evil customs, for they say that it is too early,
although they could be got rid of with a single word. For as they are a timid
race they obey immediately in this; and the Spaniards have never tried to
overlook anything in the Christians in order thus to invite all the others. On
the contrary they have generally harassed them more than the others as they

are more peaceful and nearer at hand. They have been very slow to
recompense them even in words, and it has consequently happened that
very few natives outside of Çubu have been baptized for the above reasons.
There is in general very little Christianity among the Spaniards, who pay
very little attention to divine worship and to their ministers and even with
great difficulty have poor shacks been erected in which to celebrate the
divine offices. There is great lewdness among the [native] women both
among infidels and the influential women—this last secretly. Many slaves
have been sold and many others have been retained who have been
enslaved and captured illegally and unjustly. Some, in order that they might
be made use of, and might not be taken from their owners in order to return
them to their own villages, have fraudulently been made to come to ask for
baptism and have become Christians. Many islands and villages are
devastated and almost wiped out, partly by the Spaniards or because of
them, and partly by famines of which, or at the beginning of them, the
Spaniards were the reason; for either by fear or to get rid of the Spaniards
the natives neglected their sowing, and when they wished to sow then
anguish came upon them, and consequently, many people have died of
hunger.

Many injuries have been and are still practiced on the Indians by the
Spaniards or by their encomenderos themselves. Even murders have been
committed; and since they live in remote regions, and since the aggrieved
parties cannot go to plead their justice, or have no one to plead it for them,
if it even comes to the ears of the governor, it is not corrected. For the latter
either says that it must appear in writing or that when he shall go to that
place he will inflict punishment for the matter. So he remarked to me when
I told him of an Indian woman whom Luys Perez had killed, and of the
other chief woman who had been imprisoned, and of the Indian whom
Gudinez killed. So declared the adelantado when the deeds of Luys de la
Aya, Andres de Ybarra, and of the accountant were discussed.

All or most of the Spaniards act as justices when they go through the
villages and decide the suits and quarrels among the natives. They take pay
for it, although they often judge unjustly in favor of him who pays more.
Your Reverence will inform his Majesty of the condition of the people and

that they do not have any king or sovereign, but live in bands or families
where the richest or the most powerful is the leader. Some tyrannize over
and pillage the others. The slaves owned by the natives are partly so from
time immemorial, for their parents and grand-parents were slaves, as were
their ancestors; Some have become slaves for loans and debts because they
always reckon the loans by usurious rates which are greatly practiced here.
Some are slaves for crimes, either for having stolen the slightest thing or for
having given false testimony, or having dared do anything by word or deed
against a chief. Others, and these are the fewest, are those who have been
captured in the wars which they wage among themselves, some of which
have been waged for many years between enemies, while others are waged
because of some injury done to one side by the other. It is difficult to
ascertain which of those causes is just. However, they are so evilly inclined
a race in respect to this that when occasion offers they do not keep faith
with their friend. Since the coming of the Spaniards to this land there has
been another kind of slaves who have sold themselves very cheaply in times
of famine in order to live during the famine—the father to his son, the
brother to his brother, the uncle to his nephew, and others likewise—in
which he who bought showed charity to the one purchased. Such slaves
were never sold unless by such an one who could not live through his own
efforts. I do not speak of those who pillaged the timauas and sold them as
slaves.

The requests to be made of his Majesty

That his Majesty provide relief in all the above as a most Christian [king]
and give instructions for what is yet to be discovered and for the future; and
that in so far as it is possible he try to give some satisfaction to the villages
and provinces destroyed by the Spaniards, or because of them, and for the
tributes that have been wrongly collected. That all the Indians who are and
have been captured by Spaniards and sold into foreign lands be ransomed
and returned to their lands. That he declare for this the method which has
been ordered here for restitutions. Likewise that the Cebuans be ransomed
wherever found although it be in the estate of his Majesty in these islands,
since that village has been depopulated because of the Spaniards.

That an inquiry be made into slaves acquired wrongly and of timauas
wrongly held who are in the power of Spaniards; and that such be taken
away from them even though they be Christians. That his Majesty send men
for this purpose who are not infested with vice, or who are not pledged by
gifts or loans as are the men here. That his Majesty endow two hospitals,
which can be done with vacant encomiendas to the sum that seems
advisable to his Majesty. You must give him to understand his obligation for
it and the gain that will accrue to his Majesty in the preservation of the
people, which will be so greatly furthered by this. That his Majesty order
the method by which we may be supplied with religious who are necessary
here, although it even cause a lack of them there.

That his Majesty send a couple of secular priests of learning and conscience
so that they may correct the customs of the Spaniards; and that he might
strictly order the justices to correct them as far as they are concerned. That
if a trip should be made to China or otherwhere, although when that be done
there be religious of the other orders here, that we be the first, since our
order can conveniently furnish such religious. Item: In order that nothing
may be asked, which may be justly denied to us after first consulting the
president and auditors [of Nueva España] or some secretary, you shall
petition his Majesty to have such and such a sum given us as aims annually
in order to build one or two monasteries in which to rear novices and give
them a chance to study wherever it shall be deemed most advisable here. In
order that he may not imagine it to be for an infinite time as it is in Mexico,
let him assign a limited period of so many years. You shall give him to
understand and make much of the relics of the child Jesus and the image
which our Lord was pleased to keep in this land for so many years for our
consolation. That if his Majesty permit the natives to be held as slaves by
the Spaniards as they are among the natives, that he do not permit them to
be taken from their lands, for by so doing in a short time the land will be
depopulated and destroyed. That the slavery be more mild than that of the
negroes, and you shall give the king to understand how free the slavery of
the Indians is, and that the Indian cannot sell more right than that which he
possesses [over a slave]. That from him who maltreats his servant, the latter
may be taken away by the justice, or the owner may be compelled to sell
him, for the slaves have this right among the natives themselves. That his

Majesty order that, under heavy penalties, no one buy slaves from the
natives by force. That the determination of who can be rightly held as a
slave be at the advice of the religious. That his Majesty order that the chiefs
be treated as such, and that they do not pay tribute in their persons or be
made prisoners except for very serious matters. You shall tell him that that
is a very insulting thing among them and will anger them greatly, for among
them only fugitive slaves are made prisoners. You shall inform him that
they are thrown into irons or stocks here for very slight causes, and often
for the fault of their slaves, who run away or do not obey the orders of the
Spaniards; since it is a fact that the chiefs have very little control over their
slaves.

That no one be taken on raids or [word illegible] or to any other place by
force or against his will unless it be a very necessary case and then by
paying him. And if any slave is killed in the raid, that his master be paid if
he gave the slave against his will and under special restriction, if his death
happened through any fault of the Spaniards—which is always to be
presumed since they so evilly go to the lands of others who owe them
nothing to beg or to seize their property.

Memorandum of the products or means of gain in this land

There is gold both in mines or native deposits, and in places in the rivers in
almost all parts of the land; although, notwithstanding that, not much is
seen among the Indians (although the mines are rich) because they are a
lazy race, because the slaves are very arrogant, and because of the
plundering and warfare among themselves, so that they do not dare to leave
their houses unless they are in bands and armed. However, the chief mines
that the Indians work and of which we have notice, are those of Pangasinan,
Ylocos, those of Paracali, Vicor, Camarines, and Bongdo. They are all
located in the island of Luzon, and in another island outside it, called
Catandoanes. Item: In the island of Ybabao, in that of Samal, in that of
Masbat, in the island that the Spaniards call Vermeja about two leguas from
Çurigao, where, according to the report of the Indians, was the greatest
wealth of all. However, that island is now deserted because of a certain
superstition until the death of the children of the one who was its ruler. Also

in many parts of the island of Mindanao, especially in the river of Çurigao,
in that of Parasao, in that of Butuan, and in that of Vaguindanao. The gold
in the last named island is fine and in quantity.

Pearls are also found near Tandaya in the island of Ybabao, in the island of
Vatayan, in that of the Cagayanes, in that of Bohol, in that of Mindanao
between Cavite and the bay of Baguindanao, and in the island of Xolo,
where there is reported to be a very great quantity.

There are spices and drugs, especially cinnamon, in the island of Mindanao,
where it is found in quantities in Cavite, in Cagayan, in Compor, and in the
bay near Butuan. There is also pepper, both long and round, although not in
quantity, but if it were planted, as much as one would desire could be
raised. There are quantities of it in an island called Cauchin3 located near
China where there are also many elephants. There are also elephants in the
island of Xoloc.4 There are ginger, cubebs, tamarinds, and other drugs. This
is without touching on the mainland of China, Sian, and Patani, or in Java
or the Malucos, where all manner of spices, drugs, and perfumes are found.
In some of those places precious stones are found, according to the report of
both the Portuguese and the Borneans who trade with them.

1 The natives of these two rivers were assigned as encomiendas by Guido de Lavezaris to himself,
but he was deprived of them by Dr. Francisco de Sande, although they were later restored to him. See
VOL. IV, pp. 74, 80, 81; and VOL. VIII, p. 101, where the natives of these rivers have again reverted
to the king. ↑

2 No such island appears in the list given in Census of Philippine Islands (i, pp. 263–308). It may
possibly be the island of Simara, south of Bantón or Guimaras, south of Panay. There is a point called
Guimbal on the south coast of Panay. ↑
3 See ante, p. 271, note 24. ↑

4 See VOL. IV, pp. 176, 236, 237. ↑

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO
VICEROY MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

May the grace of the Holy Ghost dwell forever in the soul of your
Excellency. I received a letter from your Excellency last year after the
departure of the ships from this place, in which your Excellency orders me
to write at length and minutely of events in these islands. Although I wrote
your Excellency last year and father Fray Diego de Herrera went to that
country from here to report both to your Excellency and to his Majesty
concerning all the matters of this land, and concerning the manner of the
conquest and the wars waged here, and concerning the encomiendas: yet
inasmuch as we do not know what happened in the voyage nor how affairs
have been discussed there, I shall briefly retell the most essential things,
first advising your Excellency of what happened here after [the departure of
the ships]. This is that the governor immediately sent Captain Juan de
Salzedo accompanied by Captain Pedro de Chaves and some men to pacify
the river of Vicor and the Camarines, which are located in this same island
of Lusson. The people there are the most valiant and best armed men of all
these islands. Consequently, although they never attacked the Spaniards,
still they defended themselves in all their villages, and would not surrender
unless conquered by force of arms. Consequently all those villages were
entered in the same way, by first summoning them to submit peacefully, and
to pay tribute immediately unless they wished war. They replied that they
would first prove those to whom they were to pay tribute, and consequently,
the Spaniards attacking them, an entrance was made among them by force
of arms, and the village was overthrown and whatever was found pillaged.
Then the Spaniards sent to have the natives summoned to submit
peacefully. When the natives came, they asked them to immediately give
them tribute in gold and to an excessive amount, for which they promised to
give them writs of peace. Therefore, since all the people defended

themselves, more have perished in that land than in any other yet
conquered. After he had accomplished this, Juan de Salzedo returned with
the gold, and left Pedro de Chaves settled on the river of Vicor with seventy
men. Juan de Salzedo having returned, the governor again sent him with
forty or fifty men to colonize Ylocos. He apportioned the land among them,
and in that the governor showed himself to be very partial; for although
three companies had come together from Nueva España, namely, those of
Felipe de Salzedo (which was later transferred to Juan de Salcedo), Artieda,
and Andres de Ivarra, to only the company of Juan de Salsedo did he grant
repartimientos, while he gave nothing at all to those other companies.
Although we have declared here how unjust has been the affair of the
Ylocos, as is so evident a thing, they cannot believe us, for they have done
nothing there for two years back but make raids to tell the people that they
should be friends and pay tribute immediately. Accordingly, a portion of the
people gave it through fear, and a portion because they are not very warlike;
and they did the same lately for the second year. They even pillaged the
people in the place where they fled and wasted their village. They have now
gone to collect the tribute for the third time. They have done them no other
benefit or kindness and have had no other communication or contact with
them than the abovesaid. The same thing happened in the island of Acuyo
which was granted some two months ago to Luys de la Haya. The master-
of-camp went there about four years ago with soldiers and pillaged them of
tribute to the sum of two hundred taes. As they have been unable to go there
since it is out of the way, the governor ordered those who went thither for
Luys de la Haya to collect the entire sum that those people ought to have
paid during the past years for his Majesty, and the tribute of this year for
Luys de la Haya. But since the Indians either refused or were unable to pay
the back tribute, they paid only that of the present year. The governor
exhibited considerable annoyance over this, and finally took one-half of
what they brought in the name of his Majesty. Although there is little or no
justice or reason in the other regions [of the Indias] for the tribute that is
asked of those districts, there is no trace or surplus of it here. Besides that
the tribute that is collected from the natives is excessive and intolerable,
judging by the wretchedness of the natives; and in order that your
Excellency may see the senselessness and harm perpetrated there in all this
matter, I am enclosing to your Excellency in this present letter, the copy of

an “Opinion” I handed to the governor the other day, in regard to the tribute
that was collected.1 In that “Opinion” I declared briefly, inasmuch as I was
dealing with a person who knows the conditions of the country, the injustice
that was and that is being done. Although I believe that he will send it to
your Excellency, still whether he does or not, I am sending this copy.
Although I charge in it that war has been made without his Majesty’s order,
besides that the land is so slightly pacified that the collectors have to go in
bands to ask the tribute and with guards and arquebuses to collect the
tribute. Little is consequently lacking to make them highwaymen. Item: The
villages that are somewhat distant from the Spaniards also pillage one
another as before, and as many pirates are to be seen as formerly. Even
those who come to plead justice are very ill attended to or despatched.
Finally since both the governor and the officials and all the rest who hold
posts are encomenderos, there is no one to protect the poor Indians. The
governor having assembled the men who were in this city, read them this
“Opinion” of ours, and asked them for their opinion. They all said as one
man that the tribute which was given them was little in proportion to what
could be given, for each of them was considering his own interests and was
not frank. In regard to the justification for their wars, they say that some are
waged on the authority of father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, and some on
mine. In those on my authority, I know that they have never asked my
opinion in any of them except at the beginning (not at the first entrance in
Çubu, but in the insignificant warfare waged at Baybay). That was for no
other purpose than to destroy some boats of the natives, for no people or
anything else were encountered in the villages. Also at other times when
they were going in search of provisions when they were suffering dire
necessity, [my opinion was asked]. They also summoned me when it was
resolved that the master-of-camp should go for the first time to this city of
Manila. It was, however, resolved in that council that hostilities must not be
engaged in with the natives, although the Spaniards should be provoked.
Whether they did it is seen from the result, for they entered Manila by force
of arms, and turned the very artillery of the natives upon the latter when
they were fleeing, and burned their village. If they have no blame in the
matter, then let them allege their excuses, and that doctrine has been
preached to them often. 1 gave my “Opinion” in writing so that they can

clear themselves if they can truly do so; for I wish that most heartily, or any
greater good, rather than that they should have any blame before God.
However, I cannot discover that they are cleared, for they have made war
and conquest by their sole authority and without his Majesty’s order. After
that they made a false report to his Majesty, saying that the land was
subdued, and that the natives had become subject to his Majesty voluntarily
and without any war. I would like, just as was shown by our “Opinion,” that
you would examine his Majesty’s instructions, so that one may see whether
I say true, or whether the conquest has been made according to his
Majesty’s instructions. Many complaints are made against the governor, and
some of them with good reason. For will your Excellency consider whether
he can be a good governor who is favorable to bribes, and not only that, but
who even asks them from all persons, even if they be for mean
considerations; and who although they be given outright and not loaned,
readily grants his pay-warrant [on the treasury], the payment for which will
be made even if another [than the original holder] should demand it; and
who hates to hear Indians on whom he was taking vengeance complain. But
insomuch as this is so notorious here that your Excellency can get
information regarding it from all who come to this country, I refer the above
to them, as well as other slight faults of which I shall say nothing although
they arc public property. I will say no further, for I am well assured that
some one will not be lacking who will give his pen full sway in this, to say
nothing of his tongue.

Blessed be God, the instruction goes on, and the Indians are taking it up.
Already there are many Christians here at Manila. Although there are
religious also at Tondo, Lubao, Mindoro, Octon, Çubu, Vahi, and Bonbon,
the Indians have not yet begun to be converted.2 We priests are living each
one singly in his own house, except in Manila where there are two, and in
Çubu where there are also two.

Although some of the religious desire to return to that Nueva España
because of their great scruples concerning the actions of this country and
the lack of permanence here, I have detained them and am detaining them
in the hope that your Excellency or his Majesty will provide the relief that
is advisable by the first ships.

A general epidemic of smallpox has raged here this year, which has spared
neither childhood, youth, nor old age. I believe that there are very few who
have not had it (that is, of the natives), and many people have died of it.

I have seen one of his Majesty’s decrees, in which he orders the governor to
inform him of the causes for making slaves among these natives.3 Although
the causes might be more largely drawn out, yet all the causes might be
covered under four heads: those who are slaves of long standing or from
their birth; those by captivity; those for crimes; and those for loans.
Although there is nothing known about the causes for the slavery of those
were born slaves, because their fathers and grandfathers were slaves, it is
presumed that the cause is one of the other three. The captives are generally
made slaves by unjust wars, for all these people are pirates who go annually
by sea to pillage those who live in careless ease, or to any village which
may not be bound to them by ties of blood or alliance. At times when they
see their own people, they do not even keep peace with them. I speak of the
Visayans or Pintados, who are more quarrelsome than the Lussones or
Moros. However, some villages have just wars against others because the
others have shown them some act of treachery under guise of friendship; for
they are a very treacherous people, and eager to shed blood. But very few
are captured in this way unless they are very young children, for they kill all
of them, even the women, when they make any prisoners. Those enslaved
for crimes are generally enslaved for theft, however small it be; and for
other small offenses that break their laws and prohibitions. The chiefs
invent many things in order to subject the common people. When they
break any of the laws, whether they know it or not, they are immediately
fined. If the culprit has nothing with which to pay the fine to which he is
condemned, he is immediately enslaved. If one commits a serious crime
such as murder, adultery, administering poison to any influential person, not
only he but his children, parents, brothers and sisters, and relatives are
enslaved. Slaves are also made for loans, for the principal of the loan
continues to increase at such a rate that however small a sum may have
been borrowed (although it be only of the value of four reals), it will have
increased to such an extent before four years have passed that one will
become wholly a slave on account of it. The same thing occurs for the mere
fact of having fed one for a few days during a period of need. Also among

the slaves lately made one may, strange to say, find a man who seems to
have been made a slave justly, and we believe it is also true of those slaves
of long standing, although the origin of their slavery is unknown. I write
this here distinctly and clearly as a man who has mixed and lived with the
natives and in their midst from the beginning. I know their customs, more
intimately, I believe, than most of the people who live in this country. [I
write this] so that there may be no occasion for the ruination of the land
because of the false relations made there [in Nueva España]. May our Lord
preserve the great and excellent person of your Excellency and prosper you
for many years with ever increasing station. Manila, the last of June, 1574.
Your Excellency’s most humble servant and chaplain kisses your hands.

Fray Martin de Herrada

1 See this “Opinion” in VOL. III, pp. 253–259; and Lavezaris’s reply thereto, pp. 260–271. ↑
2 The original at this point is somewhat blind. The last two sentences read there: Ay ya muchos
xptianos aqui en manila y en tondo y en lubao y en mindoro y en Octon y en çubu en vahi y en
bonbon aunque tan bien ay Religioso aun no an començado a convertirse. ↑

3 See this order in the letter written to Legazpi by Felipe II, on November 16, 1568, ante, p. 237;
and the report given by Guido de Lavezaris, VOL. III, pp. 286–288. ↑

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS TO
FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We wrote your Majesty a report of occurrences in these regions by the ships
that left these islands in the month of July of last year. Inasmuch as we have
heard from the viceroy and officials of Mexico that the letters have been
received, as well as the other things sent to your Majesty, we shall repeat
nothing of that letter in this except to say that the ship “San Juan,” one of
the three that set out last year, returned to port again, although we thought
here at the time of its return that it was already in Nueva Spaña.
Consequently, it was necessary to allow it to remain, and again careen and
scrape it since there was time for it. Therefore the deck was again entirely
replanked and the keel releaded, and it is as good as if just from the
shipyard. It will sail somewhat short of rigging, for we have not been able
to get any, try as we would; and although we have written to Mexico asking
them to supply it thence, we have not been supplied because of what will be
related below in the present letter. However, it is ready to sail at the first
opportunity with that defect remedied as well as possible. Consequently, we
are writing this letter in order to advise your Majesty of the other things that
have occurred hereabouts.

We are again sending in the ship “San Juan” certain cases of earthenware,
boxes, and gold jewels which were sent your Majesty in the same ship last
year; and in addition, one crown, two chains, and two daggers for the prince
Don Ffernando our sovereign (whom may God preserve for many years). At
the news of his birth we thanked our Lord heartily for having given your
Majesty an heir,1 as well as for the good news and the victory of his most
serene [Don Juan] of Austria,2 against the Turks, which came together with
the news of your heir. May our Lord preserve your Majesty and give you

life to enjoy such victories for many years and other greater ones for the
exaltation of His holy Catholic faith.

A ship from Nueva Spaña arrived here on the sixth of the present month,
which was despatched by the viceroy and royal officials. One night before
these islands were sighted, the other ship separated [from it], not because of
bad weather but because the flagship struck its sails while the almiranta
passed on ahead though somewhat senselessly. It is thought to be among
these islands taking on fresh supplies, for the ships sailed somewhat short.
Consequently, we are looking for it daily, and we have sent a searching
party for it, in case that it needs anything. If it arrives ere the departure of
this ship, we shall inform your Majesty of it. We have already said that we
have informed your Majesty of all the discoveries made here [as yet]. Later
occurrences are that the province of Ylocos which is located in the northern
part of this island of Luçon has been allotted in repartimientos, and we have
sent men to colonize it. Another province located in the eastern part of this
same island, called Camarines, has also been explored and pacified. The
men are warlike and well armed for Indians; for they have corselets of
buffalo hide, iron greaves, and helmets set with fishbones and stout shells,
which no weapon except the arquebus can damage. Those people told us
that they would be our friends, and they are so, according to the advices that
we have received. We are awaiting a captain who is there with some
soldiers, in order to see the result of what has happened, and in order that
we may assign the land, and reward in your Majesty’s name those who have
served and are serving you in these regions.

The king of Burney was expected here last year, for we heard that he was
going to attack us with more than three hundred sail. In reality we have
learned that he had tried to do it, as he has two young warlike sons who
intended to come for that purpose; but some chiefs of this island advised
them not to do it. On the contrary we have heard from some men who have
come from that island that the king desires our friendship and to become
your Majesty’s vassal. Upon that the governor sent a Moro messenger, a
native of this island, to the king with letters advising him to become our
friend and your Majesty’s vassal. The letters said that all those who wished
should come to these islands to trade as formerly, and the governor offered

them all peace and love. We are daily expecting the return of those who
went thither. When they have come, we shall also advise your Majesty of it.
It will be a great benefit for us who live here to have that king as our friend.

The chief and ruler of the river of Mindanao has also written a letter to us in
which he says that he wishes our friendship and to become your Majesty’s
vassal. He has put his desire into works, for while the Spaniards were at the
point of Cabit bartering for cinnamon (for it is obtained in quantity there in
that same island called Bindanao) that king came personally with five ships
laden with food and other things for the Spaniards. The Spaniards had
already left when he arrived, and, upon discovering that, the king
determined to send some Moros of this island of Luçon with a letter, in
which he offered himself as a friend. They also sent us an oral message by
those who came, to the effect that the chief would aid and protect us in all
our necessities. Since these two chiefs have become our friends this whole
land is very quiet. This will be of great service to your Majesty.

The Chinese come hither annually with their merchandise, although they do
not bring anything valuable. Six ships came this year—three here and three
to Bindoro. They have been told to bring good and rare articles, and they
have promised to do so next year. They were very well satisfied with the
good treatment that has always been and is shown them, because of the
profit that they make in trade with us. If they bring rare articles, we shall
serve your Majesty with what shall be brought. This archipelago of islands
is large and the islands many. This island of Luçon is the best and largest of
all because it has a numerous population. It is rich in gold, and has mines.
So long as the mines are unworked, your Majesty cannot fail to incur great
expense in these parts; and since ships have to be sent annually, as is
ordinarily done, by granting permission for this to merchants, your Majesty
could send what people had to come here and the reënforcements; and from
the cargoes that they carried to these parts, you could impose such and such
a per cent; whence you could meet the expenses [incurred here]. You could
send only one large ship of five hundred tons or more, in which the
cinnamon and other spices and drugs which are being found could be
carried, while another consignment could be carried in each merchantman.
This ship which is about to sail now is small and will not carry more than

eighty quintals or so of cinnamon. A huge quantity of cinnamon is gathered
here and will be gathered for next year. We shall continue yearly to send to
Mexico what can be carried there, whence advice will be given to your
Majesty of what will be sent as well as of what shall have been done in
regard to that which has been sent during former years.

We have written to Nueva Spaña to the viceroy and officials of your
Majesty, notwithstanding that no treasures have been sent them since we
have not had them hitherto in so great quantity, in order that they might
send us in your Majesty’s name, the necessities that are needed daily in
these regions. The officials reply to us that they have no commission from
your Majesty for it. We beseech your Majesty to exercise your magnanimity
and please have your officials of Mexico ordered to supply us with the
things for which we send to ask them for the service of your Majesty and
the sustenance of this camp. At the least, we generally need powder,
arquebuses, and the other ammunition that is generally used, besides the
other things that must necessarily be had, in consideration of the fact that
your Majesty’s ships must come to these districts. For the most abundant
thing that we have for this ship “San Juan” which is now about to depart, is
the poor rigging that it carries, for there is no other, although it is taken
from three ships which are here. The ship which arrived lately carried
nothing of consideration except that which it needed for itself. Therefore,
there is great need of rigging also. The memorandum which was sent to
them [i.e., the viceroy and the royal officials of Mexico] in the other ships is
herewith enclosed for your Majesty, so that you may please have rigging
provided although it arrive late. The viceroy and officials write us that they
have given your Majesty a report of it in the advice ships which they
despatched from Nueva España to your Majesty.

We have heard that your Majesty sent us certain decrees in the time of the
adelantado [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi] which we have not as yet seen; but
the governors retain them without giving us any knowledge of them. We
petition your Majesty that the decrees and provisions be sent to us
henceforth and enclosed in the letters that your Majesty may be pleased to
write us, so that your Majesty’s orders to us may be carried out with all
diligence; and that you will have the governors of these districts ordered not

to meddle in what concerns the royal treasury and estate, in accordance with
the concession that your Majesty has granted to the officials of Mexico, and
that we be neither more nor less than they, judges and officials of your
Majesty’s royal estate; for so is it advisable for your royal service.

The Augustinian religious who are in these districts have endeavored to
appraise the tributes of this land, both those of the villages assigned to your
Majesty and the others which are held by the encomenderos. However, no
more is collected than that assigned and imposed by the adelantado Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi. That consists of one manta two brazas long and one
wide, and two fanegas of rice, and if they do not possess that, three maes of
gold. Each maes is equivalent to two and one-half reals, which is its value
in this land. The Augustinians declare on their consciences that it is enough
for each Indian to pay a tribute of one maes or two and one-half reals. We
have daily disputes on this score and the Augustinians even went so far
during the Lent just past as refusing to confess us. They have declared that
your Majesty does not own or possess this land with good title, and say that
the order requisite in the conquest and pacification of it has not been
observed. Will your Majesty order what must be done in this matter and
whether we are here in this land under a just title or not. The governor is
sending a detailed relation and report to your Majesty regarding all the
above, so that after you have seen it you may enact what must be done
regarding it and in the other matters, so that the encomenderos and people
in this country may be rewarded for their labors and may not go to hell as
the friars say. Until this matter is determined, we shall collect the amount
imposed by the said adelantado, for most of the encomenderos have less
than one thousand Indians.3

We are advising the viceroy so that he can write to your Majesty,
representing the slight benefit that we have received as yet, and after so
long a time, although we were among the first to come for the discovery of
this land, in order that we may enjoy some repartimientos as conquistadors,
explorers, and colonists—at least I the accountant, Andres Cauchela. For
your Majesty’s treasury has not contained the wherewithal from which we
may be paid our salaries because of assisting with its receipts in the affairs
of this camp—a matter for the good of all—and in aiding the carpenters and

the other men who are wage earners. Therefore, we petition your Majesty to
please remunerate us in this by exercising your so magnanimous power as
king and sovereign. Inasmuch as the governor is writing to your Majesty at
length and is giving you advice of all the events of these districts, we refer
you to him in this regard.

When Governor Miguel Lopez de Legaspi died, Guido de Labaçaris was
treasurer of your Majesty’s royal estate. He succeeded Legaspi and is now
the governor of these districts.

Inasmuch as that office [of treasurer] became vacant, and the factor Andres
de Mirandaola was sent a prisoner to Nueva Spaña, and hence only the
accountant was left to look after the royal estate, the governor appointed
me, Salvador de Aldave, to the office of treasurer until your Majesty should
provide otherwise. I petition your Majesty to please concur in this and
confirm it, in consideration of the fact that I have served your Majesty well
and faithfully in these parts for more than seven years in the discovery,
conquest, and pacification of these islands. May our Lord preserve your
royal Majesty’s sacred Catholic person with an increase of greater
kingdoms and seigniories as we your Majesty’s servants desire. Manila,
July 17, 1574. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your Majesty’s faithful servants
who humbly kiss your royal feet.

Andres Cabchela
Salvador de Aldave

1 Of the four sons of Felipe II and Anna of Austria, only the third, Felipe III, lived beyond
childhood. ↑
2 This was the battle of Lepanto, which was fought October 7, 1571. Cervantes, the author of Don
Quixote, took part in this battle, in which he was wounded. ↑

3 See ante, p. 236, note 19. ↑

ENCOMIENDAS ASSIGNED BY LEGAZPI
[The following document has been abstracted from a portion of the original
document by Pablo Pastells, S.J., and is given by him in his edition of
Colin’s Labor evangélica (Barcelona, 1904), i, pp. 157, 158, note. In it will
be found many of the names of the early conquistadors, and abundance of
proof of the inexact knowledge of the country obtained by the Spaniards.]

In the testimony given by the notary Fernando Riquel in the city of Manila,
June 2, 1576, and which was taken from the government records, appears
an attested relation of the encomiendas which were distributed among the
original Spanish conquistadors of Filipinas. From this document especially
noteworthy from the viewpoints of history, geography, and politics, it
appears that the islands at the time of Sande’s arrival, had been divided into
encomiendas in the following manner. In Cebú, Legazpi assigned to his
Majesty the port and the village as far as Canipata (January 16, 1571). In
the rest of the island he apportioned (January 25, 1571) 3,000 Indians to
Jerónimo de Monzón; 2,000 to Cristóbal Sánchez; and 1,000 to Francisco
Carreño. In Panay, he assigned to his Majesty (January 16, 1571) the river
and settlement of Panay from the coast to Catitlán. On October 31, he
apportioned about 4,000 Indians of Sogut (the mouth of the Araut River)
and Malpa, with their tingües (mountains) and hills to the chief-constable
Gabriel de Ribera; about 6,000 Indians on the Araut River near the coast
from the villages of Dayt, Payán, Pinabao, Tongo, Pandán, Nonoc,
Dumangal, Cararao, Balig, Bantao, Mata, Harún, Daripe, and the villages of
the tributary that flows into the Bumey River between Potocán and Bulney
with their tingües and hills, to Captain Luis de la Haya; to Lope Rodríguez
and Diego López de Valdepeñas, 2,000 Indians apiece, in the villages of
Cali and Sibucao up the river (at the entrance of the Araut River) past the
village of Daripe and as far as Sicapurut. On November 2, he assigned
4,000 Indians of the Pua River between Bago and Marianao, and the branch
of Barbarán, with their tingües and hills, to the soldiers Baltasar Rodríguez
and Alonso Sánchez; 2,000 Indians apiece on the tributary of the Sibalinte

between Amíndan and Banga to the soldiers Francisco de Ribera and Diego
García; the Indians of Maluhud and its creeks to the soldier Alvaro de
Angulo; 2,000 Indians of the bay of Moguín, namely, the Indians of the
creek of Batán, Aguísan, Initantarón, Capulanbaril, Dinao, Moguin, and
Manuc, with their tingües and hills, to the soldier Gonzalo Riquel; and
2,000 on the tributary of the Mayo to the soldier Francisco Rey. On
November 3, 2,000 Indians on the river of Daclan, and the villages of
Amacatan and Tagaun, with their tingües and hills, to Antonio Flores; the
Indians of the villages of Guimba, Caranga, Argahao, Marabagui, and
Bugau, with their tingües and hills to Hernando de Monroy; the Indians of
the river of Arui, and the natives of Barugo, Uyungán, Cuyuran, Naorguán,
Bangot, Tibao, Lonio, Cabáyan, Lalac, and Tabangan, with their tingües and
hills to Rodrigo de Vargas; the Indians of Tibaguán and Baguinguín, with
their tingües and hills to Estéban Rodríguez; and the Indians of the river of
Xaro and those of the villages of Calataca, Pasanhan, Cabuga, Alenguen,
Samble and Sunamburi, with their tingües and hills, to Francisco Durán. On
April 5, 1572, the natives of Xaro and the others whom Francisco Durán
had held to Luis Pérez. On April 15, the Indians of Dulúngan, Antique,
Bunital, and Aslúman to Diego Ximénez. On June 1, the Indians of the
villages of Otón with its tingües and hills to Miguel de Loarca. In Cibabao
and Paita, on January 25, 1571, Legazpi assigned the 2,000 first Indians to
Bartolomé Cindila; 2,000 to Juan de Aguera; 2,000 to Diego de Quintanilla;
1,500 to Diego Godínez; 1,500 to Damián González; 1,500 to Antonio
Ginovés; and the same number each to Juan Méndez, Francisco de Torres,
Andrea de Luca, de la Xari, and Juan Pérez; 1,000 on the river of Panae of
the said islands to Augustín Duerto. On above two islands in order to avoid
disputes among February 14, Legazpi united the encomiendas of the the
encomenderos, giving the Indians of Limanca, Vaván, and Samal to
Augustín Duerto and Bartolomé Andrea; those of Paita to Juan Griego;
those of Caguayán to Juan Méndez; those of Buri to Felipe de la Xara;
those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Pérez; those of Paranas to Andrés de Luca;
those of Calviga to Juan Gutiérrez; and those of Bondó to Miguel Godínez
and Antonio Ginovés.

In the island of Mindanao, the chief river Vindanao, the point of Cauit, the
port of Caldera, the village of Zamboanga and all the villages and coast